Polish Manuscripts: OR THE Secret History OF THE REIGN OF JOHN SOBIESKI, The III. of that Name, K. of Poland.

CONTAINING A Particular Account of the Siege of Vienna, and some Circumstances in Relation to the Raising of it; not before made known to the World: With the Let­ters that passed on that Occasion, betwixt the Em­peror, King of Poland, Pope, Elector of Brandenburg, Duke of Lorrain, Republick of Venice, and many remarkable Intrigues of those respective Courts.

The Whole intermix'd with an Account of the Author's Travels thro' Germany, Poland, Hungary, &c. And many useful Geographical Remarks.

Translated from the French Original, wrote by M. Dalerac, a Domestick to the late Queen of Poland, and employed by that Court in Important Negotiations, to those of the French King, Emperor, &c.

LONDON: Printed for H. Rhodes, at the Star, near Fleet-Bridge; T. Bennet, at the Half-Moon in St. Paul's Church-Yard; A. Bell, at the Cross-Keys and Bible in Cornhil; T. Leigh and D. Midwinter, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-Yard. 1700.

THE Author's PREFACE.

THE War that the Turks commenced against the Emperor in 1683. hath been at­tended with such remarkable Circumstances, that it will be hard to find in Ages past any thing more worthy of Publick View, or more capable of em­bellishing History. All the Rela­tions that have hitherto been pu­blished, [Page] are defective, stuffed with forged Particulars, disgui­sed Narratives and Circumstan­ces founded upon no better Au­thority, than that of some Let­ters from one Friend to ano­ther, who diverted themselves at the Expence of the Truth. Yet the Publick was easily im­posed upon, as usual, by those sorts of Relations, which they fancy contain something more Secret and Particular, than is to be found in the Publick News-Papers.

One of the most intollerable of those Forgeries is (in my O­pinion) what we find in the Story of Mahomet VI. who was dethroned, the Absurdities of which, I shall observe according as they come in my Way.

[Page] 'Tis true, that he who wrote the Historical Account of the Fall of that Ottoman Emperor, was not on the spot where those Affairs were transacted, nor is an Historian obliged always to see what he relates. 'Tis not for that I condemn him, but I cannot excuse his insisting upon the Infallibility of his Memoirs, upon which he founds his Re­lation. If he had no better for the other Particulars of the Sul­tan's Misfortune than he has for the Circumstances of the Cam­pagn of Vienna; We shall quick­ly see by reading of them, how little Credit is to be given to his Romance.

Those Considerations prevailed upon me to undertake this Work, and to form the Design of giving [Page] the History of that famous War, with all the Exactness of an Eye-witness with all the Fidelity of a disinterested Writer, and without Passion, Qualities very requisite in every Historian, e­specially in one who writes the History of hs own Time, in the view of those who are concer­ned in the Matter, and whose Attention to it is no small Ob­stacle to that Liberty, which he might otherwise be inclinable to take.

My Testimony and Sincerity is so much more to be relied on, because I was not wanting in Care and Exactness to observe what passed in that great Event, nor do I want Courage to speak the plain Truth without disguise. The Letters and other Pieces, I join to my Relation, are incontesti­ble [Page] Proofs of it. The Reader must begin with razing out his Prejudices, and forgetting, if pos­sible, the sorry Relations that have already been published of that Campagne, which contain nothing of real Truth, but the Gross of the Action, that is to say the raising of the Siege, and the Names of those that com­manded at it.

Before I enter upon those par­ticulars, I conceive it will not be amiss to say something how the Poles manage their War, which will be found at large in the first Chapter. I could have added some Circumstan­ces concerning the League con­cluded at the Diet of Warsaw, betwixt the Republick and the Emperor, but it is not with Ne­gotiations as with Military Ex­ploits; [Page] the latter being acted in the view of the Publick, seem to require, or at least to allow that Fame may be charged with them: But the former demand a respectful Silence, the Interests and hidden Designs of Princes not admitting us either to be able or to dare to publish them in the same manner as we do their Exploits and Atchievments. So that I have satisfied my self here with illustrating the Histori­cal Particulars, of a Publick E­vent, one of the most conside­rable that hath fallen out in our Days, but which may well be said to be more remarkable by the happiness of the Success, than by the greatness of it or the diffi­culty of putting it in Execution. In effect, it may be said without rashness, That there were many Blunders in the Art of War, com­mitted [Page] on both sides on this Oc­casion, as if the same Genius which conceived those vast De­signs, had all of a sudden been deprived of Understanding and Reflection to carry them on to an issue. But here we must ex­cept the Duke of Lorrain, who always shewed himself a great Captain both in Project and Execution, was constantly faith­ful to the Common Cause, neg­lected his own Interest, sacrifi­ced all to those of the Empire, which he served without concer­ning himself with the particular Interests or Heats of the Ministers of the Court of Vienna.

I shall further add here, for illustrating those Preliminaries, that the Emperor being infor­med of the Design of the Turks to make a powerful Irruption [Page] into Hungary, looked out for Methods on all sides, to guard himself and prevent the Storm. Finding it was not to be done, by renewing of the Truce, the very Proposal of which was re­jected by the Port, he bethought himself of having recourse to an Alliance with Christian Princes, Count Albert Caprara his Envoy at Constantinople not having been able to succeed in the Treaty that he had Order to manage with those Infidels. The Emperor knew that the King of Poland had a design to renew his War with the Turks, which being too much divulged, by Noisie Em­bassies sent to several Princes, had made the Sultan hasten his Pre­parations. The Emperor knew also that the Repub [...]ick of Poland was making considerable Preparations for the Recovery of Caminiec and [Page] Podolia. Upon this he ordered his Resident at the Court of Po­land to begin a Negotiation on that Subject. After the first over­tures the King of Poland sent the Great Chancellor of the Crown his Brother-in Law, to confer with some of the Imperial Ministers at Breslaw, on pretence of taking the Waters of Hiertberg on the Frontiers of Bohemia.

This Conference had all the Success which the Court of Vienna could desire. There they laid the Foundation of that famous League, which reached such a fatal Blow to the Ottoman Empire. The Count de Valestein was in 18 Months af­ter, sent by his Imperial Majesty in Quality of Ambassador to the Diet held at Warsaw, with the ne­cessary full Powers to compleat that Great Work. Not only the League was concluded, but a particular [Page] Treaty made by the Mediation of the Nuncio Palavicini, in which the King of Poland engaged him­self to march in Person to the Re­lief of Vienna, in case it was be­sieged, the Grand Visier having actually projected it.

I speak nothing of the extraor­dinary Preparations that were af­terwards made in the Empire and Poland, that may easily be judged of by the Greatness of the Event, and the Importance of the Design. I shall only observe, that the Re­publick made surprizing Efforts, the Pope open'd his Treasures, and the K. of Poland his Coffers, which no Body expected from that Mo­narch, so as those that knew him, nay, even those of his own Family and nearest Relations could scarce believe it when they saw it. This in some measure may serve to justifie the Ambassadors that resided at [Page] his Court, whose want of penetra­tion or exactness was so much blam'd, because their Accounts were afterwards found to differ very much from the real posture of Affairs. Such Contrarieties are more ordinary at the Court of Poland, than at any other in Europe. There's no Point so difficult to know, nor more uneasie to manage because of the different Interests which justle there. They have their sepa­rate Negotiations, as they have dif­ferent Interests from that of the Kingdom in general. They abound with Cabals, Intrigues, &c. The K. in particular has his separate Maxims and Politics. The Q. makes a second Party, which is principally made up of her own Family, and many times she brings over the King. The Confidents of that Princess have likewise a di­stinct Interest for themselves, under her Majesty's Protection, and the shadow of her Name; so that an Ambassador must have an Univer­sal [Page] Genius to negotiate with so many Heads, and conciliate so many differ­ent Parties, in order to bring 'em into the Interest of his Prince.

Besides, if an Ambassador apply himself too much to make Interest at Court, he certainly miscarries with the Republic, where there are also as many Heads of Parties, as there are Senators and Ministers, who in General are always opposite to the Interest and Designs of the King. On the other Hand, if he endeavour to get in with the Republic, he infalli­bly loses the Court, which is no de­spicable Enemy; so that a Minister able to manage both, is as hard to be found as the Phaenix, of whom we know nothing but the Name.

I thought fit to inform the Reader of those Circumstances, that he may know the Genius of a Nation, whose Exploits I am about to recount, and [Page] avoid drawing Consequences to their Favour or Disadvantage upon the ex­traordinary Particulars he may meet with in this Relation. I have fur­ther observed two things, which the Public hath approved in other Works. The one is, that I have added an Iu­nerary at the ends of the Chapters, to satisfie the Curiosity of Travellers; and the other is, that I have wrote the Names of the Persons and Places, according as they are pronounced in each Language, wherein I took the Advice of Men that were able to inform me.

There is newly published,

AN Historical Account of the Di­visions in Poland, from the Death of King John Sobieski, to the Settlement of the present King on the Throne. Containing a particular Relation of the late King's Death, and of all the Intrigues of the several Candidates, till the Coro­nation of the Elector of Saxony. Tran­slated from the French Original. Writ­ten by M. de la Bizardiere; and suppress'd in France. Printed for H. Rhodes, T. Ben­net, A. Bell, D. Midwinter and T. Leigh.

Secret Memoirs OF THE REIGN OF JOHN SOBIESKI, KING of POLAND.

CHAP. I.
Containing the State of the Armies of Poland: The different sorts of Troops that compose them: Their Pay: Their Arms: And their Manner of Encampment and Fighting.

THE Explanation of this Head is ab­solutely necessary before we enter up­on the Relation of the Campagne of Vienna, because the Polish Soldiery differs so much, in every thing, from that of other Countries, that we cannot make a Judgment of their Exploits, without knowing how they [Page 2] put them in Execution. Here we are to treat of a People different from those of this Part of the World, Men that have a distinct sort of Arms, a Discipline proper to themselves, and a Method of War peculiar to their own Nation, of which we have form'd an extraordinary Idea, meerly because of the Turks and Tartars, who are the Enemies they have to deal with. We must ex­amin, If the good Opinion conceived of them, be well founded; and, Whether it ought to be ascrib'd to the Skilfulness of the Poles in Matters of War, or to the Unskilfulness of their Enemies.

It must be own'd, That there's Valour to be found amongst the Polish Troops: That their In­fantry is resolute, and their Cavalry bold, and manage their Horses better with an ordinary Snaffle, than the French and Germans do theirs with their Bitts and Spurs, which are altogether unknown to the Poles. But, at the same time, we may truly say, That the Valor of the Poles is not so much a Noble and Generous Courage, as a Natural Insensibility of Temper, in relation to Danger, or a Vain glorious Humour, to which they are emboldened by their Numbers, and a brutal Fierceness, acquired by a Habit of enduring the Rigors of the Season, want of Provisions and othe [...] Conveniencies, which is plain enough to be seen in Duels, wherein the Poles seem to have no Sense of Honour, and likewise in Posts of danger, which they very willingly yield to those that think them the more honourable, because more dangerous. In Duels they always give over upon the first wound, and constantly fight in presence of Spectators, who are there, as they pretend, to prevent foul Play, but, in effect, to part the Combatants, without sometimes giving them leave so much as to draw Blood. They don't value themselves here [Page 3] upon those nice Points of Honour, as in other Nations. Those brave Fellows arm'd Capapee, and who seem to threaten the very Sky with their fierce Looks, dare not in cold Blood attack a vigorous French Man Hand to Hand, that offers to look them in the Face. They go always in Troops or keep their Blood warm with Bran­dy on such Occasions. Yet I must confess, this is not without Exception. I know Lords and single Gentlemen among them, who are Persons of an undaunted Courage, of a Noble refined Valour of a great Capacity for Martial Affairs, and fully instructed in the Art of War, which is of no use nor esteem here, because they nei­ther make Sieges nor Attacks, but do all in the Field. Besides, the best concerted Designs that can be, miscarry here for want of Necessaries to put them in Execution. They have neither Engi­neers, Artillery-Men, Utensils nor Ammunition ready in time. The building of a Bridge, is with them a Work of three Months. When the Can­non is in the Field, the Ammunition is in the Magazin. Their Infantry pinch'd with Hunger, starved with Cold, and overwhelmed with Mi­sery, and their Cavalry lazy and void of Experi­ence, are enough to frustrate the best laid designs of the greatest Generals. Among those who de­serve this Character, we must reckon the Pa­latin of Russia, Jablonouski a Lord of a fine Pre­sence, of a Noble and VVarlike, and yet of a sweet Mien, he is a Person of undaunted Courage, accompanied with an admirable Temper, and great Penetration. He was first Grand Ensign of the Crown, afterwards Little General, and for his Valour advanced to the Supreme Dignity of Grand General, after the Death of Prince De­metrius Wietsnievistski. One of the Actions where­in this General signalized himself with part of [Page 4] the Foreign Troops was to stop the fury of Tartars, and give the King time to retire under Leopold with the rest of his Army. This parti­cular will merit the Readers pardon for the Di­gression I shall here make to acquaint him with one of the greatest Actions of the King of Po­land, and the Palatin of Russia.

The City of Leopold is Capital of the Palati­nat of Russia, the Seat of the Palatin, and is be­come famous in the History of the present Age, by reason of the share it hath born in the War betwixt the Poles and the Turks: But this Action of the King, which we are now about to relate, will con­secrate its Memory to all Posterity, and advance it to the highest Pinacle of Glory. In the last Year of the Reign of Michael his Predecessor, this City was in great danger. The Turks burnt its Suburbs in 1672. and were likely to have car­ried this Important Place, which is but sorrily for­tified, had not the Inhabitants come to a Treaty, promised a great Summ for their Redemption, and given up the principal Citizens as Hostages, who were retained a long time in Caminiec. But King John III. knew how to guard this City in the Sequel of the War, by the most glorious Me­thods imaginable. In 1675. the Tartars advanced very near this City, which the Grand Visier had commanded them to besiege. The King of Poland encamped round the Place, and fortified the same with diligence, though he had scarcely 5000 Men left. Ibrahim Pacha and Sultan Nuradin com­manded the Enemies Army, which consisted of 15000 Turks and 20000 Tartars. These two Gene­rals having miscarried before several other Places, sat down before Sbaracz, in which there were but 40 Heidukes and 6000 Paysants, who were more inclined to surrender, than to fight, and in effect, [Page 5] as soon as the Enemy appear'd, the Rabble open­ed the Gates.

After this Expedition Ibrahim retired to Cami­niec, and Nuradin detatch'd 15000 Men to block up Leopold, posting himself with the rest of the Army, two Leagues higher to attend the Issue, which was to his dishonour, for the King of Po­land marched with some Squadrons against the E­nemy, charged them with vigor, and drove them back to Nuradin's Camp, whence that Tartar Prince retir'd with great Precipitation.

Some time after, having assembled more Troops, he renewed his design of investing Leo­pold and forcing the King's Camp, and under­took it himself at the Head of 40000 chosen Men, being attended with abundance of Officers of the best repute among the Tartars. He began with the Attack of Slotzow, which is a Castle be­longing to the King's Hereditary Demesnes, with­in ten Leagues of Leopold on the side of Caminiec. This Castle is well enough for a Gentleman's House, and hath some Fortifications according to the Modern way, faced with Stone, but of very little Defence. The Enemy attacqued it vigo­rously, by way of Scalade with Sword in Hand. The Palatin of Russia defended it with extreme bravery, and forced the Tartars to retire from before this sorry Place, after an obstinate Fight of five Hours duration.

Nuradin thinking it best to preserve his Troops that were designed for a more important Expedi­tion, would not expose them to any more Assaults, but continued his march towards Leopold, and pos­sessed himself of a vast Plain below the Hills, with which the Town is surrounded, and upon which the King had taken his Post. This Plain was co­vered in an Instant with the Enemies Squadrons, who raised such a mighty Dust as quickly covered them from view. In the mean time, those of [Page 6] the Castle of Leopold fired some Guns to give No­tice to the People of the Country, to retire for their Security behind the King's Camp. His Ma­jesty having viewed that of the Tartars, was nothing discouraged by their prodigious Number, but gave all necessary Orders for the safety of his Camp, and the City in which the Queen and the Princes her Sons were shut up. He posted Guards in two places, on the Right and Left, to prevent a Sur­prize, placed his Infantry in Ambuscade, amongst the Bushes at the foot of the Hills, which sepa­rated his Camp from the Plains possessed by the Tartars, and planted his Cannon on the Heights, to favour the descent of his Squadrons, his eager­ness to fight, having quite over-ballanced his Ene­mies Numbers.

They began to skirmish assoon as they could join, and the Polish Horse not finding a convenient ground at first, were put into disorder, but the King coming to their relief with the rest of his Troops, and enlarging hi Front insensibly, as his Squadrons gain'd gtound, he restored the Battle, where his presence seconded by his Example, in­spired his own Men with as much Valour, as it did his Enemies with terror. The Sultan quickly perceived by the disorder of his Troops, that he was defeated by a Superior Power. The King of Poland's Hand became dreadful to them, by the weight of its blows, and every one striving to avoid them, that prodigious Army vanished in an instant like a Phantome.

Having finished this Digression, I return to my Subject.

The Palatin of Kiow, General of the Artil­lery, is owned by all Men, to be one of the bravest Officers and wisest Generals at this time in Poland, and hath acquired an universal Esteem by his Gallant and Prudent Actions. Those who [Page 7] have seen him in Battle could not but be charmed to behold his Magnanimity in exposing himself, and taking care to save his Men. Those who have heard him discourse of Martial Affairs are perswaded, that were he in a Country, where the Art Military is regularly cultivated, he would be accounted one of the greatest Captains in Europe.

There is moreover in Poland another Person of extrordinary Merit in that kind, namely Prince Lubomirski, who is no less expert in War than the Palatin, and exceeds him much in Temper and Presence of Mind, which contribute so much to the winning of Battles: so that the same para­lel might be made betwixt those two Polish Ge­nerals, that was made betwixt the Prince of Condé and the Mareschal Turenne, the one was incomparable for managing a Campagne, and the other for fighting a Battle.

I would not that others, whose Names and sin­gular Endowments I don't mention here, should suffer by my silence. I shall do them Justice else­where, but I thought fit to mention those Great Men here, whose Reputation is generally known, that I might give the Reader an Idea of the Po­lish Bravery, of which those Gentlemen are the Model, as well as the Honour of that Nation. I don't pretend to rank the King of Poland with his Generals, because he is beyond Comparison, and above all Encomiums and Titles, but we may without flattery adventure to call him the Hero of the North.

The Republic hath two separate Armies, under two different Generals, who are not subordinate nor dependant on one another. They encamp se­parately, and act in the same manner as Troops of different Countries. When they are obliged to join in Day of Battle, each General issues his Or­ders, [Page 8] according to the Measures agreed on in Coun­cil, the one receiving none from the other, nei­ther as to Command, nor yet as to the Word given to the Troops.

The 1st of those Armies is that of the Crown, or more properly that of the Kingdom of Po­land. The 2d is that of the Grand Dutchy of Li­thuania, being an Auxilliary State and Allie to the other, and not a subjected Province, like those who compose the Kingdom. That of the Crown is to consist of 36000 Men, and that of Lithuania of 12000. Nor have they in our Days raised any greater Army on any Expedition what­ever. But as that Number is never compleat, the Army is sometimes greater, sometimes lesser, according to the Efforts the Republick thinks fit to make, as the Case requires, without ever amoun­ting to that Number of 48000, fixed by the State of the War, which the Poles call Kompout or Komport.

Each Army hath a Great and Little General, the former is call'd General by way of Eminence, or General of the Crown; the latter is called Little General, or General of the Campagne. They en­camp the one on the Right and the other on the Left of the Line. They have both the same Badge of Command, viz. a Great Lance, adorned at the end either with Feathers, or Knots of Ribbons, or some other sort of Plume, under a great Ball of some rich Stuff: This the Poles call Bontchouk or Bunczuk. It is carried by a Man on Horseback be­fore the two Generals, and by its height dis­covers their Posts at a great distance, either on a March or in Battle. The King hath one of the same sort, with a Plume either of Herons or Eagles Feathers or Knots of Ribbons. But when he is at the Head of the Army, his is only carried aloft, [Page 9] and those of the Generals along by the Horses Neck, in token of their Submission.

The Generals have likewise a Batoon of Com­mand, which is given them by the King, together with their Office, as is done to the Mareschals of France; It is a Mace of Arms very short, ha­ving a great Ball at one end, either of Silver or Vermillion gilt, sometimes adorned with Jew­els. This Batoon is called Boulaf or Bulawa, is seldom carried, but only represented in their Pi­ctures to denote their Charge, as is done in the Pictures of the Mareschals of France.

They are not Senators by their Office, their Prerogative reaching no further than the Com­mand of the Armies; but as they are usually very Considerable by their Birth and Merit, the King makes them always Palatins or Castellans, by Vertue of which they take Place in the Senate, according to the Rank of their Province, without any particular Preheminence. In the Army their Power is without Restriction, their Authority Sovereign, and their Tribunal, or Council of War, Independent on the King. A Great Gene­ral has power of Life and Death, puts in and puts out as he pleases, settles Winter Quarters, regu­lates Marches, assembles the Army, and appoints the Time and Place of Rendevouz as he thinks fit, without receiving Orders from, or being ac­countable to any other than the Republick, met in a General Diet. He appoints what Provinces shall pay the Troops, and changes them at pleasure. 'Tis true, that in the Council held by the King, with the Senators and Generals, before the open­ing of the Campagne, the Expeditions and De­signs are concerted, but the executive Power is in the Hands of the Great General, who acts ac­cording to his own Mind and Interest, and as the Conjunctures require.

[Page 10] The Grand General hath an Allowance of 60000 Francs at 10 Sous per Franc, the Polish Mo­ney being less in value than that of France, by one half; and the Little General hath 40000 Francs. Those Salleries are raised upon the Starosties, the Royal Demesnes and the Lands of the Church, the Cash of which is carried to Leopold about Michaelmass, that being supposed to be the end of the Campagne. The Grand General presides at this Assembly, where he distributes Rewards and Gratifications to the Army, according to Merit, and the Necessity of the Officers and Gens d'Arms. The Marches and Quarters of Assemblies in Poland, do equally ruine the Country, and enrich the Of­ficer, and are ordered by the Grand General, ac­cording to pleasure. And as there is neither Inn nor Road specified, the Commander of a Troop leads it where he pleases, and lives upon the Pea­sant at Discretion; so that he provides himself for the Campagn as he marches, and needs no­thing but Carriages and a Purse. As for Exam­ple, an Officer on his way from Warsaw to Leopold, that is to say, about 50 Leagues, (f he go on straight) will go on the Left, and the Right to all the Vil­lages out of the Road, make the Tour of the whole Kingdom, if he pleases, and will spend two or three Months, squeezing and eating up the Peasants at discretion, by Vertue of a meer Order from the General to go to such a Place: And provided indeed he come at the time appointed, there's no enquiry made, what way he takes, or how much time he spends in his Journey. Thus the Officer enriches himself in his March, or more properly speaking, pillages at Discretion. I have known those who in a Journey have gathered together 5 or 6000 Francs, without reckoning Provisions. 'Tis true indeed, there's no quartering upon Gen­tlemens Lands, or if they do, they must be forc­ed [Page 11] to pay for it, otherwise the Gentry would make a terrible Noise at the Diet; so that it's only thro' the King's Lands, and those of the Church, that the Troops can march, that is to say thro' the Villages of the Starosties, Abbies, Bishopricks and such like, which they force to contribute also to the other Charges of the War; on which I cannot but take Notice of the odness of the Hu­mour of the Poles, who extend their Devotion even to Hypocrisie, and yet dont exempt the Lands of the Church from Military Exactions, but on the contrary, expose them the most of any to the fury of the Soldiers and the rigour of Taxes.

Formerly those Marches were more vexatious than at present, being more frequently allowed to Friends and Officers of the Grand General, by way of Gratification, but now they are never granted, except in case of necessity, and the Grand General does all he can to preserve good Order and Moderation in this Matter, yet he cannot totally prevent the Oppression of the Country, which suf­fers more by one march of the Polish Troops, than by an Irruption of the Enemies, (Burning, Sla­very and Rapes excepted) especially in those Parts that fall to the share of the Lithuanian Army, which is more to be feared than the Tartars. This is the True Cause of the extreme Poverty of Po­land, and of the inconceivable Desolation of the Kingdom, which is so much wasted since the begin­ning of the Campagne of Vienna, that it does not look like the same Country.

The Grand General settles the Winter Quarters in the same manner, also their Places of Set­tlement at the end of the Campagne, cantons the Regiments as he thinks fit, in the Starosties and Lands of the Church, and oppresses or eases whom he pleases. By this means a Grand General [Page 12] of the Crown called Konietspolski, purchased immense Riches for his Family. He obliged the Gentry to sell him such Starosties as lay conve­nient for him, and constrained those that were unwilling to part with them by oppressive Winter-Quarters.

At present this Tyrannical Power of the Gene­ral is much lessened, not only because the King when he had that Charge, divested himself of that Prerogative in order to deliver the Nobility from the bad Designs of those that might succeed him, but also because the present Grand General makes use of his Power with all possible Mode­ration; and besides, the Lords, the King himself and the Queen demand their proper Regiments to be quartered on their own Lands, where they oblige them to live orderly without ruining the Pea­sants. This Priviledge the present Crown General denies to no Man, except he be obligd by Neces­sity to guard the Frontiers, in which case he di­stributes them indifferently, in the most Commo­dious Places, be they the Royal Demesnes, Here­ditary Demesnes or otherwise.

Besides those two Generals, each Army hath an Officer, that commands a detached Body, cal­led the Vant-guard, which encamps at the Head of the Whole, about half a League before the Ar­my, and is composed of Dragoons, Infantry and Light-Horse to the Number of 11 or 1200. The first Officer is called the Stragenick of the Crown, and the second the Stragenick of the Army. Their Charges are different, the one being properly only for the Nobility on Horseback, when the Postpo­lita is called out; the other particularly for the regular Troops; and the latter refuses to yield to the other either in Command or Precedency, which Controversie still remains undecided, the Stragenik of the Crown maintaining his Post, even in the [Page 13] Army at present, being a Man of Quality and Senator.

The Obogenick is the same with the Quarter-master of the Armies, and their Pissar answers to the Commissary General, who reviews the Troops at the beginning and end of the Cam­pagne, and it's according to his Account that the Regiments are paid at the Tribunal, established by the General Diet for this end in the City of Radom in Great Poland. As to the Korongy or Standard-bearer of the Crown, he has no Function in the Army, but only in the Arrear-ban called the Postpolita Russenia, or the Nobility on their March.

The Army of the Crown, and that of Lithu­ania is subdivided into two Bodies, the one all Horse and Natives, distributed into free Companies, like those of the French Gens d'Arms; this they call the Polish Army. It comprehends two thirds, that is to say 24000 Horse: The other Body consists of Infantry, Dragoons and Light Horse. This they call the Foreign Army, because in effect it is according to the Foreign Model, cloathed and armed after the German fashion, command­ed by General Majors, which are like our Ma­reschals de Camp, divided into Regiments, and not into Companies. This makes the other third of the Kompout, that is to say, twelve thousand Men.

Those two Bodies march and encamp a-part, or more properly speaking, they compose the two Lines of the Army. The first is all Foot and Dragoons with the Artillery in the Center. The second is composed of Polish Horse, or Indepen­dant Companies: And 'tis at the Head of this se­cond Line, that the two Generals take their Post, the one on the Right, and the other on the Left, as I have said already. The King himself en­camps [Page 14] in this quarter, when he is in the Army, together with the Senators that accompany him thither, the first Line being under the Command of General Majors, and the General of the Ar­tillery, amongst whom there is a Subordination of Antiquity and Office.

The Polish Army then, consists all of Horse, divided into Troops, commanded by the greatest Lords, beginning with the King and the Princes his Sons. Those Troops are of different Sorts and Qualities, some of them real Gens d'Arms, others Light-Horse. The Gens d'Arms are again divided into Hussars and Pancernes, and some add Peteores, of whom there are more in the Li­thuanian Army than in that of the Crown. These Gens d'Arms are all Gentlemen, especially the Hussars, and are honoured by the King and Gene­rals, with the Name of Touariches, that is to say, Comrades or Companions: They admit them to their Table, are respected in their particular Pro­vinces, and most of them Pensioners of the Gene­rals and great Lords, whom they accompany to the Diets to do them honour. Nay, I have seen the Referendary of the Crown, a Man of a 100000 Livres Rent in Starosty's, account it his honour to have the Title and Pay of a Hussar. The Light-Horse are Troops of Poles, Cossacks, Vallachians or German Troopers. The Army of Lithuania is composed in the same manner.

The Hussars are the first Gens d'Arms of the Kingdom, as the Corps du Guard are in France, and without Contradiction the finest Cavalry in Europe▪ in respect of the Mein of the Men, the Good­ness of the Horses, and their Magnificent and Noble Apparel. Their Name is Hungarian, and common to all the Cavalry of that Country, but in its proper Signification it signifies Brave, for 'tis supposed, that the Touariches ought to be so by [Page 15] way of Eminence. In France we suppose, that the Hungarian Cavalry was called Hussars from their Cry of War in time of Battle, where 'tis al­ledged they cry, Houssa! Houssa! as we say, Tue! Tue! kill, kill; and the Turks cry, Alla! alla! But this Etymology is unknown in Poland, where they animate one another by crying Bi-zabi: i.e. Strike, strike him to death. The Hussars never keep Guard, don't go out on any Parties, Con-voys, &c. and much less in the Strageniks Detachments. They are reserved only for Battles and other distingui­shing Actions. But the present Grand General be­ing discontented with this sort of Gens d'Arms, who are become more effeminate and less valiant than formerly he began in the Campagne of 1689. to take away their Lances to arm them with Musque­toons, and to make them serve like ordinary Troopers on Convoys, Vantguards and other Fa­tigues of the Camp without distinction, a certain evidence that those Troops are much degenerated from their Ancient Splendor, [...]se they would never have endured it.

They are composed of handsom Men, mounted on the finest Horses of the Kingdom, with divers other Led-Horses, richly capparisoned, their Bri­dles adorn'd with Plates and Nails of Silver or Vermillion gilt, embroidered Saddles with gilt Boys, great hanging Houzes, according to the Tur­kish Manner, with Fringes of Gold and Silver: A Falchon or very rich Sword fixed to the left-side of the Saddle under the Horseman's Thigh. For­merly the Polish Cavalry had no Pistols, but now they are used amongst those fixed Troops. But the Vallachians, Cossacks, and even abundance of Poles, have none at the Saddle Boys, no more than the Turks, but carry one or sometimes two at their Girdle behind.

[Page 16] The Equipage of the Hussars is as much distin­guished as their personal Habit. They have two or three Waggons, a great number of Servants, and fine Tents, so that a Troop of them takes up a great deal of Ground in the Camp, because the Streets must be large for their Equipage, which is placed in the Intervals, and not in the Rear, as in France and Elsewhere. The Hussars are armed with Back and Breast, a scaled Head-Piece adorn'd on the sides, and be hind with Pendants of Iron Plates quilted, which come down to their Shoulders, where they have another separate Piece of Armour, with Braces reaching over their Neck to which there is fixed a sort of a Gantlet of Mail, which covers the back of the hand only, the Poles not knowing the Use of Gloves, nay, not so much as on Horseback. Over all this they wear a great Leopard or Tigre's Skin, in form of a loose Coat made in a Warlike Fashion, which is a very fine Ornament to the Gens d'Arms. The Lances they carry are no less Ornamental to the Body of the Troops in general: they are longer than the French great Pikes, round, pointed with Iron, made of a light Wood; the upper part adorn'd with a Streamer of Taffata, in form of a Standard, and three or four Ells in length, painted and gilt from one end to the other. They carry 'em in a Boot fixed in the Saddle, which supports 'em also when they make use of them in Battle, otherwise there were no making use of this Machine, because of its Weight. Nor is the ef­fect of it, so terrible as was imagined. I have seen those Hussars in Action, and likewise at muster in the Camp, and always found they had a great deal of Trouble in making use of their Lance, and that their Impetuosity is not so con­siderable when particularly enquired into. 'Tis true indeed, that they never retire, they ride at full speed, as if they were running at the Ring, [Page 17] so that they break through all that oppose them. In the Battle of Prag [...], on the Wefil, near Warsaw, where King Casimir attack'd Charles Gustavus, King of Sweden, who was shut up between two Rivers with a handful of Men: There was a Squa­dron of Hussars that broke through the first and se­cond Line, as far as the Body of Reserve, but they could not return, and so were encompassed. That's the danger this sort of Cavalry is liable to by the weight of their Arms, and the difficulty they have to manage their Horses by Snaffles, without Bitts, when their Mouths are heated. If they had to do with the French, who are expert in their Motions and Countermarches, they would not kill one Man, nor could one of themselves escape: There were no more to do, but to open the Ranks, as the King of Sweden did, and to mix Platoons of Foot in the Intervals of the Squadrons, to fire upon them as they pass; for if you kill the Horse, you put the Gens d' Arms out of a capacity to fight; it being impossible for them to raise themselves again, because of the weight of Iron upon them: So that this sort of Gens d' Arms is meerly in terrorem, as Lowis le Grand judg'd at first sight of them. The Marquis de Bethune had Orders, upon his first Journey into Poland, to bring home a Hussar with all his Accoutrements, to see if the Effect answer­ed the Reputation: The King being minded to have of that sort of Foreign Troops, the thing plea­sed at first, because of its Novelty and their Equi­page; but the Experiment made of them in the Court of the Castle at St. Germans, at a Course of the Lance, convinc'd His Majesty that they were of small use, and could do but little damage; and besides they must have a ground on purpose for them, i.e. Open Plains, like those of Champagn, to be drawn up in. If after breaking their Lance, as they do at the first shock, they took their Sci­miter [Page 18] in hand, their Charge would be more dan­gerous, for then they would break thro' all that stood in their Way. The King of Poland hath remedied this Inconvenience in the last Wars, by flanking a Squadron of Hussars, with two others of Pancerns, armed with Falchons and Musque­toons, who join close after the other are put in disorder, and possess themselves of their ground to compleat the defeat of the Enemy, whose Or­der is already broke by the Charge of the Lances.

The Hussars have each two Servants arm'd, and in pay, who are called Pacolets; they are mount­ed much like their Masters, armed with Head-Pieces and Lances, but without Back and Breast, and Leopards Skin; instead of which they have the Skin of a White Wolf made like a Coat; and behind their back a very great Wing made of Ea­gles Feathers, which gives them a fierce and savage Mein: Formerly they had two Wings; and we see them painted so in Pictures of old Wars. I am of opinion that they are very useless, but the Poles pretend that the whistling they make in the Air terrifies the Enemy's Horses, and helps to break their Ranks. They left off one of them by degrees, and it's hoped that the Great General, who hath lately eased 'em of their Lances, will likewise take away this Accoutrement, which is good for nothing but to frighten little Chil­dren.

Those Troops form themselves into Squadrons, like ours, three Men deep, and seventy in Front, more or less, according to the number of the Gens d' Arms and Pacolets; for every Hussar may have three but no more. The first Rank consists all of Masters, the other two of Pacolets: And when a Hussar has the Guard of the Standard, he fixes his Lance by it, and hangs the Wings of his Ser­vants round it, according to their number, for [Page 19] some have three, and others but one, and they are paid in proportion.

As those Companies are very expensive, the Re­publick entertains but few of them, and give them little enough Pay; but the Lords who have them, make this up by an augmentation of Pay, as a sort of Pension; and thus they make themselves Creatures of the Touarizes, and of the Lieute­nants that command them, who are always Men of Note, and fit for Service, to whom they give at least a Pension of 6000 Francs to bear their charge, because those Officers are oblig'd to keep a Table in the Army. The Captain Lieutenant of the King's Hussars, called Polanoski, was one of the Candidates for the Crown when Casimir abdi­cated; by which the Reader may understand that those Places are fill'd with Persons of Merit and Quality.

The King hath a Company of those Gens d' Arms; Prince James and Prince Alexander have likewise each of them one; the Chief Senators, the Bishops and Ministers of State, who will be at the expence of it, have the same: They cost the Captain above 25000 Francs, besides the Pay of the Commonwealth. The King makes them a compensation for this Expence, by giving them Re­giments of Foot or Dragoons in the Foreign Army, which cost them little, and bring in a great deal, as I shall shew afterwards. The Standard of those Companies is very high, and almost as large as that of a Company of Foot. The Lance has a gilt wooden Ball upon the upper end, like that on the Stern of a Ship. The Drums and Trumpets are plac'd round the Standard, in March as well as in Battle: For other things the Order is much the same as ours, only their Trumpets ne­ver found any Charge, or point of War, but al­ways a Fanfare even when on a March. They [Page 20] have this peculiar in their way of Encampment, that the Officers are always at the Head of the Company, not far from the Standard, and all the Baggage in the Streets or Intervals, which is the same in all the other Troops of the Kingdom.

The second sort of Gens d' Arms is the Pan­cernes, who are somewhat inferior to the Hussars, but much higher than all the rest of the Cavalry. They are called so from their Armour, which is a Coat of Mail, in the Polish Tongue Pancernick, with an Iron Cap, encompassed with a Net-work of the same, which covers all to their Shoulders, and shewing only half the Visage, makes them look like Satyrs, because of the great Mustaches ordinarily worn by the Poles. Those Pancernes are arm'd with Falchons and Musquetoons, like Light Horse, as well mounted as the Hussars, but not so richly equipped: They are upon all Guards that require fatigue, are form'd into Squadrons as the others, with a Standard of the same form, their Drums are also the same; but in lieu of a Trumpet they have a certain little Instrument of Copper, not much bigger than a Flagelet, crook­ed and hollow like a Cornet, which makes the shrillest and most Savage Noise imaginable. It is supposed to be the Ltuus of the Ancients. Those Companies have less Pay than the Hus­sars, but are on the same footing as to their Ser­vants, who make up the two last Ranks, and are also called Pacolets. They pass however for Light Horse, that is to say, Lightly Armed, for in other respects they are true Gens d' Arms by their dig­nity, and commanded by Lords; the King him­self and the Princes having each of 'em a Com­pany in the two Armies.

Besides these two sorts, there's a third in the Great Dutchy of Lithuania, armed like the Pan­cernes, and having Lances as the Hussars, but not [Page 21] quite so long; nor are their Streamers so large; and from this difference they have different Names: Those of the Hussars are called Kopies, from the Latine word Copia, Forces; and those of the other are call'd Gides, which is a Word in use in that Country, and also amongst the Turks, as is likewise that sort of Lance. I saw only four Companies of them in the Lithuanian Army, that of the Crown having almost none of 'em; but there's nothing finer than those I saw in that Dutchy, the Hussars not being more magnificent in either of the Armies. At present they have left off their Gides, and are upon the same footing with the Pancernes; they are call'd Peteores, and are likewise honoured with the Quality of Toua­riches.

The rest of the Polish Army consists of Compa­nies of Valachians, Cossacks and Poles, armed like our Light Horse, with Musquetoons and Falchons, but not so uniform either in Horse or Habit. Their Standards, March, Drums, and way of drawing up, agree with the ordinary Custom of the Country. It is this sort that go out on Parties, guard the Camp, and are made use of for Guards and Convoys. I have seen Companies of Tartars amongst these, and formerly the Republic had abundance of that Nation in Pay in their Wars against the Muscovites. The King of Poland, be­fore he went to the Relief of Vienna, had a mind to try the Pulse of the Officers of those who continued still in his Service, and all of them promised him an in violable Fidelity, not only in fighting against the Turks, but also against the Tartars, offering to leave in Poland one half of their Number as Hostages for the Loyalty of the other, who should follow his Majesty; for he had offer'd to give all of them their dis­charge, which they would not accept of, but ser­ved [Page 22] in that Expedition with extraordinary fide­lity.

That which they call the Foreign Army, hath quite another sort of Discipline, they are Regiments of Foot and Dragoons, Cloth'd and Arm'd as those of France and Germany, with this difference, that the Dragoons are mounted on sorry Jades, mise­rably equipped, almost naked, and all of them in different Colours. The Infantry is of all things the most pitiful, and more tatter'd than any Spa­niards or Italians that ever we heard of; some of them have Caps, others Hats; some have Cloaks, others none: They are all without Swords, but carry long Battle-Axes fashioned like those that were carried before the Roman Consuls. Those I always took to be of admirable use. The Poles carry them fastened to their shoulders by a Lea­thern Thong, they serve them instead of Rests for their Musquets; and there's nothing in the World comparable to them for covering a Battalion, and defending them against Horse. Those miserable Fellows, all in Rags, as I have said, and more like Scullions than Soldiers, some of them with Cloaks, and others of them with a sort of Gowns of a scandalous diversity, are nevertheless incredi­bly stout, which in reasonable Men I should call Bravery. They resist all sorts of Inconveniencies, Nakedness, Hunger and Blows with an Heroic constancy; bear all the burden of the War, and undergo all the dangers of it, insomuch that I have seen this Infantry form the Arreir-guard in a Plain, in dangerous Retreats, when the Tartars pursued the Camp close, to cover the Polish Gens d' Arms, who retir'd before them without any scruple; I have seen those Soldiers, dying with Hunger, and quite tir'd out, lie upon the ground charging their Musquets, which they were scarce able to carry, and yet would keep firing continu­ally. [Page 23] This Infantry don't indeed pride themselves in their Misery, which is so disproportionable to the splendor of the Gens d' Arms, but it's they that do the service, and are the safety of the Ar­my, whereof the others are meerly the Orna­ment.

Tho' this Army be called Foreign, it is never­theless compos'd of native Poles, with Officers of a Foreign Name and Model, Colonels, Lieutenant Colonels, General Majors and others. People of all Nations may be employed in this Army, whereas the Poles only are admitted into the Free Companies. There are Germans, Curlanders, French and others in the Foreign Army. The King, Queen, Princes, Generals and other Lords, have Regiments therein of both sorts. The Foot and Horse Guards, that attend the King's Person, are comprehended in this Body of the Army, as are abundance of other Free Companies of Horse, Dragoons and Heidukes, which the Generals have rais'd for their particular service, and make the Republic pay for them. Upon which I shall ob­serve by the way, that there are Royal Lands in Poland, which we call Fiefs in France, given to Lords, and their Descendants as Hereditary Estates, on condition of maintaining a certain number of Troops; whereof there are some that are obliged to furnish an hundred Dragoons: but the Court does not keep those Lords to an exact performance; tho' if they would oblige the Possessors of those Lands to it, the Republic should have in case of need near twenty thousand Men that cost them nothing.

This is the disposition of the Polish Armies, with which that Nation hath formerly made their Neighbours to tremble, ev'n those who now keep them under the Yoke; of which one essential Reason is, not so much the want of Courage, tho' [Page 24] the Poles be in that very respect much degene­rated from their Ancestors, as the want of Mony and Discipline, which hinders the compleating of their Troops, prevents their arrival at the place of their Rendesvouz against the time appointed, and overwhelms them with misery. As to their Disci­pline, that is still more irregular than their Pay, there being nothing of any exact service perform­ed here. I never saw in the Army neither main nor ordinary Guard, nor Convoy for their Forra­gers; their Troops going to sleep upon the moral security they conceive themselves to be in from the stupidity of their Enemies. Had they to do with French or Germans, not one Forrager should re­turn to the Camp; nor could there pass a Night without beating up one quarter or other. There's nothing but the Body commanded by the Stragenik, compos'd of all sorts of Troops, and amongst them Pancernes and Polish Cavalry, which makes a sort of advanc'd Guard for all the Army in general, encamping at their Head, about half a League from the first Line, and the same is rein­forc'd proportionable to the danger. Besides this Detachment, each Regiment of Infantry makes one of twenty or twenty five Men, posted about thirty paces before the Line, for the Guard of the Colours, which are planted all together at the Head of the Colonel's Company. They do more­over, besides this, when they are in the open Field, and in presence of the Enemy, inclose their Camp with an Entrenchment of Waggons, which they call the Tabor, and is certainly an Extraordinary Rampart against the Tartars. This Tabor marches in order of Battle with the Army, without break­ing: Every Officer makes such an Entrenchment round his Tents. The number of Carriages is twice as great as the number of the Men; and a Camp so entrench'd hath something that is great, [Page 25] singular and formidable in it. In cover'd or une­ven ground, they make use of Chevaux de Frize, each Regiment hath a certain number of them, they are fixed to four Wheels like a Waggon, and on a March are drawn by Horses. This is none of the worst Inventions, and is owing to a French­man, call'd Hoccart, who is Ingineer to the King of Poland, and hath serv'd him for fifteen years with applause.

The Poles have a particular way of Encamping, viz. in a very large Square, inclos'd on all sides; the first Line consists of all the Infantry, with the Artillery in the Center, the Dragoons on the Wings, disposed according to the German manner, the Of­ficers encamping in the Rere, and the Soldiers ma­king Baracks for themselves. The second Line is form'd of the Gens d' Arms, Hussars, Pancernes, Peteores, all call'd Touariches. The two Flanks are clos'd by the Light Horse, Cossacs, Vallachi­ans and Poles, to whom there is added Pancernes and Dragoons, as the Number of the Troops will allow, and the Ground requires; so that the Camp fronts every way, and the middle or space betwixt the two Lines serves for a Market to the Victual­lers, Merchants and Purveyors.

As to the Artillery, which is at the Head, some­times without the Line, sometimes in the Center. It hath its particular Guard, viz. a Regiment design'd for that purpose, called the Regiment of Artillery. The Strageniks advanc'd Guard, is beyond the Square, separated from all the rest, as I have al­ready said.

The King's Quarters, those of the Senators, Grand General and Volunteers is in this Inclosure, adjoining to the Hussars, at the Head of the Line, which is begun by the King's Company, the Lieu­tenant of which commands all the rest, and his Drum gives the signal of March; there being no [Page 26] such thing amongst the Poles as beating to the Watch in the Evening, nor for a General March in the Morning, during their Encampment.

This leads me to speak of their Tents, which in Poland are extraordinary magnificent both for Number and Beauty. They are the same with those of the Turks, that is to say, of a certain coarse Cloth, much like our Tent Cloth, painted without, and lin'd with a Cotton Stuff, cut out in Figures, Flower-Baskets, Squares, Compartments. Their form differs according to the occasion, some have Pavillions with Porches in form of a Wall and double Roofs; Some of them resemble long Halls, others are like square Chambers, call'd Cotars, made of coarse Cloth, and lin'd with ano­ther Stuff, resembling Tapestry, with Glass-win­dows and Deal-floors, and encompassed without by a great Wall that forms an Ally or Gallery round it, which composes a Wardrobe, and a Lodging-place for Servants. These Cotars are of admirable use in the advanced season, and resem­ble true Stoves.

As the Poles surpass all other European Nati­ons in this sort of Magnificence, so the Turks do much exceed the Poles; both of 'em affect to shew their Pomp and Grandeur in the richness of those Moveable Houses, as thinking them most convenient for them. The Quarters of the Polish Generals, and Turkish Pachas, are encompassed with Walls that have Battlements, flanqu'd with little Pavillions, or Turrets like Towns; they have likewise Halls for Council, Closets, Porches to eat in, great Kitchins and prodigious Stables. The Parc or Quarter of the Grand Visier before Vienna was as large as St. Denis in France; that of the Pacha of Egypt resembled a Magnificent Pallace, adorn'd in the inside with Rich Tapistry, Alcoves and Cushions. The Polish Senators make a faint [Page 27] Resemblance of this Martial Pomp. It is a very fine fight to see their Quarter, because of the Va­riety of Colours, the Gilded Balls on their Pavil­lions, the diverse Apartments, and the vast extent of their Lodgings. The King hath so often defeat­ed the Turks, who always leave considerable spoils behind them, that his whole Quarter or Park is made up of those of the Bassas he has defeated; and amongst others, of them that commanded the Ottoman Army at Kotchim, called Soliman and Ussein, whose Tents demonstrate the magnificence of their Serasquiers, or Commanders in Chief, and of the Grand Senior's Favourites. Soliman had a Hall for his Council or Divan, the Largeness and Beau­ty of which charms me every time I think on it. The Tapestry was of Silk and Gold, the Work­manship and Figures of which were as agreeable as the Matter was rich. The Columns that sup­ported it were all gilt, and the Architecture of them, resembling those of the Columns of a Pa­lace; the Cords of it were of Silk and Cotton, of a wonderful Largeness and Beauty; and indeed there are few People of Note, either in Poland or Turky, but the Cordage of their Pavillions is of Cotton.

I should here speak of the Pay of the Polish Armies, but have reason to fear that the Reader will be weary of such a particular account, there­fore shall only say in general, that it would be good enough if the Republic took care to give it regularly; but they don't much trouble themselves to pay the same quarterly, according to the order of the Diet. The Colonels, who are absolute Masters of their Regiments, take less care to di­stribute to their Soldiers the little Mony which they receive from the Treasury, or from the Pro­vinces upon which their Pay is assigned; they never clear Accounts with their Officers, but give them [Page 28] only a Sum in part of what is due, which here they call ad rationem, or on account; so that the Captain is obliged to keep back the Pay of the Subaltern, and the Soldiers who starve for hunger, whilst the Captain makes up his loss by pillaging on his march. Indeed when they are in the Field, he takes care for the subsistance of his Company; for having neither Ammunition-bread, nor Sutlers, at least in no great number, the Soldiers would starve, and the Campagn by consequence come to nothing, if the Captain did not take care to have Meat and Bacon carried on Waggons for his Men; and this is the reason why they are obli­ged to have so much Equipage.

Let the Reader judge then, if any Man of Ho­nour, or Officer of Merit can be fond of the Polish Service, since he cannot live there without pilla­ging, nor have any satisfaction to see himself at the Head of a Troop of Beggars in Rags, who have neither Mein nor Discipline, all their Exer­cise consisting in forming of a Battalion, and dis­charging their Pieces. If they were to make a ge­neral Attaque, the Major Generals themselves would find it hard enough to manage a Trench; and yet they are for the most part chosen out of the ablest Officers, and the eldest Colonels of the Foreign Army. Their Office looks somewhat like a French Mareschal de Camp, but in Poland it is a meer vain Title without Profit, and Authority without Sallary.

The next thing to be discoursed of, with rela­tion to their Pay, is the advantages of the Great Treasurer of Poland, because of the dependance the Army has upon him, and the Compositions which the Officers are obliged to make with him, who quit part of what is their due, to have the rest in ready Mony. Thus they say Count Morstin enriched himself when he was Great Treasurer of [Page 29] the Crown. But when this Officer is too rigorous, he may occasion great Disorders, if not Revolts, which endanger himself. There was an Instance of this in the Reign of King Casimir, upon Gon­chefski, the Grand General and Treasurer of Lithu­ania, which may well make his Successors tremble. The Lithuanian Army being dissatisfied with some Article or Command of the Treasury, they en­tred into a Confederacy against this Lord; twenty five Towariches, or sworn Officers, went to his House, pulled him out of his Bed from his Lady, carried him to the Field, with a Confessor at his Heels, oblig'd him to confess himself speedily, and afterwards kill'd him. This unparallel'd Crime was only punished on a small number of those Madmen that were found, whose Heads were cut off; one of them being condemned to have his Hand burnt off, holding certain Papers in it; and being daub'd over with Pitch, suffer'd that punishment with as much Constancy as Scevola, without ever opening his Hand, or turning away his Head.

Since I am come to speak of the Army of Li­thuania, I shall only say, that it is an Auxiliary Body, independant on the Army of the Crown, submitting only to their own Generals, who ac­knowledge no Supream. They assemble the Ar­my, assign them Quarters, and act with them ac­cording to their own Pleasure and Interest; tho' in general they regulate themselves by the Councils held at the end of the Diets, or the beginning of the Campagns; but those Resolves, and their Acti­ons never keep pace: Their best concerted Expe­ditions do frequently miscarry for want of Union and Agreement. For Example during the Siege of Vienna, which I am going to relate. The King was returning back to Poland, when the Lithuani­ans join'd him in Hungary. At the Battle of [Page 30] Kotchim, their Grand General Pats refus'd a long time to fight, so that the Crown General, then call'd the Great Mareschal Sobieski, took it upon himself in point of Honour, and resolv'd to an­swer for the Event; notwithstanding all which, Pats would not Charge till after Sobieski had forced the Turkish Camp, but retir'd from the Council the night before, refusing to consent to the Expedition. During the famous Campagn, which General Sobieski, then King, continued so long in the Winter, the Lithuanian Army refus'd to follow him after some days march, which did so much provoke that Great Prince, that he published Circular Letters to send them back as useless, which might be called a Casheiring them, if the King had that despotical Authority in Po­land. He compleated that Expedition only with the Army of the Crown, and subdued all Ukrania to the Republick, whose Standards he advanced within ten days Journey of the Black Sea.

Let us speak at present of the Arms of the Poles in general. Of old they made use only of Scimiters, Lances, Gides, Javelins, Bows and Ar­rows; at present they have added Fire-Arms, and most of them have Pistols, with which they don't hit very exactly, tho' they be great Skirmishers. By degrees they lay aside their Lances and Gides; their Javelins are almost wholly disused, so that they have nothing of the Old Sarmatian Armour left but the Bow and Arrow. The first Journy I made into Poland, all Horsemen, of any distincti­on, and the Gentlemen belonging to the King, Queen and Senators, still carry'd them, ev'n as they travell'd thro' the Country, and made a Noble Or­nament of those Arms in time of Peace. I have seen the King and Princes carry them; they are not unbecoming, nor unseemly in a Chamber, where the Poles expose them upon a piece of [Page 31] Tapestry by their Beds side, as a very considerable part of Housholdstuff. Tho' indeed this Armor is of no other use to them but for Ornament, for they are not very dextrous at throwing the Jave­lin, nor at shooting with the Bow as are the Turks and Tartars, who use them in Skirmishes instead of Fire-Arms. Yet there are still some Poles who are very dextrous at this Exercise. The King es­pecially hath a particular grace in managing the same, and a strength accompanied with a dexteri­ty that comes nothing short of the Nations, that have most experience in those sort of Weapons. From this use of Arms formerly so common a­mongst the Poles, they form'd a Proverb answe­rable to our French Proverb, of knowing the Sole by the motion of the Foot, to denote the pene­tration and discerning faculty of any one, who discovers in another the Marks and Signs of se­cret Conduct. I heard a pretty application of it by the King in a Senate, who speaking to a cer­tain [...] of a contrary Party, that pretended to give advice for the good of the Republick, but pointed indirectly at some part of the King's Con­duct, which he had a mind to blame; that discern­ing Prince signified to him, that he had discover'd the Secret, and knew his Design, by telling him, that when he saw an Arrow in the Air, he could tell from what Quiver it came.

The Poles had formerly Bucklers of Ozier, co­ver'd with Skins, of a round Figure a little rais'd, pointed in the middle, where there was a piece of Iron, the use of which is now almost abolished. I have seen some Lords carry them in a day of Review or Battle, not so much for Defence as for Ornament; for on such Occasions they fix them to the Saddles of their Led-Horses. When the King march'd to the Relief of Vienna, he had a mind to review his Cavalry in the Plain of Tar­novitz, [Page 32] the first City of Silesia, before Count Caraffa, who was sent by the Emperor to receive his Allie at the entrance of his Dominions. The King drew them up in Order of Battle the morning before his March, that the Emperor's Ministers might see the Beauty of his Troops. The Polish Senators, who had there their Troops of Hussars or Pancernes, appear'd at the Head of 'em with all the Warlike Ornaments of the Nation; their Rich Murrions, Gilt Harness, Magnificent Houzes, splendid Coats of Mail, and some of them had Bucklers of great price, for so I think we may call 300 Ducats of Gold for a Buckler of Ozier. It's true they alledge that they are proof against Shot, but for any thing that ap­pears by them, there's nothing to commend them but a pleasant variety of Colours, and a Satin Quilt in the inside. The King who has in the Armorial Bearings of his Houshold a Buckler of the Roman Form, that is to say, long and pointed below, with an Orillon on the upper part, had one of this fashion of Beaten Gold fixed to his Sad­dle; upon which there was in Bass Relief, the re­presentation of the Battle of Kotchim very well done. That Prince us'd to place the same Buck­ler, and a Scimiter enriched with Jewels, upon the Table of the Chamber of Audience, on those days when he admitted the Ambassadors of Fo­reign Princes.

The Poles have a Scimiter longer and heavier than those of the Turks, but don't cut so well, whether the fault be in the Blade or Hand. The Poles endeavour to accustom themselves to the use of this Heavy Weapon, by the continual use of cer­tain Battle Axes of great weight, to break their Arm, as they term it, for the use of the Scimiter. Besides they make it a kind of exercise, and study to accustom themselves to the use of it, by fre­quent fencing with Clubs, to which their Youth [Page 33] is much addicted. There's constantly to be seen in the Streets of Warsaw and other Cities, but chief­ly when the Court is there, Troops of Boys, Ser­vants, and others fighting with Clubs; they chal­lenge those who pass by, and will put Clubs in their hands to oblige them to fight, as Fleurets are presented in a Fencing-Room to the Spectators that come in. This general Custom joyn'd to the Na­tural Animosity there is betwixt the Poles and Li­thuanians, hath given rise to a very bad Custom, which the Publick connives at either from a Prin­ciple of Stupidity or Policy, as those of Venice suf­fer the Quarrels betwixt their Nicolotti and Castel­lani. During the Diets the Servants or Followers of the Nobility, who are most of them Gentlemen, assemble together according to their Country, take the Field with Drums and Trumpets, take up those they find in the Streets, force them along with them, and fight bloody Battles, tho' only with Clubs, the Conquerors pursue the Conquered, be­siege them in the Neighbouring houses, and enter as formally into the Town, as if they were Regu­lar Troops, and this almost every day, having first chosen a Mareschal or President for each Party, which is here an indispensible Custom in Assem­blies of all sorts, which may rather be call'd Routs, because of the Confusion that is to be found in those of them that are the most famous and Regu­lar. This Mareschal presupposes that there have been other Lesser Combats, for in order to become Mareschal, he must have conquered all the other Candidates, and the bravest of those Champions. Antipathy and a desire of Conquering, have insen­sibly rendred those Battles very dangerous; for in 1690. they begun to make use of Fire-Arms, and this Licentiousness rose to that degree of fury, that there was a necessity of sending the Guards to disperse this Rabble, who had made several dis­charges, [Page 34] kill'd abundance of People, and besieged the House of a Palatin. Those of the Crown di­stinguish themselves from the Lithuanians by a Handkerchief they put in their Hats instead of a Scarf; and as they are most numerous, they gene­rally come off Masters of the Field at Warsaw, but then the Lithuanians have also their Tour at the Diets held at Gr [...]dno in their Country. This is what they call the [...]ombats of the Klopeches, or [...]pietz, i.e. Boys, which is a Name common to Ser­vants of all sorts.

Such is the Order of the Armies of the Repub­lick, who might perhaps be as good as formerly, were they complete, paid, and well entertain'd, but the want of those things hath dissolv'd their Mi­litary Discipline, and made the bravest of them indifferent for the Service, which neither desire of Glory, sense of Honour or Duty, have been able to cure. The General Officer, the Collonels and Captains go to the Camp as to an unprofitable Drudgery. Nay, the first do now begin to forbear their attendance without shame, and spend their time at their Country-houses, or at Court. The Subaltern does not begin his March till two months after the time appointed for Rendezvouz, and the Touarizes don't make much more haste, so that the Grand General wearies himself out by staying alone in the Camp waiting for the Troops, and thus is witness to the losing of many opportunities, and sees the best concerted Designs and Enterprizes mis­carry by those disorders and unaccountable mis­managements joyn'd with the Natural Carelesness of the Poles, and the Impunity to which they are accustomed. The Palatin of Russia the present Grand General, does indeed begin to make his Au­thority valued, and to restore Discipline in the Camp, having order'd several People to have their Heads cut off at the Entrance of the Campagne [Page 35] of 1688. He likewise check'd the foolish Pride of the Hussars, by taking away their Lances, arming them with Carbines, and sending them out upon advanc'd Guards and Convoys as Light Horse. This he began in 1689, and if he continue, there may be some hopes of restoring the Antient Polish Va­lour; for these Troops are not really bad, but fight in great and small Bodies, as well as those of other Countries, if they be well managed. They understand little of the Art of War during a Cam­pagne, as to know how to seize a Post or Defile. They are yet more ignorant of the Way of Manag­ing a Party, tho' they make very large ones; and we may truly say, they understand nothing of Sieges. All their time is spent in ordinary Skir­mishes and Fights. The Stratagems of War are little known amongst them. They send out for intelligence or discoveries some Cossack Foot, who Lye in Ambuscade one by one in Woods, or hide themselves in a hole that they dig in the ground like Badgers, and flie like Wolves upon any mise­rable fellow that straggles from the Camp, or on a March, and this Prisoner they call a Tongue, be­cause of his informing them of the State of the Enemies Army. After the Siege of Vienna, I saw one of those Savage Partymen return to the K. with a Turk tied so as a Huntsman does a great Beast, and push him brutishly into the Tent without speaking a word. The K. gave those Cossacks ten Crowns for each Tongue, as they call them; and relied very much upon them for getting such fel­lows on occasion, as the fittest persons in the Army for that Trade; as to which I cannot omit one par­ticular, which may serve to give the Reader a better Character of those Savage Fellows. A Cossack returned one Evening with a Turk taken in that manner as I have said, threw him into the Kings Tent, just as if one should throw down a Bundle [Page 36] upon the ground, and then went to the Treasurer for his Premium; after which he returned to the Door of the Tent, and thrusting in his head to thank the K. said, John, They have paid me, God restore it thee, and good night.

Their great Parties are usually considerable De­tachments, or Entire Brigades of Polish Cavalry. Those Brigades are from 600 to 1000 Men, and are call'd Poulk. Thus all the Gens d'Arms are divided amongst the principal Officers of this Bo­dy, as is also the rest of the Cavalry, Cossacks, Val­lachians, or Poles, whose Poulks are composed of 40 Companies. We must except the Hussars, who don't enter into the Brigades, their Com­panies serving alone. The Brigadiers of the rest are twice as proud, but nothing braver than the other Officers. I knew one of them call'd Miogensky, that was first Gentleman of the Kings Chamber, and is now Treasurer of the Court, who hearing some Poles returned from France, telling Wonders of the Valour of the Troops of the Kings Houshold, boasted that he would with his Poulk and a hundred Horse only, beat all those Gens d' Arms to pieces. This Bravo said, he never re­turn'd from a Party without putting his Enemy to flight, tho' a whole Garrison, and that he had re­pulsed the Enemy to the very Gates of Caminieck: Yet never did any Man flie better than this Per­son and his Brigade, on two occasions, especially at the Town of Eperiez in Hungary, where he was shamefully beat by a Party of Rebels.

I must not forget one Circumstance relating to the Hussars, which is that every Year they had new Lances given them at the beginning of the Campagn; for it was supposed for their Honour, that they had broke those of the preceding Year; and indeed formerly nothing more shameful could befal an Hussar, than to bring back his Lance from [Page 37] an Engagement, and therefore new ones were al­ways carried in Waggons with the Camp to sup­ply those that were broken. At the beginning of each Campagn, when the Captain gave the Hussar, his Lance he used to give him a Present of 100 Crowns with it towards the Charge of the Cam­pagn, besides his Pay from the Republick.

There's another Circumstance no less necessary to be known for the better discovery of the Polish Genius, and their way of making War, viz. that the Hussars Pancernes and other Gens d'Arms who are paid their Winter Quarters in Silver, and have nothing to look for from the place where the Company is Quarter'd, spend that time either at home or at their Captains Court, and leave their Servants only with the Standard. In 1688. the Tartars made an Irruption towards Volhynia, where they forced some Regiments of Foot into places fortified with Pallisado's, and carried off whole Companies of Hussars, as was said in the Gazetts, but 'twas only the Pacolets or Hussars Servants; and besides, there were several Compa­nies, particularly that of the Great Chancellor of Lithuania, which had not above seven or eight Ser­vants at most left to guard the Standard.

Being unwilling to tire the Reader with any more particulars of this nature, I come now to the particular Account of the famous Expedition of Vienna, which was so extraordinary in all its Cir­cumstances, so happy in its Success, so ill disputed by the Turks, and so little expected by the Chri­stians. An Expedition famous for its Event, consi­derable for the Number of Princes that came thi­ther to put themselves under the Command of the King of Poland, whose great Fame excited a ge­neral Curiosity, and laid the Foundation of the Hope of the Empire. I shall relate the Matter as a faithful Historian, being ready to account [Page 38] for the Truth of my Relation before those who were present at that great Action.

CAP. II.
Containing the Relation of the Campagn of 1683: being the first after the Rupture of the Truce betwixt the Emperour and Turks.

THE Ottoman Empire became so formidable under the Reign of Sultan Mabomet IV. and the Ministry of the two Grand Visirs, Kuproli the Father and Son, that the least March of the Infidels gave the Alarm to all Europe. The Battle on the Banks of the Raab, where the Auxiliary Troops of France put a stop to the progress of the Turks, and saved all Germany, did a little diminish the fear on that side: But their subduing the King­dom of Candie in 1669. by taking its Capital re­newed it. The Grand Visir Ahmet Kuproli, ac­cording to the Politicks of the Port made a Truce of twenty years with the Emperor of Germany af­ter the bad success of the Battle of Raab or Saint Gothar. He renewed a Truce with the Republick of Venice, that stood in need of a breathing after their Useless Expence and Efforts to preserve the Kingdom of Candie, which that same Kuproli had just taken from them.

The Sultan bethought himself afterwards on other Conquests: He turn'd his Arms against the Muscovites upon the mouth of the Boristhenes or Nieper, which he shut up with his Fortresses to prevent the Incursions of the Cossacs, and their En­trance into the Black-Sea. He attaqu'd the Poles, Anno 1672. and in person besieged Caminiec, the Capital of Podolia, and afterwards Yasloviets and [Page 39] Bouchach, advancing further into the Province, which was all subdued or ruined. These success­ful Exploits extended themselves into Ukrania, whose Revolt the Grand Senior favoured, and he would have extended his Arms into the very heart of the Kingdom towards the Vistula if the Grand General and great Mareschal Sobieski, had not ruin'd all his vast Projects by the Battle of Kochin, where he defeated a flourishing Army, commanded by two Bassa's of Reputation, Soliman and Usseyn.

This Defeat put the Turks out of a condition to oppose themselves next Year to the Irruption of the Victorious Sobieski then chosen King, who in 1674 recover'd part of Ukrania, and advanc'd, as has been said already, within ten days Journey of the Black-Sea. But being much weakened with that long Expedition, in the middle of the Winter, during which the Tartars having joyn'd the Rebel Cossacs under their Commander Doro Chenko, they harassed him continually, & once shut him up near Bratslavia. Thus the Sultan gain'd the upper-hand of him again, and in 1675 repulsed him as far as Leopold, and at last shut the Polish Army up in their Camp near Jurafno, and attaqu'd them in their Trenches, where after a very bloody Fight, the two Nations made a Treaty for many years, and the King of Poland sent an Ambassador to the Port to Ratifie that Peace, when the Turks by a Contravention very ordinary amongst them, forc'd the Polish Plenipotentiary to add and diminish what they thought meet.

The Sultan renewed the War against the Mus­covites. His good fortune which Kuprolis Abi­lity maintain'd with lustre, did not fail him under his Successor Kara Mustapha Pacha in the begin­ning of his Ministry. This Visir besieged the For­tress Tcherrim, and took it in the sight of above 100000 Men who came to its Relief, which did [Page 40] so raise his Courage and Vanity, that he thought nothing too hard for him to undertake. He was at that time in favour with Mahomet, whose Daughter he had married. His Riches were im­mense. The Sultans Treasury being fill'd with the Spoils of Christians, and his Empire encreased by considerable Conquests, he thought there was no­thing could hinder his attaining to the Universal Empire. The Example of his Predecessor serv'd him instead of a Plan to direct him in his design. Kuproli had form'd that of subduing Italy, towards which he had opened his way by taking of Candie, and which he had in a manner block'd up on one side by the places he was possess'd of in Dalmatia, and on the other by the Provinces which lye at the back of it, viz. Bosnia, Sclavonia, and the other Provinces of the Antient Illyria; and besides this, by the Fortresses that the Sultan had gain'd gradually almost to the Gulph of Venice. On the side of Germany, the Sultan was possessed of the Country from Constantinople to Styria on one part, and to the Frontiers of Austria on the other, in­cluding the Kingdom of Hungary, and the Pro­vinces betwixt the Danube and the Dniester, which he had rendred Tributary, viz. Vallachia, Molda­via and Transylvania, formerly the Country of the Dacae. So that if he could have got Vienna for a place of Arms, he would have inclosed by a double Crescent Italy on one side, and Poland on the other. He had sufficiently discovered his design to conquer Vienna by taking Neuhausel, and afterwards attempting Raab, which commands both the Banks of the Danube, and is within eigh­teen hours March of Vienna. The Marquis de St. Andre Montbrun, had perceiv'd his design in regard of Italy, when after the taking of Candie, which he had defended so long, and with so much bravery, he wrote into France, That the Grand [Page 41] Visir Kuproli had opened a Way to Rome, and by what he knew of that Ottoman Generals humour, he doubted not but he had a design to turn St. Peters Church into the Grand Seniors Stables; but the death of the said Visir defeated all those designs. This Visir was born in a Village of Illyria, called Kuprocu, whence his Family took the name of Kuprioli, so that he was not the Son of a French Renegado, as some have falsly given out. His Fa­ther Mehemet Kuproli was likewise Prime Visir, one of the Greatest Men that ever fill'd that Post, and executed that Charge with as much success and capacity as ever his Son did, who succeeded him in the Ministry, and which is look'd upon as a Prodigy that two Grand Visirs should have died in their Beds, and succeeded one another. He left a Brother behind him, as great a Man as himself, and more learned, whom he consulted in all his Enterprizes. He lived obscurely as Governour of Chio, but in 1689. the new Sultan Solyman brought him from thence, and advanc'd him to the supream Government of the State which his Father and Elder Brother had enjoy'd. But I return to my Story.

Kara Mustapha Pacha willing to follow the Plan, laid down by his Predecessor, resolv'd on the Siege of Vienna, to raise the Glory of his Ma­ster and himself above that of the Grand Solyman, otherwise called the Magnificent, who fail'd of taking that place, because of his not daring to Risk his Fortune against that of the Emperour Charles V. who came to Relieve it with an Army of 80000 Men. Besides this thought his Vain Ambition inspired him with another, which as se­veral Turks inform'd me, was to out-rival Louis le Grand, to conquer Germany▪ and France, and make himself Emperour of the French, and those Visions of his were known in the Divan and Army.

[Page 42] Such a Vast Design required Extraordinary Pre­parations, which the Visir work'd on for seven or eight years with wonderful application, so that there never was seen such a vast deal of Money, Ammunition, Artillery and Equipage as he amass'd. He thought to have taken Vienna immediately, as he did Tcherryn, being mightily possessed with an Opinion of his own Valour, and a contempt of the Germans, whose Valour he measur'd by that of the Muscovites, and therefore had provided all necessaries for revictualling the place forthwith, thinking to make it the place of his Residence, and therefore he had a Magazin and Arsenal kept apart in his Camp to be thrown into the City af­ter its being reduc'd. We must not deny the Visir the Justice that is due to him concerning this de­sign, and the putting it in Execution since this vast thought was conducted with so much abi­lity, care and prudence to the very Bastions of Vienna. Never was there a bolder Enterprize than this, which the Hand of the Lord only did frustrate; Nothing was ever more fine than the Preparations he made for it; Nothing more glorious than his first success, so that no General could carry on any thing further by his own Ability had Foresight, the rest is in the hands of the Lord of Hosts, who scatters them with his Breath, as he did here this Army of Infidels.

Besides those Great Precautions Kara Mustapha was not wanting in those Excellent Qualities which make a Complete General. He had Valour, Ele­vation and Capacity, but with those an unconcei­vable Boldness and Presumption, supported by his Riches, and the favour of the Sultan his Son-in-Law, which Character he maintain'd with all the Grandeur, Expence, Pride and Splendor imaginable. His Equipage, his House, his Furniture equall'd the Magnificence of Kings, and surpassed that of the [Page 43] greatest of other Princes. That which I saw of it in the Army was surprizing, his Waggons for car­rying what belonged to his Chamber were painted and gilt. His Turkish Coffers, which are ordinari­ly of Ozier, and covered with Leather, were covered with Crimson Velvet; his Pavillions, his Tapestry, his Moveables discover'd so much Pride and Pomp, as makes what the Romans said of the Antient Kings of Persia credible. And as to these things design'd for his own use, never was there any thing seen more beautiful, delicate, handsome, gal­lant and rich▪ especially in his Armour, Scymiters, Anchars or Daggers, Quivers, Bow-cases, Saddles, Housses, Harness for his Horses; but still more in things prepar'd for his own Body, as Girdles, Vests, Turbans, which were so covered with Jewels, that nothing else was to be seen. He had 150 Valets de Chamber, who had nothing else to do, but every one of them to take care of one piece of his At­tire, as three of them inform'd us who were taken in the Camp before Vienna after he fled. To look upon this surprizing Treasure of Riches and Mag­nificent Equipage, one would think that this Gene­ral came rather to a Triumph than Battle, and so much the more that there, was found in his Cof­fers, abundance of rich Standards of Cloth of Gold design'd for a Triumphal Pomp, and some Cere­mony of Establishing a Mosque, but the King of Poland Consecrated 'em in diverse Churches to the Glory of the God of Hosts, as that of St. Peter at Rome, Loretto, and diverse Churches of his own Kingdom.

I shall only add, to compleat the Visirs Character, that he was a handsome Man, tho' of a swarthy black Complexion, like those of certain remote Provinces in Asia, as is signified by his Name Kara, which in the Turkish, is as much as to say Black. There are diverse persons of this Colour at the [Page 44] Sultans Court; Mahomet IV. himself is so, as was the Caimacan, and the Visir of Buda, the Visirs in­timate Friend, who was preferr'd to that Post by his means instead of another who was a Man of sense, and disswaded the Port from undertaking the Siege of Vienna, for which sage Advice he was rewarded with the Loss of his Head.

The Fame of the Great Preparations of the Ot­toman Court spread abroad insensibly; the King of Poland at the same time bethought himself of Preparations. The Diet of Grodno having left the disposition of the Affair to him, he sent Ambassa­dors into diverse Courts of Europe, but the Cabals amongst them for driving on their private Inte­rests, made all the good designs of that Prince to miscarry. The Convocation of 1681. terminated in vain disputes. The Diet of 1681. was broke by the Elector of Brandenburgs Intrigues, so that eve­ry thing was suspended in that Country by the misunderstanding there was amongst the Members of the Republick.

The Muscovites on the contrary thought of nothing but Peace. The Czar sent one to Constan­tinople to treat of it, and at the same time, that he might have two Strings to his Bow, according to the vulgar saying, he sent an Ambassador to the Convocation at Warsaw in 1680. to propose a League against the Turks, that so by threatning the Port with that Alliance, he might obtain the better Conditions, or assure himself of the As­sistance of the Republick in case the Treaty with the Turks came to break off. But having succeeded in their design at Constantinople, they recall'd their Ambassador from Warsaw, and the following year, viz. July 1681. the King of Poland sent an Em­bassy into Persia to represent to the Sophi, the Advantages he might reap in that conjuncture, if he would declare against the Sultan, who being [Page 45] taken up with his Vast Design against the Chri­stians, could not be in a condition to dispute the Conquest of Babylon with him, which was taken from his Predecessors by Amurat; but the Sophi would not listen to those Overtures, preferring the Interest of his Religion to the Aggrandizing of his Empire, tho' the Turks themselves look upon the Persians as Infidels, because they follow Alis Inter­pretation of the Alcoran. Yet on this occasion he would manifest to the Turks, that tho' he err'd according to them in point of Discipline, he fol­low'd their Essential Opinions, and was acted by the true Spirit of Mahometism, in sacrificing the par­ticular Interests of his Glory to their common Sect. Thus Count Siry the Polish Ambassador return'd without having been able to engage the Sophi by the Natural Motives of Ambition or Grandeur, he lov'd his Repose and Pleasures cover'd over with the pretext of Conscience, better than the Con­quest of Babylon his Antient Patrimony, and its pro­bable he also inform'd the Sultan of it, to assure him against all fears of any such diversion.

The Court of Vienna being more allarm'd than the rest of Christendom, labour'd with all possible Application to cover themselves from the Storm with which they were menaced. Count Teckleys Progress in Upper Hungary seem'd to prepare the Grand Seniors path, so that the Imperial Ministers endeavour'd all they could to lay some Obstacles in his way. They prevail'd in Transylvania, where Prince Michael Albaffi abandon'd the Rebels by degrees; they also engaged the King of Poland on the Emperors side, and in the mean time until they could pry further into the Designs of the Turks, the Court of Vienna maintain'd the War against Count Teckley with as much Vigour as they could. General Caprara wandred up and down in Hungary, without being able to save the Provinces, the Hun­garian [Page 46] Count taking Places of importance there every day in spight of him. The Grand Visir well knowing the importance of the Counts Progress, which made his so much the easier, neglected no­thing to fortifie the Malecontents, sent them Troops instead of the Transylvanians who had withdrawn, and had a mind to have deposed Abaffi, for which end he was summon'd to the Port; but suspecting the reason, he avoided the Snare by temporizing, and paying his Money instead of going in Person. The Grand Visir had a mind to Invest Count Teck­ley with that Province, until such time as he could bestow on him the Kingdom of Hungary, of which he enjoyed part already, with the Title of Prince. He was at the same time declared the Son of the Port. He had an Army assign'd him with three Pachas to act towards Presburg on one side of the Danube, whilst the Grand Visir was to act with the other towards Vienna in Austria and Bohemia; one part of his Vast Design being to march directly to Prague after the taking of Vienna, as the Turks in­form'd me during my Captivity.

Matters being thus stated, the Emperor in the beginning of 1683. sent Count Albert Caprara to Constantinople, to endeavour to renew the Alli­ance betwixt the two Empires, by renewing the Truce concluded [...]fter the Battle of Raab, some years of which were still unexpir'd, and by this means to discover the Intentions of the Sultan, & the State of his Forces and Affairs. But the Grand Senior was so far from listening to Count Caprara, that instead of renewing the Truce, he prepar'd to break it before the Term was expir'd, and it was publish'd to the World, that the Grand Senior had wrote an Answer to the Emperor in threatning and execrable Terms, the Punishment of which was not long deferr'd, since that same City of Vienna, in which it is said he threatned to exter­minate [Page 47] him in spigbt of his Crucified God, was the Rock on which his Power was shipwreck'd, and gave the first Mortal Blow to the Ottoman Empire, by the terrible Arm of that same God, who overturns the Cedars of Lebanon as the least Shrub in the Vallys.

The Court of Vienna had no Recourse to any but to the King of Poland, and he after conclud­ing the League, labour'd with all possible dili­gence to raise the Army that the Republick had resolved to pay, he gave out Commissions to the Collonels, and sent into Ukrania to raise Cossaes with the Money he had from the Pope, that Prince relying much upon this People, because of the Antient Valour of the Infantry of their Nation. I have heard him a hundred times cry out upon the slowness of those Troops, for not coming up in time, he did all he could to hasten their Levies, and recommended it to the Queen at parting, to hasten their March all she could, as if the safety of Vienna had solely depended upon the presence of the Cossacs. The King of Poland open'd his own Coffers, a thing which his own Family could ne­ver hope for at his hands, and which Strangers never expected, It is certain that all that pass'd in those Preparations of War, was a true Miracle in regard of that Country, where the Execution is slower than the Resolves. The Emperors Ministers acted also on their part, and gave out the Sums promised to hasten the Army; every one discover'd their carefulness in this matter, yet Poland could never get together 18000 Men. Lithuania did very little better; their Generals could scarcely as­semble 6000 Horse, Dragoons, or Gens d'Arms, nor did they artive in Hungary till the latter end of October; but to say the truth, never was there any thing so fine, nor well equipped, as all those Troops both of th'one and t'other Nation.

The Court, after the Diet of 1683. retir'd to [Page 48] Villaneuf, where the Queen was brought to bed of a Prince about the end of June, which was taken for a happy presage of the prosperity of the Royal Family. The King made an end of his Consults there, and sent his secret Spies into the Enemies Country to learn their Motions, and ob­serve their Marches. He sent into Transylvania, whose Prince Michael Abaffy before-mentioned, not being able to dispence with following the Grand Visir, did nevertheless entertain a strict Correspon­dence with His Majesty, and never fail'd neither in Fidelity or Exactness, writing to him Regularly ev'n by Express from the Camp before Vienna; informing him of their Attaques, Losses and Ad­vantages by way of Journal, and all in as good and pure Latin as any that was wrote in the time of Augustus. I saw all those Dispatches, and should have publish'd them here in particular, if His Majesty would have consented to the pub­lishing those Memoirs which are so much for his Glory; but he hath no itch after that Fame and Renown which Men are so fond of elsewhere.

Count Teckley entertain'd also a Correspon­dence with His Majesty, but with more reserved­ness, it not being his Interest to favour the League, or the Germans his Mortal Enemies, tho' it was to keep in with the King of Poland, that he might be a support to him, and Moderator for him, in case the Turks receiv'd any considerable Check, besides the Interest he had to preserve his Estate on the Polish Frontiers, and to secure his Lady, who was shut up in the Mongatz, a strong Fortress in his Patrimony scituated in the Mountains near Sco­lia; it being moreover plain, that it was not In­clination, but Policy that obliged him to serve the Turks. The King of Poland sent a secret Mini­ster in August 1683. to reside near his person, and to entertain this Correspondence with mutual pro­mises, [Page 49] that the King should not attack Hungary towards his Frontiers, and that Count Teckley should not come near Cracow, where he might have seized the Court after the March of the Poles. The Person thus imployed was one Ghiza, a Polish Gentleman, formerly a Pensioner of France. He was much addicted to the King's Service, a Man of Intrigue of a good Wit, a reserved Humour, and fit for the Negotiations of that Country. He had besides some influence on Count Teckley, having been acquainted with him at the University, and in effect he confirmed him in the King of Poland's Interest.

He found with the Count a French Gentleman, call'd the Count de Forval, who had obtained great Credit in his Court, by the Natural Sympa­thy and Agreement there was betwixt his and Teckley's Manners and Temper, being a lively sprightful pleasant Man, Learned for a Person of Quality, well acquainted with the World, could Carrouze without being drunk, and was very Com­plaisant in pursuit of his Pleasures, even to the ruine of his Health. He came into Poland with the Marquis de Bethune, Ambassador of France in 1675. and was sent from thence on the King of France's Account to Teckley, whose Friendship he knew how to acquire. After having served as a Colonel in the Auxiliary Troops, with which the Count's Army was reinforced, he resided with him as a Minister, and had so far gained upon him by his Wit and Conversation, that Teckley was willing to retain him in his Court, by Marrying him with a Countess, one of the Richest Heiresses in Hun­gary.

The Count de Forval, before the Irruption of the Turks, having returned to France, obtained leave of the King to go and serve Count Teckley, and went to him by way of Venice, thro' Bosnia [Page 50] and arriving at Belgrade, Ghiza and he were much surprized to meet one another there, having been well acquainted before, when both imployed in the French Service in Poland.

During all this Management the Grand Visier assembled his Army at Belgrade, and the Duke of Lorrain assembled the Emperor's near Comora and Raab. He was joined by the Polish Troops in the Emperor's Pay, commanded by the Chevalier Prince Lubomirski, who had treated with them for three Regiments. The Duke advanced afterwards to the other side of the Danube, where he formed the Siege of Newhausel, an important Place, the furthest advanced of any belonging to the Turks, about 8 Hungarian Leagues from Presburg, that is to say 12 Hours March at least▪ situated in a vast Plain, Part of which is Marshy, and Part of it full of Ditches, and hollow Ways, but all of it open and cultivated: It is bounded on one side by an Arm of the Danube, to which another great River joins called Waag, and on the other it has a pleasant Edge of little Hills, and altogether form a charming Lantskip with considerable Towns, frequent Villages, and generally a fruitful Soil. The Town is small, formerly built of Brick, with with large Streets, pav'd in the Hungarian Man­ner, that is to say, with Borders raised like a Casway, with 6 Foot of Earth. It had stately Churches, very Lofty Monastries and Conside­rable Pallaces, amongst others that of the Bishop of Nitra, Spiritual Lord of Neuhausel, upon which are still to be seen the Arms of the Bi­shops that built or repaired it. At present all those Houses are in Ruines, where the Turks have formed 'emselves Habitations, without restoring the Buildings, to which they have added other Houses made of Earth and Wood, according to the Cu­stom of that Nation, who never repair any thing [Page 51] that they acquire. They have turned the Churches into Mosques, the Palaces into Lodgings for their Bassas, and others of the first Rank. The Con­vents were given to the Soldiers of the Garison, the rest is inhabited by Merchants and Tradesmen of their own Nation and Way, for after Ahmet Kuproli the Son took it, not so much as one Chri­stian staid in the Town, but all of them retired elsewhere.

The Town is regularly fortified with 6 Royal Bastions, according to the Modern Way, faced with Brick, well terrassed, with a great Parapet of Turf, betwixt which and the Wall there is a very large Way. The Top of the Platform is also very large. Each Bastion hath a spacious Cavalier capable of containing 500 Men, the Streets of the Place end at the Avenues, and the whole Circumference is very Easy and Commodi­ous for giving Mutual Assistance to one another. It hath only two Gates; they are well vaulted, but have neither Ravelin nor Half-Moon, this being only the Body of a Fortification, which the Turks never suffered to be compleated. Nay, the Ditches are not all throwly dug, and beyond 'em there is the Draught of a Counterscarp, which shews the Ingineers design, so that all the Out­works remain about the Height of a Man, and the Place hath no other Defence, but an Inunda­tion, which fills the Ground designed for Ditches, and leaves a little Space at the Foot of the Walls in form of a Fausse Braye. This City had a little Suburb going to the Gate that looks towards Co­morra, beyond the little River Nitra, with a sorry wooden Bridge after the Polish Manner, which is not Unuseful to cover this Front, tho' it be the easiest Part of the Town to attack by drawing the Water from the Ditches, and convey­ing it away by the River.

[Page 52] As for the rest, the City is encompassed with marshy Medows, through which there lie Cause-ways, shaded with Trees, and admirable Gardens, from whence, as also from the River Nitra, the Turks had great Relief, there being no Water in the Place. It was furnished with Cannon, Arms, Powder and Provisions for 2000 Foot and 800 Horse, the usual Garison, and defended by two Pachas, the one being Governour called Aly, and the other his Deputy called Mustapha: The former was about 60 Years of Age, of a good Aspect, with a venerable, large, grey Beard, and of more than a middling Stature, of a melancholy Air, lean Face, of a Carriage genteel enough, but Ignorant to a Progidy, a great Hater of the Chri­stians, and full of the foolish Vanity of the Turks, who have a mighty Conceit of their own Nati­on and Power. The other, on the contrary, was a young Man of a good Countenanco, fair Com­plexion, pleasant Look, full Face, of a cold but easie Access, a Noble Mien, and about 40 Years of Age. The Turks call this City Oiiy-War, a Hungarian Word for Bishops-Castle. After 'twas taken by the Grand Visier Kuproli, it was agreed, that the Christians might build another City in lieu of it in the same Country; whereupon they ere­cted Leopoldstat, within 6 Leagues of it fortified much in the same Manner.

The Duke of Lorrain had scarce begun his Ap­proaches before Newhausel, till he heard of the March of the Infidels. But the Court of Vienna whom he informed of it, being prepossessed with contrary News, ordered him to continue the Siege, since the Grand Visier was still at Belgrade. He obeyed, and very narrowly escaped being swallowed up by the Ottoman Army, having had much dif­ficulty to retire his own, and to throw them spee­dily into the Isle of Comorra, commonly so call'd from the famous Fortress at the oint of it, but [Page 53] properly called the Grand Schit, or Schut, by which he sav'd the Empire. That we may the better understand the Importance of this Step, I must inform you, that the Isle of Schit, is one of the finest in any River of Europe, begins near Presburg, and lies along for the space of 10 Hun­garian Leagues. On the Point opposite to the Tur­kish Couutry; as you go down the River, there's a little City formerly walled, and still a good Town, called Comorra, covered with a Cittadel, that is looked upon as Impregnable, and a Master-Piece of the Art Military, both in regard of its Scitua­tion betwixt two large Arms of the Danube, which wash its Flanks and join together at the Point of its Bastions, and in regard of its Fortifications and Works. It hath one called Couronné in Mathe­matical Terms, whose Extent, Regularity and Outworks are certainly comparable to the finest of that kind, as is also the Esplanade which sepa­rates it from the City, but the Body of the Place, is nothing answerable. 'Tis an Irregular Penta­gon, because in order to possess all the Ground of the Point, they were forced to contract the For­tification towards the end, where there are little Bastions and narrow Curtains; but that Part is well enough defended by the two Arms of the Danube, and the height of the Ramparts. But towards the City the Works have their full Ex­tent, the Ditches, Half Moon, space betwixt the Glacis, and the Crowned Work answer very well to the rest, but those who are versed in Fortifi­cations, think the Defences too near, the Walls too high, and the Flanks ill defended. I observed one Irregularity here, which is a great eye-sore, viz. That the Gate opens in the Corner of the Curtain, almost touching the Bastion on the Right, and looks more like a Postern, than the Gate of a Cittadel. It's also very strait within, and the [Page 54] Lodgings crowded too near together, which would be hurtful to the Garrison, if it were bombarded, but three Days in the French Manner, but as for the rest, every thing there is very Magnificent, and well covered, so that the Place being well entertained might pass for one of the best of the kind. The Emperor has always two Governours in this Place, the one a German and the other an Hungarian according to the Priviledges of that Kingdom, as at Raab and other principal Places.

The Isle of Schit hath some other Towns that were formerly considerable, and well peopled, but at present little frequented: There's abundance of large Villages in it, and the whole is extraordinary fruitful. It is one of the best Parts of the King­dom of Hungary, and a Canton of an enchanted Country, both in respect of its Beauty and Fer­tilty. 'Tis above 20 Leagues in Circumference, and in some Places above 8 in Breadth, so that I look upon it to be larger than Malta. Beyond the Danube on both sides, there is such a Country as cannot be expressed, boundless Plains watered with other great Rivers that come to enlarge this on the Right and Left, such is the Raab, upon which is settled the Town of that Name, call'd otherwise Javarin, near which there's another Island called Little Schit, by the side of the great one; and the Nitra, which passes by Newhausel, and about 6 Leagues higher washes, a Town called by its Name, besides some others no less Consi­derable.

'Twas into this Island the Duke of Lorrain threw his Army on the approach of that of the Turks, to secure this fine Country and the Citta­del, and to cover his Troops from the Enemy, without which prudent Foresight that prevented the Grand Visier, the Infidels had certainly seized it on their arrival. They marched up the Danube [Page 55] upon the Bank on the Right, having left on the o­ther side a great Body of Troops, under three Pa­chas, to augment the Hungarian Army, whose General had Order to possess himself of Presburg, that they might be Masters of both sides the River, & to hinder the Conjunction of the Germans and Poles, and block up the Way of the latter to Vienna. It is also said, that Count Teckley, when he had seised Presburg, was to have made him­self be crowned King of Hungary there, with the same Ensigns of Royalty that their former Kings used to be crowned with: but this is only a Con­jecture, without Foundation.

Whilst this Army marches towards the Coun­try assigned them, the Grand Visier advances to­wards Raab, with a Design to build Bridges over the River of that Name, that he might pass to Vienna. He held, as the Pachas of Newhausel in­formed me, a General Council upon this Great Affair, and against the Opinion of all those who assisted at it, would undertake the Siege of that Capital City, without amusing himself with lit­tle Expeditions. The Visir of Buda represented to him vigorously, the Difficulties of that Enterprize, foretold him his bad Success, and laid him un­der a Necessity of taking the Event of the thing upon himself, which did so much vex the Otto­man General, that after his Misfortune he threw the Blame upon the said Visier of Buda and the Tartar Han, made the Head of the former to be cut off, and the latter to be degraded. Upon which those Pachas bewailing the Misfortune of their Nation, sighed for the loss of the Great Kuproli, and blessed his Memory, remembring with what docibility he asked the Opinion of old Captains on the least Occasion: Whereas Kara Mustapha his Successor, believed there was none better than his own.

[Page 56] He advanced, in fine, as far the Town of Raab, which he made as if he would besiege, and took his Posts round it, the better to amuse the Duke of Lorrain, and that he might with more ease surprize the Place, which he had only in his view. Raab, Yavarin or Javarin, is one of the best Towns of that Country, built in the same Form, and of the same Size with Newhausel, as to the Town, but of a prodigous Extent, as to the Fortifications, heaped one above another, all good Pieces of Turf, and the Outworks admirable, but not fac'd. 'Tis scituated near that Branch of the Danube, which forms the little Isle of Schit, and hath be­fore its Walls the River of Raab, which falls there into the Danube; so that it may be repre­sented as in the Point of a Pennisula, betwixt those two Canals. It hath two Governours, as the Cittadel of Comorra, and a very considerable Bishop­rick, possessed by the Cardinal de Kolonitz.

The Grand Visier encamped round it, as if he would have besieged it, and continued there seven whole Days, during which he made three Bridges to be laid over the River Raab, on the other side of the City, about a quarter of a League above, without Cannon shot of the Town, which he hid from the besieged, by seising himself of the Posts on the Neighbouring Hills, that surround it, so that he missed very little of surprizing Vienna unprovided, the Duke of Lorrain not having per­ceived that Design t [...] very late, and the Emperor, who continued there without any manner of Sus­picion, had scarce so much time left as to go out of it: Nay further, the Tartars who were com­manded to go and and invest it, found the People quietly reaping their Harvest in the Fields, within three or four Miles of Vienna, and Gentlemen and Women travelling thro' the Country, as if the Turks had been still at Belgrade▪ Of those [Page 57] unhappy People surprized on the Roads, I have seen a great Number, and amongst others Col- Rosemberg's Lady, who was carried to Boudziac, and ransomed two Years after, from whom I knew this Circumstance in Poland, whither she was conducted.

The Grand Visier passed the Raab unexpectedly, as soon as his Bridges were finished, and marched with great Diligence. The Duke of Lorrain got before him however, with the same Celerity a­cross the Isle of Comorra, and threw all his In­fantry commanded by Count Staremberg, into the Island of Leopoldstadt opposite to Vienna; and, in fine, marched them opportunely into the Town with the General, by the favour of those Islands through which he conducted them; so that the Turks could never cut off their March. He con­tinued with the Cavalry some Days in Leopoldstat, but fearing to be shut up there, if Count Teckley advanced on the other side of the River and entred Austria, by the River Morave: He thought best to retire from that Place, where he might be starved, or taken without striking one Blow, being locked up betwixt two Rivers and two Armies. Thus he secured Vienna by his first March, and by his next March he sav'd the Remainder of the Army, marching out of the Island by the great Bridge, to which he set Fire, as soon as he passed it. His foresight herein was admirable, for scarce had he reached the other side of the Danube, when the Tartars sent to invest Vienna, entred that same Island by the small Branch of the River, which runs along by the Walls of the Town, and was at that time fordable. They were followed by a Body of Infantry, who marched straight to the Bridge that the Duke had caused to be burnt, and whilst he put that Great Exploit in Execution in view of the Enemy, the Janisaries made a terri­ble [Page 58] Fire upon him with their Musquets of an ex­traordinary Size, and entrenched themselves upon the Bank of the River in the Island, as having a design to rebuild the Bridge, and indeed that was the Grand Visier's Design, to the end he might have an Entrance into Austria on that side, and a Communication with Teckley and Hungary, and that the Tartars by their Incursions into Moravia and Silesia might stay the Poles in their own Domi­nions, and lay the Country under Contribution, as far as Cracovia. Every thing seemed to favour this Design, every thing was for them on the Way, they had no River to pass, being once over the Danube, they had no Towns to take, no Moun­tains to pass, no Forrests to march thro', and plen­ty of Provisions every where in the Country, which they might have carried to the Camp be­fore Vienna.

All these Circumstances set off the Duke of Lor­rain's Conduct in this March, with the greater Lustre, he having by those Motions, saved both Vienna and the Empire. The remaining part of his Conduct was answerable, for in the following Part of this Campagne, we shall find him put a stop to the Enemies Projects, in two or three impor­tant Rencounters, the success of which would have stoped the Passage of the Supplies. We come now to see what happened upon the arrival of the Tar­tars before the City.

The Grand Visier marched them with so much diligence, that they appeared before the Town at the very same Moment that the Emperor and Em­press went out at an opposite Gate, to make their Escape to Lintz, without having time to carry either Money or Jewels with them. Most of the Lords of the Court left their Equipages behind them. The Marquis de Seppeville, Envoy of France, could not carry off his, and his Gentle­man [Page 59] of the Horse, staid willingly behind to take Care of it.—He was a Man of Valour, proud of the Opportunity of being in a Siege of that Importance, but was killed in a Salley. The Bishop of Gratz buried 400000 Crowns there, that he could not carry off. All those Circum­stances which appeared so afflicting at first, were yet the true Cause of the Visier's not taking the Town, and that too from the same Motives that should seem to have made him hasten it. He was informed of the Riches shut up within the City, and fearing to lose them during the Pillage, if his Army took it by Assault, he moderated their Ef­forts, and slackened their Attacks to oblige the Town to come to a Capitulation, with which all the Officers upbraided him, for by this means he gave the King of Poland time to arrive, where­as had he staid but three Days longer he had come too late.

The Court being gone out of the City, the Gates were shut, Cavalry was posted in the Ditch, and Skirmishers were detached to dislodge the Platoons of the Turks that had posted themselves on the little Heights about the Town, so that several lit­tle Fights happened at the beginning in sight both of the Army and City, which wanted not their own use to confirm the Garrisons Courage, and to accustom them to the Turbans and Scimiters. But at last that innumerable Multitude of Troops, having posted themselves about the Town, and in­closed it in form of a Crescent, beginning from the Bank of the Danube, which the Turks had on their Right, and extending as far as the Mountains on the Left. The German Cavalry posted them­selves on the Counterscarp and in the Ditch, and in the mean time the Tartars ravaged all the Coun­try for Forage, and extended 'emselves more than 15 Leagues above Vienna towards Bavaria, which [Page 60] obliged the Emperour, who thought himself not safe enough at Lintz, where he just arrived time enough to avoid being taken, to retire to Passaw. The Particulars of this Flight are very afflicting. The Court lay the first Night in a Wood, where the Empress being six Months gone with Child, could scarce have a little Straw to repose her self upon. I have seen a Relation of it wrote by the Nuncio Bonvisi to the Nuncio Pallavicini in Poland, which contained many such Circum­stances.

For the better understanding of what I have al­ready said, and am further to say concerning this famous Expedition. It is necessary to lay down a Plan of Vienna, and of the Turkish Camp and Army. The City of Vienna being the Capital of Austria, is scituated on an unequal Plain, being cut with Rising Grounds, hollow Ways, and lit­tle Heights, watered by the River of Wien, which gives Name to the City, runs within 100 Paces of the Counterscarp, and nearer in some Places, betwixt the Glacis of the Counterscarp, and a Suburb, into which we enter by two Stone-Bridges of very little use during the Summer, when that River is almost dry. Behind that Plain towards Upper Austria, there rises a Chain of high Mountains, which begin at the Danube, and extend thewselves towards Styria and Tirol, ser­ving as a sort of Rampart and Barrier to the Town, which is covered by them. Those Mountains de­scend by Stages, like an Amphitheatre, to the very Avenues of the Suburbs, being a vast Quantity of little Hills rough and Stony, deep Pools occasioned betwixt them by Rain, the Ascent of them steep, and the Heights rugged. There's abundance of Villages amongst them, and concealed Houses in the Bottoms, and all round a vast Plantation of Vines, which fills the Body of the Amphitheatre. [Page 61] Upon the highest part of the Mountains, where the Chain begins over the Danube, there are two solid Buildings, each of them scituated upon a steep Hill, and separated by a Valley. The one is a ruinous Castle, call'd Callenberg, and the other a Chappel, dedicated to St. Leopold, from which to the Suburbs of the City, there's a large half German League of descent a cross, those lower Hill, and above a League to the Glacis of the Counterscarp. The Danube washes one side of all this Ground, and before the City forms diverse Islands, by the several Streams, which it throws out to the Right and the Left, the least and shal­lowest of which touches the Walls at one end of the City, where there is no other Ditch, only the Body of the Place, and a very high Wall, which covers the Entrance of the City, with a Street betwixt both, the Canal of the River over which there's a fine Bridge, serving instead of a Ditch at that Point. The two other Arms which are the largest, have each of them a Bridge, of very good Workmanship for Timber, and massy, such as the Depth and Rapidity of the Danube requires. Betwixt those Canals there are several small ones, which cut the Islands, but don't properly make di­stinct Arms, being only Streams that proceed from the Inundations of the River. The first of those Islands, and the nearest to the City, is a second Town, as we may call it, the whole Place being full of Country-houses, Palaces, Gardens, great Walks of Trees, as those of the Cours le Reins, In­closures, Thickets, Malls, and other things that conduce to the Ornament of a Capital City: The whole being inclosed like a Park, with high Pal­lissadoes of curious Workmanship. This is that they call Leopolstadt. From hence we enter the City by a little Bridge, and a great Suburb beyond it, that joins to the Houses of the Island; in [Page 62] which the Empress some few Years before had caused a Palace to be built, call'd the New Favo­rita, which was the principal Beauty of the Island, though, to speak freely, all those Houses, Palaces and Gardens have little Magnificence or Grandeur in them, but the Place of it self is very much a­dorned by Nature. The other Island beyond it, betwixt the two great Branches of the River, is greater than Leopoldstadt, but without Houses, be­ing only adorned with Walks of Trees and Thic­kets: 'Tis called Tabor, and communicates with the First, by a large Bridge, as it does with the Terra Firma upon the Austrian-shore by one yet larger. This Canal is properly the great Stream of the Danube. At the Head of this last Bridge, there's a little Fort upon the Bank of the River, built only with Turf and Pallissados, which was useful to the Duke of Lorrain, favoured his Re­treat, and covered those that sustained the Party commanded to destroy the Bridge. In all the Let­ters which that Prince wrote to the King of Po­land about his Retreat, of all those Islands, he men­tions only the Tabor, as if he had confounded it with that of Leopoldstadt, but it is certain that he possessed himself of the latter immediately, from whence his Infantry marched to Vienna, and into which the Tartars and Janissaries entred upon their arrival; so that it was not possible for him to burn the Bridge, which joins with those two Islands. Yet he left Coll. Greben there to defend it till he marched his Troops over the Tabor, and gained the other Bridge of the Great Canal: But the Tartars seized it, defeated the Detachment and took or killed Col. Greben, who was never after­wards heard of. Then they run to the other, of which the Duke of Lorrain had time to burn part, and by that means saved the Remainder of the Im­perial Army. Those Bridges are now rebuilt, but [Page 63] to me they don't seem to be in the same Place, and the Road across those Islands appears to be changed.

The City is encompassed with large Suburbs, which at that time extended very near the Glacis, and to which the Imperialists had begun to set fire to satifie, in some measure, the King of Poland, and to shew some deference to his Advice, for the Emperor thought there was no need of it; so that they left in effect the Walls of the Houses and the Terrasses of the Gardens, which the Turks made use of to place their Batteries upon, and to make their Approaches; so that under the Shelter of those Ruines they advanced their Trenches with­in 60 Paces of the Counterscarp, the first Night that they opened them, which was the 13th of July, 1683. This fatal Experience hath since oc­casioned them to remove the Suburbs at a greater distance, when they began to rebuild them after the Siege. As to the Fortifications some of them are strong and others weak. There are 12 Royal Bastions, faced with Brick, with Cavaliers, Ra­velins, Half-Moons, and fine Gates, all fac'd with Bricks, as the Bastions, and adorn'd with Wreaths of hewn Stone. The Ditch is large and deep, part of of it dry and part full of Water. The Counter­scarp is very sorry, ill pallissadod, nor did I see any thing that deserved to be called a Covert-Way, or any detached Works beyond it. The side on which the Town was attack'd, hath two indifferent Ba­stions, a Ravelin before the Courtin betwixt both, the whole covered with Brick, with a Cavalier or Platform for Guns, and a large Ditch, but so lit­tle Ground within, and so little space betwixt the Rampart and the Houses, that there could be no Retrenchment made on it; particularly the Bastion of the Court, the Emperor's Palace, joining close to it, and the Platform of it serving instead of a [Page 64] Terrasse for the Appartments; so that when the Turks were lodg'd at the Point of it. The Count de Staremberg could not make any more than one Retrenchment, and told the King of Poland when he shewed him the Breaches, that he could not have held out above three Days longer, notwith­standing certain Barricadoes he had made at the entrance of the Bastion, and of the Streets which run into it; but I am of Opinion, as were all those who saw the Disposition of the Ground, that it might have bin carried in 24 Hours. If the Grand Visier, had not despised our Supplies, been less in­tent upon the spoil of the Town, and on the Evening before the Battle attack'd the weak Re­trenchment of the Garrison, for all Ingineers agree, that he began the Siege like an able Cap­tain, and one that was well informed of the weak Places of the Town, and that there is no other Place for carrying on of Trenches, but those of the two Bastions attack'd by the Turks, called the Bastions of the Lyon, and of the Court.

This was the Condition of the Place without, that within was not ill, there being great Stores of Provisions and Ammunition, abundance of Artil­lery, the Citizens resolved on a long Resistance, and vigorously to endure the fatigues of the Siege. There was a numerous Garison, for Count Staremberg brought thither above 1000 Men, and was also seconded by Count Caplier, Commissary General of the Provisions, who defended the Place longer than the other, that fell sick of a Dysen­terie during the Siege. But notwithstanding all this the Duke of Lorrain was very much afraid of the Town, and amongst other Reasons he wrote to the King of Poland at the beginning of the Siege, he acquainted him, That Vienna, though well for­tified with Bastions, ought to be looked upon to be more a Courtly than a Warlike City, as being de­fective [Page 65] in Works, and a regular Counterscarp, that which they had not being large enough in several Places.

It must be owned also, That it was very ill de­fended, and as feebly attacked, since the Turks having advanced the first Night within 60 Paces of the Ditch, were notwithstanding above six Weeks in passing it, though the Place was batter'd with seventy Pieces of Cannon, of which there were twenty five of a prodigious Size, and the Garison made no great Sallies, but contented them­selves to defend their Ground foot by foot in the common Manner. I saw nothing in reality in all the Letters from the Duke of Lorrain and Prince of Transylvania to the King of Poland, that took any great Notice of the Vigor of the Garifon, who undertook nothing extraordinary, but only sustain­ed the Enemies Assaults with Bravery, the Ca­valry having continued a long time in the Ditch, without making any attack, either on the Quar­ters or Trenches. The Turks on their side did not push on the Attacks with vigor, so that the City, which ought to have been in Ruins by Can­non and Bombs, was very intire, those Places ex­cepted that were directly exposed to the Batteries. I neither saw Steeples beat down, nor many Houses shattered, and much fewer burnt, which confirms the Opinion of the Pachas, that the Grand Visier spar'd, that City for his own Interest, whilst, by a quite contrary and ill understood Po­licy, he utterly ruined all the Neighbourhood, as far as from Presberg to 5 or 6 Leagues up the Danube beyond Vienna. The Tartars in effect left furious Marks of their Rage and Cruelty in those Parts for they not only depopulated those Countries, but quite destroyed all the Houses, except one Castle belonging to the Emperor, which is within a small League of Vienna, upon the great Road to Pres­burg [Page 66] where the Turks laid up their Magazins, and which the Grand Visier preserved out of Re­spect to the Memory of the Great Soliman, be­cause that Emperor, having formerly encamped upon that Ground, when he besieged the same Place. The Germans built an House there, with a Park, inclosed with Stone-Walls, flankd with little Towers, looking like Pavillions, represent­ing the Form and Disposition of the Sultans Tents, whose Quarter was built by way of a Palace or Seraglio.

Those that are versed in War could not compre­hend the Reasons of the Grand Visier, who, with­out any necessity, thus ruined a fine Country of the Conqest whereof he assured himself and de­signed to have made it his Residence: Besides that in ravaging behind him, he not only starved his own Camp, but also cut off all Possibility of Subsistance, in his retreat, in case of any Misfor­tune; whilst at the same time he spar'd the Coun­try on his left-hand towards Newstadt, and the Mountains of Styria, where the Tartars had scarcely ever touched. He had pitched his Camp from the Brinks of the Danube; which inclosed his right Wing, to the Foot of the next little Hills, where the Vineyard was, taking up a vast Tract of Ground, in Form of a Half-Moon; in­somuch that the very sight of it was formidable. The Tartars had advanced further, having passed the first Arm of the River, and possessed them­selves of the Isles over-against the Place: On the first of which there was an Attack, with a Battery of only six Pieces of Cannon, pointed along the Streets of the Suburbs, against a Bastion on the outside, which is washed by the little Stream of the Danube. This took up the width of the whole Street, and could be nothing but a false Attack, to fatigue the Garison; for its Works were incon­siderable, [Page 67] though that Arm of the River was not only fordable but very shallow in that Place. The other two Approaches were towards the middle of the Camp, full of irregular Cutts, Turnings and VVindings, after the Turkish Fashion, with frequent Places of Arms, all well covered and guarded, the Trenches being deep▪ and the Para­pets raised high; besides which, the laborious Ja­nisaries had made several Holes like Huts to se­cure themselves from the Granado's, Firepots and Bombs; as for Stones they did no hurt there. In a word, all that could be thought of for strengthen­ing a Trench, and covering a Battery was pra­ctised here. No Body ever saw such fine VVorks and Gabions, nor so many Fascines and Sacks of Earth, particularly on the Brink of the Ditch, from whence they defended the Lodgments made upon the two Bastions.

The Grand Visier had taken up his Quarters upon certain little Heights, near that renowned Pa­lace, called the Favorita, which he inclosed with­in his Park; the extent whereof was prodigious: I have heard the King compare it to the largeness of the City of VVarsaw. He had added Gardens, VVater-Courses and other Imbelishments to it, and also a sort of a Menagery; for after the Siege was raised, several Rabbets, live Pidgeons, and the Body of the finest feathered Ostridge that ever was seen, whose Head the Visier's Party had cut off as they retired, were found there. He was a Man who loved his Pleasures, and Magnificence in all things, mixing them always with a Repre­sentation of VVar. The Cares of that Siege did not debar him of his Divertisements, nor interrupt his Amours. And I know that the Mufti, who accompanied him in that famous Expedition, of­ten reproached him with his brutal Debaucheries, threatning him with the Vengeance of God, and [Page 68] Forewarning him, as by a Spirit of Prophecy, that his infamous Commerce with Boys (which the Turks as well as Christians, are forbid under very severe Penalties) would be the Cause of the ruin of the Empire, and of his ill success in that En­terprize.

He had little reason to fear it humanly speaking, for the Ottoman Empire had never assembled so vast an Army, nor so many Pioneers at once, nor gathered together such vast Quantities of Am­munition and Artillery. The Camp was an entire VVorld, as one may say. I have heard some Turks, who pretended not to exagerate when they said, That it consisted of seven hundred thousand Men, including regular Troops, Pioneers, Artificers, Do­mesticks and such as composed the Trains of the Officers.—VVhen we arrived to the top of Mount Callemberg, and first saw them, we were struck with Fear and Admiration, at the same time, which we could not avoid, at the sight of so many Men, and such great Riches, agreeable to the Grandeur and Puissance of the Grand Senior: But the terror wherewith we were seized over­came our Admiration; when the King asked one of his Gentlemen, who advanced to the top of the highest Mountain, to view them, and bring some News of them, he gave so terrible a Description of them, that the whole Army trem­bled at it; which that great Monarch seeing, and fearing lest such a Prepossession might discourage the Army, he openly derided the Gentleman's Re­lation, calling it a Coward's Vision▪ but when the Business was over, being himself amazed at his good Success, he confessed, that he had Reason to speak of it, as he had done, and that his Fear was very well grounded.

Amongst this prodigious Number of People, which I have spoke of, 'twas computed that there [Page 69] were nigh 300000 fighting Men, without inclu­ding the Tartars, and other Auxiliary Troops, as Walachians, Moldavians, Transylvanians, &c. But according to the just Relation of an Envoy from Count Teckley, who afterwards followed the King of Poland to Cracow, that Number was reduced to an hundred and sixty thousand effective Turks, whereof 22000 Men were at that time killed, (being in the Month of August.) The Grand Visier depending upon his formidable strength, marched as if it had been to a Triumph, and had carryed the Residents of the Emperor and of the King of Poland, chained as Captives, to be witnesses of the same, the former was found in that Condition, in the Camp, after the Flight of the Turks, who had forgot him there. I determine nothing about the precise Number of this prodigious Multitude of Troops, and pass over the divers Relations that have been made of this great Affair. I tell in a Historical manner what I know from the Original, recommending the Reader to judge of the thing upon two Circumstances; one of which is, that next Morning after the Battle there were remaining at ten of the Clock, twenty five thousand small Tents, after a whole Nights plunder, which began about 7 in the Evening: If the Turks put 4 Men in each Tent, as we do, 'tis easie to draw a Con­clusion from thence. The other Circumstance re­lates to the Tartars, who have no Tents; besides these a great many were scattered in the Neigh­bouring Islands, the Grand Visier had left ten thousand Men to guard his Bridges upon the Raab, to hinder the Garison of that Place from burning them; and besides all this the Sultan, who was advanced to Belgrade, to encourage the Expedition, had sent him, towards the end of the Siege, a Reinforcement of twenty thousand Men, in the [Page 70] Room of those that might be killed or dead; but they did not arrive in time.

Whilst he batters the Place with a terrible fury, Count Teckley advances through Hungary to Pres­burg, with another Body of about twenty thou­sand Men, Hungarians and Turks, the latter com­manded by three Bassas. He had brought over al­most all that Kingdom to his Party, and the ar­rival of the Grand Visier augmented the Inclinati­on which those who still adher'd to the Emperor, had for a Revolt: Thus the Town of Comorra was burnt by the Rebbels, under the favour of this Irruption; and that of Presburg opened its Gates to Count Teckley, and received a Turkish Gari­son of about three hundred Men. The Grand Visier, being informed of its Surrender, sent some Troops thither, with Orders to lay a Bridge over the Danube, to the end that the Tartars or some Turkish Cavalry might pass over the same, from his Camp before Vienna, into that other part of Austria, bordering upon Moravia, in order to shut up the Passage of the Succours expected from Poland. But the Duke of Lorrain, being infor­med of the Surrender of Presburg, and fearing what the Visier had projected as to a Bridge, he advanced in great Diligence thitherwards, with the rest of the Imperial Army, which since its March out of the Islands of Leopoldstadt and Ta­bor, moved up and down the Plains on the other side the Danube, along the Roads where the Troops of the Allies were to come. He carefully con­cealed his March, and slipt during the Darkness of the Night, into the Thickets and Vineyards above Presburg, from whence he sent some Horse by break of Day, with Orders to approach the Castle, and to see whether 'twas still in the hands of the Germans, to the end he might put some [Page 71] Troops into the same, and afterwards force the Town to return to the Obedience of the Em­peror.

Presburg, the Capital of the Kingdom of Hun­gary, Residence of the Governour General, call'd Palatin, and the Place where the States assemble, for the Election and Coronation of their Kings, was formerly a considerable City, and an Ancient Roman Colony, founded by Piso, from whence comes the Latin Denomination of Posonium, which the Turks and Hungarians have corrupted to Po­son. It has only been the Capital of the King­dom since the Turks took Buda, which before that time was the Residence of the Kings of Hungary, whose Palace is yet to be seen, at least Part of that which King Matthias caused to be built there, and called by his own Name.

Presburg is scituated upon the left-hand Branch of the Danube, inclosed within a Chain of little Hills, covered with Vineyards, and the Channel of the River, which is very broad there, and washes its Walls. Upon one of those rising Heights, near the City, is a Castle, or more pro­perly a Noblemans House, which in reality is very large, in Form of a Square, but all intire: It is covered by a Modern Fortification, with some Works at a distance upon the brow of the Hill, on that side which commands the City. The Town is only girt with a single Wall, flanked with great Towers of Stone, and a covered Ram­part sufficient to stop an Army for some Days; The Gates are very broad, but the Ditch is narrow and not very deep. 'Tis not very considerable within; there are some Fountains in it, several Churches pretty well built, some Squares, but small and huddled up, there's a great many Peo­ple in the Town, and extraordinary plenty of Pro­visions; and above all of admirable Fruit. I [Page 72] have heard the King of Poland express his won­der at this Plenty, as the Product of a fortunate Country, and of a Climate cherished by the Hea­vens, which ought not to surprize us, for he spoke without doubt in Comparison of that from whence he came, where Nature overwhelmed with Snow, produceth nothing that is delicious; though, to speak the Truth, there are few Countries in the World, better than the Kingdom of Hun­gary.

Notice being given to the Duke of Lorrain by his Men, that the Castle of Presburg held out still, he advanced thither with his Troops, and summoned the Town, which delayed its Submis­sion to the Emperor only to gain time for the Turkish Garison to march out at an opposite Gate, and to give 'em leasure to regain Count Teckley's Camp, which was pitched upon a rising Ground, about a quarter of a League be­yond it. This step broke all the Measures of the Grand Visier for building his Bridge; for which all the Materials were already got together in the Town. The Duke of Lorrain did not content himself with having retaken the Town, but went in quest of the Enemy on the other side, who boldly offered him Battel, and bore the Shock with Vigor; But at last were broke by the Impe­rialists, and pressed upon, in their Retreat, by the Polish Troops under the command of Prince Lu­bomirski who signalized themselves on this Occa­sion. The Duke of Lorrain having afterwards given necessary Orders for the Security of Pres­burg, he repassed the Morave, foarding it as he had done before when he went thither and pitch­ed his Camp at Levenstorf, in the same Plains, where he had not been long, till he saw the Enemy again. Anchar, one of Count Teck­ley's [...]eutenants, returned with a great Detach­ment [Page 73] of Hungarian Troops, and passed the Mo­rave burning wherever he came, and ravaging the finest Country in all Austria. The Duke of Lorrain being informed of this by the Spies belonging to the Polish Troops, could not refuse Prince Lubomirski, who commanded them, the Glory of Fighting those Rebels, with the Regi­ments of their own Nation only, and the said Prince having obtained leave for that purpose, led on his Men with extraordinary Vigor, and obtained an entire Victory, without giving the Enemy time to rally. The Detachment was cut to pieces, and Anchar himself was killed by a Dart, thrown by a Kettle-Drummer of the Regiment of Pancernes. This Action was much valued by the Duke of Lorrain, in whose sight it was done. He wrote a Letter about it to the King of Poland, and in the same did particular Justice to their General. Pr. Lubomirski is certainly one of the bravest Men of his Age, being all Fire, and having all the vigor that can be desired for a brisk Expedition; he de­spises Danger, is without Fear, a good Partisan, a Lover of War, but especially of Battles, desires always to be charging the Enemy, as all brave Men do, who are not answerable for the Event of an Action. The like Desire of Glory excited him to ingage in the Battle of Jurafno, in the Year 1676. where he gave marks of an extraordinary Valor, which he also had Occasion for, to make amends for the Fault he had committed by hazarding, in this Rencounter; the whole Polish Army, as like­wise the King's Person, and without a certain presence of Mind, which accompanied his Bra­very he would have found great Difficulty to dis­ingage him.

After the Defeat of the Hungarians near the Morave the Duke of Lorrain marched back to the Danube, towards that Place, where he had past [Page 74] the same, in order to endeavour to inform him­self of the State of the Siege. He endeavoured di­verse times to throw in some Troops, by the way of the River, and otherwise, but found all the Avenues shut up, and carefully guarded; inso­much that during the Siege, it was impossible for him to inform the Governor of the Relief that was preparing for him: And on the other hand, the Governour could not send any Body to the Duke of Lorrain, but once a Jew, in disguise, who deceived the vigilance of the Turks, by tar­rying three or four Days in their Camp; wherein the exactness of the Officers may be admired, and particularly that of the Visier, who shut up Vi­enna so close, as not to leave the least Passage for the Imperialists, unless it were through the Air. He had shut up the little Channel of the Danube above the City, and besides it was so low that Year, that one could not swim under Water. If the whole Conduct of this Ottoman General had been equal to those Precautions, perhaps the King of Poland would have met with greater Difficulties in succouring the Place. But in the main, he com­mitted unpardonable Faults, being ill informed of the Marches of the Christians, careless in shut­ting up, and guarding the Passes, and being wil­ling to doubt of the arrival of the King of Poland, he suffered a Bridge of above two hundred and fifty Paces, to be made over a very rapid River, and permitted the Christian Army to march over steep Mountains, where some little Detachments of Foot might have stopt or at least much incum­bred their March. He neglected to possess himself of those Mountains, and to seize the two Forts, that I have spoken of, which were very important Posts to hinder their Descent towards Vienna, and he wanted little of letting the King of Poland fall upon him, without coming out of his Camp; [Page 75] all out of a vain Presumption and extraordinary Contempt he had of the Polish Army. The grea­test of his Mistakes was his besieging Vienna; for it is certain, that if he had sat down before Raab or Comorra, the King of Poland would not have gone in Person to their Succour, though they be Places of very great Importance, he not being o­bliged to it by the Treaty, nor having promised the Pope any thing, but for Vienna.

Whilst he press'd the Town by his frequent As­saults the Duke of Lorrain, who incamped at Clauster Neyburg, near the Danube, waited with Impatience for the arrival of the Polish Army, and gave Orders for augmenting that of the Em­peror, which was joined by the Princes and their Troops from all Parts of the Empire. The Ele­ctor of Saxony brought ten thousand four hundred Men thither: The Elector of Bavaria sent almost as many, and soon after followed them in Person: Count VValdeck conducted the Troops of the Circles thither. The Elector of Branderburg did not make such haste, he would first have certain Fiefs, which the Emperor was obliged to sell him for the Overplus of the Troops, that he was to furnish, besides his Quota; so that that Body was but just entred Silesia, when the News of the raising of the Siege past through that Country, be­ing carryed to Cracow, where the Queen of Po­land was. On the other side, the Duke of Lorrain was busie getting together Materials for building a Bridge, expecting that the King would deter­mine the Place where he designed to pass the Ri­ver; and in the mean time the Grand Visier cau­sed a great Number of Tartars and Turks to pass the River, some by swimming and others in Boats, who joining Count Teckley's Army, formed a Camp in the Plains beyond the Danube, not far from that of the Duke of Lorrain, who advanced to [Page 76] give them Battle. Both Army's disposed them­selves for Fighting. The Duke drew up his in three Lines, putting the Polish Regiments in the first, and made the Emperor's Cuirassiers and Dragoons to support the whole. The Turks charged with so much violence and fury, that they broke the first Ranks, pressed in upon the Polanders, knock'd down all that stood against them, and pierced through to the last Line, where the Count de Boutlaer was wounded in the Head, with as de­sperate a cut of a Scimiter, as could be received without Death. The Germans seeing this Disorder, opened very discreetly to the Right and Left, that the broken Troops might pass, and having born all the fury of the Turks, and stop'd their Impe­tuosity by the firmness of the Squadrons of Cui­rassiers, the Dragoons of the third Line, received the Enemy without firing, charged them in their turn, pressed in upon them, and the Polanders be­ing returned from their first Disorder, and having rallyed, seconded those brave Men so well that the whole Turkish Army was defeated and pur­sued to the Danube, where the Bassa of VVarradin fell a swimming through a Shower of Musquet­shot, trusting to the strength of his Horse, which actually carried him over to the other side in sight of every Body. This Battle was fought on St. Bar­tholomew's Day 1683. and was the last Action that happened in those Plains, where the Duke of Lor­rain, being Master of the Field, saved that part of Austria, with those Parts of Moravia and Silesia that adjoyn to it, by his good Conduct. The People there were in continual Alarms, they had barricadoed all their Ways, thrown up Retrench­ments before their Town-Gates, and armed all the Inhabitants of their Cities. In a Word, all was in a Consternation as far as Breslaw.

CHAP. III.
The Continuation of the Campagne, with the March of the King of Poland, and the raising of the Siege of Vienna.

VVHilst the Duke of Lorrain was suppor­ting the Emperor's Affairs, with the ut­most diligence, and the Princes of the Empire were gathering together their Troops throughout all Germany, the King of Poland hastened the March of his with all possible speed: The Generals as­sembled them as soon as they were levied; and to give the Germans some Comfort of their Ex­pectations, Lieutenant General Schignafski began his March, with a body of Cavalry, composed of the Regiments of Hussars, Pancernes, Peteores, and some other old standing Troops, that were first in condition to March; The Great General followed with the rest some Weeks after; The new-raised Foot marched separately from their Quarters, where they were brought together by Regiments, by Companies, and by Recruits, with­out any other Rendezvous than that appointed by the King in General, under the Counterscarp of Vienna; insomuch that Poland was filled with Sol­diers and Equipages, marching in Disorder and with great Precipitation towards Cracow, in order to enter into Silesia, where the Imperial Commis­saries had prepared Provisions and Forage for them.

The King of Poland regulating his Departure upon the News he received of the State of his Troops, set out at last about the beginning of July, taking the Road towards Cracow, which is [Page 78] reckoned to be about forty Leagues from Villa­neuf; He made something more of it, because he had a mind to go to the famous Devotion of Chenstokova, as renowned in those Countries, and perhaps as rich as the House of Loretto. Be­sides the Queen had made a Vow at her lying in, and the King, whose Piety is equal with his o­ther Virtues, believed that he ought to beg, in that holy Place, the Protection of Heaven, by the Intercession of the Virgin, seeing the Enter­prize he had undertaken was for the Glory of the Christian Name, the Defence of the Church, and the safety of the Empire.

From Villaneuf he went to Falenta, a fine Plea­sure-House, about a League from thence, where he tarryed that Day. The third Day he had Ad­vice at Nadazzin, where he dined, of the raising of the Siege of Newhausel, and the Retreat of the Imperial Troops into the Isle of Schit, occa­sioned by the Approach of the Grand Visier: He lay afterwards at Radgiovick, another renowned House in Poland; at Rava, the Capital of the Palatin of Great Poland; and at the Abbey of Vitouf, near Pietrecouf, (the Residence of the Chief Tribunal of the Kingdom for the first six Months, which begins on St. Francis's Day, the fourth of October.) He lay afterwards at Krotchin which is another fine Country-House, belonging to the Count d'Henof, regularly built with Stone, adorned with a fine Garden, with several Water-Works, Terras-Walks, &c. therein; and, which is very rare in Poland, furnished pretty neatly. Next Morning the Court arrived at Chenstokova, where the King tarryed to perform his Devoti­ons: There he dispatched some Courriers to the Emperor and Duke of Lorrain, who had sent a Polish Gentleman, called Glinski, an Officer under Prince Lubomirski, to give his Majesty an Account [Page 79] of the Turks before Vienna, which they had be­sieged. The King of Poland wrote upon that Sub­ject to other Courts to excite the Compassion of the Princes in favour of the Emperor, who was chased from his Capital City, and upon the very brink of seeing himself stript of all his Territo­ries; then continued his march and arrived at last at Cracow, at a Pleasure-House which the Kings of Poland have at the end of one of the Suburbs called Lobzouf, where he staid some Days.

In the mean time his Troops advanced towards the same Place, and some small Parties of them passed by every Day. Lieutenant General Schig­nafski came no nearer than within two Leagues with his Body of Cavalry, which the King went to see upon the Road, and ordered them to march by the Foot of the Mountains on the left-hand, that they might not fall into the Road, marked out for the Grand Army, which was to the Right, the General Rendezvous of which was to be at Tarnovitz, the first City of Silesia, and of the Emperors Territories towards Cracow, being 12 great Leagues from thence.

The Grand General, who led the Body of the Army in Person from the Frontiers of Russia, ar­rived some Days after, and incamped within half a League of Lobzouf, from whence he continued his March through Bengin; and the King having seen those two Chief Bodies of his Troops, go be­fore, set out himself on the 15th of Aug. He took his way by the Foot of the Mountains to the Left, and afterwards fell into that of the Great Army at Bengin; where Count Caraffa the Emperor's General, who was sent per Post to represent, that the danger was Pressing, arrived two Hours before the Court. The fight of the Camp gave him some hopes, but he could not yet believe, that the King was there, he being prepossessed, [Page 80] as was the whole Court of Vienna and several others, that that Prince would never go out of his Dominions; insomuch that when the Mar­quis d'Arquyan, who was the first that visited him at Dinner, told him that the King was just coming; the Count de Caraffa, as a Man who still doubted it, replyed, Sir, 'tis said so.

Before I go further, I must observe one Par­ticular, relating to the Person of Prince James, the King's Eldest Son, whom the Gazetts, thro' Ignorance or Malice, have confounded with his younger Brother Prince Alexander, who was then but 7 Years old; and yet they published, That he followed the King in this Expedition: I am not ignorant of the Venom hid under this Affectation, and that most of the Polanders prefer him to the Elder, as well because he was born upon the Throne, if I may so speak, and after the Election and Co­ronation, as because of his charming Behaviour, and the fancy of the Nation. However, I ought to un­deceive the Publick, as to the Error imposed on them upon this Occasion, and to leave to Poste­rity the Remembrance of the first s [...]ting out into the Field of Prince James, Eldest Son to the King of Poland, was at 16 Years of Age. He was born in France, aad held at the Font by Lewis le Grand, whose Name he also bears, with that of his Grand-Father. 'Tis certain, that the Polan­ders don't look upon him as the Son of a King, but only as the Son of the Great Marshal.

On the 5th of August the King received Depu­ties from the States of Silesia, who came to as­sure him, that the Provisions were ready upon the Road, as also the Waggons granted by the Impe­rial Envoy, for carrying 200 Foot. The King, I say, sent on the 9th Expresses every where, to ha­sten the new Troops, who began to march the next Day. That same Day his Polish Majesty di­patched [Page 81] the Gentleman, of whom I have already spoke, to Count Teckley, to entertain with that Hungarian General, the mutual Correspondence they had agreed upon, and to renew the Recipro­cal Promises they had made each other, to wit, on the King's Part, that the Polish Troops should commit no Disorders in Hungary, particularly on Count Teckley's Land; and on the Counts part, that his should not come near Cracow, as I have already said; to which I must add, what I have heard from the King of Poland's own Mouth to Ghiia, when he took his Leave of him, viz. That he must assure Count Teckley, that if the Male­contents should burn one Straw in the Territories of Poland, he would go in Person and burn his Wife and Children in his own House.

The Duke of Lorrain had daily given the King of Poland an exact Account of the State of the Siege, by frequent Courriers; and Count Caraffa gave him a full and the last Account of it whilst he was at Dinner at Bengin, as likewise of the State of the Imperial Army, which was given out to be 14000 Horse and 30000 Foot: Whereupon his Polish Majesty opened his mind to that Gene­ral, and discovered to him the Design he had for­med, to attack the Turks by way of the Mountains of Callemberg, which he described to him in the Camp; and from that Day I observed in the K. a Prophetick Assurance of his beating them, which the Event has always made me to take for a Cele­stial Inspiration. Caraffa at the same time told him how that the Imperial Court had been obliged, in flying from Vienna, to leave in the Place a pro­digious Treasure, in Money and Jewels, the loss of which would be no small addition to their Grief; and conjured him by all these Motives to hasten his March, whereof he would be assured be­fore he returned. In a Word, he followed the [Page 82] Court of Poland to Tarnovitz, and after having seen the Review of the Army, and taken his Leave of the King and Queen, he took Post, having or­dered Horses to follow him, on purpose that he might be able to assure the Duke of Lorrain, that he had seen them on their March, for no Body ever be­lieved that the K. would have led them in Person.

He arrived on the 21st of August at Tarnovitz, in the Neighbourhood of which Place the Army incamped that Day in many separate Camps, which the King caused to be done, that it might appear to be the greater, not only to the Imperial Commissaries, but also to an extraordinary con­course of the Nobility of Silesia, who flocked thi­ther to see this famous King, from whom the Deliverance of the Empire was expected. They were supplied with Provisions in abundance, the Polish Money past Currant, Waggons were given to the Infantry to hasten their March; and others got ready for the Cossacks, who were impatiently ex­pected by the King; in fine, all imaginable Me­thods of dispatch were formed out, with such ear­nestness as the pressingness of the Occasion did re­require. Upon which, I find my self obliged to observe, that the Lithuanians have so bad a Name for pillaging and other disorders in their Marches, that the Imperial Commissaries prayed the King of Poland, to divert that Plague from off their Country, and to cause 'em to march over the Mountains of Hungary; which way they actually took, and failed not to burn, plunder, kill, &c. so that the way they went might be discover'd by their terrible Disorders; of which C. Teckley, who was assured by the King himself of a kind Neutrality between the Territories of Poland and those of Hun­gary, depending on him, testified a great Resentment. All the Blame was laid upon the Lithuanian Gene­rals, and upon a Gent. of that Country call'd Teski­evits, [Page 83] to whom the Q. had given the Conduct of certain Troops, made up of stragling Men, that fol­lowed the Army of the great Dutchy of Lithuania, as if they had been their Retinue.

The 22d of Aug. the K. after Mass, went into the Camp in a Warriors Equipage, having the Bont­chouk carried before him, preceded by his Guards and Horses of War, whose Harnesses were glitter­ing with Gold and precious Stones, and, without Exageration, with such a Richness, as I never saw elsewhere, or perhaps 'tis not valued but amongst those sorts of Nations, as Turks, Persians, and Mus­covites, whose Pomp and Methods the Polanders imitate. The K. had ordered his Infantry to break up before Day the better to conceal from the Ger­mans, the smallness of their Number, and the bad Condition they were in. The Artillery which con­sisted of 28 Pieces of very small size, followed the first Day for the same reason; for except 5 or 6 Cannon of a reasonable size, for Field-Pieces, the rest did not deserve that Name. He would not therefore review any other but the Polish Cavalry and Dragoons, which were truly extraordinary fine Troops, all equipped as the best Regiments of Ger­many, which charmed the Imperial Commissaries. The Grand General drew them up in Battalia, and the Princes and Senators, who had Troops of Hus­sars among them, having posted themselves at their Head, the King made a Review of them, and at the same time marched at the Head of all in Per­son.

I shall not trouble my self here with the parti­cular Description of the Places along this Road, nor with the Incampments of the Poles during this March; I shall do it at length at the end of my Narrative, that I may not break the Thread of my Discourse; and shall content my self at present to inform the Publick, that the King from that very [Page 84] Day quitted his Army, in order to put himself with all Expedition at the Head of that of the Em­peror, where every Body wanted his Presence, ta­king with him only a Body of 4000 Horse, and a Detachment of twenty Hussars out of each Troop, who were instead of his Guards, and marched a­bout his Person without Lances: He wrote a Let­ter to the Pope from Ratibor, to inform him of his hasty March with that Detachment: He lodged in most of the Towns where they had pre­pared Lodgings for his Reception; in others he en­camped with his Guards. No Monarch ever re­ceived so much respectful Homage from People of a Foreign Dominion, as the King of Poland re­ceived from the Emperor's Subjects.

He marched through all Silesia, and cross'd the Mountains (being seven Leagues over) that part it from Moravia. He went through this last Pro­vince, and was treated by the old Archbishop of Strigonia in the Town of Brin, which is the on­ly Place in that Country, that can be called strong, because of its Cittadel, that the Natives reckon to be impregnable. In fine, leaving the Plains of Austria on his left Hand towards Ekendorf, he marched to Olle Brun, where he incamped on the 31st of Aug. The same Day the little General of the Crown joined the King, in his March with the Body of Cavalry, which he had conducted by the Foot of the Mountains; and the Duke of Lor­rain arrived just as his Polish Majesty was causing those Troops to defile. Thus their first Interview was in the open Field; the King received him at the Head of those Troops drawn up, in order of Battle, whose fierce Aspect did excellently well suit with the Noble and Warlike Air of that Mo­narch. The Duke lighted off his Horse at about 25 Paces distance from the King, who did the same at about 15, and after a short Conversation, [Page 85] but very Affectionate, on both sides, both of them mounted again at the same time, and went together to the Camp, that was marked out at Olle Brun, where the King treated the Duke of Lorrain at Dinner: That Prince gave afterwards so many Marks of his Consideration and Esteem for his [...]olish Majesty, that the King thought he could never sufficiently testifie to the Duke of Lorrain, the Esteem, and, if I may venture to say it, the Veneration which his Vertues and extraordinary Merits inspired him with. The Duke of Lorrain in his Conversation after this Interview, said of­tentimes, that the Republick of Poland had never shown greater Proofs of Judgment than in the Choice they had made of so great a King; and his Minister, Count Taff, being then present, added, That the King of Poland himself knew very well, that in the time of his Negotiation at the General Diet, he had assured him in the Name of the Duke of Lorrain his Master, that he would de­sist from his Pretensions to the Royalty, if he, the Grand Marshal, made any to that Crown.

The Army sojourned two Days at Olle Brun, and during this Interval 500 Dragoons and 1500 Ger­mans were sent to lay a Bridge over the Danube. On the 3d of Sept. they incamped near Stadeldorf, a Pleasure-House scituated on a rising Ground, wherein the King lodged, and in which the Elector of Saxony, who arrived the night before, came to salute his Majesty; as Prince VValdeck had done the Day before. On the 4th they tarried there to hold a general Council, at which assisted (besides the Elector of Saxony, the Duke of Lorrain, and Prince VValdec, General of the Troops of the Cir­cles) General Caprara, and some others of that Rank. On the 5th the Palatin of Russia, Grand General of the Crown, arrived with the Polish Ar­my, which the King saw defile, and ordered them at the same time, to march to the Bridge, [Page 86] whither he followed in Person about 4 a Clock at Night, and where the whole Army encamped upon the Brink of the Danube. The Bridge was built over-against the Town of Thoulon, six Leagues a­bove Vienna, at a Place where the River forms two Isles, which required three Bridges, and made the Passage the more secure by a plurality of easie Retreats, defended by the Arms of the Danube.

On the 6th of September the Army began to pass the Bridges▪ and the King, in the mean time, dined in one of the Isles: The Great General of Poland marched on the Head of all, with his Po­lish Troops, as if it were to cover the rest; and it is certain that that Post was their due, the Ger­mans being so dejected with Fatigues, and Toils, occasioned by the bad state of Affairs, that they wanted to be incouraged and heartened. The sight of a Turban frightened them, an acciden­tal Cry of Alla, which the Turks use in War, and signifies God, allarmed the Camp, which happen­ed twice or thrice, the Night after they had pas­sed the Danube. This Disposition was the Occa­sion that the Polish Army had the right, and that of the Emperor with the Duke of Lorrain at their Head the Left: the Electors keeping in the Center near the King's Person.

That Night he incamped beyond the Bridges on Thoulm side, where he tarryed the 7th and 8th, that all the Army & Bagage might pass over. The Troops of the El. of Bavaria, which came that way out of his Electorate, joined us the first Day, and next Day that Prince arrived by Water in the Camp, a little before the King left Thoulm. Here the Duke of Lorrain appointed several of the Empe­ror's Huntsmen to conduct the Ranks through the Defiles of the Mountains, which they had of­ten ranged as a Hunting, and knew very well; these Guides led the Army through the least diffi­cult [Page 87] ways, and over the easiest Hills, though this Mountainous Country is every where bad for a March; insomuch that they could carry but very little of their Artillery with them, and that with inconceivable Trouble, notwithstanding they were so small, that they could mount them with the help of an Irou Crow.

He had so many Tartars and useless Horse in his Camp, as did nothing but starve him, and Forage began to be very scarce with him; how­ever our Troops met no Body in those Defiles, but some Servants of the Army, who were keep­ing Cattle here and there, and fled upon first sight of us. But that which happened to a Colume of Polish Foot will certainly appear to be very odd. A Tartar Officer commanding a Party of about 30 Horse, happened in his March to fall into a Closs-Valley, and finding the said Body of Poles there, he came up to General de Henoff, who was at their Head, not to fire upon him, but cooly to ask him News, as if they had been Friends; and when he was told, That they were Part of the Polish Ar­my, which was advancing under the command of the King in Person, he answered jearingly, That he knew very well that Prince Lubomirski had brought some Polish Troops to the succour of the Germans: After which he rode off with his Troop without General de Henoff's, thinking fit to attack him, or perhaps he could not do it in that hollow Way, or that the Tartars kept himself at some di­stance from him.

The Duke of Lorrain having provided the Army with good Guides, made the King take the shor­test Way over the Mountains, and accompanied him almost constantly; as did also the Emperor's Chief Generals. They decamped from Thoulm on the 9th of September 1683. in the Afternoon. Next Day they passed half of the Defiles; and the [Page 88] Court stop'd at Night on a great steep Hill, which they had gained with much trouble: The King had found it so troublesom to get up that Hill, that he wrote the same Night to the Queen, That the Fatigue of the March, together with the want of Provisions, had made them lose so much Flesh, that they were fit to run with a Hart upon the Course. Those who gave out, That that Prince was brought so low, that he was not able to get on Horseback any more, did not expect such a plain Contradiction as this Affair gave them; for they did not cross the Mountains in Coaches; and 'tis certain, that upon the Day of Battle his Ma­jesty was almost 12 Hours on Horseback; I don't say, but that he had some trouble to mount his Horse, for he was forced to make use of a Stool or some rising Ground at his mounting; But when he is on Horseback, he finds himself very easie, which stood him in good stead at the Defeat of Barcan.

On the 11th they continued their March, with­out seeing any Appearance of the Army, or ha­ving had any News of it since they left Thoulm; for which they began to be uneasie: But on the 3d Day about Noon they discovered the Points of the Hussars Lances: And the German Cavalry had reached a Valley at the bottom of the last Moun­tain, where the King stopt and dined before he marched up the same. This March was very tire­some to the whole Army, for besides the great heat of the Season, they wanted Water, Provisions, Tents, &c. the Equipages staying behind in the Bot­tom: And the King as well as Generals had only Muleteers to follow them; so that His Majesty was forced one Day to eat nothing but Bread, and drink only Water that was in the Flagons of the Bavarian Soldiery, which they carried at their Sides.

[Page 89] During this Halt, the Army made a shift to gain the top of the Hill: The Germans on the left made themselves Masters of Calemberg, and there planted their Cannon; the Polanders on the Right took possession of the Wood, and the Eminences parallel to that of the Castle. In this Place they encamped the same Day, being Sept. 11. to give their Troops a Breathing time, and to agree on the Order of Battle, in a general Coun­cil that Evening. The encampment was very irregular, the Ground not allowing them to make it better. They were canton'd as well as they could in the Wood; the Infantry being entrench­ed in a small compass of the open Country, where they covered themselves with Chevaux de frise, and with what Artillery was arriv'd; whilst the Cavalry were Posted very disorderly and confus'd­ly in other places.

Nothing hitherto appear'd to dispute their Pas­sage, though the Grand Visier had certain notice of the Approach of the King of Poland, by a Turk and a Tartar, taken in the Mountains, and sent back on purpose (after they had been well exa­mined) to give Intelligence of it as Eye witnesses of the matter. But that presumptuous General never troubled his head about it, and continued the Siege with the same application, as if he had only the Entrenchments of Vienna to force. He was lodged in two places upon the Attack'd Basti­ons, when the Succour arrived; and thinking to force the Place to Capitulate before he could be brought to a Battle, he only sent below Calemberg, in the Bottoms and Hollows of the low Hills on the side of his Camp, a Body of about Ten Thou­sand Men, Horse or Dragoons; these last fighting on foot, according to the Disposition of the Ground, as their Janizaries do. Besides he Can­nonaded the City as usual; which was very plea­sing to the King of Poland, who upon hearing this [Page 90] noise, declared that he had a very great esteem for the Turks, since they were such brave Fellows as to wait for his coming. For in the way it was sometimes suspected that they would not, but in my mind without grounds; since the Grand Visier could be in fear of none but him who defeated him, I mean God Almighty, to whom alone this success was owing. He had still left above 140000 Men; and the whole Quota of our Armies amounted to no more than 70000. The Empire with all its Members made about 45000, the King of Poland not above 20000; without reckoning the Volunteers, which upon such an extraordinary occasion flocked from all parts, and compos'd a considerable Body. The Marquiss of Parelle, a Savoyard, brought thi­ther at his own charge fourscore Gentlemen all Horse; But the Volunteers swelled the Armies without reinforcing them; and were often a greater incumbrance than a strength to them.

On Saturday Night September 11. They made great Fires on the Hill, as a signal to the City of the Arrival of the Supplies. But they saw no­thing of it, no more than of the Fight next day, by reason of the disposition and unevenness of the Ground where this great Action passed. Af­ter the Siege was raised, the Governour Starem­berg told the King that they only discovered the Lances of the Hussars with Perspective Glasses, from the Top of the Steeple of St. Stephen's Church.

In the mean time the King of Poland had caus'd the Descent of the Hills to be descry'd by a French Man that was near his Person; and whom he look'd upon as an Engineer because he knew some Terms of that Art. This pretended En­gineer had a great Opinion of his own Parts; and to shew some proofs of it in this juncture, he was very warm in giving a Description of the Coun­try [Page 91] through which they were to march to the Turkish Camp; being willing to cry down those, who, he said, had misinform'd his Majesty on this Subject, in telling him of great Plains, fit for his Gens-des-Armes; whereas there were no­thing but Precipices, Hollow Ways, and Rocky Descents. This Scene pass'd in the presence of the Duke of Lorrain, and of other Generals of the Emperor, who were offended at the disre­spectful manner, wherein a Man of this Character dar'd to extol himself in such an Assembly.

It was therefore necessary to draw up a Line of Battle according to the Disposition of the Ground, and to make use of the Cavalry as well as they could; since this Affair could not be decided but by beating the Enemy from their Posts, and by particular Skirmishes. Nor did the King of Po­land at that time think of being able to reach the Turkish Camp from the Brow of the Hill, in less than three Days; and marked out with his Eye the places where they should Encamp Septemb. 12. and 13th, by driving the Enemy gradually out of the Posts and Defiles, which they held by great Platoons of Cavalry, or Musqueteers on Horse­back, whom I before called Dragoons, from their manner of fighting.

All those matters were settled in the Council of War held Septemb. 11. after Midnight. A Scheme was drawn of the Mashalling the Forces wherein the Polanders were to be on the Right, and their Generals to draw up in the form of a Half Moon in the Wood and Hills, to prevent the Tarters from falling upon the Army in the Flank or the Rear, whilst it was engaged with the Turks posted (as might reasonably be fear'd) be­fore the Camp. The Duke of Lorrain took the Left towards the Descent on the side of the Da­nube, by possessing himself of Calemberg and the [Page 92] adjacent Eminences: By this means he had a less compass to fetch, to march to the Turkish Camp and the Attacks; so that it was he (properly speaking) that clear'd the Trenches, and Rais'd the Siege. The Duke of Saxony drew up his Troops on the Right of the Duke of Lorrain, and the Elector of Bavaria his on the Right of the Duke of Saxony; each of these Princes keeping at the Head of his own Body. The King of Poland Posted himself in the Centre of all, animating this great Body with his Presence and Voice; acting in all places, and giving his Orders, which according to the Emperor's Command were obeyed with the utmost submission. The Duke of Lorrain sent a great many Adjutants to be near his Polish Majesty, to receive his Orders and to convey them to all parts of the Army. To the Infantry were allowed Chevaux de frise: On the Advantage­ous Emeniences were planted what Cannon they could get: But nothing could be expected from them because of their smalness, and the height of the Place on which they were planted. This incon­venience was observed in the Battery that was made at Calemberg, which began to fire Sunday Septemb. 12. about Ten in the Morning on the Main Body of the Turks Posted below, without reaching them. For, as we said before, the Grand Visier, convinc'd at last of the Approach of the Succours, took no other precautions to co­ver the Siege, than only to send on Saturday Night a Body of 10 or 12000 Men (whose Standards we could only see in the Covert or Hollow ways) to take Possession of the bottom below this Castle.

On Sunday September 12. 1683. The German Troops about break of Day began to Skirmish with this Detachment of the Enemy; whom they chased from Post to Post; and there were parti­cular Skirmishes carry'd on very warmly on both [Page 93] sides. Among the Rest, the Dragoons of Savoy, those of Crouy, a Regiment of the Army of Saxony, and that of a small Body of Polanders, com­manded by Chevalier Lubomirsky, signaliz'd them­selves particularly. These Troops were insensibly drawn into fight, and began at last a regular Battle, in the Villages and Defiles, where the Turks defended themselves vigorously, discharg­ing on Foot, and afterwards mounting on Horse­back, which deceived one of these Bodies of Dra­goons, who supposing that the Enemy fled, ad­vanced too forward, and were cut in pieces. In this Action the Lieutenant Colonel of Lubo­mirsky's Dragoons, nam'd Kinsik, was wounded in the Head with a Sabre, who died within three days after; notwithstanding the Horseshoe that he had in his Hat to defend him from the Blow.

The Marquiss of Parelle desired leave to go with his Volunteers to drive the Turks out of that Post; but the Duke of Lorrain every time he made the Proposal, seemed as if he heard him not, and order'd Colonel Mercy to do it, charging him thrice together not to go without his Head­piece. This was a very brave Officer, and not­able Partyman: He executed the Order with as much Address as Valour. The Turks were driven out of that Post, and all of a sudden scat­tered over the whole face of the Mountainous Country. The Grand Visier himself came at last out of his Camp, and posted himself not far from the Lines of it with a Body of Cavalry, which according to the Accounts that have been given, and the Relations of those who were in the Acti­on, were upwards of 30000 Men: But the number did not appear so great to those who saw that Bo­dy of the Grand Visier broken by two Companies of Hussars; one of which, and the first that made [Page 94] the Onset was commanded by Alexander the King of Poland's second Son.

Before I descend any further to particulars, I must take notice, that the Janizaries did not appear upon this occasion, none but the Cavalry and Dragoons, which last fought sometimes on Foot. The Infantry still carried on the Assault, and maintained the Trenches: For the Besieged have said since, that they made three Sallies that ve­ry day, and took or Nail'd up thirty Pieces of Cannon. The Camp therefore remained still in the same Posture, and the Conqueror found their Tents spread, as if the Grand Visier had design'd his March before the Christians for no more than a Walk. But the wiser among the Turks had other thoughts of the matter. The Cham of Tartary was the first that took care of his Retreat, The Principal Bassas sent their Equipage away before hand, with the Camels and Led-Horses; of which there were but a few left, and scarce anything else considerable, so that the Soldiery had but indifferent Plunder. This very Day in the Morning we had descry'd from the top of the Mountains the retreat of all these Equipages, And whereas they raised a great Dust in Raab Road, it was thought at first that it was rais'd by the Reinforcement of the 20000 Men, which as it was reported in our Army, were to to be sent to the Camp before Vienna, by the Sul­tan who was advanced as far as Belgrade. But of this Reinforcement we could never get any cer­tain intelligence.

The Precaution of these Bassas, and the pre­meditated retreat of the Cham of Tartary, were look'd upon among the Turks as arising from a correspondence they held with the King of Poland The Visier of Buda lost his Head for it. The Cham of Tartary was deposed by the Sultan's [Page 95] Authority, who gave the Grand Visier Orders to do it, upon the complaints that he had preferr'd to his Highness about it, after the raising of the Siege. It was likewise reported among us, that the King of Poland made way for this happy success by a secret negotiation; as he had done at Kotchim, the evening before the Battle by the desertion of the Hospodars, Valachia and Moldavia, which he dex­terously brought about by the prevalence of his Promises. But these are conjectures too refin'd with respect to the Affair of Vienna; and besides the remainder of the Turkish Army was enough to have prevented the King of Poland from being Vi­ctorious, if they had but done their duty. Apannick fear infus'd from on high into all their hearts, by one of those sudden Motions of which no account can be given, was that alone which routed this for­midable Army, as had been promis'd in the Mor­ning by Father Mark de Aviano a Capuchin Friar, famous for contemplation; and of so great an esteem for his Goodness, as to be said to work Mi­racles. This Holy Man we met with at Calem­berg, who always attended the Army during the Fight. The King of Poland heard him say Mass and received the Communion at his hands in the Chappel of St. Leopold, which is not far from the other Fabrick. This Capuchin afterwards gave the Benediction in the name of the Pope to all the Generals, and assured them in the name of God of a compleat Victory, if they had but the Faith to Trust in him. Si habebitis, saith he, Confidentiam in Deo, obtinebitis Victoriam. These are the Fryar's own words. But to return to the Fight.

Whilst the German Troops were engaged the Cannon of Calemberg plaid upon the Turk, and the rest of the Army began to draw out of the Wood forming themselves into a Line of Battle. The King of Poland returning from the Chappel [Page 96] of St. Leopold made an halt in the bottom below that Fortress, where he din'd under a Tent pitch­ed in that place on purpose, and afterwards mounted his Horse to march towards the Enemy, with a design (as I said before) only of beating them to such an Eminence, where he intended to have incamped on this Day, being Sept. 12.

The Fight therefore began then on all sides, and it was just past Eleven a Clock. The Turks being Posted in the Rocky Bottoms fenced with Walls in several places; and in the high and thick Vineyards, vigorously received the charge at first, and killed a great many Men. The Com­pany of the Hussars of the Castellan of Cracow, headed by his Son the Starost of Halich under­went several discharges, in one of which that young Lord, notwithstanding his coat of Mail, was shot through the Body with a Musket shot; as was Mondreowsky Treasurer of the Court, in another Post; or as some say, in passing at the head of the Line to carry out the King's Orders. It was in these first Motions they began to descry the main Body of the Grand Visier, posted in the Lines of the Camp; and sometime after a small Red Tent which was raised on purpose to take a view of the Fight in the shade out of the Sun, (for never was there ahotter day known than this) The Grand Visier's Men have since inform'd us that he there apprehended the Caffa with his two Sons, and the Cham of Tartary. No sooner had the King a sight of this Tent, but knowing it by its Colour, he found himself animated afresh; and being engaged, that he could not set his Eyes on his Infan­try, who were not come up, and to whom he had sent time after time; he marched at the head of the first Batallions which he met with, causing his Cannon to play continually on that Tent. But he had no more than two or three Pieces, which were [Page 97] rolled along on Levers according as they advan­ced to the Enemy; and the King promised fifty Crowns for each Discharge. The mischief of it was they had but few Bullets at hand, and no­thing to ram down upon them. I have heard a French Engineer say, that for want of some other thing to ram down, he made use at last of his Gloves, his Perriwig, his Cravet, and a great Pacquet of Gazets, that were in his Pocket.

At last the Polish Infantry came up. The Bat­tle grew warm on all sides: The Turks were beat from Eminence to Eminence; and at last the Count of Maligny the Queen's Brother, with the Grand Squire of the Crown, was the first who gain'd that Eminence, where the King had de­signed to have Encamp'd this day. But immedi­ately after his Polish Majesty perceived the Turkish Squadrons to give ground, which denoted them to be less resolute than before. In effect our Troops broke them, upon which this Monarch cry'd out That they were defeated, by a certain Warlike penetration of thought habitual to him ever since he fought against those Infidels. He ordered the Duke of Lorrain by the Adjutants near his Per­son, to send him forthwith some Troops. He caused his Hussars to advance, whom we saw to descend down a hollow Way on foot, among the Walls and Steep Places, where a Footman could scarce stand upright; and at the same time the King himself fell upon the Visier's main Body recommending the Prince his Son to the Count of Maligny his Brother-in-Law, whose Valour and good Conduct, had been experienced in this and several other Rencounters.

Every thing happened according as he suppo­sed: The Hussars of Prince Alexander fell upon the main Body of the Grand Visier, routed them, and in that instant the whole Army of the [Page 98] Enemy retreated without making any resistance: The Grand Visier endeavoured in Vain to make them stand their ground: He addressed himself to the Cham of Tartary, What, (says he) will you not stand by me? But that Man already disheartned as well as the rest reply'd, That he knew the King of Poland, and that he could not be safe with him any otherwise than by flying from him; of which he gave him an Example immediately. The Visier endea­voured still to rally some part of his Cavalry; and seeing they all fled before the Hussars, he, with Tears in his Eyes embrac'd his two Sons, and was carried off by the Croud; and quitting his War-Horse which was barded with Steel-Armour, da­mask'd with Gold, and quilted with Crimson Vel­vet; and making his escape with only one Vest: an instance which I observe to let you know that I was well informed as to this particular, the which I saw in the Letter of the Prince of Transyl­vania; who sent word to the King, that he had lent him one from that very night.

In the mean time the Duke of Lorrain march'd on the left, where he met with no manner of Opposition; and having a less compass to fetch in order to arrive at the Camp on that side of it, which lay next to the City and the Trenches, the German Forces entred it betimes. It was a little past half an hour after Six when the King of Poland pass'd through the midst of it, where a young Turk of a comely aspect presented him with the Grand Visiers Horse, very fit indeed for the Parade of a Publick Entry; but for no other use by reason of the weight of its Armour. Another Turk came with great hast, and one of the Grand Visiers stirrups in his hand to pre­sent to his Polish Majesty, which he sent to the Queen to be laid at the feet of the Miraculous Cru­cifix of the Cathedral of Cracow. A third [Page 99] waited upon him, to inform him of the Place where that Ottoman General's Tents were pitch'd; whither the King send his Dragoons, as a Guard, charging them to forbear pillaging. He likewise order'd all the Army to stand still in Battalia, for fear the Enemy rallying behind the Camp, should renew the Fight, and so rob them of such a cheap Victory. This they might have done, had not a Terror still possess'd them, and carry'd them with the same impetuosity to the Bridges of the River of Raab. For, spight of the King's Orders, the Souldiers began to plunder that very Night. The General Dunneval, who they say was a greedy Lover of Rich Booties, in his Rounds, met with the Tent of the Bassa of Egypt, very suitable to his Purpose, and a-propos to his desires. The Em­peror's Envoy was hard-by, still in Chains, which he had worn ever since he had been at Adrianople. In several places of the Camp, they met with Wo­men and Children, massacred or wounded by those Barbarians, who could not carry them off in such a precipitate Retreat. One of those Children, of a very Beautiful Aspect, and wounded in the Head, was brought before the King.

The Duke of Lorrain, seeing the Army absolute Masters of the Camp, sent to the King, to give Orders for the clearing the Trenches, where they still fir'd, and kept playing upon the Town, 'till Ten at Night: But the King, who was unwilling that the Germans should have the Honour of Rai­sing the Siege, at the first reply'd, That it was needless, and that it was better to make sure of the Camp, against an unexpected Return: And after­wards gave out, that he had already detach'd some Forces for that purpose. However, either the Germans went thither of their own Heads, or the Janizaries retreated of themselves; for not a Man stirr'd out of the Camp, where the King [Page 100] spent the Night at the foot of a Tree, lying upon his Horse-Saddle, in stead of a Pillow. About Mid­night the Governor of Vienna, sent out some of his Men, who brought his Majesty some Refresh­ments of Sweet-Meats, Wine, and other things. 'Tis an inconceivable thing, the Truth of which we could never learn, How all that Infantry made their Retreat, in a Night the darkest that ever was seen. For we discovered neither Stragler, nor Company, except 23 Janizaries, shut up in that House of the Emperor, where the Grand Visier kept his Head-Quarters, and laid up his Stores. These Janizaries did not fly with the rest, but were in that place Sept. 14. Attempts were made to force them; they kill'd several Dragoons, and would not submit to any but the King of Poland, when he came before that Castle, out of which they were allow'd to march with Bag and Baggage.

This great Victory, so-compleat, so happy, and so shining, cost but a very few Men: the Germans lost a Prince of Crouy; the Poles, the two Lords above-mention'd; and the whole Army about 600 Men. A great part never saw the Enemy: The Palatine of Russia, with his Right Wing, march'd all along without a Rencounter: The Emperour's Cuiriassiers never struck a stroke; the Second Lines were no more than Spectators, because the Ene­my fled before they were come up: so that, pro­perly speaking, none but the Dragoons, the In­fantry, and the Hussars, bore the Fire, and en­gag'd the Enemy. We cannot tell what happen'd particularly on the Left: Each Prince kept at the Head of his own Troops, and none but Count Waldeck was seen next the King's Person; and that but once, when the heat of the Battle was near over; upon which he pass'd this Compliment to his Majesty, That it was a good Days-work for his Glory, and for the History of his Life.

[Page 101] From this true Recital, we may Discover the Falsity of that Report, which was spread abroad, and publish'd even in Poland it self; namely, That the Turks had forty thousand kill'd upon the spot. Talenty, the Italian Secretary, whom the King dispatch'd to the Pope the next Day after the De­feat, with the great Standard of Mahomet, found at the Portal of the Grand Visier, told such ano­ther Story in his Journey; and had the Confi­dence to tell his Holiness himself, That in leaving Vienna, he travell'd four Leagues together on dead Bodies. Now in the first place, his Way to Rome did not lie through the Field of Battle, nor through any part of the Road, by which the Turks made their Retreat, some of whom were cut off; both this Night and on the Morrow: And besides, it is certain, that in the whole compass of the Ground, there were not above 800 dead Corps to be seen. I do not speak this to lessen the Glory of his Polish Majesty, which shines bright enough of it self; the Greatness of the Undertaking, the wonderful Suc­cess that attended it, and above all, that Heroical Resolution, which made him leave his Dominions to come to the Relief of his Allie, are enough to set it off, without the help of any false Lustre.

Most of the Polish Senators and Generals, were likewise for his immediate Return home, after the Relieving Vienna, that he might preserve an Army, of which Poland might in the sequel of the War, stand in need. But the King hearkened neither to these Advices, nor to the repeated Instances of the Queen: He was for compleating the Business, and thereby to lay the Empire under stronger Obligations to him. 'Tis upon those Accounts that his Polish Majesty merits Praise, without the killing of 40000 Men. 'Tis reported of Alexander the Great, That he was highly offended with one of his Generals, who, in the History of his Wars, [Page 102] ascribed false Matters of Fact to him, thereby en­deavouring to enhance his Glory: He threw the Tablets into the River Hydaspes, (upon which he was, when the Recital was made to him) and up­braided the Author, for having foisted his own In­ventions into such a large Field of Praise, which Truth alone was sufficient to represent.

On Munday Sept. 13. the King detach'd Miogensky with a thousand Horse, to pursue the Enemy, and cut off their Retreat. This Officer, when he was come over against Presburgh, detach'd fifty Horse, who advanced as far as Raab, where they saw the Turkish Army, which began to pass the Bridges very quietly. It had marched twelve Hungarian Leagues the first Night, and began to defile on the Morrow, without any opposition. The Gar­rison of Yavarin, durst not, or could not undertake the burning of the Bridges; the Grand Visier, ha­ving very cautiously, left a considerable Body of Men to guard them. They were three Days and three Nights, in passing over the River, and met with no disturbance. Some blame the King of Poland for this, who should (they say) have push'd on his Victory: But this Charge is groundless, since his Troops could not have left the Camp that Night, without great danger. They had been without their Equipages for three Days, and could not expect that they could pass the Mountains in less than three Days more. Besides, the greatest Generals, having finish'd what they design'd, are well enough satisfied with that, and never care for running after the Conquered, to whom Martial Policy often thinks it adviseable, to allow Bridges for their Retreat.

After the Departure of Miogensky, the King visited the Camp, and the Tents of the Grand Vi­sier; from whence, in a few words, he wrote the News of his Victory to the Pope, and other Princes. [Page 103] He sent a Gentleman, Express to the Queen, as an Eye-witness of all that had pass'd, with several Pieces of that great Spoil: And for the sake of this Good News, the Imperial Ministers order'd the Post-Masters to demand nothing of that Cou­rier for his Journey. Afterwards the King over­ran all the Enemies Works, even to their last Lodg­ments upon the Bastions. But in the Interim, some Souldier or other, having accidentally set fire to some loose corns of Powder that lay about the Magazine, where there were still nigh 300 thousand pound weight, it caus'd one of the most dreadful Fires that could be imagin'd: The Air seem'd to be all in a blaze, the Earth shook, and nothing could give us a more lively resemblance of the ge­neral Conflagration at the Last Day. However, there was some thing surprizing, even in this ter­rible Prospect; and his Majesty said, That he had long wish'd to see such a Sight.

At last he made his Entry into Vienna, through the Breaches, on the same side that the Assault had been carry'd on. There he reap'd the full Satisfa­ction of his Victory amidst the Acclamations of a City, destin'd before to a miserable Slave­ry, the Chains whereof this Hero broke. The People Huzza'd him; the Croud did, as it were, carry his Horse along; and their Acknow­ledgments rose so high, as to wish that they had a Master and Emperor, like to this Glorious Monarch. This they cry'd out loudly in every Street, trans­ported with such an excess of Joy and Affection, as cannot admit of Moderation, upon such moving Occasions as this.

The first thing he did was to return God Thanks for his Victory, in the Church of the Reform'd Au­gustine Fryars, before a Miraculous Image of the Virgin; where he himself prostrate on the ground sang the Te Deum. However, we could even then [Page 104] observe the beginning of Ingratitude among the Persons of Quality, and the Magistrates of that City, offended perhaps that the Obligation was such, that it was impossible for them to make any suitable Return. Neither in this Place, nor in any else did we see any one of the Magistrates; and with much ado, a Priest of this Church was got to assist at the Ceremony. The same Coldness ap­pear'd after Dinner at the Cathedral of St. Stephen, for they tarry'd a great while before they could get the Keys of the Vestry, or any Tapers lighted. Upon the Steeple of this Church, was set up that Crescent, which Solyman the Great oblig'd the City to erect, when he drew his Forces from the Place, at the second Siege which he laid before it, in the Reign of Ferdinand. The King of Poland told the Duke of Lorrain, That it was requisite to pluck it down, since Vienna was at present freed for ever from the Yoke, which the Sultan had threatned it with. Yet this was not done till three Years after the Siege was rais'd, as if they thought it necessary to compliment an Enemy, which dreaded the Fate of its own Dominions. But there was doubtless a nicer Reason in the Case, grounded upon a sort of Jealousy they had of his Polish Majesty's Glory, to whom they would not be beholden for the De­struction of the Crescent. This appears in the Me­dals which they made after the raising of the Siege, wherein the Honour of the Success was attributed not only to this Great Monarch, but together with him to all the Princes, who were at the Action, to Staremberg, Caplier, the Commissary of the Vi­ctualling-Office, with the Magistrates and Burgers of the City; as was set down in the Reverse. Nay, the King was not so much taken notice of as the Emperor, who kept up close in the Mountains of Passau; since the former was only commended for his Presence, whilst the latter was extoll'd for his Counsel and Forces.

[Page 105] This very Day the King dined with Count Sta­remberg, the Governor of the City, and returned at Night to the Camp, pitch'd by his Orders, where the Grand Visier's was before. From this place he wrote to the Queen that ingenious Letter, which was afterwards translated into French, and communicated to foreign Courts; and has been printed in Fragments. It contain'd an Historical Relation of the Matter of Fact, writ in a pleasant Style, rallying very handsomely on the Grand Visier, who had left him (says he) his sole Execu­tor and Legatée. Then he gives the Particulars of the Estate he had left him, and concludes in a Vein of Rallery on the Custom of the Tartarian Women, who are offended with their Husbands, when they return Home without a Booty. You shall not object to me as those Tartarian Dames, you are no Man, for you come to me empty-handed: But you will find me return at this time loaded with the Spoils of the Enemy. God be prais'd (continues he) that he has not permitted those Infidels to insult over the Chri­stians; but has made them sensible of the Power of their God, whose Blows they have so lately felt. After this, he added some Latin words of a Psalm, accord­ing to the Polish Custom, who even when they write to Women, have a sprinkling of Phrases and Sentences of Latin in all their Letters.

The King of Poland had, that Day he pass'd the Mountains, sent the Abbot d'Oliva Hatsky, one of his Chief Secretaries of State, to the Emperor; who being encourag'd at the New of the approach of the Christian Army, return'd to Lints. From Lints he came to Vienna, as soon as he heard of its Relief, and made his Entry on Tuesday Sept. 14. under the discharge of Cannon, at the same instant that the Army decamp'd, in order to remove from the noisom Smells occasioned by the dead Bodies, and the filthiness of the Camp, which one may [Page 106] imagine to be infected, by a two Months Encamp­ment of nigh 700000 Men. The Stench was so great, that this Morning the Elector of Bavaria, dining with the King of Poland, was forc'd almost all the while, to stop his Nose with his Napkin. His Polish Majesty presented that Prince with three very fine Turkish Horses, two Standards, and some Jewels fit for a Lady's wear; with a design that the Elector should send them into France, to his Sister the Dauphiness. He likewise gave him also a Bont­chouk of the Bassa of Egypt, adorn'd at the Top with an Hair Lace of diverse Colours, with a Tuft of Horse-Tail round the gilded Crest, which was the Summit of this Bountchouk; which the Turks call Touk. They are not so high as those of the Polish Generals, but a great deal more embelish'd in their Warlike Furniture. Upon this Occasion, I can­not but observe, That among the Ottomans, the Quality of Bassas, and General Officers is distin­guish'd by the number of those Horse-Tails dy'd in red, which in the Army are fastened to a Post before their Tent-doors; and in their Chambers are hung up with the Sabre, just by the place where they lay. For 'tis to be observ'd, That the Turks, even the Sultan himself, never wear their Sabres in the Street, much less in their Houses, where they lay aside all their Armour upon returning from the Camp; except the Poignard or Anchard. The very Bassas in their Government, walking in the Streets, with long Gowns, with a Chaplet in their Hands, and no Arms; and when they ride, their Sabre and Mace, or Truncheon, are clapp'd under the Saddle on each side, with a large Strap to fasten them. So that, excepting the Poignard (which every one without distinction always wears by his Side) the Turks may pass for good Burgomasters, or Gentlemen of the Long Gown.

[Page 107] To put an end to this Digression, I shall here ob­serve, That the Prime Visier, and the six Inferior Visiers, have three Horse-Tails apiece: The Bec­glierbeys as many: The Bassas by right have only one; but for a Personal Distinction, when they have done some Signal Service, the Sultan sends another, and sometimes a third, for each of which they give twenty thousand Piasters, or Crowns, in forty Bags. I must likewise here inform the Rea­der, That besides the Prime Visier, call'd by way of Eminence The Grand Visier, there are six others, who with him make up the Divan, or Council of State of the Ottoman Empire; viz. the Visier of Buda, the Visier of Bosnia, the Visier of Bagdet or Babylon, the Visier of Bassora in Asia, the Visier of Silistria, and the Visier of Messir, which is Grand Cairo: This last Visier is call'd in General from the Name of the Province, the Visier of Egypt; whom the Turks esteem as a Sultan, and as their Emperor, by a particular Distinction of his Dig­nity. As for the Becglierbeys, they are the Supreme Governors of the Province, among whom there are some stil'd Visiers. The simple Beys are only either Governors of Castles, or Colonels of the Cavalry. But to return to the Relation.

After the Emperor was come to Vienna, he sent the King of Poland Word, that he passionately de­sir'd to see him, and to thank him in Person, for the Signal Service he had done him; which one might easily have believ'd he would have done. However, one would not have thought, That the Emperor, after such a piece of Service, would have stood so much upon the Punctilio's and Formali­ties of it. In short, 'tis most certain, that after several Debates upon that Subject, it was agreed between the Ministers of the Imperial Court, and Guinsky, Vice-Chancellor of Poland, that the In­terview of the two Princes, should be in the open [Page 108] Field, and on Horse-back, to avoid those Niceties, upon which his Polish Majesty was once a-minded to go away without seeing the Emperor. It was on the Fifteenth of September, when they came to an Interview, about a League and an half off of Vienna, or a little more. The King of Poland had decamped in the Morning, and tho' the Emperor to stop his March, had sent him word, that he was coming to wait upon him, yet he still continued it, that he might oblige the Emperor to follow him; and remov'd his Camp a quarter of a League farther. The Troops were still a filing off, when they perceiv'd a Body of Cavalry, which was compos'd of the Lords of the Imperial Court, who had quitted their Coaches, and mounted on Horse-back, when they were about two hundred Paces from the Army. The King of Poland at the same time, order'd his Troops to draw up into a Line of Battle; and afterwards advanc'd towards the Emperor, who was making to him with full speed. After these two Princes were met, the King of Po­land unvailing his Bonnet, at the same time that the Emperor clap'd his Hand to his Hat, told him in Latin, That he was very glad that he had been able in such a Critical Juncture, to give him any solid marks of his Friendship. After this short Compliment, he presented the Young Prince his Son to him, ad­ding, That he had brought him along with him to teach him how he ought to succour his Allies: He likewise presented to him the two Generals of the Crown, who saluted the Emperor without alighting. Lastly, seeing that this Prince was stiff and mute, without returning a word of An­swer, or shewing any token of Honour, not so much as saluting the Young Prince, the King left him very bluntly, and said, Without doubt, Bro­ther, you have a mind to take a view of my Army; there are my Generals, whom I have order'd to shew it [Page 109] your Majesty. With that he turn'd his Head from him, and march'd away; and the Emperor with the same Indifference that he had heard this Dis­course, suffer'd him to depart; whilst he for his part went to visit the Lines. Two Days after, he sent 3000 Ducats of Gold, to each of the two Po­lish Generals, and a Sword set with Diamonds, of about a thousand Pistols value, to Prince James. As to him, the Emperor willing to make amends for the Fault he had committed, in not saluting him, of which there were loud and severe Com­plaints made, he in my mind committed a fresh one by writing to the Prince of Poland, a very submissive Letter, wherein he cast all the Blame of that Disrespect, on the Surprize he was in, in remembring the Danger, and seeing the Person who had deliver'd him from it. 'Tis said, that he wrote as much to the Castellan of Livonia, Baron of Felkerzen, Prince James's Governour; but this I am no farther assur'd of, than that it was the common Discourse of our Court: but the other Letter, I saw with my own Eyes.

September 16. the Army rested; the Seventeenth it broke up, and encamped at Fichau, four Leagues off Vienna: and in the mean time, the Bridge of Toulm was order'd to be brought down, and to be put on the Right Branch of the Danube, below Presburg, by which they enter'd the Isle of Schut; which they were to cross, because the Country from thence to Raab, through which the Turks had made their Retreat, was all laid waste; and the other side towards Presburgh, was not in a better condition, by reason of the Encampments of that Body of an Army, which Count Teckeley, had brought thither in the beginning of the Campaign, and likewise because of the Neighbourhood of Newhausel.

[Page 110] The Army was divided into four Parts, for the better conveniency of Forraging. The King of Poland led the Van-guard of the whole with his Troops, posted about two or three Leagues in the Front, towards the Enemy. The Duke of Lor­rain came next with the Emperor's Cavalry, marching a little towards the Right. The Count of Staremberg, being march'd out of Vienna, at the Head of the Infantry, which he had thrown into that Town, led them on the Left side of the Isle by Goutta, and other Towns that border'd on the Plains of Newhausel. The Regiments of Croa­tia, brought up the Rear, at 3 or 4 Leagues di­stance. The King, by the way, went to visit Pres­burgh, when the Army was encamp'd over against it. He likewise visited Raab or Yavarin, going out of the Isle, with a small Attendance, over which a great Party of Rebels (lodg'd in some Gentle­men's Houses thereabouts) might have had the Better, being near the place where the King din'd, but they durst not attempt any thing; and the King repass'd the River the same Night, to re­joyn the Army in the Island. The Rejoycings and Feasts which his Presence occasion'd in these two Places, had nothing in them extraordinary. The Prince of Poland threw a great many Ducats in Presburgh, among the People that were ga­ther'd under the Windows: At Raab, a great deal of Wine and Powder was spent. The Bishop of the Place harangued the King, whom he stil'd the King of Hungary, and their Deliverer. The Go­vernor made him a very Noble Feast, under the Salvo of an hundred Cannon.

Whilst the King of Poland was crossing the great Isle of Schut, the Elector of Bavaria, with his Troops, was posted between Vienna and Pres­burgh: The Count Waldeck, likewise, made a Halt with those of the Circles; and the Elector of Sa­xony [Page 111] drew off all his Forces. But his Polish Ma­jesty, not willing to leave any thing for the Ger­mans to do, after he had done so much in this No­table Juncture, continued his March always at the Head of his Army, to put an end to the Campaign, and to return to his Estates, by the way of Ʋpper Hungary.

During this, he receiv'd a Letter from Michael Apaffy Prince of Transylvania, full of Compli­ments, upon the Success of his Arms. He sent him word of the Arrival of the Grand Visier at Buda, whom the Sultan had pardon'd for the Mis­carriage before Vienna, having sent him a Vest and a Sabre, a Standard, and other Trophies of the Dignity of Grand Visier, as an Assurance of his being still in his Favour. The Sultan was likewise for Comforting his Son-in-Law, by the Example of Solyman the Great, who met with the same Mis­fortune before Vienna; where indeed he was not defeated, but only miss'd of his Aim in taking it. However, with all these Testimonies of Favour, the Sultan order'd him, to make amends for this Misfortune, by covering the Frontier Places. He consented to the Deposing of the Old Cham of Tar­tary, who was succeeded by one of the Visier's Re­lations: and at the Death of the Visier of Bu­da, that Post was fill'd by Kara Mehemet Pacha, the Grand Visier's Intimate Friend. This Letter from the Prince of Transylvania, contain'd like­wise several other Particulars, and concluded with this Compliment to the King: That his Vi­ctory was so compleat, and his steddy Resolution so com­mendable, in carrying on his Design to the utmost; that all Christendom must still remember his Name, and have it always in their Mouths.

The Emperor for his part, rewarded the Good Services of the Count of Staremberg, on whom he bestow'd the Title of Felt-Mareshal, that is, Ge­neral [Page 112] of his Army; but he slighted those of the Duke of Saxe-Laonburg, whose Deserts were equal to his Birth, and who hop'd to have had the Dignity that was conferr'd on Staremberg. This made the Prince of Saxony to withdraw in Discontent, ha­ving the Satisfaction only of seeing the King of Poland approve of his Resentment, and Retreat. That King sent him a very rich Sabre, as a Testi­mony of his Esteem, by a Gentleman who waited upon him at Presburgh, where he had left the Ar­my. Staremberg had likewise the Golden-Fleece bestow'd upon him, and 100000 Crowns, being part of 400000 sent by the Pope, as a supply to the Army.

Thus have we given you a Faithful and Exact Account of this Great Action, which will be a more Shining Ornament to the History of our Age, by the Extraordinariness of the Event, than by the greatness of the Matters of Fact. For we shall in the Sequel, meet with more Heroical and Considerable Transactions on one side, as well as the other. I shall now present you with the Par­ticulars of the March, and Encampments of the King of Poland, from Tarnowits to Vienna; and set down, upon occasion the several Stages thereof.

The first Country the King of Poland entred, after he had left his own Dominions, was the Dutchy of Silesia. This Province is one of the He­reditary Countries of the House of Austria; and begins on the side of Poland, at Bengin, nine Leagues off Cracow.

From Bengin to Tarnowits, three Leagues. This is the Place, which the Poles call Tarnosky Goury. Most of those Towns of Provinces, subject at present to the Republick, going under two Names. As for the Leagues from hence to Vienna, they are to be reckon'd as German Leagues of the larger Mea­sure; the swiftest Courrier not being able to com­pass [Page 113] a Stage in less than two Hours, and some will take above three Hours Riding.

From Tarnowits to Gleibwitz, three Leagues, a Stage and an half. In this Road, you will meet with great variety of Woods, open Plains, Sandy Fields, and Fertile Grounds, with some Villages, that look better than those in Poland, tho' the Houses are made of Wood: The Towns are all wall'd, even Gleibwitz it self, which is the least up­on the Road; but yet this Town makes some shew, has a great Clock in it, its Gates are guarded, and the Burghers are of a Manly Aspect. The King encamp'd at this Place the first Day after he had left Tarnowits, and din'd at Vessolo, a Village be­tween both.

From Glebwitz to Routh, three Leagues, a Stage and an half. You still meet with the same plea­sant Prospect of a mixt Country, which hitherto is pretty good Travelling, tho' Sandy. Routh is only a small Village, situated in the midst of a Wood; but it has a very fine Abbey of the Cister­cian Order, and the Post-Office is within its in­ward Yard. The King din'd at Pilikvitzé, and lay in the Abbey.

Dutchy of RATIBOR.

From Routh to Ratibor, three Leagues, one Stage and an half. They are very long Leagues, and the Country very close and sandy; but in going down the Hills that lie next to the Marshy Plain, in which Ratibor is situated, we discover'd a very pleasant Country. This Marshy Plain makes the Avenues to the Town very difficult, by reason of the Length of the Causeys made of Faggots. Ra­tibor has Suburbs quite round its Walls, and is wash'd with the River Odar, which we pass'd over a Wooden Bridge, into one part of the [Page 114] Suburbs. The Place is very large, and set off with Stately Brick Houses. It is the Capital City of a fine Dutchy, which the House of Au­stria often pawns. Casimir King of Poland en­joy'd it a long time, under that Title; and the Heirs of Queen Lewes his Wife, pretended to great Reimbursements after her Death for that Terri­tory, to be made out of the Emperor's De­mesnes.

The King, who din'd the third Day at Samo­titzé just step'd to Ratibor, where he staid a lit­tle with the Lords of the Family of Henoff, who had provided a Collation for him; and went to lye at Pietrovitzé.

From Ratibor to Troppaw, 4 Leagues, two Stages. This is an Uneven Country, but Champian, and well manur'd: and this City is one of the finest in the Province, surrounded with good Walls, with Turrets, and several pieces of Workmanship on the Gates; the Churches are well built; the In­habitants of a graceful Mein: It has a Governor, and a well-disciplin'd Garrison. On that side of it towards Ratibor, the Suburbs are but indiffe­rent, through which runs the River Oppava, which gives the City a Second Name, being call'd by the Poles Oppava, from the Name of the River. The King din'd there the fourth Day.

The Marquisate of MORAVIA.

From Troppaw to Hauff, four Leagues, two Stages. Upon leaving of Troppaw, the Plains by which it is surrounded, and which are very Champian, go a League farther; and with them is terminated the Province of Silesia, separated on this side from the Marquisate of Moravia, by a Ridge of large Mountains of six Leagues length; which arising from those of Hungary, on the [Page 115] Left, are joyn'd to those of Bohemia beyond Breslaw on the Right. These Mountains are very high, cover'd with large Woods of Fir, and at the Bottoms, wash'd with Fountains and Rivulets, where are some Villages ill built, but pretty po­pulous. Such a Village as this is Hauff which might be reckon'd a large Town, and would be a good City in Poland. It is call'd in the Polish Lan­guage Dwortzè.

This Ridge of Mountains is terminated by a long, rough, and steep descent, at the foot of which is the City of Sternberg, which is properly no more than a Street, with a Gate at each End; but large, rich, and well built. In the midst of this Mountain is a Castle of Ancient Structure, very large, and well kept, as belonging to a Petty Prince, or rather some Great Lord of Germany.

From Hauff to Sternberg, three Leagues, a Stage and an half. The King lay at the first of these Places the fourth Day of his March.

Moravia, is doubtless the Best of the Hereditary Provinces, and the Richest Country of Germany. It is fat, fertil, plentiful, populous, set off with Neat Cities, and adorn'd with all that Nature can afford, to make it Beautiful; having variety of Plains, Green Forests, Vales, and Meadows, which represent very pleasing Prospects to the Eye. On the one side it borders on the Kingdom of Hun­gary: It is separated from Silesia by a Ridge of Mountains: On the Front, it has the Plains of Au­stria terminated by the Danube; and on the Right, the Kingdom of Bohemia, whose Language is very like to the Moravian, being both a Dialect deriv'd from the Sclavonian.

The Capital City of Moravia is Olmutz, call'd in Latin, Olomucium. It is well built, and set off with a large Square, a great many Churches, Stately Houses, wide and clear Streets, strong Walls, [Page 116] which last are flanked with Turrets, cover'd with a Mote, and other Modern Works. It is adorn'd without with Sumptuous Seats, fine shady Walks; and very advantagious for its Scituation, being at the end of a Plain two Leagues long, bounded on the Left with a Ridge of Hills, of different Pro­spects, such as Meadows, Ponds, Thickets, and the like, of which the City is the Point of Sight. It is seated on a small Rising, over-looking a spa­cious Meadow, which surrounds three Sides of it; with a River, that runs in a winding Stream thro' the midst: Olmutz is a Bishoprick, whose Bishop is a Prince of the Empire, and has a Right of Coyning Money; and I have seen several fine Du­cats of his Coyn. He has a new Palace suitable to his Dignity; yet the Garrison and the Governor, are plac'd by the Emperor in the City, and their Discipline is Exact and Great. The King leaving Hauff, din'd at Sternberg, and took up his Quarters at Olmutz, the fifth Day of his March, being Au­gust 26.

From Sternberg to Olmutz, two Leagues, one Stage. From Olmutz to Prostnitz, two Leagues, one Stage. The Country between is very uneven, wholy Champian, and of an extraordinary Soil. Prostnitz is scituated in a Plain, and is less consi­derable than Olmutz; but yet neat enough, being built with Brick, as are all the Towns of this Mar­quisate; its Houses are lofty, and its Streets large. The King din'd here, and the same Day encamp'd at Ʋiska, a Village upon the Road.

From Prostnitz to Bitchau, two Leagues, one Stage. It takes up in good Weather near four Hours Time to travel this Stage; and in Winter, 'tis near a Day's Journey, by reason of the fat Mountains, and dirty Soil. The Fields are all open, stretching out towards the Left, and plow'd into large Furrows. As for Bitchau, it is one of [Page 117] the Best Cities of the Country, and its Land is the Granary of all those Parts.

From Bitchau to Brinn, four Leagues, two Stages. This last City is more considerable than the for­mer, not only for its Grandeur, fine Houses, and the Nobility with which 'tis fill'd, but also for its Citadel; one of the Best I ever saw in those Parts. It takes in the compass of the whole Plat­form of an high and inaccessible Mountain, whose Extremity at the Top has a Mantling, or Counter­scarp, much like that of Montmidy in Luxemburgh. Besides this, Brinn has its fortified Walls, tho' ir­regular, all cover'd with a sort of Bastions, with­out any Outside, or loose Works. It is situated on a small Prominence, at the foot of which, round about, it has some Houses in the Nature of Sub­urbs. Its Governor is a Noble Lord, very highly esteem'd by the Elector of Bavaria, who came to refresh himself at his House, after the Siege of Vi­enna was rais'd. The King came thither in three Days time from Olmutz.

From Brinn to Pourlits, four Leagues, two Stages▪ This is a Village in a very fat Soil, and a Plain, di­versify'd with Meadows, Plow'd Lands, and Thickets; where there are some others more con­siderable.

From Pourlits to Niklitsbourg (the Germans pro­nounce it Niklitspourg) two Leagues, one Stage of three Hours Riding. Moravia terminates at the end of one League, at a certain Lake, over which we pass'd on a sorry Wooden Bridge. Beyond the Lake, Austria begins, and presents us a new kind of Prospect, no less pleasant for its Variety, than Rich and Plentiful in its vast Extent. On the Left you see nothing but Vineyards, like those about Lions; on the Right, boundless Plains, gar­nish'd with Villages; manur'd all over, and of a fat and fertile Soil.

The Arch-Dutchy of AUSTRIA.

Austria, from whence that Illustrious Family (whose two Branches have sway'd the Imperial Scepter, from the Year 1437. to this Time) took its Name, was formerly no more than a Mar­quisate, which the Emperor rais'd first to a Dutchy, and afterwards to an Arch-Dutchy. The Danube runs cross it; and it is separated from Hungary, on the one Side by the River of Mora­via, and on the other by that of Raab, both which throw themselves into the Danube by opposite cur­rents. Austria is bounded by Moravia, Bohemia, Bavaria, Styria, and Hungary. It is full Cities, considerable not only in themselves, but also for the Epochas of History, which will perpetuate their Names: Among others, we may reckon Passàw, Lints, and Vienna its Capital City. This last is become the Metropolis of the whole Em­pire, ever since Fourteen Emperors of the House of Austria, have reign'd successively; the last of which have Establish'd their Court there, and have made a Splendid City of it. Besides, Austria is a Country abounding with variety of Plains, Vine­yards, Hills, and large Forests, which afford ample Diversions to the Emperors, by that prodigious quantity of Stags, and other large Beasts, with which they are stock'd, 'Tis certain that no Country abounds so much with the former, as this Province does: You may see them in whole Herds, like so many Beeves round about Vienna; and 'tis to be wondred what a great number of them the Emperor takes every Year, whereof with the weight of each, an exact Register is kept. This Register is lock'd up in the Archives of the Court, and has been lodg'd there time out of Mind. These Hunting-Matches are three Months in the [Page 119] Year: The Emperor misses not one of 'em, having stated and fix'd days for this Exercise, as he has for Audiences. His Courtiers make a Business of State of it; and at the place of Rendez-vous, take each of 'em a Nosegay of Greens, provided by the Hunts­men, who present the Emperor with a Crown, and a kind of Sceptre made of the same. The Scales are carry'd along with 'em, to weigh each Beast they kill, and the Register, to take an exact Ac­count thereof: and the Emperor himself opens the Belly cross-ways with a large Knife, before any dare touch it. When the Hunting-Matches are over, they cast up the Number and the Weight, as set down in the Register, and by comparing them to former Years, and to other Emperors, they pass a Judgment from thence on the Glory, and Success of the Reigning Prince, who is either pre­ferr'd before, or set below his Ancestors, accord­ing to the Event of these Matches. Herein I have made no Additions, and speak of no more than I my self was an Eye-witness of.

The City of Niklitsbourg therefore is the first City of Austria, on that Side of it that lies towards Moravia. It is situated on a Rising, commanded by a very high Prominence, where is seen a great Pile of Buildings, very Magnificent, even in their Irregularity. 'Tis the Castle belonging to the Lords of the Place, which looks more like a Prince's Palace. The City is but small, but neat, and en­compass'd with Suburbs, in one of which the Jews are permitted to settle (a rare thing in those parts): It is adorned with Fountains, set off with a chain of little Hills, that do, as it were, embrace it; and by a pleasant Vale, which lies below it.

From this Place to Vienna, they reckon nine Leagues, and by Stages ten, which are very large ones. The King of Poland turn'd off to the Right, that he might be Master of the Dauube above, over [Page 120] against Toulm, marching to Mederich, to Orken­dorf, to Ollebrun; but the common Road is through Tastorf, Ʋolkestorf, and other Villages (for upon the strait Road, there are no Walled Towns from Niklitsbourg to Vienna): The Country is very in­commodious by its Eminences, and by the low Bottoms, in the nature of Valleys: 'tis fat and fertile, mix'd with Vineyards, with several covert Places: There are a great many Villages along those Valleys, as well as in the Hilly Country: and every where a variety of Prospects. The largest Town on this Road is Ʋolkestorf, the last Stage, from whence they reckon two more to Vienna; tho' 'tis only three Leagues, taking in the Passage of the Danube, from the first great Bridge across the two Islands. The Road Ʋolkestorf to Vienna is a vast Plain, without Hedge or Bush, at least for two Leagues together: On the Right it is bounded with small Hills, where are Villages in the midst of the Vineyard; and on the Left, one may see to the opening of the Mountains, made on purpose (they say) for an Entrance into the Kingdom of Hungary, and for the Passage of the Danube, above seven Leagues distant from Ʋol­kestorf. 'Tis likewise the direct Road from Pres­bourg, which on the same Line, is no more than ten Leagues from that Village, without any other Defile than the River of Moravia, which is fordable in Summer, and at all times supply'd with a Ferry-Boat. These Countries (as I have already ob­serv'd) from that River to Ʋolkestorf, were the Seat of War; the Duke of Lorrain being always en­camp'd therein, ever since Vienna began to be be­sieg'd, and having render'd them Famous by the Bloody Battles, that he fought with the Turks and Hungarians. The Reader may be the better in­form'd of the Importance of this, by perusing this last Description of the Road, where he will meet [Page 121] with no Rivers, nor Fortified Places, nor Forests, nor Defiles: for that Ridge of Mountains between Moravia and Silesia, is a Road good and easie enough, since the Stage is perform'd in a Cha­riot; and the Ways are broad, commodious, without any steep Rocks, or frightful Precipices. Nor are the Cities I have mention'd, any Obstru­ction by their Situation, since 'tis not necessary to go through them; and Travellers leave them on the Right or Left, when they have nothing to do there. There are no Fortified Places, nor deep Rivers to pass over, nor any narrow Ways to march through: So that all was open from the Danube to Vistula, or at least to Oder, which is a large and deep River; but such as the Tartars might have swam over, or pass'd by the Bridge of Ratibor, which was left unguarded.

Such an Incursion would have been a fatal Blow to the Emperor's Affairs, by ravaging three of his best Provinces; at least Austria and Moravia, may be reckon'd such, as well for the Richness of their Soil, which surpasses Silesia, by the large Vine­yards that are in both; as also for the number of their Cities, more considerable, and better built than those of that Dutchy. The Wines of Austria and Moravia, are not indeed very rich; they are of an Orange colour, and have a Flavour neither perceptible by the Eye, nor the Palate: yet they are sold very much in those Provinces, and at Vien­na they drink none else.

From Niklitsbourg to Keysselstorf two Leagues, one Stage.

From Keysselstorf to Canschtorf two Leagues, one Stage.

From Canschtorf to Volkestorf two Leagues, one Stage.

From Volkestorf to Vienna, three Leagues, two Stages.

[Page 122] These are all very large Villages, and built either of Stone, or Mud, or Brick. The first Stage is very long; the next, three Hours Riding at least; but the last are common ones.

There is also a Stage set up from Ʋienna to Pres­bourg; but in time of Peace there is no need of go­ing through Ʋienna, but leaving it on the Left, you may travel in a strait Line, from Ʋolkerstorf across the Plains to the River of Moravia, and thence to Presbourg, By this means one saves four Leagues of the Way, and avoids the double Passage over the Danube, once over the Bridges of Ʋienna, and again in a Ferry-Boat, over against Presbourg. But because that Road was not safe during the first Year of the War, by reason of the Inroads which the Hungarians made into Moravia, I always went by Vienna, in the two Journeys I made from the Army to Cracow; viz. from Vienna to Fichau, call'd by the Germans Wischo, four Leagues, two Stages, which are very short, through a pleasant Champian Country, wherein formerly there were three Vil­lages, like those about Paris; which the Tartars le­vell'd with the Ground.

From Fichau to Mutschultembourg four Leagues, two Stages.

From Mutschultembourg to Presbourg two Leagues, one Stage.

In leaving the first of these Places, one meets with a Barrier of high Hills on the Right, which shut up the Passage, and make a very narrow De­file, between the Mountains and the Danube. A League farther you pass through another, straiter than the former; and that is, the Gate or Opening, which is descry'd from Ʋolkestorf, compos'd of two steep Rocks, which on both sides, situate one over a­gainst the other, straiten the current of the Danube. In the midway of this Passage is a large Town, en­clos'd with Stone Walls, with a lofty Gate, through [Page 123] which one enters into the Defile, there being no other Entrance; for the Danube flows along on the Left, and the Wall reaches on the Right, along the Mountain to a Tower, that is seated on the Top, the which is very high and steep. This Place is call'd Hamburgh, and might formerly have been a well-built City; at present 'tis all in Ruines, as well as the rest. From thence one enters into a pleasant and fertile Plain, bounded on one side by the River, and on the other side by those Green Hills, which opening wider and wider, gives a large and boundless View of the finest Country that can be imagin'd. At the City of Presbourg, situate on the Left across the Danube, you have the most charming Prospect and Landskip, that any Painter can possibly invent or draw. One passes the River on a Magnificent Floating-Bridge, large enough for above ten Coaches, During the first Campagne it was taken away, and a Ferry-Boat only clap'd in its room. The next Year it was set on the River again, and is certainly the best con­triv'd Machine, and admirably well built; being surrounded with Ballisters, or Rails on the Four Sides. 'Tis so contriv'd, that one may walk upon it as upon plain Ground, and is guided by the Stream, without Oars or Helm, only with a Pully, whose Cable is fastened to a train of small Boats, that lye across the River, at an equal distance from each other.

The Reader will still perceive the Retreat of the Grand Visier to be the more surprizing, when he here considers the Defiles through which he was to march, before he could so much as reach his Bridges, which lay at Raab: and he will be able to judge, Whether Miogensky, that Brave Com­mander, that Leader of the Famous Brigade, did not pursue them highly, in being able to come up with the Rear of the Enemy.

[Page 124] I shall shut up this Chapter with a Latin Epi­gram, made by the Bishop of Puy, Brother of the Marquis of Bethune, who had married the Queen of Poland's Eldest Sister. Those who are skill'd in Latin Poetry, say 'tis smart, and has something of the Attick Poignancy in it. 'Tis only a Distich, and runs thus:

Dignior Imperio numne Austrius? anne Polonus?
Odrysias acies hic fugat, ille fugit.

CHAP. IV.
The sequel of the Campagne in Hungary, with a particular Account of the Battles of Barcan; and the Taking of Grana, or Strigonium.

THE precipitate Retreat of the Grand Visier from before Vienna, could not be pursued, for the Reasons assign'd in the former Chapter: So that he had Leisure enough, to pass his Bridges at Raab, and to get to Buda, with the Remains of his Army. He made a stand at that place, as be­ing out of Danger; and the Letters which he there receiv'd from the Sultan, with new Marks of his Favour, and fresh Standards, comforted him a little in his Misfortune. But being order'd to cover the Frontiers, which his Defeat might have laid open to the Poles and Imperialists; he rally'd his Forces, gave some Subsistence to the Soldiers, rous'd up the Courage of the Commanders, that they might be in a posture of opposing the Christians, in case they were minded to prosecute their Victory, and to lay Siege to any place within the Grand Signior's Dominions. Tho' the Army was not well satisfied with the Grand Visier, who did not [Page 125] duly pay them, and whose Pay was found in good Ducats in his Chest, that were left to be rifl'd by the King of Poland; yet they rallied without any more ado, being animated with a Spirit of Maho­metism, which serves that Nation instead of true Glory. The New Cham of Tartary cross'd the Danube over the Bridge of Buda, and took possession of the City of Pest, with the Country round about it, to serve as a cover from thence to the Moun­tains, where Count Teckley was advanc'd in the Bottoms. He reinforc'd the Garrisons of New­hausel, and Strigonium, and sent a Body of Horse to the latter of these Places, there to pass the Bridge, and to guard that Pass, where was a Fort of Earth staked and pallissadoed, call'd Barcan.

For the better comprehending of those Motions, by the Knowledge of the Country, you are to take Notice, That the Danube joyning its Streams at the Foot of the Citadel of Comorne, and at the Ex­tremity of the Isle of Schut, forms one single and large Channel, between great and open Plains on the Left, and a narrow Mountainous and covert Country on the Right, as far as Buda; being about twelve Leagues distant from that Isle: That these Plains are full of Villages, large Towns and small Cities, whose Inhabitans manure the Land under the Cannon of Newhausel, to which they contribute, and whither they carry their Commodities to sell. The City is situated in the Centre of those Cham­pian Countries, and is the most advanc'd Place which the Turks have on that side of Lower Hun­gary. The Country on the Right beyond the Da­nube, is less fertile and manur'd, Mountainous and Woody; yet Populous, having several strong Ci­ties or Castles, which makes the Visiriat of Buda. The nighest of those Places towards Germany, is Strigonium, seated at the foot of a Hill almost on the Banks of the Danube; and 'tis there where the [Page 126] Turks have their first Bridge, to pass over to the Plains of Newhausel, and by this communication to guard the Conquer'd Country. On the same side with Strigonium lies the City of Buda, of the same situation of the former, but a great deal more con­siderable, with such another Bridge to pass to Ʋp­per Hungary, and relieve the Places that are on that side, at the foot of the Mountains. The Passes of those two Bridges are defended on the Left side of the River; the first by a very great Fort, where are abundance of Houses, fortified with high Pal­lisadoes, with two Gates; but uncover'd, and liable to be attack'd on all Sides: This Fort is call'd Bar­can. The second Bridge is defended by a large fortified City, call'd Pest.

But whereas the Turks had been settled for above 140 Years in all this Country, which Solyman II. sirnam'd The Great, had in part conquer'd; those Places were look'd upon as the ancient Patrimony of the Sultan. The Turks never dream'd of any change either in Religion or Government. Buda was the Capital City of Turkish Hungary, and by the Forts with which it was either cover'd, or surrounded within six Leagues of Comorne, it might pass for the Centre of the Ottoman Empire. Upon this account it was, that the Visier there made a stand, and Rendevouz'd his new Army. He took up his Quarters there, with the best part of the Army, thereby to cover the Frontiers of that Vi­siriat; and sent the rest cross the Danube, to guard the Passes of the two Bridges, that they might be in a Readiness to hinder the Christians from ad­vancing in the Plains of Newhausel, or towards the Neighbouring Mountains. This is the Ichnography of the Country in General, let us descend to that of the Places contain'd in it in Particular.

STRIGONIUM.

Strigonium, call'd by the Germans Gran, by the Italians Grana, by the Inhabitants Estregon, from whence the Turks have nam'd it Ostrogon, is a City whose Houses are built with Wood. It is si­tuated at the foot of a large Mountain, which the Danube washes; inclos'd with Stone Walls, pretty well built, having Turrets and Batteries on them, but without a Trench, or any other kind of Defence. On the Top is a Fortress, call'd the Upper Town, where the Governour and his Garrison are quar­tered: This Fortress has no other Fortifications, beside very thick Walls, well built and Rampier'd, defended with Towers, Angles, and other ancient Flankers, by which the Walls of the Lower Town are joyn'd to those of the Upper. That side which faces the Danube, is very pleasant, and the Com­munication of the Lower City with the Fortress very easie by paths, than run along the Descent to a small Gate: But the side which looks towards the Champian Country is very steep on the Top, where is a Rocky Crest that surrounds the Fort and its Walls; at the foot of which is a Pallisade in the nature of a Counterscarp; to keep off the Enemy. For as soon one has gain'd the foot of those Walls, he is cover'd from all the Attempts of those that are upon them. Over against this side is just such another Mountain, parallel to the for­mer, and call'd in German Thomasberg, where for­merly was a sort of Fortress, of which nothing is now remaining but the Foundations, and from whence one might cannonade that of Strigonium.

The Lower City had several Houses in the out­parts upon the Plain; a Mosque upon the Bank of the Danube near the Bridge, to which they went through a small Gate, open'd in the Wall over [Page 128] against it. This Bridge was one of the longest that ever was seen; the middle built on Boats, the two ends on Piles. The River is of an extraordinary Breadth, its Banks pleasant, its Current running in a strait line, the passage all about of wonderful variety. It was formerly a considerable Arch-Bishoprick, whose Title is still bestow'd on Pre­lates of high Dignity: And of late Years, we have met in the Learned World with an Archbishop of Strigonium, whose Writings have furnish'd mat­ter of Dispute to the most Famous Universities of Europe, and have establish'd a lasting Reputation to their Author. This City is still the Metropolis of a Country of a large Extent, which made up one of the best parts of the ancient Kingdom of Hungary.

BUDA.

Buda was the Capital thereof, and the Residence of the King, who had there a Magnificent Palace. It lies below Strigonium, six large Leagues, and on the same side, divided into the Upper and Lower Town; the latter seated on the Declivity and at the Foot of a large Mountain; the former stretch'd out on the Top of it, where it stands; being very narrow about the middle, but very long, and the two Extremities widened out like Places-d' Armes. Neither of these Towns have any Fortifications: The Lower Town is inclos'd only with Walls; the Upper flank'd with round Towers, with a good Trench, a double Circumvallation in several parts of the Ancient Mode, and with those Pallaces of King Matthias at the end, which enters into the very Substance of the Walls, and make a prin­cipal part of them. The whole is built with Brick, and well rampier'd, yet of easie Access, the De­clivity of the Mountain not being very rough, and [Page 129] the Top being almost all of it commanded by other Risings, proper to mount Cannon on. The River runs behind that Hill on which the City stands, so that one cannot get betwixt them: and to cut off their Supplies, one must either seise upon Pest, which is on the other side at the Head of the Bridge, or stop up the Danube below Buda, towards the Isle of Saint Andrews, which is not far from thence.

The Turks call the Place Boudim, and have made it the Title of a Visier: I likewise look upon it as one of the Chief Visiriats by the Extent of its Go­vernment, and the Importance of the Province, which is one of the richest and largest of the Otto­man Empire; which comprehends the whole course of the Drave, a very considerable River, upon which or its Marshes on each side, is the Fa­mous Bridge of Esseck, of near two hundred Leagues Length; and which opens a Passage into Servia, Bulgaria, Bosnia, and other Ancient Provinces of the Turkish Dominions. The Province of Buda made a great part of Lower Hungary, and one of the Ancient Pannonienses, stretching it self from the Danube towards Sclavonia, and across that River as far as the Mountains of Ʋpper Hungary, and the River Theysse, taking in the City of Agria, with its Dependencies. At present 'tis the most consi­derable Province of the Ottoman Empire, which reaches to the Borders of Austria on one side, and to the Frontiers of Poland on the other.

HUNGARY.

But for the clearer Apprehending the course of this Country, we ought here to say something in gene­ral of the Kingdom of Hungary, one of the largest, richest, most fertile, pleasantest, and most popu­lous Countries of all Europe. Tho' it is in a great measure rob'd of those rare Qualifications, and has been the Seat of War, Revolts, and Bloody Cata­strophes [Page 130] for two hundred Years together; still it is the best of all the Estates that belong to the House of Austria. It wants nothing, and what it has, is altogether Admirable. Its Mountains fur­nish you with Golden Mines, its Coasts with the richest Wines in the World; for the Best comes not near those of Hungary, made in certain Parts and of certain rich Grapes dry'd in the Sun, call'd Ʋvae siccae, Ʋvae passae. The Fruits of the Country are likewise Extraordinary: You there meet with a kind of black Plums, of a delicate Taste, and so suitable to the Constitution of an Humane Body, that the Physicians▪ say proverbially, That they will do you no harm, eat as many as you will of' em, un­less you swallow down Tree and all. The other Fruits so much boasted of in hot Countries, grow here in great plenty: Water Melons, and others on dry Land, without meeting with so much as one of 'em naught. And there are three or four sorts of them, or of different colours, being white, green, red within.

Hungary abounds no less in all other things requi­site for the Pleasure or Necessities of Life, so that it needs not to borrow any thing from its Neighbors, but on the contrary can lend to them of its own stores. This has render'd it very populous, and en­rich'd it with great Cities, large Towns, and stately Castles. Most of the first owe their Original to the Ancient Romans, who planted Colonies in this Country; the Names of which are still retain'd in that general corruption of Languages. Such are Poson, Sabine, and Tyrnau, which are Famous Ci­ties of this Kingdom, founded formerly by Piso, Sa­binus and Tyrnavius. The Inhabitants of those Pla­ces still retain the purity of the Language of their ancient Masters. 'Tis certain that no place of Eu­rope speaks so good, so Proper, Elegant and Fluent Latin as Hungary. Even the Language of Augu­stus's [Page 131] Time is not degenerated neither in the Stile, nor the Pronunciation. 'Tis still cultivated with Care in the Universities of this Kingdom (of which the Colleges of Tyrnau and Cassovia, are the most Famous) and noted as the Best Universities of France, and the Ancient Conimbrian and Complutensian Academies of Spain. The Post-Masters are not admitted into that Office, unless they can speak Latin as well as Hungarian, and in short, the Ge­nerality of the Inhabitants speak it very Na­turally.

There is scarce any Kingdom, that has so many considerable Nobility, Rich Lords, and Powerful Families; which appears from those frequent Re­bellions, that have happen'd in that Country: and in our Days from that Rebellion rais'd by the Counts Nadasti, Fragipani, and Serin; whose pu­nishment contrary to the Edict of Amnesties and Impunities, has fomented it again in the Person of Count Teckley, who inherits the Hatred which his Ancestors bore to the Tyranny and Cruelty of the Ministers of Vienna. Religion was the un­happy cause of it, the Jesuites the Instruments, and the Turks have made the finishing Stroke, having ruin'd this vast Territory; partly on their own Head, and partly to relieve the Rebels. From hence ensu'd the Incursion of Mahomet IV. made in the Year 1683. Afterwards the Conquests of Count Teckley, in Ʋpper Hungary, where he took Filek, Cassovia, Tokay, Eperiez, and other Places, a little before Kara Mustapha a Bassa fell into Au­stria. Not only the Genius of the Hungarians, who are Naturally Treacherous, and inclin'd to rebel; not only the Riches of the Lords, and the Fiery and Haughty Temper of the Nation, but withall the Arrogance of the German Governours contri­buted very much to those Revolts. All the World knows what great Generals and Commanders this [Page 132] Country has bred up, who were for a long time the strongest Bulwark Christianity had against the Infidels: Histories are full of the Noble Actions, Memorable Battels and Sieges, which have rais'd the Reputation of this Kingdom to a great Height, by the Valour of its Kings or Generals, both An­cient and Modern: So that their Bravery has been perpetuated in all Ages, and even nourish'd by the War of the Turks, who could never have advanc'd their Conquest so far, had not Rebellion and Inte­stine Divisions open'd a way to them. Those of Flanders have met with a Famous Historian [Strada] by whose Help, they have merited the Admira­tion of all Ages: But the Wars of Hungary, which are longer and more bloody, would have been more memorable, if a faihtful and well-inform'd Historian had wrote the Particulars of them.

This Kingdom formerly contain'd ten Pro­vinces, whose Standards were set up (as at present) at the Coronation of the Kings: Sclavonia, Servia, Bosnia, Croatia, and other Countries of the An­cient Illyricum, were dependent upon it. Vienna still pretends, That the Principality of Transyl­vania was one of its Provinces: but this last is at present a particular Soveraignty of it self; and the Turks have added the rest to the Empire of Con­stantinople. So that we are to look upon the King­dom in its present State, as 'tis bounded by Poland, Transylvania, Talachia, Servia, Croatia and Austria; containing in this vast Circumference, two different Countries, which the Danube cuts asunder, and wholly separates: the One call'd Ʋpper Hungary, which consists of Mountains, Hills, and Valleys; the other, Lower Hungary, stretching it self along vast, fertile and pleasant Plains, from the Right side of the River, taking in those great Isles which it forms from Presbourg. Both these Countries are wash'd with great Rivers, enrich'd with consi­derable [Page 133] Cities, and fortified with Forts and Castles. But the best Canton is Ʋpper Hungary, as the Lower is the most pleasant. The Ancient Romans had possession of the former a long time, and refus'd not to pay their Obedience to the Emperors of that Warlike Nation, which costs them no less than the Gauls. It was Pannonia, a Province of the Roman Empire, where those Lords of the Universe set­tled themselves, planted Colonies, and kept up Armies, being very well satisfied with the fruitful­ness of the Soil, the goodness of the Climate, and the considerableness of its Situation. There are still to be found a vast number of Medals; the old Ruines are full of 'em; the Foundations of the Cities were the Treasuries of 'em, where the People doubtless did hide them, either in time of War, or out of Co­vetousness, as in other Parts. Those who would write a History by those Ancient Coyns or Medals, cannot meet any where else with so many, and so fine pieces, so well stamp'd and preserv'd as are to be met with in this Kingdom, and in Transyl­vania. In the Year 1685. I brought to his Polish Majesty above two thuosand Pieces of Gold or Sil­ver, gather'd in that Country, at the Instance of the Marquis of Bethune, by the care of several Lords of his Acquaintance, and among the rest of those of Teckley's Party. And when the Germans fortify'd Nyssa, in the 1619, Count Veterani colle­cted an infinite number of very Curious Medals, in digging up the Foundations of the Walls.

Besides this general Division of Hungary; there is another particular one with respect to its Sove­reingty, as 'tis divided between the Turks and the King's, the Successors of those who first founded this Monarchy. The Turks have curtailed Ʋpper as well as Lower Hungary. Of Lower-Hungary they have conquered all the Country from the Save to the Drave, and from the Drave running along the Da­nube, [Page 134] as far almost as the Isle of Schut, or Komorne▪ This Conquest reaches on the Left towards Croatia, and Styria, on the Right within Seven Leagues of Presbourg along the Mountains, and the River Theys­se; which is generally comprized under one Pro­vince Governed by a Visier, called from the Ca­pital City of it, the Visier of Buda. In Ʋpper-Hungary, they carried on their Conquests beyond the Theysse, skirting on Transylvania, and pier­cing into the very heart of the Kingdom, where they took Possession of Temeswar, Peterwaradin, and other Parts, of which they made a second Province, under the Title of the first of those Cities. The rest towards Poland and Moravia re­mained to the Emperor or the King of Hungary, but very much curtailed by the Rebels; and the strong places which the Grandees held out: So that when the Turks came to Vienna, only Zatmar towards Poland, and some other inconsiderable Ci­ties, which that Fortress likewise covered, were under the Obedience of the Emperor. The State of War indeed changed the Disposition after­wards, as we shall see; but thus it was in this year I now speak of, after the Raising of the Siege of Vienna.

Whilst the Grand Visier rallied the broken Forces of his Army at Buda, the King of Poland marched vi­ctoriously with his towards Lower-Hungary, on the Right of the River Danube, on which they caused the Bridge of Toulm to fall down, and to be placed below Presbourg to pass over into the Isle of Schut. This Isle they traversed from one end to the other in several distinct Camps, as hath been already said, to the City of Komorne, which is at the point of that Isle: Over against which, and on the left Branch of the Danube the same Bridge was brought down to pass over into the plains of Newhausel, which they had a design to besiege. [Page 135] A League lower another Bridge was cast over on Presbourg side, to maintain a Communication be­tween this City with the Army, and the Isle of Schut; the only Road that could be Travelled with any safety, and to facilitate that of the City Komorne, which was seated at the farther end of the Island.

The King of Poland left the Isle October 3. and Encamped beyond it under the Cannon of that Fortress, facing towards Newhausel on the Left, leaving space on the Right for the German Army, who arrived the next Day near the City, and passed the Bridge the same Day, and all the fifth; which obliged the King to make a stand in that place to the sixth, that the Duke of Lorrain might have time to draw over all his Forces. However the Imperial Artillery, and the Regiments of the Cravatians could not pass over till this Day; and the Army was forced still to Halt. But our Par­ties and our Cossacks having brought News the Night before, that the Turks were likewise passing the Danube at Pest and Barean, to put a stop to our March, and cover Newhausel, Lewents, and the Country that lay at the foot of the Mountains; the King resolved upon Marching directly to the Bridge of Strigonium, to burn it, before the Enemy could all get over to us, and to carry the Fort which lay at the head of the Bridge by the Vanguard with Sword in Hand. In the mean time he took a view of the Rounds of his Camp of Komorne, to descry the Avenues and the Disposition of the Ground. He sent a French Engineer, named M. du Pont, with a great Party of Horse towards Lewents, with Or­ders to advance as nigh as he could to the Ene­mies Army. His Cossacks were likewise ordered forth towards the Danube; one of whom brought a Turk, who was advanced but only twenty paces from the Main-Guard of the Enemies Camp. [Page 136] The Engineer returned without having discover'd any thing; because his Guides had led him all the Night without coming nigh either of the Bridges; on the contrary they brought him towards New­hausel, by the Walls of which he marched. But another Officer committed a greater Error; for being commanded to go as far Barcan, he stopp'd in a Village half-way, where he spent the greatest part of the Night; a Detachment of the Turks surprized him, cut off his Head, with thirty Horse that attended him, whose Trunks we saw the next Day as we passed through that Village. So that the King could never get any certain Intelligence what number of Turks had crossed on this side of the River, nor where their particular Post was. We could plainly see the Fires which they made in the Villages upon the Road, thereby to cut off from us both Wood and Forrage, the former of which was very scarce in those Plains: We were informed by the Prisoners that marched on the side of us; that the Tartars were advanced by the way of Pest, and were to join the Rebels of Hun­gary, led by Count Teckly along the Mountains; but we knew nothing of what past at Barcan. This Post was very still undiscovered, and the King was ill advised to think of carrying the Place by his Dragoons and Infantry, without communica­ting any thing of his Design to the Germans, that he might let them see that the Poles knew how to carry considerable Forts by surprize.

Full of this design, he urged the Duke of Lor­rain to decamp from Komorne, and advance towards the Bridges of the of the Turks, under a pretence of burning them, without letting him know any of his Real intentions. But the Imperial Army could not yet break up, since their Cannon and part of the Cavalry was still stopp'd in the Isle, by the breaking of part of the Bridge, which was [Page 137] repairing all the fifth Day. On October 6. about Nine in the Morning they decamped without wait­ing for the coming up of the rest; and in that very instant the King received advice that Teckley being informed of his March was retreated to­wards Transylvania, having gained the Mountains. This redoubled his Desire of advancing towards the Enemy, which they did this very Day within two short Leagues off the Fort of Barcan, having marched three large Leagues.

During these Transactions the Queen of Poland, to whom the King had sent me with a very large Account of the Particulars of Vienna, dispatch'd me back again with her Answers, and order'd me par­ticularly to insinuate to the King, by means of the Senators that follow'd the Camp, that it was high time to return back to his Dominions. This the Poles passionately long'd for, because the Infan­try began to be out of Heart, for want of Provi­sions, particularly Bread; for which the Germans cannot be excus'd, having the conveniency of the Danube, by which they might have convey'd great plenty into the Camp; had they us'd due Precau­tions. Besides this, the Poles thought they were at the fag-end of the World, and long'd for their Beer, their Colworts, and their Cacha, without which they fancy'd they could not live. But the King would listen to none of these Considerations, and with a steddy Resolution, pursu'd that Glo­rious Carreer, which he had form'd in his Mind, from the Banks of the Danub [...] the Vistula, across all Ʋpper Hungary.

I met with the German Army, in the Isle of Ko­morne; and because I could not tell for certain where the Polish Army was, which always march'd two or three Leagues in the Van; I resolv'd at Presbourg to follow a Courrier from the Emperor, that was going thence to the Duke of Lorrain, from [Page 138] whom I expected to receive a Convoy. After 4 Hours march we found the Arrier-Guard, com­pos'd of the Cravatian Regiments: We went af­terwards by the course of the Country, towards the Place, where they told us the Main Body of the Army lay; but we turn'd too much towards the the Left, and fell in with the Camp of the Infantry, commanded by Staremberg, which coasted along the Left Arm of the Danube, and encamp'd this Day upon the Shore about Goutta, a small City over against Newhausel. By this means we could not get before Midnight to the Duke of Lorrain's Camp, posted about the Middle of the Isle, four large Leagues off Komorne, being two Days March to that City.

On the Morrow, being Sunday Octob. 3. I waited upon the Duke of Lorrain at his Levée; who in­form'd me, That the King was this very Day to pass the Danube, over the Bridge of Komorne, his Army being march'd over the Day before. That Prince order'd me to be conducted thither, by one of his Adjutants, upon Horses belonging to his own Equipage. I arriv'd at the Bridge that very In­stant the King pass'd it: and his Majesty, who had order'd me to rejoyn him by coming that Road, in which he was pursuing the Enemy, was surpris'd, and at the same time glad, to see me arrive so safe to his Camp. During the Halt he made there, he receiv'd an Express from the Prince of Transylva­nia, with Letters writ in Cyphers, dated at Buda, which contain'd little else but the Re-establish­ment of the Grand Visier in his former Digni­ty, and the Particulars of the whole Intrigue at Court. Much about the same time there arriv'd two Envoys from Count Teckley, their Master be­ing minded to adjust his own Particular Interests with the King of Poland, when he perceiv'd the contrary Party so apparently to decline. The Im­perial [Page 139] Ministers, who were near his Polish Majesty's Person, were at first for treating those Envoys as Rebels, and talk'd of nothing but hanging, draw­ing, and quartering them, without any respect had to the presence of their Deliverer, who had put them into a posture of speaking so big. But the King, nettled at such a groundless and unseasonable a piece of Arrogance, gave 'em to understand, That he was the Master, and solemn Protector of all those, who had any Negotiations with Him. Those Envoys quarter'd in the Camp within the King's Lodgments, all the time that the Army tarry'd there, were treated by the Officers, and sent back with all the Assurances imaginable; which piece of Civility, Count Teckley afterward repay'd Him with Interest.

Octob. 6. the Army (as was said before) advanc'd three Leagues beyond Komorne, and encamp'd in the open Plains, bounded on the Left by a ridge of Hills, and on the Right by the Danube: The Duke of Lorrain made a Proposal to the King of staying there October 7, to wait for the Infantry, who were not yet come up, and the King yielded to it: So that the Duke of Lorrain retiring about Midnight to his Quarters, and the Chevalier Prince Lubomirsky waiting upon him for Orders, he ac­quainted him with the Resolution taken of staying there; and accordingly order'd all Parts to go out a Forraging. But a Moment after, the King changing his Mind, or fortified afresh, by some unknown Circumstance, in his Design of going to attack the Fort of Barcan, he gave Orders to his Generals to dislodge the Army by Break of Day, and to send before his Vanguard, reinforc'd with Horse and Dragoons, which were to march directly to that Post. The Chevalier Lubomirsky, retain'd by some secret Impulse, would not send out to Forrage, without sending again to the Duke of [Page 140] Lorrain's Quarters; and his Conjecture prov'd true, the Duke ordering him to march with all speed after the King of Poland, who was already advanc'd a great way. Such a desperate Resolu­tion stunn'd the German Generals, and was ex­cused by none: However, they decamp'd with­out weighing things, but not without murmuring and inwardly rejoycing at the Misfortune, which afterwards attended our presumptuous Precipita­tion.

The Turks had two Days before pass'd over the Bridge of Strigonium, and beside those who were lodg'd in the Fort, there were great Platoons post­ed in the Gardens and Orchards round about Bar­can: Of this the King of Poland was not aware, but was well pleas'd to rob the Germans of the Glo­ry of this Expedition, and of carrying the Place within their View, and without their Assistance. But God was pleas'd to mortifie this Hero by a contrary Success, and to let him know that the Disposal of the whole was in his Hands; having sav'd his Sacred Person, by a Miracle no less Re­markable than that of the Deliverance of Vienna, the Glory whereof, if unblemish'd, might perhaps have made the Poles too vain-glorious.

The Van-Guard was scarce arriv'd upon the Plains, above the Bottom stretch'd out to the Ri­ver and the Fort, where they were to encamp on this Day, but the Turks began to draw out of the Gardens, in order to skirmish with our Dra­goons. At first their Number was inconsiderable, but large Squadrons issu'd out insensibly: Some out of the Fort, others over the Bridge marching from Strigonium; and at last the Body of Troops thus increas'd, came thundring upon the Polish Van-Guard, who had not so much as time to put them­selves into a Posture of Fighting. Horror and Confusion seis'd their Spirits; no Officer to be [Page 141] seen, no Word of Command given; and those who did give any, were so little Masters of themselves, that they order'd the Dragoons some to dismount, some to remount, without any reason for either of these Counter-Orders. For they were open Plains, where the Infantry was expos'd to the Na­tural Fury and Impetuosity of the Turks. They therefore drew themselves up in a confus'd Line of Battle; the Troops of Pancernes, Cosacks, and other Cavalry, descended below the Curtain, whose Brow the Dragoons were in possession of in the same Line: the Stragenic, who commanded the Body in Person, caus'd a discarge to be made upon the Enemy, who bore upon them with an extraordinary violence. The Turks at first gave ground, but soon return'd upon that Body of Horse with the same Vigour, without fearing the Fire, of which they bore a second Discharge, after which the Cosacks were broke; the rest en­deavour'd to regain the top of the Curtain, and terror joyn'd with the Impetuosity of the Turks, routed the whole Line without resistance. The Dragoons of the Grand General remounted, in order to fly for it; those belonging to the King, who were on the Right, had not time to do it, and were all cut in pieces.

However, the King march'd on with the Hussars, and the other Troops of Horse, who were but little prepar'd for a Battle, which they had no leisure now to wait for. He saw at a distance the Disorder of his defeated Vant-Guard, which at first he would have dissembled; but at last, perceiving that they were vigorously beaten off, he put himself in a posture of defending them. He drew up his Cavalry in a Line, which upon the first Onset, receiv'd the Turks with a great deal of Bravery, the Hussars likewise charg'd them twice, and the rest of the Troops bore some time the [Page 142] terrible Shock of the Enemy, who were animated by their first Success. But their Squadrons stret­ching out to the Right and Left, with a design of surrounding our whole Line, our Left Wing be­ing disorder'd, began to give ground, and the Right being routed, at the third Onset, which the Turks made upon them, with their Sabres in their Hands, (for that was all the Weapon they made use of in this Transaction) fac'd about at the same time, to avoid the Fury of the Enemy. The Grand General, seeing the Disorder, pray'd his Majesty to retreat, whilst he would endeavour to bear the Charge of the Turks, with some rally'd Troops, to cover his Sacred Person. But that Prince, be­ing seldom us'd to such a Retreat, receiv'd the Proposal very ill, and still fought on, till the Croud of those who fled, carry'd him off in spight of his Teeth. Never such a Confusion was seen, The Hussars threw away their Lances, the Cornets their Standards, which one might see heap'd up pel-mell, with the Kettle-drums in the Furrows. The Offi­cers could not be so much as hearken'd to: those Brave Soldiers left the King to the mercy of the Turks, who eagerly pursu'd him. Some of the Soldiers were for Butchering the Leaders, that would have forc'd them to rally: and others re­ply'd to those who upbraided them for their Cow­ardise, That their Lives were as precious to them as the King's was to him; that if he came thither to be kill'd or taken, they had some thing else to do with them­selves.

In such a precipitate Flight over a Country broke up into large Furrows, and full of rough ways, it was the Misfortune of a great many Men to be un­hors'd, who were either crush'd to pieces by the croud of those who fled, or beheaded by the Turks. Prince Lubomirsky, who has been since made Great Squire of the Crown, was cast upon [Page 143] the Ground, and desir'd every one that pass'd by, to save his Life, for which he promis'd 100000 Du­cats; and was at last assisted by a Groom, that had a Led-Horse in his Hand, which he had just time to mount. The Palatin of Pomerania d' Henoff, had not so good Luck, for he was wounded with a Musket-shot, notwithstanding the Wastcoat he had on, quilted with Taffata Cotton, 1000 or 1200 times double, which he had prefer'd before Ar­mour, that could not be fitted to his fat Corps. This Lord lying upon his Horse, and incommo­ded with his Wound, was assisted in vain by 7 or 8 of his faithful Domesticks, who could not fix him again in his Saddle; he intreated them to leave him upon the Ground, where he had not rested long, but the Turks came and cut off his Head. Whereas most of the Turkish Army were Bosnians, whose Language has some affinity to the Polish, and some of 'em perhaps had learn'd it in Slavery, or were Polish Renegadoes; you might hear them cast a thousand Flouts and Reproches on our Men that fled: Go, get ye home (cry'd they) to your own Country; defend that, and never concern your selves in assisting others.

In this dreadful Rout the King's Person was not only abandon'd, but almost stiffl'd by the Croud, that carry'd him along: His Arms and Thighs were mortify'd and bruis'd, by the justling of Horses and Arms, and by the Blows he acciden­tally receiv'd from those that rush'd by him with all the violence imaginable. At last two Turks made up to him, one of 'em lift up his Sabre within four Inches of his Neck, and had certainly cut off his Head, if a Reyter, belonging to the King's Re­giment of Guards, had not very luckily interpos'd, and knock'd the Turk down dead with his Musket. But this Life-guard's Man did not long enjoy the Glory of such a Signal piece of Service; for the [Page 144] Turk's Comrade, coming up to him immediately reveng'd the other's Death, and cut off the un­happy Reyter's Head, whose Name we could ne­ver get any knowledge of. At the same time the Turk made towards the King, whom he only took for some great Lord; but the great Squire of the Crown, keeping close to his Friend and Master, presented a Pistol ready cock'd to the Turk's Breast, which he was not willing to discharge but upon sure grounds; and thus by this Bold and Da­ring piece of Bravery, he scar'd him away.

But this was not the only Danger to which the King of Poland was expos'd, on this fatal Day. He was so bulky, that scarce a Horse could be met with capable of carrying him such a Journey, Besides, his very Weight was enough to bear down the strongest Steed, especially in such deep Fur­rows, through heaps of Dead Bodies, unhors'd Cavaliers, Lances, Standards, and Kettle-drums, which being strow'd in the Way, made a sort of Barricade. However, the Horse upon which his Majesty was mounted in this Juncture, kept up his Spirits beyond Expectation, and not only leapt over those embarassing heaps, that lay so thick in the way, with ease and Vigour; but also finish'd his Journey, without panting or blowing, without stumbling or halting; and with such Speed, that the King could scarce breath, much less was he able to keep upon his back. Whereupon turn­ing towards his Faithful Friend, the Grand Squire, to tell him he was quite spent; the Squire made him drop the Reins on the Neck of the Horse, of which he was well secur'd, and took the King below the Right Arm, and a Gentleman of Lithuania nam'd Cherkas, took him by the Left, to hold him up in his Saddle; which those Gentlemen did to the ve­ry last, without parting from their Master, whose Life by this means was sav'd; especially the Grand [Page 145] Squire, who with his other Hand held up the King's Head by the Chin, that he might not be stiffled or suffocated, by letting it lye upon his Breast.

Amidst all the direful thoughts, which doubt­less ran in the Head of this Monarch, amidst those various Chances of an adverse Fortune; he could not get rid of the Fear he was in for the Prince his Son, ever since the beginning of the Defeat. Eve­ry Moment, he ask'd the Grand Squire, what was become of him, who endeavour'd to keep up his Spirits, by telling him, That the Prince was safe, tho' he was not certain of any such thing. 'Tis true, the Crowd press'd upon him, and bore him off on the Right, out of the Road, which the King his Father took. A Turk had already joyn'd him, and catch'd hold of his Coat; but the Grand Squire perceiving it, cry'd out to him to unbutton it, and to clap both Spurs to his Horse, which the Prince did very opportunely. By this means he got out of the Hands of this first Turk, and escap'd the rest, by marching more towards the Right, be­ing follow'd only by one French Gentleman of his Houshold, who also took another Road. The Prince reach'd very seasonably a demolish'd Chap­pel, that lay towards the Hills, where the Grand Squire saw him arrive, having kept his Eye always upon him, and whither they sent for him after the Retreat of the Enemy, who pursu'd the Poles so vigorously for about half a large Hungarian League.

They had perhaps carry'd the Pursuit farther, had it not been for the Arrival of our Infantry, Cannon, and Carriages, whose Main-Body char­ged them, and put a stop to their Carreer. How­ever, some of 'em still push'd on in their Chariots, who return'd back with full speed, by marching towards the Danube. In this unlucky Juncture, a Gentleman belonging to the King being sick, [Page 146] and in a Calash, was forc'd to fly for it across the rough Plough'd Lands, and being bruis'd with the Jolts of his Litter, died by that time he had drove 100 Paces. In short, all things were in a dreadful dis­order and confusion. The Commanders of the Ar­tillery, who march'd at the Head of the Infantry, caus'd several Cannons to be discharg'd at radom­shot, to put a stop to the Impetuosity of the Ene­my. At last, the Imperial Army appear'd, and the Turks not daring to engage any farther with those Forces, that surmounted them in Number, made a gradual Retreat, over that Curtain where they had begun to defeat the Polish Van-Guard, gathering up in the Fields of Battle the Chief Personages, the Lances, Standards, and Co­lours, at the Top of which they fastened all the Christians Heads, that were kill'd in the Action, and plac'd them round the Fort of Barcan, like so many Pallisadoes.

'Tis not possible to describe the general Con­sternation our Army was in, or the Sorrow of the Court. The King almost dead with the Fatigue, weak, and out of Breath, was laid on the Ground upon a little Hay, surrounded with his Polish Lords that had escap'd the Slaughter, all of 'em in a Me­lancholy posture, with pale Countenances, and Eyes fix'd on the Ground. A sad and mournful Silence possess'd the Troops, who this Day en­camp'd without any Order, being rather dispers'd in the Open Fields, than lodg'd in a mark'd-out Ground; for, in truth, we had no other place to encamp in, but that which the Turks had allow'd us to take breath in; a great way short of the in­tended Camp, which now serv'd as a Burying-place, to our unfortunate Comrades.

After this the German Generals arriv'd, who stood round the King, with an external Aspect suitable to the Misfortune of the Day; but in­wardly [Page 147] ravish'd at the Loss, which so much ecli­psed the Glory gain'd by delivering Vienna. One might read even in their feign'd and mask'd looks, a secret Joy which Emulation stirr'd up, and which Ingratitude render'd more delightful. 'Tis pos­sible the Duke of Lorrain might have more gene­rous Thoughts; and I am perswaded, That the publick Interest, his Polish Majesty's Person, and the Honour of the Christians Arms, inspir'd into him a true Sorrow: but the manner whereby this Enterprize was kept secret from him, That haughty Air which was affected in the Execution of it, and that Vaunting which had been made of the Bra­very of the Polish Troops, could not chuse but make him relish some Comfort, even in the Mis­fortune of this Day. The King of Poland could not speak a Word to him, and with much ado, lifted up his Eyes at the Arrival of the Prince his Son, whom the Grand Squire had conducted to him, to remove the Dejection of his Spirits. There was no farther Order given this Night, but only to encamp in the Bottom, between the Cur­tains along the Danube, and to take care of inter­ring the Dead forthwith, to cover the Shame of our Defeat, which was but too considerable in the Van-Guard.

In the mean time, the Turks puffed up with this Success, sent Expresses all Night to Buda, to ac­quaint the Grand Visier therewith, and desire him to send them a Reinforcement, that so they might conclude, by cutting off the Germans which they fancy'd they might do at a cheap rate. They sent the same News to Count Teckley, who was fortified about the Mountains; giving him to un­derstand, that if he had reasons hitherto of com­plimenting the King of Poland, they were now re­mov'd, by the entire Defeat of his Army, in which himself had been kill'd, perhaps taken: That none [Page 148] remain'd of that great Body of Troops, but the Germans, his mortal Enemies, whom he might ea­sily get himself rid of, if he would but make haste with his Army, which they earnestly desir'd him to do. This News that was sent to Count Teckley and the Grand Visier, had different Impressions on the Minds of those two Generals. The Ottoman General forgot his Flight, and thought he might wipe off the Disgrace of that by a Second Battle. To this Purpose, he order'd 12 or 15000 Horse to march to Strigonium, with Anchars, or Dra­goons, arm'd with Carabines, under the Com­mand of Two Visiers, and Four other Bassas, who had Injunctions to pass the Bridge, and immedia­tely to fall Hand-over-head upon the Christians, without needlesly disputing the Ground with them; that so by this bold Enterprize, they might add the last Stroke to the Pannick Fear of the Fore­going Day. This I learn'd from one of the Vi­siers, who was taken in this Action. Count Teckley receiv'd the News of our Misfortune with con­trary Thoughts. He did not desire the Turks should have the better on't, and look'd upon the King of Poland, as one that ballanc'd and coun­terpois'd their insolent Greatness. Upon this Consideration, he was heartily troubl'd at our Loss; especially when he consider'd his own private In­terest, and the occasion he had of the Polish Prince, either to make his Peace with the Imperial Court, or to prevent him from submitting himself en­tirely to the Tyrannical Yoke of the Port. He turn'd those Thoughts over and over in his distur­bed Breast; and open'd himself to Count Forval his Intimate Friend, when he receiv'd Orders to march with his Army towards Barcan, to hem in that of the Christians, whilst the Turkish Cavalry charg'd them in the Front. 'Tis certain, That if this Hungarian General had done all he could upon [Page 149] this Occasion, and discharg'd his Trust to the Turks, he would have sav'd their Army, and put a new Face upon their Affairs; for he was above thirty, some say, forty thousand strong.

However, he march'd, much against his Will, towards the Champian Country of Barcan: and the Turks arriv'd there Friday Night, October 8th. there being but six Leagues distance between Buda and Strigonium. They pass'd the Bridge all Night, left 500 Men in the Fort, and posted themselves beyond the Low Plain, on the Brow of the Cur­tain, the very Place where the others had the Day before charg'd the Polish Van-Guard. On the Mor­row, Octob. 9th. they drew into a Line of Battle in the Plains above, stretching their Right Wing to­wards the Mountains, where is a narrow Valley, cover'd with Woods and Thickets, through which Teckley's Army was to pass: Their Left Wing terminated very near the Curtain, within sight of Barcan Fort. They made but one Line, and one single Front, very thick; but behind, upon the Brow of the Curtain, there were three Co­lumns of 14 or 15 Squadrons each, plac'd behind one another, which were to open in the Fight, in order to surround our Army, as they had done at first. This is the Turkish Method of Drawing up an Army, which may perhaps be of some Use. For they pretend that these Columns are not so ea­sily broke, and rallying themselves with all the Ease imaginable, their Squadrons thus rank'd, can the better support the First Line, when 'tis a little shatter'd. They had on the Right Wing, Kara Mehemet Pacha, Visier of Buda; in the Centre, the Visier of Silistria; and next the Bassa of Caramania, nam'd Alè, with three others of the First Rank.

Whilst the Turks were thus Preparing them­selves for a Battle, the King of Poland thought of nothing else but Revenging the Disgrace he had [Page 150] receiv'd the Day before. He bestow'd all Friday Oct. 8th. in drawing up the two Armies, and in agreeing upon the Order of Battle in a general Council; the Poles being eager to regain their Credit, and the Germans desirous to share in the Glory, which they had in some measure been rob'd of the Day before. After this, the King dispatch'd a Courrier to Cracow, to acquaint the Queen with his ill Suc­cess, and with the Resolution he had taken, either to make amends for it, or not to survive the Dis­grace: informing her, That he was to march to­wards the Enemy on the morrow, and that she must expect to hear News either of their Defeat, or of his Death. These Circumstances joyn'd to those of the former Day, wherein his Polish Majesty was in so much danger, together with the Particu­lars of what the Palatine of Russia had done to fa­vour that Prince's Retreat, were a mortal Afflicti­on to the Queen, who was in dread of the Life of her Royal Consort, and offended that he should be so much oblig'd to the Crown General, with whom the Court was dissatisfy'd, ever since his open Cor­respondence with the Marquiss De Vitry, the French Ambassador. But let us leave the Queen at the Altar, loading it with her Offerings, and let us see what the King is doing in the Plains of Barcan.

On Saturday Octob. 9. by break of Day he decam­ped, that he might advance above the Defiles, in which the Army was posted, and draw it up in Bat­talia upon that Champian, and even Ground, which lay Parallel to that which the Turks had cover'd with their Squadrons. As soon as we were come upon the Plain, we discover'd their Line ready drawn up: All our Troops were cast into three Lines, there being no occasion of Stretching them, nor any conveniency of doing it, because of the Ground bounded on the Left by the Ridge of Mountains [Page 151] above-mention'd; and on the Right, by the Cur­tain which ran along above the Bottom of Barcan. Our first Line had a larger Front than that of the Turks, which did not reach our Centre, at least not beyond it. In this Line was an equal Number of German and Polish Troops, the Infantry and Ca­valry of both Nations, together with the Gene­rals, and Trains of Artillery. Thus were there some of all these in each Post, and all saw the Ene­my hard-by, tho' not many of 'em charg'd them. The Army was still 50000 strong, and never made a finer Appearance, not only by the wise Disposition of the Order of Battle, and the good­ness of the Ground; but likewise by the Diversity of the Troops, their Fierce Aspects, their Regu­larity in keeping their Ranks as they march'd, the dreadful Sounds of Drums and Trumpets, and lastly by the Number of those Famous Comman­ders who led them.

The King of Poland was posted on the Right, to intercept the Turks, between the Line and the Fort of Barcan, whose Retreat he was minded to cut off: He assign'd the Left Wing to the Grand General of the Crown, attended with some of the Emperor's Generals, among whom was Count Veterani, who has in the subsequent Campaigns given the World such Signs of an Extraordinary Valour and Conduct. The Duke of Lorrain with others, were in the Centre of the Line of Battle. The Polish Artillery was planted in the Spaces be­tween the Battalions and Squadrons of the Left Wing, because they very wisely foresaw the whole Force of the Turks would fall on that side, their Line being wholly drawn up over against them. No sooner did the Cannon begin to play, but the Turks, undaunted at the Inequality of their Forces, charg'd that Wing with an Impetuosity like Thun­der, which cannot be conceiv'd nor describ'd. [Page 152] They were receiv'd by our Troops, without gi­ving the least Ground, and with a dreadful Dis­charge of Fire and Ball; it being certain, that by the first Firing of a German Battalion, a prodigious number of Men and Horses fell to the Ground. Their Fury was not cool'd by this; on the con­trary they return'd with greater Vigour, the Fight grew warm, and a Bloody Slaughter ensu'd on all Sides. The Visier of Buda did all he could to get the Better of our Troops, and was wounded in two or three places by a Sabre. The Visier of Silistria advanc'd so far, that his Horse being kill'd under him, he was surrounded by a Body of Ca­valry, against whom he defended himself a long while, being assisted by 40 of his Domesticks, who seeing him on the Ground, leap'd all off their Hor­ses, with their Sabres in their Hands, to cover their Master. This Heroical Action struck our Generals with Admiration, and they cry'd out, that they should spare those Brave Men, but in vain, the Germans having put themall to the Edge of the Sword. After this the Visier, abandon'd to the Fury of the Soldiery, and vanquish'd, look'd about for a General, to whom he might surrender himself, chusing to die, rather than yield to a less Officer. He perceiv'd the Palatine of Russia, and was not out in his Guess; for he had the Air and Figure of what he really was; whereupon the Visier getting out of the Croud, advanc'd toward that Lord, to whom he presented his Sabre. The Bassa of Caramania, was likewise wounded and taken in the same place by the Great General's Troop. However, the Turks still maintain'd the Fight, the Success whereof was doubtful. But those who were drawn up in Columns behind the Line, perceiving the Motion of our Right Wing, guess'd at the Design. They gave notice thereof to the foremost Troops, who retreated gradually, [Page 153] without breaking their Ranks, and at last fled for it.

The King of Poland foresaw, That the Turks be­ing less extended than our Line, would use their utmost Efforts to break our Left Wing, and after stretch themselves upon the Flank, between the two Lines. He therefore suffer'd the Fight to grow a little warm, and in the mean time order'd the Right Wing to advance from the Centre, in the form of a Half-Moon, with which he gradually gain'd the Low Plain, thereby to possess the whole compass of it, and to get between the Enemies and their Bridge. He order'd the Hussars to trail their Lances on the side of their Horse's Necks, to prevent the Enemy from perceiving the Mo­tion. But they having discover'd it, and conje­cturing truly at the Design of the King of Poland, left the Field of Battle, that they might gain the Fort of Barcan, under the Cannon of the Upper-Town of Strigonium, which carry'd a great way beyond this, almost as far as the Curtain, tho' the Danube be of an extraordinary breadth in this Place, and the Plain beyond it of a vast extent.

The Troops were drawn up in Battalia, that they might march orderly towards the Enemy, and give the Artillery time to come up with the Battalions, which open'd a little to the Right and Left. The German Generals complimented his Po­lish Majesty upon this Day's Glorious Success; at which time one of his Pages, who had with some Squadrons of Volunteers, advanc'd very near the Danube, on the Right side of the Fort, return'd with full speed to acquaint his Majesty, That the Turks were Filing off over the Bridge. This Prince animated with the Desire of compleating his Vi­ctory, order'd his Army to march directly to the Banks of the River, on both sides of Barcan, and himself at the Head of the foremost Squadrons. [Page 154] The Artillery follow'd pretty close, some pieces of which the King order'd to be planted so as to break the Bridge, or graze the top of it, and en­courag'd the Gunners, by the Mony he gave 'em in Hand, to expedite the Design. During these Transactions the Turks press'd forwards to regain the Fort, and their Number hindering their Re­treat, they cast themselves into the Danube, which a moment after became all black, and its Stream cover'd all over with Men, Arms, Horses, and Turbants, whose heaps and mixture made an ad­mirable Picture, being both a dreadful and a plea­sant Sight. Those who would not venture so dan­gerous a Passage, were cut in pieces on the Bank of the River; and there were heaps of 'em all a­long of a Fathom high, which form'd a kind of a Parapet or Breast-work. As an Addition to their Misfortune, the Bridge was broke by the Multi­tude of those who fled over it, after 7 or 8 hundred had pass'd it with the Visier of Buda. The rest, endeavouring still to gain the Boats, which lay there, fell by hundreds at a time one upon another, and were all stifl'd by the Weight of those that lay uppermost. But whereas they could not disen­gage themselves, nor advance one way or other, they were expos'd to the Fire of our Artillery and Troops; yet 'tis certain there were fewer kill'd that way, than by being suffocated.

Whilst the Turks were thus drown'd, the Polish Infantry advanc'd towards the Fort of Barcan, the Regiments of the Queen and Prince of Poland, ar­riv'd thither the first, and began the Assault. The Count of Morstein being Colonel of the One, and Sessevin Colonel of the Other, led them directly to the two Gates, and forc'd them. The Enemy laid their Arms on the Ground in order to sur­render themselves, and hung out a white Flag. But the Poles either did not, or would not see it, [Page 155] and fell upon them, without giving them Quar­ter; who seeing themselves hopeless, betook themselves to their Arms again, resolving to sell their Lives at as dear a rate as possible. There­upon they made so terrible a Discharge, that our Infantry began to give Ground, and were for regaining the Gates. A French Gentle­man, Mouilly by Name, who was Page to the Marquiss of Arquyen, and Ensign to the Regiment of the Prince of Poland, plac'd himself at the Gate on the Left, by which that Battalion had enter'd, and with his Sword drove back those who fled thither, and by this Undauntedness much above one of his Years, he oblig'd them to return upon the Enemy, of which not a Man was sav'd. This was the Finishing-stroke of that Defeat, the most Entire and Compleat that had been known for a long time before. Count Teckley arriv'd soon enough upon the adjacent Hills, to be an Eye-witness of this Bloody Scene. He did indeed appear upon the Brow of the Mountains at the close of the Action, when the Danube was cover'd with those unhappy Creatures, and when the rest of this Army were cut in pieces in the Fort; only 7 or 800, having sav'd themselves by passing the Bridge with the Visier of Buda, before it was broke down. The Christians at this time could not expect any rich Booty, since the Turks had brought thither neither Artillery nor Equipages: but to make amends for it, they did not lose many Men, nor any Officer of Note; whereas the Enemy left behind them two Bassas taken Prisoners, and three others drown'd in the River, with the Standards of the Visiers, and other Honourable Tokens of the Victory.

After the Taking of the Fort, they rested a while on the Banks of the Danube, to take a view of that dreadful Spectacle. Some drew up what the Current threw ashore, such as Horses, Arms, [Page 156] Men, and other Spoils: whilst the rest play'd with the Artillery, that of Strigonium not wounding a Man of our Side. One single shot, and perhaps the last either from beyond the River, or from the Fort of Barcan, unfortunately struck between the two Eyes of a French Gentleman, belonging to the Prince of Poland nam'd Duheaume and forc'd one of 'em out of his Head. The King endeavour'd to chear him up, by all the Marks of Esteem and Affection, by the Care he order'd to be taken of him, and by the Present he sent him the next Day of 100 Ducats in Gold. This Gentleman very well deserv'd those distinguishing Favours; not only for his constant Attendance upon the Prince's Person, but likewise for the Present he made the King, in the Fields of Vienna, of a Tuft of Heron's Feathers, garnish'd with a Rose of Diamonds and Rubies, which he found in the Grand Visier's Tent, and was the same which that Ottoman General us'd to put on the Head of his War-Horse.

The Army return'd upon the Plains above Bar­can, and encamp'd there, by possessing all the Cur­tains of the Bank of the Danube. The King with the Duke of Lorrain, resov'd to pass the River in that Place, and to put an end to the Campaign by the Taking of Strigonium, which would enhance the Reputation of the Christian Army, by thus Marching over the Conquests of Solyman the Great. The Emperor's Generals were with much ado brought over to consent to it, and the Season be­ing already very much advanc'd, made the Poles murmur, who began to Breath after their Coun­try; but the King threatening to leave them, and trust his Person with the German Troops, each Soldier return'd to his Duty, and murmured no more, unless in Secret. As for the Germans, he gave them to understand, That Strigonium could not hold outlong, and that the Visier could not [Page 157] come to its Relief, after the last Defeat. Besides he was advertis'd of his Retreat towards Belgrade, leaving Buda, as soon as Kara Mehemet Pacha, wounded in the Battle, was return'd thither. The Latter stay'd four Days after the Battle in Strigo­nium, and then went to Buda along the Danube, without any Obstruction, having left two Bassas in the Place, with a strong Garrison to maintain the Siege, in case the Victorious Army should at­tempt it.

It was therefore resolv'd upon: and all Hands at Work for building a Bridge in a place where the River made an Island, about half a League above the City. Beside the Safety of this Post, by the Space which facilitated the Retreat, from one Bridge to the other, they rais'd a Fort at the Head of the Latter, on the Enemy's Side of the River: And moreover, they had not far from Javarin or Raab, where they might cover themselves, in case the Turks should make any desperate Sally upon them.

Whilst this was doing, and all things necessary for carrying on a Siege were bringing from Ko­morne; General Dunneval march'd to seise upon Lewents, a very considerable City, which facilitated the Communication of the Turks, between New­hausel and Buda. The Bassa of Newhausel knew nothing of the Matter; whereupon several of his Parties were surpriz'd, and fell into the Snare without dreaming of it. The King order'd Bar­can to be put into the Hands of the Germans, who burnt the Houses that were hard-by. At last, the Bridges being finish'd by the 19th. of October, the Duke of Lorrain order'd part of his Army to pass over that Day, and the two next. On the 22d. the Polish Infantry, commanded by General D'Henoff, Colonel of the Guards, fil'd off; and the first who pass'd over, advanc'd towards the Lower City, who sent several Detachments out to dispute the [Page 158] Passes, whilst the Artillery of the Town play'd furiously on all sides. The Turks at the first burnt the Suburbs within View of us, and afterwards part of the City it self, on that side which lay to­wards the Open Country.

During these Preparations for the Siege, the King, who dispatch'd a Polish Gentlemen, nam'd Kaczowsky, to the Queen just after the Battle, to remove that Trouble and sollicitude, which his former Letter had caus'd in her; dispatch'd me likewise with Answers of Importance, and the whole Army charg'd me with Commissions from them. The Pole had been sent by the Mountains of Ʋpper Hungary, and directed to Count Teckley, who took care he should be convey'd to Cracow: I was order'd to go by the great Road of Vienna. I left the Camp October 21st after I had, by the King's Order, visited the two Fields of Battle, the Fort of Barcan, the Banks of the River along the Gardens; from whence I took an exact Survey of Strigonium and its Fortress, which I observ'd to be wholly built upon a Rock: I afterwards re­turn'd on the Right along the Danube, towards the German Camp, not being able to go round the Fort by Water, as I had begun, because the heap of dead Carcasses had choak'd up, and rais'd the Current: and in all this Round, which Count Sta­remberg often went in his Coach without regarding the frequent shots of the Enemy; I had no other Evidence of my Conduct, but an Officer of my Ac­quaintance, a German by Birth, a Frenchman by long Service; for he had been Lieutenant of a Troop of Horse in the Regiment of Bethune, and and had run through other Dangers, with an even Temper, and a Noble Carriage, without any thing of Vain-glory.

At my Return, I found my Dispatches ready, and two Cosacks, all the Convoy that was allow'd [Page 159] me, who did not so much as know the way of Ko­morne, where I was to take Post. My Friends ad­vis'd me to travel on the other side of the Danube, and to stay till the Morrow, when the Emperor's Envoy would dispatch his Son-in-Law to Vienna. But the Bridges were crowded, the Imperial Ge­nerals busied in marching the Army over, and my self eager to arrive at Cracow, being sensible that the Queen of Poland's Life depended on my Dis­patch or Slowness, since the first Alarms had brought her, as it were, to Death's door. But my Zeal had like to have cost me my Life, I am sure it rob'd me of my Liberty. I set on my Journey with the two Cosacks, and in the Way joyn'd with some German Horse and Foot, who were going that Road; so that I was at the Head of thirty Men, when I entred upon the Encampment, which the Army had made when they left Komorne. The Forragers who return'd from round those Parts, never said a Word to us of any Turkish Party, and I march'd on with so little concern, that I took no Notice at all of a Party that I saw just before me, about 500 Paces beyond the old Camp, going towards Newhausel. It consisted of about 150 Horse, in Hungarian Habits, with white Cloaks on, as all the Turks of that Country are habited, which made me take them for the Cravatians, be­longing to the Emperor, and induc'd me to ride towards them a full Trot, that I might be the bet­ter secur'd by this Convoy. They became sensible of my Mistake, and suffer'd me to come up with­in thirty Paces of their Rear, and then re­turn'd upon me full drive with their Sabres in their Hands. Among my thirty Men there were four French or Flemish Foot, who had deserted the Regiment of Rosemberg, and made such a vigorous Assault, that they laid seven Turks on the ground, having charg'd their Muskets with [Page 160] Hail-shot. This brought their whole Party upon our Men, eighteen of 'em had their Heads cut off, and the rest hemm'd in, so that none of 'em escap'd to carry the News of the Disaster to the Camp. The inequality of the number made me think of re­treating, after the Massacre of my Fellow-Travel­lers, and after I had escap'd twice or thrice the same Fate, by the Management of my Horse: For I had seen a Sabre fly over my Head, and had drop'd my Hat and Perruke in the Skirmish. In short, being minded to fly for it, trusting very much to the Swiftness of my Horse, which was of the Turkish Breed, and one of the Best in the King's Stables; I was struck on the Forehead by a Young Cavalier, coming to me with his Spear in the Rest, as one running at a Ring, and by the Blow unhors'd me, which facilitated my being taken. I knew very well that it was im­possible to make my escape, I only desir'd to fall into good Hands, and yield my self to some Officer. Accordingly I march'd directly towards a Turk of a Venerable and Sweet Aspect, who happen'd to be the Commander himself of that Party; an Officer of Worth, a successful Partisan, and a Man of Honor. I surrendred my self to him, who took me by the Hand, and only order'd me to be disarm'd: but in marching, some of the Sub­alterns whip'd me, and took away all my Letters. Whereas it was now pretty late, it being within an Hour of Night, Mustapha (for that was the Of­ficer's Name) rested satisfy'd with his Booty, and return'd towards Newhausel. But in the Way, for fear of being surpris'd in his Retreat, he detach'd four Cavaliers, as Scouts, to beat the Rounds.

In the Evening he rally'd all the Party at the End of a Ruinous Village, and caus'd them to march off in a Review, and so did the Prisoners under two Lances held by two Cavaliers in the [Page 161] form of an Arch; from whence he march'd to­wards Newhausel very easily. We forded the Ri­ver of Nitra, that lay in the Road, and when we were nigh to the City, the whole Party discharg'd their Pistols in the Air, an Establish'd Custom a­mong the Turks, when they return with Prisoners. We were order'd to stay half an Hour at the City Gate, into which we did not enter before ten at Night: the Party dispers'd themselves in the first Street they came to: One of the Officers brought me into a House, where I left my Horse, and was lash'd a second time, being still in my Boots. He order'd me to be carry'd before a certain Person of Quality, whom I look'd upon to be the Second Bassa of the Place, and who would not vouchsafe to speak a Word to me; but order'd me to go into his Footmen's Room. One of e'm, who was a Young Renegadoe Hungarian, and had formerly been a Student at Tyrnau, came by his Master's command to examine me, and give me a third lashing. He was more lucky than those who came before, for he found thirty Ducats of Gold that I had sav'd. The joy that he shew'd upon the Discovery of these Pieces, is inexpressible; he car­ry'd them forthwith to his Master, lying then upon his Sopha, regaling himself with his Pipe and Coffee. After he done examining me, they con­ducted me back again to the same Officer's House, where I first alighted. A Young Cavalier, being one of the Party, and Valet to the Officer, gave me some Coleworts and Meat to eat, being what was left of his Supper, afterwards he brought me into his Master's Chamber, to ly near him upon the same Floor, where you may suppose I got but very little Sleep. On the Morrow, betimes in the Morning, I was carry'd into the Stable, to rub down and dress my Horse: but perceiving that I was very awkard in managing the Curry-comb, [Page 162] he very civilly discharg'd me from that Of­fice. Afterwards I was brought to another Offi­cer's House, being a Man of Note, where I found all my Comrades, that had been taken with me the Day before, with the Heads of those that had been kill'd, fix'd at the end of a Pole, and carry'd each by one of the Cavaliers. This was a dread ful Sight, and the only Instance of Cruelty to be observ'd in all the Turkish Customs; for they are a Nation endu'd with a great deal of Humanity, and Charity, having a Sweetness of Temper tho' unpolish'd, and a Bravery, without any thing of Fierceness.

Thus were we led on in Triumph to the Prime Bassa's House, where was the Leader of the Party to present to him the Prisoners, with a great many other Turks of Note, Officers, Lawyers, and Mem­bers of the Divan, or Council. At the Anti­chamber, we put off our Shoes, as the Turks did theirs, because the Chamber-floor was cover'd all over with a Carpet. The Bassa was upon his Couch, rais'd upon oblong Cushions in an Angle be­tween two Windows: and the Couch being co­ver'd with another Carpet of Red Cloth, edg'd about with a Green Silk Fringe, was rais'd half a Foot all round the Walls, and quilted; which serv'd him instead of a Bed, without a Canopy and Curtains; a Sabre, and a Horse-Tayl, dy'd in Red, hanging at the Top. The Strangers were seated below the Rails, and the Officer with the Domesticks, standing round the Chamber, with their two Hands upon their Breasts, which is a Po­sture of Respect among the Turks. The Bassa, a Person very old and Meagre, but withal of a pretty venerable Aspect, caus'd a German to be exa­min'd, and afterwards my self, in Latin, by that Young Renegade Hungarian above-mention'd, threatning to cut off both our Heads, if we did not give a Punctual Answer. After this, they [Page 163] broke open my Letters, and made me find out that Particular one sent from the King to the Queen of Poland, which was likewise interpreted by a Polish Renegade. During this, the Bassa made me sit down on the Ground, and treated me very Nobly with a Dish of Coffee. He made choice of me, and another French Prisoner, for his Share, and sent us to his Eldest Son, and his Kiayia, or Lieutenant lodg'd in another Brick-House al­most as Stately as the Bishop's Palace, in which the Bassa his Father resided. This Kiayia did not seem to be over inquisitive about us. After a short Con­ference, he sent us into a Room, where ten or twelve of his Servants were eating. There we stay'd all Day till Night came, and then were shut up in a Vault, fasten'd together by one Foot, or rather in certain Wooden-holds, made like a Pair of Stocks. The bare Ground was our Bed, without Hay or Straw, or Coverlet. In the Morn­ing, the same Keeper came to release us, and shew us up Stairs, where we eat some pieces of Bread, and what Scraps those Turks were pleas'd to leave us upon their Plates. A charitable Dervis, or Monk, dwelling in this Family, and very much respected by all the Rest, refresh'd me after Dinner, with an Earthen Pan of Coals; which was no small Com­fort to me in my Misery, my Cloaths being very thin, having lost my Cloak, my Peruke and my Hat; one being taken from me by a Cavalier of the Party, and the others left on the Field of Battle: so that I spent all the next Winter (which was very starp in those Parts) bare-headed, having only a sorry Muslin Cravat wrapp'd about it, as long as it lasted. I profess solemnly, that I was in a very deplorable Condition; and that nothing can be a greater Affliction, to a Man of Honour, than Slavery, not so much by the Sufferings he feels in his Body, as by the Affronts that are of­fer'd [Page 164] to his Spirit; from my own Experience, I can here testify the truth of what I always look'd upon as a Popular Tradition, like a thousand others, which the ignorant Vulgar attribute to the Turks; Who, say they, look into the Hands of their Slaves, thereby to discover their Quality or Employment, by the Fineness of their Skin. This, I say, is very true; for all that ever came nigh me, the first thing they did was to look into my Hands. As for the rest, I was pretty easie in the House of this Kiayia, who exacted no manner of Labour, or Service from me.

In the mean time, the Bassa order'd the King's Letter to the Queen, to be turn'd out of the Po­lish into the Turkish Language; and sent it with all the rest to the Grand Visier, suppos'd still to be at Buda, by an Officer and twenty Horse; who march'd directly to Lewents, and were taken by the Germans, whom they did not imagine were Ma­sters of that Place. The Germans sent all the Let­ters they found about the Turks, to the Duke of Lor­rain, who likewise sent them to the King, being all writ in Polish. The King was strangely sur­priz'd to see his Letter return'd, and supposing that I was either kill'd or taken, he order'd En­quiry to be made about it of the Turkish Officer, who own'd the Truth, and said that I was at New­hausel, as well as he was at Lewents. Upon this, his Polish Majesty very generously set himself upon my Deliverance, and sent the Interpreter of the Grand General, under a Pretence of ransoming several Touariches and Officers of his Regiments; but in reality to treat about my Exchange, which he was willing to do nicely, lest the Bassa should prove stiff, in case he had occasion to suspect that I was a Person of Note. He had already surmis'd some such thing, from that Honourable Mention which so great a King had made of a Domestick in his [Page 165] Letter. For the Turks, who are us'd to Thou all the World, even their Emperor himself, and who had conceiv'd a great Esteem for the King of Po­land by his last Victory, could not imagine that the Person whom he distinguish'd by the Name of Monsieur, and of whom he said so many favourable Things, could be no more than a Gentleman of the Queen's Houshold. They absolutely thought me to be her Brother, not knowing that it was the French Mode of Speaking. They were confirm'd in this foolish Opinion, by the Money and Jewels which I had about me, and by the Rich Cloaths I had on. It was in vain for me to explain to them the Expences of the Jour­ney, and the Length of the Way to Cracow, to let them understand, That all that Money was no more than necessary for it. The Turks, who are unacquainted with those Matters, never troubled themselves with these Considerations, and sup­pos'd me to be at least some Lord of Quality. They were farther confirm'd in this Opinion, by the foolish Behaviour of one of those Poles that were taken with me, who being releas'd at ten Days end, came and embrac'd me by the Knees, accor­ding to the Polish Custom, and thank'd me, be­lieving that the King would never have remem­ber'd him, but because he was one of my Com­pany. Upon this Demonstration of Respect, the Bassa order'd him to be examin'd concerning my Quality; and this wretched Creature, thinking to recommend me by raising me above the Rank of an Ordinary Person, expatiated upon the great Esteem which the King of Poland had for me, and upon that high Post which I held in his Court, which the Bassa took for granted, and it cost me fourteen Months Slavery, as I shall hereafter shew.

[Page 166] During this Negotiation, the King of Poland carried on the Siege of Strigonium, which at first seem'd resolv'd to stand it out. The Elector of Bavaria was made acquainted with this Design; who order'd part of his Troops to march on that side, and led them himself. Upon my Return from Cracow, I found him encamp'd in the middle of Presbourg; and his Troops a quarter of a League beyond the Town, from whence they enter'd the Isle of Schut over the Bridge that had been rais'd in that place. But the Elector never came up to the Army, who carried Strigonium in two or three Days, and afterwards dispers'd themselves into Winter Quarters; the Imperialists in the Heredita­ry Countries, and the Poles in Ʋpper Hungary, pos­sess'd by the Rebels, whom they were oblig'd to force thence.

The King of Poland, having order'd the Ger­man Army, and part of his Infantry to pass the Bridges, caus'd General Staremberg to carry on the Assault, and remain'd with half of his Forces in the Old Camp, on this side of the Danube, being willing by this means to share the Glory of the Conclusion of this Campaign, between the Poles and the Imperialists. Hereupon the Germans open'd their Trenches, and rais'd their Batteries against the Upper-Town, that being all that was left, for the Lower-Town had been burn, and the Turks all retreated into the Fortress. The Assault was carry'd on vigorously; they likewise batter'd down the Fortifications and the Wall, to facilitate the Scaling of the Town. In the mean time they were for coming closer to it, and to spring a Mine: for which purpose, they carried the Pallisade within a foot of the Walls, with their Swords in their Hands. And whilst they were looking for a place to make a hole in, for 'twas al­most all Rocky, the Town Beat a Parley, and de­sir'd [Page 167] to Capitulate. The Germans who were for taking the Garrison at Discretion, refus'd at first the Proposal of the Bassas; but being oblig'd to acquaint the King of Poland with it, who com­manded the Army with the same Power as the Emperor himself would have done; this Monarch accepted of the Capitulation, and the Bassas sur­render'd the Place into his Hands; out of which they march'd Sunday Octob. 24. The King would have perswaded them to have retir'd into Poland, for fear the Grand Visier should revenge the Loss of Strigonium upon them: but they, unhappy Crea­tures! more subject than Slaves, persisted in their Resolution of going to Buda, giving out that they had done their Duty, since they wanted Supplies, in holding out the Place for 3 Days, against a for­midable and Victorious Army. But the Plea stood 'em in no stead, for upon their Arrival, they lost their Lives, by being beheaded or strangled.

Afterwards the King of Poland cross'd the Ri­ver to take a View of the Place, glorying in ha­ving forc'd the Turks to abandon it, after they had been Possessors of it for 143 Years, being set­tled there by their Emperor Solyman the Great. He put the City into the Hands of the Duke of Lor­rain, who left a Governor, with a very strong Gar­rison in it. At last all the Army repass'd to the Old Camp, from whence they broke up on All-Saints Day; on which the King of Poland, attend­ed with a Body of Imperial Troops, commanded by General Dunneval, march'd by that Neck of Mountains, which lie on the Left of the Plains of Barcan, to enter into Ʋpper-Hungary; and en­camped that Day upon a River three Leagues beyond. The Visier of Silistria, and the Bassa of Caramania, the Polish Great General's Prisoners, were conducted along with the Army, and treated very Honourably by that Lord, to whom the King [Page 168] had granted them as his Prize. Tho' several Com­monwealths-men grumbled, and said, They be­longed to the Republick. The Great General had at first sent them to his Polish Majesty, as be­ing his Sovereign, and the Generalissimo of the Al­lies; and afterwards brought them to Leopold, lodg'd them in a Neat House, and allow'd them as much Liberty as they could reasonably desire; with Servants of their own that they sent for from Cami­niec, whom this Lord entertain'd to the number of seven or eight, which my self saw. He clothed them in Velvet, treated them magnificently according to their Custom, and order'd the Merchants of the City to supply them with whatever they wanted: and, I am sure, that 'bating their Slavery, those Turks far'd as well as if they had been in their own Country. Tho' they had promis'd 150000 Crowns each for their Ransom, and the Money came not in 7 Years after their being taken, yet the Gene­ral spar'd nothing of his Civility, or Expences up­on them, which amounted every Year to 12000 Franks of that Sum. 'Tis true, they could not be blam'd for any Delay in this Matter; since their Ransom was once brought as far as Caminiec: but the Sultan was so far from contributing any thing towards it, that even the Bassa of that Place seis'd upon the Money, and made use of it to pay off his Garrison, who were ready to mutiny for want of their Pay. They wrote often to the Port, de­siring the Money might be re-imburs'd, but they were so far from having Justice done them, that on the contrary, their Offices were afterwards dispos'd of to others, and their Persons proscrib'd, tho' they were men of great Note, and an extraor­dinary Merit. The Visier of Silistria, had a Noble and Charming Aspect, a comely Shape, a grave Air, Eyes full of Sweetness, a venerable Beard, a Face full of Majesty and Decorum, with very fine [Page 169] Features. His Carriage was Charming, Honou­rable and Courteous, but somewhat Stately, and as of one far above the inferiour Persons of Qua­lity. His outward Form was perfectly agreeable to the Post he was in, and to his Personal Merit. In the Battle he gave Signs of an extraordinary Valour; and when he was taken, he shew'd a great deal of Constancy and presence of Mind, being so far from concealing his Quality of Visier, that he desir'd to be us'd as a Prisoner of that Rank, and to be distinguish'd from his Comrade, who was no more than a Bassa, with whom he would not so much as be Quartered. General Dunneval wait­ing upon him after the Battle, and representing to him the Rashness of the Turks, who with a hand­ful of Men, dar'd to engage an Army of 50000 strong: This Visier very coldly reply'd, That he had follow'd his Orders without reflecting upon the Inequality, and would have charg'd the Chri­stians, tho' they had been twice as strong again. His Misfortune afflicted, without sinking his Spi­rits, and he bore it with an Heroical Constancy, and never appear'd out of Humour, but on the ac­count of the Great General, whose Civilities he could never repay or retaliate.

The Bassa of Caramania Alé, is one of a different Character: In all his Behaviour he shew'd a great deal of Fire, Life, and Subtilty. He was of a less Stature, had a meagre Countenance, a black and rough Beard, sparkling Eyes, and a Turkish Air; Fierce without Majesty, Lofty without the attendance of that Politeness, and Sweetness to be observ'd in the other: But yet Noble and distin­guish'd in his Carriage, crafty and subtle in Con­versation, asking Questions of his own accord, and with a presence of Mind. When the Court was at Leopold, two Years after their Arrival, they all flock'd out of Curiosity to see them; the Queen [Page 170] was there her self mask'd, attended with other Ladies, that she might not be known; the Marquis of Arquyen her Father, and other Lords. They would not so much as cast their Eyes off their Books, or open their Lips to some; but to others they paid their Complements, but especially to the Ladies, but with a kind of penetrating Distinction, as if they were inform'd of the Difference of the Per­sonages. The Visier seem'd to be between 55 and 60 Years old, and was already turn'd grey; the other about ten or twelve Years younger. In my Mind, both of 'em in their proper Posts, might be compar'd to the most Illustrious Personages of the Age, as well for the Neatness and Nobleness of their Make, as for their Behaviour and Bravery.

The Duke of Lorrain led the Imperial Army through the Plains of Newhausel, where he made a Halt for two Days in the Neighbourhood of that Place, which he thought to have taken by Surprize, or at least to scare it by the great Ex­ploits which had put an End to this Campaign; but he was receiv'd with terrible Discharges of Canon: The Turks likewise fell upon his Rear, and brought back a great many Stragglers, and Men that be­long'd to the Carriages into the Town, most of them being wounded: I was then in the Bassa's House, who had taken me from his Son's, and put me under the guard of his Porter, a pretty civil and courteous Man; who lodg'd me in his Cham­ber, allow'd me a good Bed, and gave me twice a Day Provisions, more than I could eat. The Chaous who came to fetch me from the Kiayia's House, brought me at first to this Porter, waiting for the Bassa's Orders, which were that I should be loaded with Chains. This was a cruel Addi­tion to the severity of my Slavery. I return'd from the Mareshal's across the whole Town of Newhausel, stumbling at every step I took, and mor­tify'd [Page 171] in my Mind; especially when I saw several charitable Turks offer me Alms, and threaten me because I refus'd it. For you must take notice, That they freely give it to Slaves, and never de­sire the Civility of Thank You, Sir, and cannot en­dure the Haughtiness of a Refusal. In process of Time my Pride was abated, being so far from re­fusing, that I was reduc'd to the Necessity of beg­ging an Alms of them; and brought to that ser­vile Condition that my bad Stars had never pre­par'd me for before.

I did not wear those Shackles long; for the Ki­ayia making a Visit to his Father three Days after, seem'd to be very much offended at this rough Usage, and by his own Authority order'd my Fet­ters to be knock'd off. The Porter had afterwards Orders from the Bassa to clap me into small Chains, which open'd with Padlocks, only during Night, and to release me every Morning: but by way of Exchange, he made me sweep the Stairs, and the Passage between the Gates, which was his Business and my Task.

During these Transactions, the Interpreter of the Great General arriv'd, with the Money which the King had sent to bring me to the Army; ho­ping my Exchange would have been made with­out any Demur. The Interpreter manag'd the Business very subtilly. He first demanded the Touariches and Officers in his Master's Name; and after he had agree'd with the Bassa to give as many Turks, Head for Head, he ask'd him what other Prisoners he had taken during this Campaign. The Bassa answer'd, That he had a Frenchman taken with Letters, and forthwith order'd me to come into his Chamber. The Interpreter making as if he did not know me, examin'd me of my Quality, and how I happen'd to fall into this Misfortune; and af­terwards offer'd a Turk in Exchange for me, which [Page 172] was agree'd upon. A Chartel was accordingly drawn up, wherein were set down all those whom the Bassa was to send back to the Great General of Poland, and those that were to be return'd by way of Exchange. A Captain with twenty Horse went to the Camp, with the Convoy, that had attended the Interpreter to Newhausel, to bring back the Turks that were agree'd upon, and the Interpreter staid with us as Hostage. In the mean Time, I was order'd to go into all the Houses of the Town, to make choice of the Persons who had been taken with me, and it was then that One of those unhappy Creatures, out of a Transport of Joy and Gratitude, embrac'd my Knees, and ruin'd me by his Over-civility.

Whereas the King of Poland was then upon his March, the Turks were a long time upon the Road; and did not bring back all the Prisoners nam'd in the Chartel of Exchange; because three of them, during these Transactions, had made their Escape from the Camp, and were come to Newhausel. But in their stead, the King had sent three others, which the Bassa never minding, and besides being pre-possess'd on my Account, more than was re­quisite, upon the Demonstration of Respect shewn me by the Indiscreet Pole; he laid hold on this pretence to detain me with two other Officers, be­longing to the Palatin of Russia's Regiment of Dra­goons, and several Hussars, in whose stead he sent other Polanders, to balance the number. As an Addition to my Misfortune, he commanded me to send the King Word, That if he did not send 10000 Ducats of Gold for my Ransom, I should have 200 Blows on the bottoms of my Feet; as Lu­bomirsky had done to the Bassa Ibraham, who was taken at the Siege of Vienna. This Ibraham appear'd very unluckily for me, and confirm'd the thing; being still in Chains, and come thither by leave of [Page 173] the Governor of Komorne to negotiate for his Ran­som; which the Bassa propos'd likewise in Ex­change for mine.

I wrote what he desir'd, but without any hopes of being heard; and the Interpreter stay'd still at Newhausel, to make an end of the Business: But the Replies from the Camp were so unsatisfactory, that the Bassa kept his Word with me; and the Interpreter himself very narrowly escap'd the Ba­stinado. The great Squire of the Crown wrote to me of the Injustice, and my Friends, to whom I had sent for Linnen and Cloaths, fearing that their Kindness would retard my Deliverance, left me witout a supply, and out of Love, refus'd to send me so much as a Shirt. The Great Squire wrote likewise to the Bassa, telling him, That his falsifying his Word, so uncommon among the Turks, would fall heavy upon the two Prisoners of the Great General, whose Legs, Arms, and Necks, they would load with Irons; but he never concern'd himself about them: and sending back the Interpreter with the Number agree'd upon, kept me still in Slavery and Misery.

CHAP. V.
Containing the March of the Polish Army, and it's Conquests in Upper Hungary, with the King's Return into his Territories, the latter End of the Year 1683.

AFTER the Taking of Strigonium, the Ar­mies, as aforesaid, separated; and the Turks retir'd a great way into their Provinces. Count Teckley, at the same time, gain'd the Moun­tains, in order to re-inforce the Garrisons of his [Page 174] Dominions. The Grand Visier put Buda into a posture of Defence in case of a Siege, which seem'd unavoidable, since the Germans were within six Leagues of it, had no River to pass, nor any Fort of Consequence to dispute by the way thither. (For the next Year, when the Duke of Lorrain laid Siege to this Important Place, he open'd the Cam­paign by taking of Veyssegrad and Veissembourg, two Forts beyond Strigonium, in the Country that lies round Buda.) Afterwards the Grand Visier march'd for Belgrade, to present his Head to the Sultan, who tho' he was his Father-in-Law, yet would not Pardon him this his Second Defeat. His Death-Warrant was brought to his House, and the Officers, in presenting it to him, clapp'd a silk cord about his Neck, with which he was strangl'd, after he had kiss'd the Sultan's Warrant, and the fatal Instrument of his Justice.

The King of Poland took his March towards Ʋpper Hungary, leaving the River Theysse on the Right, which separates the Christian from the Turkish Hungary, and even the Christian Part of that Country was at that time in Rebellion. As he went along, he attack'd the Places which lay in his way; the first was Zetzen, which the Turks call Setchan, scituated on a small Rising in the midst of uneven Plains, which began by little and little, to rise into Hills, and then into Mountains, till they made that Chain of Hills, with which Hun­gary is surrounded, and separated from the States of Poland. Zetzen is a small Town, enclos'd within Walls, and a deep Trench, but narrow at the Bot­tom, and easie to be pass'd over. The Gate had a Retrenchment of Pallisades, made of large pieces of Timber, in the nature of a Ravelin, and Guards within, some pieces of Cannon on the Walls, with a Garrison of about Six hundred Men, Horse and Foot, commanded by an Aga or Captain, call'd by [Page 175] the Turks Tchorbaggey, i. e. An Officer of Foot of great Note.

The Army appear'd before this Place, Novem­ber 10. 1683, and the King took a View of it in or­der to attack it the next Day. They saw a place in the Walls, which had a Breach made up with Pallisades: There, and at the Gate, the Dragoons and the Infantry, carry'd on the Assault with Sword in Hand: The General d' Henoff attack'd the Gate, where the Prince's Regiment forc'd the Pallisade very vigorously, in spite of a whole shower of Musket-shot, with which several Officers and Soldiers were kill'd or wounded. Afterwards they seis'd upon the Body of the Guards, that were lodg'd in the Pallisade, and were just upon breaking open the Gate, when the Aga hung out a White Flag, and desir'd to be gone. This was granted him, and the Garrison march'd out without Arms, and without their Bag and Baggage. However, the Capitulation was not duly kept, by an Acci­dent, that had nothing to do with the Taking of this Town. For the King was ordering the Gar­rison to march out, when his Envoy return'd from Newhausel, with News of the Bassa's falsifying his Word with respect to me. This rais'd a Resent­ment in that great Monarch's Breast, and oblig'd him to make a Reprisal on the Turks of Zetzen, of whom he mark'd out 30 with his Cane, as they went out of the City; beginning with the Aga, his Son, the Priest, and others of greatest Note, be­longing to that Garrison, telling them, That he detain'd them as Prisoners, not to forfeit the Pro­mise given them, but to revenge the Treachery of the Bassa of Newhausel, who detain'd a Servant from him, contrary to the Chartel of Exchange. He added, That two of them might go to inter­cede for their own Liberty, by obtaining that of the other; and that, in the mean time, the other [Page 176] 28 should be kept in Chains. The Aga's Son, and a Janizary were deputed for this Negotiation, which came to nothing. On the contrary, the Bassa offended that they had deliver'd up the Town, sent them away with Threats, upbraiding their Cowardise, and faint Resistance, which the Sultan would be sure to punish with Death, if ever they should return into his Dominions: That therefore they were safer in their Slavery, and might tarry with the Poles, or free themselves by other Ex­changes: That the Frenchman was his Slave, for whom he would have Money, not Men. So that these two Mussulmen were surpriz'd to see a Bassa prefer his own sordid Interest, before the Ottoman Blood, and vex'd that they could do no good for their Comrades, made use of that Liberty they had, retiring to Buda, and leaving the rest in the Pri­sons of Transchyn, a City of Hungary, upon the Wag, towards the Frontiers of Moravia, whither the King of Poland had sent them; and where for 14 Months, they suffer'd all the Misery imaginable, as I did at Newhausel, being abandon'd to a wild Despair.

I had said before, That the Dragoons together with the Infantry, were commanded to carry on the Assault of Zetzen. The Count of Maligny, the Queen of Poland's Brother, who was General, and Colonel in particular of the King's Regiment of Dragoons, advanc'd as far as the Pallissade, to animate his Troops, by his Presence and Example: which was of great use for the carrying on the At­tack with Success; for his Dragoons were with­out a Leader, their Lieutenant Colonel Nam'd Galetski being found by the Count, hid behind one of the great pieces of Timber of the Pallisade, with his Pistol in his Hand, where he had no need to fear the Firing from the Walls. I was willing to mention this, to give the World an Idea of the Gal­lantry of the Polish Officers, who most of 'em desire [Page 177] to die calmly in their Beds; whereas even Lieu­tenant Generals, and Mareshals of France are for falling in the Field of Honour, and at the Head of their Troops.

The City of Zetzen being thus surrender'd was guarded at first by the Polish Infantry, and the Head-Captain of the Prince's Regiment, Nam'd Des Forges, a Frenchman, and a Gentleman belong­ing to the Queen, was plac'd in it as Commander in Chief. The King gave the Inhabitants leave to go out with their Families: A great many Wo­men and Children follow'd the Soldiery, after which the King put the place into the Hands of General Dunneval, who took possession of it for the Emperor, and made a stand there with his Detachment, from whence he sent them into Win­ter Quarters. His Polish Majesty continu'd his March, after he had spent four Days about Zetzen, and advanc'd towards Cassovia, one of the Chief and Strongest Cities of the Kingdom; fortify'd former­ly with a Citadel, which Count Teckley had won the Year before, and demolish'd, as he did the Fort of Fileck. The Emperor had assign'd those re­volted Cities for Winter Quarters to the Polish Army, which they must first be oblig'd to force, tho' they were well garrison'd: so that there was no staying in an Enemy's Country with such a Handful of Men, being continually harrass'd with Hungarian Parties, and the Peasants, who cut off several of our Army. The Soldiery dead almost with Hunger and Cold, oblig'd to pass Rivers half froz'n over, and often swell'd above their Banks, went to dry themselves in the adjacent Villages, sought for some shelter on every side, and were kil­led by the Rebels, who destroy'd more of our Army that way, than they had by the Battles of Vienna and Barcan. Nay, they were oblig'd to Count Teckley, for that small number which did at last ar­rive [Page 178] in Poland: For he being always the King's trusty Friend, and keeping the Engagements made between them, advis'd him to draw off betimes, be­ing not able any longer to prevent the Cutting off of his Passage through the Mountains: after which the Rebels would quickly make an hand of his Army. The Turks were in such Expectations of it, that News was brought to Newhausel of the en­tire Defeat of the Polish Troops; which infallibly would have been, had Teckley preferr'd the In­terest of his Party, before the Obligations he had with the King, to whom his Majesty stood in­debted for all the Glorious Successes of this Cam­paign, The Turks had so certain an Intelligence of this, that sometimes after they caus'd this Ring­leader of the Rebels to be arrested, as we shall shew in its proper place.

The King of Poland would not venture too nigh Cassovia, but encamp'd on one side out of the reach of the Cannon. The Town fir'd briskly upon our Troops, as they march'd along within sight of the Place, and the Garrison sally'd out upon the Strag­glers. So that staying there only one Night, they the next Day pass'd the River above Cassovia, and so to continue their March to Eperies, another Ca­pital City of Hungary, larger and of greater Trade than the former, but not so highly Dignify'd, seated at the Foot of the Mountains of Crapak, upon one of the Rivers that run to Cassovia. For this City is scituate in the very Centre where two large Ri­vulets joyn together, which in going through the City, make but one single River, and thus through the same Channel, disembogue themselves into the Theysse below Tokay. These two Rivulets spring from those very Mountains, and form a kind of Peninsula, reaching from the Foot of the Moun­tains to Cassovia, being a handsome Tract of Ground. Eperies is upon that River which is on the Right: [Page 179] The King approach'd it, in order to besiege it, so that the Cannon play'd into his Camp, even beyond the Tents of his Head-Quarters. Upon His Arrival, the Garrison sally'd out upon our foremost Squadrons, and skirmish'd with them all that Day. On the Morrow they fell upon the King's Dragoons at Mid-day, who quickly moun­ted their Horses, and repuls'd the Sallyers. On the third Day the King broke up from thence, to seek out Winter-Quarters elsewhere. Instead of Eperies which had been assign'd for his Hussars, and his own Regiments, He led the Army directly to Czebin, three Leagues beyond in the Mountains, where he arriv'd the Second Day after he had left Eperies. From the Camp that lay betwixt, he de­tach'd Miogenski with his Brigade to go and take a View of Czebin, and the adjacent Places. The Horse of the Town sally'd out upon his Troops; Miogenski retreated into several Houses and Barns, which the Disposition of the Ground had con­ceal'd, where he form'd an Ambuscade. Thirty of his Cavalry being detach'd, advanc'd further up in the Plain, in order to draw out the Garrison, who fell into the Snare, and very vigorously pursu'd our Men to the Place where they had Orders to face about; but the rest of the Brigade coming up, they began a regular Fight, which ended in the Retreat of the Rebels, who left behind them seve­ral slain, and several Prisoners. Miogenski had a Horse kill'd under him, and his Nephew took an Hungarian Officer. After this, the King appear'd before the Place, where the Lithuanian Army first joyn'd him. It came to Cracow the latter end of September, and for two Months together, kept skirt­ing upon the Frontiers, or in the Entrance into Hun­gary, leaving every where behind them tokens of their March, in the open Countries and against the Peasants. This very much offended Count [Page 180] Teckley, and the Polish Court, who had order'd the Lithuanian Generals to prevent any Disturbance, or Acts of Hostility from being offer'd to the Sub­jects of that Prince. These Generals began to Cannonade Czebin, when the King arriv'd before it, and the Town which held out against the Army of Lithuania, surrender'd upon Articles to his Polish Majesty. He spake very civilly to the Offi­cers, exhorting them to return to the Obedience of the Emperor their lawful Sovereign. But they very freely told him, That they had rather die, than submit to the German Yoke: begging Leave that they might follow him, and serve in his Army. Accordingly they did attend his Majesty for some Days, but after he was advanc'd a little in his March, they return'd back to Czebin, from whence they beat our Troops, even without charging them. The same was done in other Places of these Countries, where any Garrison had been left. At last the whole Army return'd into Poland, with the King, who took his March through Lubownia, the First City of his Territories, and arriv'd at Cracow on Christmas Eve. Lubownia is a Starosty in the Mountains, 8 Leagues off Eperies, and 12 or 15 from Cracow. As to Czebin, 'tis scituated in a Bottom, enclos'd with good Walls and Forts, a large Trench, and several Stone Bridges, reaching to the Gates. The Inside is vere well built, as are all the other Cities of this part of Hungary, which is the best Canton of the whole Kingdom.

This was the Conclusion of that Glorious Cam­paign; after which the Polish Court met at Cracow, where the Queen had waited for her Royal Con­sort, and resided there all the Winter, to the end of March; when it remov'd into Russia, in order to take care of its own State, after having sav'd that of its Allie. It was debated, Whether they should keep a new Army on foot, to oppose the [Page 181] Turks, who were incens'd against Poland, for ha­ving violated the Truce solemnly ratify'd by an Ambassador, in Favour of a Prince, from whom they had not the least Hopes of Succour, when they wanted it. The Sultan conferr'd the Office of Grand Visier, on the Caimacan of Constantinople, who was another Black, call'd Cara. He sent as his Serasquier against the Poles, Suleyman, a Bassa, a Man of Esteem in the Empire, who afterwards came to be Grand Visier; but of the particulars of this, we shall treat in the next Chapter.

During all these Transactions, and the March of the King of Poland towards Ʋpper Hungary, the Bassa of Newhausel, tir'd with waiting for my Ran­som, and beginning to perceive that I was less con­siderable than he took me to be, propos'd to me the sending a Trooper directly across the Moun­tains to Cracow, and offer'd to release me for 3000 Golden Ducats, and ten Turks, instead of the 10000 he had first insisted upon. Tho' I was verily per­swaded that the King would never part with that Sum, yet I consented to the Proposal, and wrote what they desir'd me, looking upon it rather as a Favourable Opportunity of sending my News to the Court, and of hearing some from thence, than as an Overture to my speedy Deliverance. The Turk was dispatch'd, and fell into the hands of a Party of Rebels, who perceiving him charg'd with Letters, directed (says he) to the King of Poland, brought him before Count Teckley, taking him ei­ther for an Imperialist Hungarian, or for a Deserter. As good Luck would have it, Count Forval was then with that Prince, who gave him the Pacquet to read and interpret. Forval knew my Hand, and came to know of my Imprisonment, of which he had never heard a Word before. He gave an Ac­count of it to that Hungarian Lord, praying him at the same time not only to permit the Express to [Page 182] go on to Cracow, but likewise by his own Interest, to endeavour to redeem me from my Slavery. Count Teckley promis'd to do it, and with my Let­ters sent one to the King, and Forval wrote another to the Marquiss D' Arquyen to offer his Service in my Behalf. From hence arose a very strict Cor­respondence between these Persons: The Marquiss wrote to Count Teckley, giving him the Title of Highness; and the Count answer'd him very res­pectfully, and omitted nothing to obtain my Free­dom; not directly by himself, for fear of ren­dring himself suspected, but by means of the Bey of Novigrad, his particular Friend, and the Inti­mate acquaintance of the Bassa of Newhausel, who was his Superiour, the Castle of Novigrad being under that Bassa's Jurisdiction. Perhaps this Ne­gotiation might have prov'd successful, had it not been for the delay of the Express, occasion'd part­ly by the deep Snows, and partly by the Difficul­ties of the Roads, which the Parties sent out on both sides, made almost impassible. Besides, the Bassa of Newhausel, died the beginning of February, even before the Trooper dispatch'd by him, was return'd. He brought his Answers to the Turkish Captain, who had taken me, who commanded in the City till the Arrival of a new Bassa, or rather of two new Bassas; for the two who were at New­hausel died the same Month. This Captain sent me a Letter, which the Marquiss of Arquyen wrote to me, and desir'd to know the Contents, that so he might take his Measures with the Eldest Son of the deceas'd Bassa, to whose share I fell, in the Division of his Father's Personal Estate, betwixt him and his two Brothers. Mustapha would have bought me at his Hands at a low rate, that so he might have got the Overplus of the Ransom, if it had been a pretty round Sum. But seeing nothing was offer'd in Exchange, besides the Turks of Zetzen, [Page 183] he left me to make my own bargain with my Patron who was not in a humour no more than his Father of delivering those Mussulmen to his own prejudice. Thus all the good Wishes of Count Teckley, and the pressing instances of Forval were rendered insignificant by the Ava­rice of this Bey my Patron, formerly his Fathers Kiayia.

After the Death of the Bassa of Newhawsel, his three Sons made a Dividend of the Spoil, House­hold-Goods, Slaves, Horses; and lodg'd altogether in the Place wherein the Deceased formerly dwelt, waiting for the Arrival of his Successor. I was in some hopes of some favourable Turn of fortune by this Death, since the Bey his Eldest Son, had appeared to me to be more Courteous, Charitable and of a milder Disposition than his Father. But I was deceived in my Expectations. For this Co­vetous Man, who could no longer enrich himself by the Contributions, in which he had now no share, did almost starve us to Death, and kept himself but a very stingy Table. So that having now nothing but a piece of dry bread every day; and some days together, nothing at all to eat, I was reduced to such a Weakness and Faintness, as brought me within a foot of the Grave. Besides I was without Cloaths in a Vault that had no fire in it, laid on the Ground upon two Boards without either Hay or Straw, and full of Sores from the Crown of my head to the Sole of my foot. Thus I lead a languishing Life, having no other Support but the mercy of God, for two whole Months together; expecting an End to be put to these my Miseries with as much impatience as I formerly breath'd after Liberty. One day I re­member that I went by the door of a Stove that was kindled, where I stop'd a while: The Heat reviv'd my strength a little, and I perceiv'd my [Page 184] Spirits refresh'd by this Help; which gave me to understand, that my Nature was only weaken'd; and that when warmer Weather came, I might recover of that languishing Malady. However, this warm Weather was still to come, and Provi­sions began to be scarcer and scarcer every Day. The Duke of Lorrain had order'd the Garrisons round about, to hinder the Peasants from carrying their Goods to Newhausel Market, as they had for­merly done. A Prohibition was made against it, under the Penalty of being hang'd. The City had no Wood for Firing; for all the Parts round about were laid waste: Its Magazines were husbanded accordingly to prevent Necessity: Thus every one suffer'd alike; Turks, Officers, Slaves, and Horses. Nothing comes nigh the Frugality of this Nation, who are contented with a little Meal moisten'd, with Coffee, Tobacco, Herbs, and such like Things; and are as happy in this their Fare, as the greatest Sensualists pretend to be in their most Luxurious Diet. Provided a City has Bread, 'tis reckon'd a very good City; and when a Turk enters into Discourse of any foreign Coun­try, the first Question he asks is, Whether it has any Bread; and if he commends any Country of their own Empire, 'tis for that Quality. Honey makes likewise one of the richest Repasts; which they eat with Butter mixt with it, or else spred upon Bread cold. This they learnt from the Jewish Tradition, Mahomet having retain'd a great many of their Customs, as well as Names, and inserted a great many Passages out of the Bible, in his Alco­ran; particularly this, Butyrum & Mel comedes, ut scias reprobare malum, & eligere bonum.

Since I am fall'n into these Digressions, it will not be amiss to add, what I observ'd concerning their Funeral Rites, at the Bassa's Funeral. As to the Essential Part of them, they are much the same [Page 185] for all sorts of People: For among the Turks they make no Distinction or Subordination of Qua­lity, Birth, or Profession. They are all Equal, ex­cepting their Offices, which only make the Di­stinction: so that the Sons of a Bassa, and the Grooms of his Stables, when he is dead, are upon the same Level. They eat all together without any Difference; the Footman with his Master, and both with the Tradesman; and nothing seems below them, since as they are rais'd out of nothing to the highest Posts, so they fall back again from these Dignities into their Primitive Nothing.

Persons plac'd in an Office, are the only distin­guish'd Men among them, and the Respect and Veneration which is paid to those Officers, cannot be equall'd by any other Nation. However, Death equals them with the rest, and their Funerals do but very little exceed those of Private Persons in in Magnificence. Just, as the Bassa died, his Re­lations and Friends, that were about him, set up a great Cry, as taking their last Farewel of him. In Turky they do not weep for the Dead, nor shew any other Demonstration of Sorrow. Afterwards a Charcoal Fire was kindled in the midst of his Palace-Yard, on which they put a Kettle full of Water, and wash'd the Body, as it was laid out upon a Table. After this, they rub'd it over with Yellow Wax; and last of all, wrap'd it up with Cloth Swaths, as they do the Egyptian Mummies. The Coffin in which he was laid, was cover'd over with Red Stuff, and the Deceas'd habited in his usual Dress. At first, upon going out of the House, the Corps was carry'd on the Shoulders of Four Persons of Quality; but in marching, every one who met the Procession, offer'd themselves to carry the Coffin a little way, and were again reliev'd by the next that came; for the Turks make a piece of De­votion of this Custom. The Relations, Friends, and [Page 186] Domesticks of the Bassa follow'd the Bier; whilst the Priests of the Mosques, the Scholars, and others design'd for the Religious Order of the Mussulmen, went before, chanting forth of Prayers, till they came to the Church-Yard, which is without the Walls, where upon a Stone, rais'd like a Pyramid near the Tomb, is set down the Quality of the De­ceas'd, by certain Figures of the Sabre, the Turbant, and such like.

This, in general, is the Funeral Solemnity of the Turks; after which they all return to the House of the Deceas'd, as usual, without any token of Sor­row, being entirely resign'd to the Orders of Pro­vidence, which is esteem'd by them as the Irresi­stible Fate, which the Heathen own'd. This ren­ders them more steady in Adversity, less proud in Prosperity, and more patient in Misery, and Sla­very; which they bear with a dry Eye, and after an Heroical manner. It is not always the Effect of a great Courage, but often a Blind Refignation to Providence. There are but few Nations who have a stronger Belief of, and greater Aw for God, than the Turks. They have his Name almost al­ways in their Mouths; 'tis their Signal of Battle: they have a particular Standard, which they call The Standard of God, and marches at the Head of the Armies. This Standard is Red, set off with a Border in small Squares, inclosing several Plumes or Festoons with Crescents: In the midst is a Sabre with two Blades, and a Double-guard upon one single Hilt, plac'd like a pair of Compasses, and all full of Writing; which is a sort of Mysterious Talisman in their Religion. On the Top is a large Crescent turn'd downwards, spotted all over with Arabick Characters, inclosing a Sun betwixt its Two Horns; as do the other Eight, which are plac'd Four and Four, on each side of the large Crescent. The spaces between are garnish'd with [Page 187] other Figures, and the whole contains Sentences or Phrases to the Praise of the Living God. There are other Standards which are wholly plain, of a Red Silk, and a Green Fringe. That which is call'd Mahomet's Standard, is Green, and has a Red Fringe; the Chief of which, in the Tents of the Grand Visier, is all full of writing, without any other Figure or Finery. Whether they go out, or come in, or enter into any Dis­course, they begin and end with Alla. When one among 'em relates any extraordinary Story, he who hears it, asks him, by way of Admiration, Alla Seversen? that is, Do you love God? As if he should say, Is it certainly true? In short, this Sa­cred Name is made use of with Reverence in all the Discourses and Actions of the Turks.

Five Times a Day they have set Prayers, each Mosque having some appointed to give notice of the Hour of Prayer; by certain Form; which they sing out aloud upon a Balcony, plac'd for that purpose round a Tower; and thus they call upon the Faithful, to take them off from their Worldly Concerns. They begin by turning towards the Rising-Sun, and afterwards turn about as the Sun does, chanting forth the Greatness and Power of the Most High. On Friday, which is their Sunday, (made choice of on purpose to distinguish it from the Christian Lord's Day, and the Jewish Sabbath) the Ministers of the Mosques use some Extraordinary Ceremonies. Three of 'em get upon the top of the Tower, singing forth other Prayers, beside the usual Invocation of each Day, which is offer'd up only by a single Person. The most Religious go to Prayers at the Mosque, others say 'em at Home; and others neither at Home, nor at the Mosque, for there are Atheists and Formalists in all Religions. In the Bassa's House, there is a Chaous appointed to [Page 188] give, Notice to all the Domesticks, by crying be­fore their Chamber-Doors, To Prayers, Gentlemen, to Prayers; and the Chief of them go into the Bassa's Room, and there put up their Petitions jointly with him, with a loud Voice; but on Fri­days, he goes solemnly to the Mosque in a Green Vest, their Prophet's beloved Colour, there to offer up the Second Prayer, which is between Ten and Eleven in the Morning. The Bassa of Newhausel, who succeeded Alé, my first Master, never fail'd that Duty, and distributed large Alms to the Poor of the City, as they made a Lane to him, going and coming. I can say nothing of their Mosques, for a Christian, much less a Slave, is not admitted into them, but with extraordinary Pre­cautions: But as to their Manner of Prayer, since the Turks are not so secret as to that, I can here ac­quaint You with the whole Ceremony, at which I have been forc'd to Officiate à Thousand times.

In the First Place, You must know, That all the Turks without exception, rise every Morning by Break of Day, at all Seasons of the Year: That they make themselves ready for Prayer, by Wash­ing with clean Water their Hands, and Arms up to the Elbow, their Face, and the inside of their Nostrils, their Mouths, behind their Ears, the top of their Forehead, and the back part of their Neck. This they do, by a set number of Rubbings, and with a great many Mysterious Forms, finishing the whole by clapping their wet Hands under their Feet, and leaving an Impression of their Five Fingers under their Pumps▪ and sprinkling their Privy-parts with Water. All this they look upon as essentially necessary, and then spread a Carpet or Garment, at the end of which they say their Prayers, turning their Faces towards Mecca, where their Prophet is interred.

[Page 189] They begin their Devotion standing upright with several Motions of their Hands, which they clap to their Ears with their Thumbs, afterwards lay them across their Breasts; then letting them hang down, and every now and then fall down on their Knees, and rise up again, after they have kiss'd the Ground: They end all by Saluting the two Angels, which they suppose to be present, and sitting one upon each Shoulder. This Devo­tion they pay very regularly Five times a Day; at Day-break, between Ten and Eleven a Clock, at Four in the Afternoon, at Sun-set, and when 'tis quite dark. They always begin with the fore­mention'd Washings; and on their more Solemn Festivals, they wash their Legs up to their Knees, especially on the Day of the Great Bairam, of which more hereafter.

The Arabic, which was Mahomet's Native Lan­guage, is that which is most us'd among them, as the Latin is in the Church of Rome. All their Books, all their Prayers, and most of their con­siderable Expeditions are writ in Arabic, which few of the Turks do understand, tho' they can all read it; and 'tis a sign of a great Scholar, to be able to explain it. This Language is very difficult, of a harsh Sound, and pronounc'd through the Throat, whereas the Turkish is soft, easie, fluent, intelligible, and comes pretty near the Latin, without Articles, and those confus'd Phrases, and ceremonial Circumlocutious; Theeing and Thouing every Body, even God, and the Sultan himself; with Manly Expressions in their common Dis­course, and moving ones in their Songs and Love. They are as uniform in their Manners, as they are in their Words. They make no account of the Wall, salute no Body as they go along the Streets, and scarce take Notice of any Body; and if two Persons happen to meet, he that comes up first is [Page 190] to pass the Complement, and the other to return it, but if the first says nothing, the other is as silent as He. They converse with one another, with a free open air and a smiling aspect; and the Master of the house passes a Civility upon his Guests by giving them the upper hand of his Couch, offering them Coffee and Tobacco, after which they depart without saluting any Per­son or saying a Word, only sighing devoutly Alla, which is all the Ceremony. The Turks know no­thing of the Custom of clapping the hand to the hat or mouth, when we expect to receive any fa­vour; they are for having it receiv'd just as they give it, without any Ceremony or Submission.

The Case indeed is otherwise as to those who are in any Office: for instance, they pay their Complements to the Bassas or Persons of Note, with both their hands on their brests, bowing their heads to the ground very respectfully. They who wait upon them, before and after discoursing with them, kiss the bottom of their Garment, bringing it up to their Forehead and Mouth, as they do the Letters which are directed to them from the Bassas and Visiers. The students do the same after the Lesson is over to the Hand or the Vest of their Master, and this is all the Ceremony of Civility which I ever observed among them.

By this 'tis easy to perceive that their manner of Conversation is very plain; for beside this je­june or rough way, the Turks know nothing of the Sciences or of Foreign Countries. So that being only limited to their own History, Wars, Com­merce, and Affairs of their own private Interest or that of the State; their discourses run only up-these Subjects, without any mixture of Gallantry, less known than the Sciences themselves, since e­very one does that at their own homes with as many Women as they are able to maintain. When [Page 191] they are met seven or eight in a Room or a Coffee house, The Company desires one among the rest to tell them a story or Fabulous Tradition; and this Speaker holds forth for an hour together, all the rest listning very attentively with Pipes in their Mouths, or Beads in their hands. This is all the Conversation they have, unless it be a game at Chess which they are great Masters at, but then they play only for diversion without any stake. So So that it is no wonder if the Turks seek for Amuse­ments in War, or in Handicraft Trades and Mechanicks, in which they excell even to a Mi­racle, nothing being comparable, to the beauty neatness, and delicacy of all that is made use of by them.

Tis not the same with respect to their Table and Buildings. The Turks being used to, or rather bred up under Tents, never mind having fine houses, nor do they build any, nor repair those in the Towns which they take. Tis e­nough for them to be under shelter, and to have their Couches or Stately Sophas; which is all the houshold Goods they mind, having no Tapestry or Hangings on their Walls▪ nor any other Pictures unless Rebesk Work, or any Beds or Chairs, but rich Carpets and fine Coverlets. Good feeding is a stranger to them. They eat purely to sustain Life, and make it a business of necessity, not of Pleasure. The Table call'd So­fra is commonly a round piece of Leather, fasten'd with strings like a Purse, which they hang up a­gainst a Wall, when they have done eating. On this Sofra they lay neither Cloth nor Napkin▪ but some pieces of bread round about, a single Dish in the middle; out of which every one eats, which is supplied by another as that is Empty, for they have never two dishes laid on together. Each Man has his knife hanging by his side, and a [Page 192] Handkerchief serves instead of a Napkin, the Word Marama in their Language being used to signifie both a Handkerchief and a Napkin.

Their food is no richer than this their Appa­ratus. They feed very much upon Rice, upon upon Wheat bak'd with their Meat, and a great deal of Flesh cut out into small pieces like a Fricassée. Their Kitchin-Ware consists only in Pots, and their plate is the covers of those pots made of Tin, deep and large, which serve in­stead of Dishes, for they have no other, nor any piece of Plate such as Spoons, Knives and Forks; for these last are all of Horn or fine Wood, set with small Pearls. Even the Bassas, Visiers, and others are forbidden to eat in Plate.

That wherein the Tables of Persons of Quali­ty appear more splendid than those of other men, is the Number of Dishes: for I saw fifty served up one after another in the Treat which the New Bassa made upon his Arrival, in the Open field under his Tents. The Table was a round piece of Tin, with a small border, placed upon an Iron frame about a foot high: upon it were laid pieces of Bread with Spoons, and the Guests sat so as not to look into one another's faces, eating side­ways, their Right-hands and sides turn'd toward the Table. At the Bassa's Table is served up instead of a Napkin, a great piece of Cotton stuff dy'd in blue or various Colours, which is throw'n upon the knees of the Guests, beginning with the Master. This is all the distinction between his and other private Person's Tables; for they all alike eat very fast without much talking; One dish does not stay long for another, as soon as tis Empty, the Master of the feast cries take a­way, and fifty of 'em are by this means gon in less than a quarter of an hour. Both Drink and side-board are much of a sort. Persons of note [Page 193] indeed have their Leathern Bottles, and turn'd Cups; and the Bassa upon a Journey has a Man on purpose to carry his Carpet for Prayers, with a Bottle full of Water and a piece of Bread. There is not much more Ceremony used in waiting at Table; the Slaves fetch the Dishes out of the Kitchin, and lay them in the Antichamber, where Grooms of the Chamber call'd Meter take them, and one of 'em places them upon the Table.

I have elsewhere observed that the Turks wear no other Arms in times of Peace and at home, but a Dagger tuck'd in at their Girdle on the right side: and here I add that Quarrels are very rare among them. Ralleries, Love-Intri­gues, Gaming, Wine, Suits at Law, Intrigues of Court, Backbiting, and the like; which occasion quarrels in other Nations, have no Influence o­ver these People: Every one lives in his own fami­ly, without concerning himself with what is done abroad. They have nothing they can call their own but their Houshold Goods, their Money, Horses and Slaves, for all the Lands belong to the Grand Signior. They never intrude in­to other People's business; they carry on no Plots with another Man's Wife or Daughter; for they may keep as many Women as they please; and what cause then is there of falling out? I never so much as saw any thing like it in all the four­teen Months of my stay at Newhausel. The Mer­chants deal upon the square, The Workmen are paid punctually, and every thing is carry'd on among them without Trick or Fraud according to the genuine Law of Nature. Their Justice is severe, their Obedience blind, their Religion re­verenc'd, and Robberies are scarce known among them, by the care that is taken to root up the very seeds of such a Practice: So that they lock up nothing, their Chambers, Coffers, and Chests do [Page 194] all lye open: And were it not for that sordid Avarice, to which all the Turks are inclin'd, and a propensity to a certain dreadfull piece of debauchery, to which they are more addicted than the Italians, and all other Nations of the World besides, were it not, I say, for these things, they would equal any other People in their Mo­rals.

The Turks have two Lents in the Year call'd Ramasan, each lasting a Month or a Moon, accord­ing to their way of Reckoning. The lesser is Dis­cretionary, and falls out towards the latter end of October or the beginning of November. The Great Lent (at the end of which is the Solemn Festival of Bairam, look'd upon as our Easter) which is likewise called Ramasan Bairam, is in­dispensibly necessary to be observed among them. In the Year 1684, it began August the 12th ac­cording to our Account, which was the first day of the Moon. The fast they keep at that time was very irksome by reason of the long days; For they eat nothing till after Sun-set, and the Lamps are lighted, which are placed during all that time upon the top of the Towers of their Mosques. These are lighted when the day is suppos'd to be at an end by the Course of the Sun, which likewise puts a Period to the Fast for that day: and then every body betake them­selves to their Victuals, breaking their fast first of all by large draughts of Water. Besides this grand Repast, they make another Meal almost as large as the first, two hours before day: So that it may be said that they Eat▪ without slee­ping all Night; and Sleep without eating all the next day. During the Ramasan their Prayers are double, and the most indevout fail not of say­ing them every day of this Lent, which is so much reverenc'd by all persons.

[Page 195] On the Morrow after the last day of Ramasan, they celebrate the Bairam just as they did the first day of Lent, by discharging all the Cannon, by the sounding of Warlike Instruments, beating of Drums and the Like. After this by break of day they wait upon the Bassa with their Mu­sick, who after he had washed his feet (a custom strictly observed by every body on the morning of this festival) mounted his horse and marched in great State to the Mosque, there to offer up his first Prayers. Whilst this was doing the Cooks were serving up a great Treat in the mid­dle of the Square before his Palace all in Earthen Dishes to the Number of three or four hundred. Several Janizaries were posted at the four Corners to keep the People off, till the Bassa and his Cal­valcade return'd from the Mosque. Then those Guards fell upon the Dishes, and all the crowd at the same time, take share of the Treat, of which nothing remains a moment after, besides the pieces of Dishes which are broken between them in the Squabble. They told me at Newhau­sel, that the Grand Signior himself celebrated the Bairam just after the same manner, and that this Repast was call'd Corban.

The Turks have likewise another Moon which is that of March, in which they perform several No­cturnal and private Devotions, of which I saw no­thing but the Processions of the Dervis made pub­lickly in the passage between the two Gates of the Bassa's house. The next confisted in lamentable Howlings and secret Superstitions of which I only heard the Noise, which was very dreadful in my mind. They attend at their Devotions at all times with a modesty that is hardly conceiveable in Persons so addicted to Lascivious Embraces. Their privities are cover'd very carefully by a pair of Drawers reaching down to their feet, and [Page 196] Shirts over them reaching down to their heels. So that a Modest Woman is not more cautious as to this Point then these Lustful Satyrs are. As often as they go into their Wardrobe to dress themselves, they always carry along with them a bason of Water, with which they wash them­selves very carefully; besides making use of the Bagnio's to which they go almost once a Week. The Bagnios of Newhausel, in which I was five or six times, have a large Room set out with Cou­ches whereon to undress one's self, a Wooden machine in the midst, on which there hung linnen towels to dry ones self. Before you put off your shift, a boy belonging to the Bagnio gives you one of these towels to cover your Nudities, which is not to be taken off till you put on your shirt again. He supplies you with wooden Slip­pers, and in this posture you go through two or three small Vaulted Rooms, and enter into another where are benches on the four sides, upon which you are placed. Over your head is a Cistern with two Cocks, the one of cold and the other of hot Water. The Man who belongs to the Bag­nio makes use of a certain liquid Sope perfum'd with musk, and a rubbing cloath of course stuff which scours to admiration. At the close of all he throws on a great deal of Water, but so cau­tiously as not to touch the Privities, which he leaves for the person to wash himself, if he pleases. The Women are under as strict a Confinement as they are in Italy: Those who walk in the streets are cloath'd in a great Gown with large Sleeves and a Veil over their Faces, so that they can on­ly see their way thro' the Veil which is common­ly very transparent. The Bassa had thirty Wo­men Slaves shut up in an upper Room whither two old Eunuchs carry'd them Provision twice a day, and the Bassa gave them Visits between [Page 197] whiles; but the Bastile it self has not a Stronger Guard upon it than this Seraglio, out of which they go once a month attended with two Matrons to the Bagnio. I only mention such particulars as are not so well known to the World, and pass by those that every body is acquainted with, and which are to be met with in several Histories, es­pecially in the Account of an English Gentleman (Sir Paul Ricaut) who has describ'd the Customs and Government of the Turks better than any o­ther Writer. All I shall add here is, that Coffee is (as all men know) their constant Liquor, Pots of it standing always by the Fire in Gentlemen's houses. Tobacco is as much esteem'd among them being very good in Turky by being duly prepar'd and taken in long Pipes, which the Smokers find to be very pleasant. As for Opium, said to be so much used by the Turks, I am apt to believe that in some parts they may like it in such quantities as is related; but yet at Newhausel I never saw any person take it, nor ever heard the least mention made of it. I took as much notice as possible of their way of Living, their Customs, their private Transactions and their Family, and I so often shifted my lodgings and my Master, that I could not but have known something of this Circum­stance, if there had been any thing in it.

The Turks are very industrious, and know how to turn their hands to every thing that is most ne­cessary for human life. They mend the furniture of their horses themselves and brighten them; they mend their own Cloths, having always a­bout them in a leathern Case a Needle, Thread, and other materials proper for the business. A­mong such industrious People as these are, a French Gentleman is a mere Ignoramus, and they look'd upon me as a very dull Soul, because I could not tell so much as how to light a fire; [Page 198] which among them is an insupportable Fault in their Slaves. They perpetually upbraided me for this my Insufficiency; and they could not ima­gine how any Man below a Bassa, or great Person of Quality, should be so shiftless, as to stand in need of another's Assistance, even in the minutest matters. They take a special care of their Horses, which they wash even with Sope. The finest, which are of the Arabian Breed, are never ty'd any otherwise than by the Leg to a Tether, with­out a Halter, Rack, or Manger; for they give 'em their Oats or Barley in a sort of Bags, call'd Tourba. When they alight off their Backs, tho' they be a hundred in Company, they will not let 'em be rub'd down, but are walk'd softly for half an hour, in the Street, before they are carry'd to the Stable. This was our Business; when the Bassa came off a Journey, the Slaves took his Men's Horses, and walk'd 'em about the Streets. They Discipline them so as to turn about every way, that so they may manage the Sabre, or cast the Dart, at which Exercise the Turks are very expert; nor are they put to much trouble in it, since their Horses are neatly built, light, swift, of a sound Wind, and admirably well mouth'd; being no skittish, resty, or founder'd Jades. The Turks also manage them extraordinary well, and are fix'd upon the Stirrups, which are much like those of our Women's Saddles, and ty'd up very short; but yet they sit up very upright and steady, which makes their Cavalry so good, and so vigorous in the Charge.

The most considerable Cavalry is that of the Spahi, call'd in their Language Spaha, which is compos'd of Gentlemen that serve at their own Expences, in consideration of some Village or De­mesne, which they hold of the Grand Signior, du­ring Life. They are dispers'd over the whole [Page 199] Ottoman Empire, and are reckon'd to be 80000 who have those Estates that are call'd Timars, and 32000 Mercenaries.

The other Cavalry is much like the French, con­sisting either of conquer'd Countries, or of Allies, or of Mercenaries of their own Nation; having Colonels or Commanders, nam'd Allay-Bey: with­out reckoning the Militia of the several Provinces, which are rais'd upon extraordinary Expeditions. Those last are call'd Sangiacs, or Companies of the Arriere-Ban, no less vigorous than the Regu­lar Troops. They have likewise a sort of Dra­goons, arm'd with Musquets like those of the Infantry, which are also call'd Yancharz, from the Name of Yancharz or Janizaries, who bestow this Title on the Arms which they make use of. There are two sorts of Infantry; The Janizaries, who are properly the Grand Signior's Guards, and are a Formidable Body of Men, as well for their Number, as their Courage; They, like the Spaha, are dispers'd over all the Provinces, and enjoy cer­tain Privileges, which make them to be consi­derable. This Body of Foot have a Commander in Chief, of great Authority in the Empire, call'd Yanchar-Aga, or Aga of the Janizaries: who marches in Constantinople with a numerous Retinue at his Heels, and several Executioners of Justice, who carry Bundles of Rods to punish upon the spot in the middle of the Street, those that are complain'd of to him, as he goes along. Both An­cient and Modern Histories are full of Remarkable Relations, concerning this Body of Infantry, which have rais'd such frequent Insurrections, and so many Revolts, even to the Deposing of Sultans, demanding the Heads of Visiers; and other such extraordinary Disturbances. 'Tis said they are about 40000 strong.

[Page 200] The other sort of Infantry, is call'd by the Turks Seymen, and differ nothing from that of other Na­tions; having nothing of Distinction, either in their Privileges, or in their Habits, wearing a plain Cap hanging down behind, call'd Calpac; whereas the Janizaries have a white Turbant, and green Coats; as I describ'd them before, in speaking of the King of Poland's Guards. The Agas or Cap­tains of these Seymen, are call'd Tchorbaggey, of which there is a Commander in chief, in every Garrison of a Town, honour'd with the Title of Yanchar-Aga, and who is properly the Colonel of the Infantry of the Town. This may suffice in general to give You a Light into those Particu­lars, of which former Histories have taken no notice. As to the Places of War, that little Pre­caution which the Turks make use of to cover them, may seem somewhat strange. They have no Body of Guards in the Streets, nor any Sentinels by Day upon the Ramparts near their Artillery, nor any great number at the Gates. Indeed they have nothing to fear within, because the Cities they con­quer are re-peopled by the Natural Turks; and in process of Time, the People of the Country be­come greater Turks than the ancient Musselmen. This I observ'd at Newhausel, where the Hungarians that were turn'd Mahometans, were the most zealous De­fenders of the Place. There were in the Town but few Janizaries and Spahas of Ancient Crea­tion, some other Turks, such as Greeks, Asiatics and Levantines, all the rest were Hungarian Horse, re­taining still the Habit and Language of the Coun­try, with the Religion and Notion of the true Original Turks. It was they who went out in Parties, and scour'd the Country round about: It was they who guarded the Prisons, where the Slaves were kept; and the Hungarian Infantry compos'd like­wise the greatest part of the Garrison. The Me­thod [Page 201] of fixing the Guard consists in those Nightly Rounds, which a Body of Foot make, going upon the Ramparts with large Lanterns, and stopping at every Bastion, to set up a hideous Cry, calling upon the Name of the Most Blessed God: and this they do without any intermission till Break of Day, when they all go off, even the Sentinels of the Watch-Towers. These last carry their Rugs along with them to lie on, and their Duty is from time to time, to cry Alla, in answer to those that walk the Rounds. This was all the Turkish Party of Foot, at least all that I ever saw at Newhausel, ei­ther in the Reviews, or in their Exercise: and I learnt from several German Officers, That during the Siege of Buda, and other Places, the Night Round made the same Cries, and had the same Guard.

A great many People believe, that the Office of Visier is confin'd only to one single Person▪ and till then, I was of the same Opinion: but at Newhausel I was inform'd, That besides the Prime-Visier, call'd likewise Grand Visier, or Visier Asem, there were six others, which compos'd the Divan, or Council of the Empire. But of each of these, we have already given a particular Account Chap. III. Next to the Visiers, are the other Governours of the Province, call'd Becglerbeys, who are only two, tho' frequently he who is no Visier, has a larger Ex­tent of Government. For Instance: The Bassa of Temeswaer in Hungary, has a considerable Province or Becglerbeyat, compos'd of one half of the Ter­ritories conquer'd by the Turks in that Kingdom; and yet he is no Visier. Next to these, come all the Bassas, which either serve in the Army, or in places of Importance, who have only one Horse­tayl, to which the Sultan, for some Signal service, adds a second, and a third, for which they pay 20000 Crowns in 40 Purses, as has been already mention'd.

[Page 202] Here I must inform the Publick, That the Name of Bassa is a Title of Honour, belonging to the Person, not to the Office they are in: So that the Ottoman Empire hath a great many Bassas without any Office or Command; and those who have any such, never take upon them the Name of the Place where they are Governours, but only their own Personal Title. Thus for Instance; The Bassa of Newhausel was call'd Assan Pacha, and not Ouywar Pacha, Ouywar being the Turkish Word to signifie Newhausel; and so of the rest. Besides, this Title in common Conversation, is by way of Compliment given to Private Persons; and at the end of my Slavery, when the Exchange was con­cluded upon, they honour'd me with the same Title, calling me Fransous Pacha, as much as to say an Illustrious Frenchman. Of these Bassas some are made Governors of Provinces and Cities; others Serasquiers or Generals, and others the Ge­neral Officers in the Armies, which are Subordi­nate to the former, who all of them retain the Title of Bassa, without taking upon them any new one by their Office. Thus for Example, The Vi­siers do not stile themselves The Visier of Buda, of Silistria, of Bosnia, &c. but rather Boudin-Pacha, Silistri-Pacha, Bosnié-Pacha. The Becglerbeys, and General Officers of the Army do the same.

The same may be said of the Title of Sultan, which is not appropriated to the Grand-Signior only, as most People imagine; and only signifies Protector, Benefactor, Patron, Master. For all the Turks in general, when they discourse together, give one another this Title, as we do that of Sir, or Master. But forasmuch as the Grand Signior, the Great Cham of Tartary, and their Sons or Bro­thers are reckon'd Patrons and Protectors in a high­er sense than ordinary, therefore they are by way of Eminence stiled Sultan. Thus they say, Mehemet [Page 203] Sultan, which is the Grand Signior; Suleyman Sul­tan, which is his Brother; Gherei Sultan, which is the Cham of Tartary; Galga Sultan, Nuradin Sul­tan, which are his Sons or Brothers. The proper Title therefore which the Turks have given to their Emperor, is that of Padicha, signifying the Lord and Master of all the rest: and as a token of Respect, and that particular Esteem which they have for the King of France, they have conferr'd upon him only that great Title of Padicha, or Em­perer of the French. England would have given 100000 Crowns for that Favour, but could not obtain it: as they would have had the Sopha at the Audiences, granted at last to the Embassador of Lewis the Great, in the Person of Mr. De Guille­ragues, about ten Years ago. This consists of ha­ving a Cushion-stool set upon the same Floor with the Grand Signior, whereas formerly they sat below, as the Embassadors of other Kings do to this Day, that is below the place, that is rais'd above the rest of the Floor, particularly call'd the Sopha.

The Title of Bassa ought not be confounded with that of Bachy, which the Turks give to the Chief Persons of every Profession; as to the Head-Gardner, the Head-Cook, the Chief-Footman, and to all other Principal Persons of what Order so­ever. So likewise the Title of Aga, is given to all the Chief Officers of the Houshold; to the Tef­terdar, who is the Treasurer or Receiver General; to the Asnadar, who is the Intendant, or Pay-master of a Private Family; to the Silictar, who takes care of his Master's Arms, and is his Squire, or Captain of the Guards; to the Kiayia, who is the Lieu­tenant of a Visier, or Bassa that Commands the Place, and so of the rest.

The Turbants make several distinctions be­tween Persons and Officers, as may be discover'd both by the Colour and Fashion of them. They [Page 204] consist of two parts, the Bonnet call'd Cauk, and the Scarf twisted round about call'd Sarret. The Turks descended from the Race of Mahomet, otherwise call'd Emirs, have only the right of pre­ference of wearing the Green Bonnet. At pre­sent indeed there is some Relaxation of it, as I ob­served at Newhawsel; but yet tis a Law, as all the Turks have assur'd me. As to the Scarf, tis common­ly white, of Silk or very fine Linnen. There are some of red, green, and Orange-colour'd Taffata; which the Bassa made use of, when he went to the War. The Turbant of Quality which the Visiers, the Governors, and the Sultan himself wear, is red, and the Scarf white, turn'd about after a particular manner and of a moderate Large­ness. The Cudis or Men of the Law wear a Tur­bant pretty large at the Top, and narrow at the bottom, like the Spanish Hats: The Scarf spred over, covering the Bonnet almost quite up to the top. The Imans, or Priests of the Mosques wear a Violet Turbant, very large and deep; The Scarf is plaited into small squares very artificially. It would be two tedious to particularize the other Distinctions; but I must not omit two Essential Ones, which give the Nation its Name: 'Tis that of the Colour of the Turbant which the Persians wear, whose Bonnet and Scarf are red; which makes the Turks call them Kesel-bach, Red-pates. Their Religion likewise gives them another par­ticular but scandalous Title. For tho' they own the Alcoran, yet they follow therein the Interpre­tation of one nam'd Ali, reputed as an Heretick among the Turks; so that they call the Persians and other People of that Sect, as they do the Christi­ans, Ghiaour, Miscreants, Infidels. They look up­on the Persians as greater miscreants of the two; their Sirname of Daa-Fena signifing the same thing literally. The Turks have a less opinion for the [Page 205] Jews, tho' their Religion is the very Foundation of Mahometism, from whom the Prophet has bor­row'd several Names, the Circumcision, and other Essential Points of the Law; The Prohibition of eating Swine's flesh, with the Prohibition of Pi­ctures and Sculptures: yet that accursed Race is so far an offence to the Turks, by that miserable Condition to which they are reduc'd, being Va­gabonds, sordid and Mercenary, that they will not admit any of 'em to make a Profession, till they have abjur'd Judaism, and been baptiz'd as Chri­stians. So that tis not a Jew but a Christian that becomes a Mussulman; and among their most bit­ter Reflections which they cast upon Men, that of Jew is the most biteing, calling the Christian Slaves by that Title, presuming it will affront them more, than Calling them only Ghiaour or Infidels.

Every body is acquainted with the Manners of the Dervis, which are a sort of Austere Monks, as they call them; and most People fancy them to be Recluses and Solitaries. I saw three of 'em at Newhausel, living among other Men, not shut up in a Cloyster or Monastery, but smoaking, eating, and drinking with all manner of Compa­ny as the rest of the Turks do. That which di­stinguishes them is their habit which is of white Cloth, made much like that of the Bernardine Monks without a Capuchion; but instead of that they have a hat of whitish Felt, cut indenturewise round the Brim, which is in a very Ridiculous manner cut into four Corners. The Dervis goe barefoot without Sandals, without Linnen; wear on their Brest a great Medal of something like yellow Amber; They have Bracelets and Pendants of the same in their Ears, which still render them more Rediculous. Tis certain that at first sight you would take a fool and a Dervis running through the Streets for one and the same thing. Their [Page 206] Devotion is terrible: for in their Fits of Enthu­siasins, they burn or tear their Flesh; and the first that I saw at the Kiayia's House, tho' a meek-tem­per'd, honest, and charitable Man, yet had both his Arms full of Scars. They pray to God by turn­ing themselves round; at first only leaping and ca­pering, and afterwards as swift as the turning round of a Milstone, which makes them so giddy, that they dash themselves against the Walls, and fall in a Trance upon the Ground, out of which they hardly recover. The Turks have a great Ve­neration for these Monks; and when they would extol the Piety of any Person, they say that he is of the Sect of the Dervis; pretending thereby to denote a more perfect Life and Religion, than that of the ordinary Mussulmen.

After the Death of Alé and Mustapha, Bassas of Newhausel, the Goverment of the Place devolv'd upon the Commanders of the Janizaries and Spahas; the first stil'd Yanchar Aga, or Tchorbagey; the other Alay-Bey. In the mean time an Express was sent to the Port, to receive the Grand Sig­nior's Orders, who sent thither two other Bassas, to supply the Places of the Deceas'd; both of 'em Men of Merit, and who had really grown gray in the Field of Battle: The First, nam'd Assan Pacha, a Man of Merit, a good Head-piece, of an extraordinary Conduct, an Albanian by Birth, and consequently a good Soldier. He had serv'd un­der the two Cupreolis, and at the Siege of Candy; was about 65 Years old, had a Venerable grey Beard, a lively tho' tann'd Complection, sparkling Eyes, and a rough Aspect: but withall he had a Noble and Charitable Soul, was easie of Access, Affable and Courteous, a lover of his Nation and his Emperor, an exact and faithful Mussulman to outward Appearance, but yet one who had got over the Scruples of their Law; for he drank [Page 207] Wine in secret; lov'd both Sexes, tho' he punish'd severely others who transgress'd in these Points.

The Second Bassa, nam'd Alé, was at least 70, as white as a Swan, dry and wither'd, of a sweet Mein, and red Countenance; but his Air old, and his Physiognomy like a Rabbi, wrinkled through Age and Study. However, he was strong, sat upright on his Horse, and was as couragious as any Man; as the Germans experienc'd him to be at the Assault they made upon Newhausel.

These two Bassas arriv'd about May with a new Train of Levantine-Turks, some Courtiers, and such as were more refin'd than those of the Frontiers of Hungary, as I found afterwards by sweet Experience. All the Garrison, and the Sons of the Deceas'd Bassa, with their Retinue, went out by Break of Day, to give them the Meeting. The Janizaries with their white Turbants went out on Horseback with their Colours flying, and all the Artillery of the Place receiv'd them under two Salvo's. The three Beys, Sons to the De­ceas'd Bassa, yielded up the Palace wherein their Father had dwelt, to his Successor, and encamp'd with all their Family on a Bastion. This gave me an Opportunity of taking a full View of the City, and the Out-parts; the Turks not being suspicious, and suffering the Slaves to walk round upon their Ramparts. My Master sent me for a Fortnight to one of his Friends nam'd Caplana, an old Officer, and one of those Veteranes, that have left off War to turn Courtiers. He was a Man of Pleasure, and very well belov'd among the Persons of Chief Note. I met with two Polish Slaves in his House, who refresh'd me with plenty of Provisions. But this did not last long; for Caplana, being afraid I should make my Escape, was for ridding his hands of me, and so brought me back again to the Bastion to my Patron's Tents; who committed me to the [Page 208] custody of his Cook, a Cosack by Nation, but a Renegado; or rather bred up from his Infancy in Mahometism. For he had been taken very young, and knew nothing of his own Country, or the Po­lish Language, but what he had learnt in Turky; yet still retain'd the Humanity and Good-nature of a Christian. I lay near him in his Cabin, and liv'd pretty pleasantly with the sweat of my Brows, for I serv'd in the Kitchin, washing of Plates and Dishes, and making the Pot boil.

Whereas the Bastion on which we were, had on its Platform a Watch-Tower, and surrounded with Galleries, from whence they could descry a pleasant Prospect towards the Danube, the Isle of of Schut, and the open Country round about Ko­morne; the Bassa came very often thither to spend his Afternoons, in playing at Chess, smoking, and drinking of Coffee: and his Retinue cloth'd in white, as the Turks are in Summer, exercis'd them­selves in the mean time upon the Level of the Ba­stion, in darting of Sticks one at another, to in­ure their Arms, for the Casting of Javelins. I scarce ever saw them draw the Bow, tho' they wear them in the War; but 'tis rather for Orna­ment than for Service: their Dexterity being only confin'd to the Use of the Javelin, and the Sabre. And truly, the Turks are very expert in managing the latter, whose Blades are very good. I have seen Heads cut off, without perceiving the Mo­tion of the Arm. The Profit which they get by it, contributes very much to make the Turks so dexterous at it: The Officers pay them so much for every Head, which they bring from the Field of Battle; which occasions nothing but Headless Trunks to be left behind. You may see thousands of those Heads, planted upon the Pallissades of their Cities, or upon a great Tree set up at the Gate, and full of Spikes, on which they hang the [Page 209] Heads of the Enemies. When they return back from the Patrole, the first Question that is ask'd of the Party, is, Where is the Head? that is to say, the token of their Courage.

When the Bassa goes abroad, either on a Jour­ney, or on a Military Expedition, all the Cavalry and all his Family attend him, in a great and con­fus'd Company. Before him goes the Musick, which consists of three or four Hautboys, with a pair of small pleasant Kettle-drums, which the Turks are very dextrous in beating: A large Bonchouk after the Polish Fashion, without any Ornament; another small Kettle-drum, beat now then, with a large Thong of Leather; and he who carries it upon the Pummel of his Saddle, goes next before the Bassa, who has always at his Horse's Head a Footcloth-man, cloth'd like the Pahiques of the K. of Poland, call'd Chater-Bacha, who serves to assist him in Mounting and Alighting off his Horse. He has two or three other Footmen, nam'd Chaous, whose Business is to draw out Commissions, to car­ry out Letters and Orders. The Grand Signior dispatches them to Christian Princes, to his own Subjects for Presents, or to get Intelligence. The Bassas have three or four of them; and the Badge of their Office, is a Black Rod, tipp'd with Silver, on the Top of which is a double Beak of the same Metal; from whence on each side hangs a Chain with large Balls at the End, which they carry be­fore their Master. These Persons are very consi­derable, and of Honourable Employs.

I must not omit another Turkish Ceremony, which is observ'd when the Bassa goes out, or returns home; 'tis a Cry which one of his Retinue makes: upon go­ing out, to wish him either success in his undertaking, or a good Journey; and upon his return, to thank God for his safe arrival. I omit a thousand other cir­cumstances, and pass on to the Relation of the Cam­paign in the Year 1684.

CHAP. VI.
A Brief Relation of the Campaign in 1684; both in Hungary and Poland.

THE Successes which the Germans met with in the Campaign of 1683, open'd them a door for carrying on considerable Enterprises; but at the same time, they had expos'd Poland to the just Resentments of the Grand Signior, against whom it had declar'd War, by an Irruption contrary to Articles of the last Treaty, concluded at Jarawno, between the two Armies. The Court of Vienna profited very much by those Advantages it had ac­quir'd through the Assistance of its Allies, whilst the Republick of Poland was taking care to put its Army into a posture of preventing the Turks from taking any Advantage of its weakness. The Turks had already order'd the Tartars to march towards the Niester, and had sent them a considerable De­tatchment, with a Serasquier of Note, being the Third Bassa of those which the Ottoman Empire had left of them, that were reckon'd the stoutest Men. They had lost seventeen of the best of 'em the Year before, either by a Glorious Death, or by a shameful Punishment, or by the Natural Acci­dents of Sickness; including the Grand Visier, the Visier of Buda, who was strangled by the former's Order; the Visier of Silistria, with the Bassa of Ca­ramania, who were prisoners at Leopold. They pretended that there were only three remaining of that Force and Courage, as those whom they had lost were Masters of; viz. Assan Pacha, sent to Newhausel; Osman Pacha, Visier of Bosnia; and Suleyman Pacha, made Serasquier against Poland, [Page 211] who afterwards came to be Prime Visier. The First was an Albanian, the Other two Bosnians, and there is a Particular Esteem establish'd among the Turks, in Favour of these two Provinces; the first of which breeds Men of Valour and Execu­tion; and the other, Men of Conduct, and Pre­caution.

The Grand Visier, Successor to Cara Mustapha Pacha, took particular care to secure his Frontier-Cities; and rais'd a Body of his Best Troops, to be as a Supply to those whom the Germans should of­fer to besiege; being not in a capacity of entring upon the Offensive this Year. The Council of Vienna resolv'd upon Assaulting Buda, leaving Newhausel behind them, knowing it would sur­render of it self, after the Taking of that Capital City, from whence it had all its Supplies. For 'tis to be observ'd, That notwithstanding the Taking of Barcan, Lewents, and Strigonium, yet the Turks had free Communication between Newhausel and Buda, where they had a Bridge. The new Bassas sent to Newhausel in the Year 1684, arriv'd there without any obstruction; and the Bey, my Patron, went once during the Winter to Buda, and return'd back as easily, only making use of the Night, and the Windings of the Mountains. Upon that occasion I had a Sight of that Famous City, which was the best fortified of any in Hungary, and was rich, po­pulous, full of Jews and Merchants.

The Grand Visier, after the Raising of the Siege of Vienna, had put into the Place his Friend Cara Me­hemet Pacha▪ and appointed for his Assistant a Brave Soldier, call'd by way of Exaggeration, The Devil; his Name was indeed Chaitan Ibraham Pacha, as if the first Word, which signifies Satan, was the Sir­name of his Family.

The Duke of Lorrain open'd the Campaign be-times, and march'd directly to Strigonium, where [Page 212] his Bridge was laid: Part of his Army pass'd be­fore Newhausel, a little on the Left, almost within reach of their Cannon, and encamp'd three Days, above, within sight of the City; during which time the Bassa sally'd out with all his Cavalry, to harass the German Army; from whom they took a great many Men and Women, with Provisions in abun­dance. After this, the Army continu'd its March, pass'd the Danube, carry'd in a few Days two strong Places scituated upon the Hills on the Right side of Strigonium, and afterwards went to lay Siege to Buda. Whereas the Imperial Army was not very numerous; it could not form any large circumvallation, nor could it entirely sur­round the Place. There were great Intervals in the Line, by which the Grand Visier had several Opportunities of throwing Men and Ammunition into the City. The Duke of Lorrain assaulted first the Lower Town, where he carry'd two very large and well-guarded Trenches: He caus'd the Town of Pest, on the other side the Danube, to be carry'd by Storm, where he broke the Bridge of the Turks, and left a small Detachment to hinder the entring in of any Succours, that might be brought upon the River. He had the sole conve­niency of this very River, which might have brought all necessary Provisions into his Camp, with Recruits and fresh Troops, without any dan­ger of being intercepted. Yet the Germans did not either know how, or else could not take any Advantage from that Conveniency; for the Army wanted every thing at the end of the Siege; Bread being as scarce with them, as in the besieg'd City. The Ammunition was scarcer, and I have heard of very creditable Persons, that they were forc'd to eat Man's Flesh, besides that of Horses.

The Lower Town was taken in a short time. The D. of Lorrain continu'd his Assaults on the same [Page 213] side, to come up to the Wall of the Upper Town; stretch'd (as I observ'd before) on the Edge of the Hill, widen'd at each end, and fortify'd with a double Retrenchment. That Prince omitted no­thing that might make himself Master of the Place, no more than the Bassa did to defend it. The Jews serv'd him herein very zealously, push'd on with a desire of preserving their Riches, which was as dear to them as their Religion and Country. The Supplies of Men and Provisions, which he receiv'd by several Reprisals, refresh'd his Garrison; and besides it was but faintly attack'd. They carry'd their Works to the very bottom of the Wall, and endeavour'd to undermine it in two several Places, and the Mine that was made at one of the round Towers, was charg'd three times together to make a Breach. The Turks countermin'd it, and the first time took the Powder out of it; the second, had no effect; and at last, when it was blown up, it threw it towards the City, instead of throwing it into the Trench, and so fortify'd the place on that side. They were no more successful in other parts: The Assaults were frequent, but always repuls'd with Vigour. The Artillery play'd con­stantly, but without success; and they cast in not above three or four Bombs in a Night. In a word, they spent three whole Months together before this City, without being able to make the least Lodgment upon it; and they ruin'd the Imperial Army, which lost near 28000 Men, among whom are reckon'd 500 of the Bravest German Officers.

The Elector of Bavaria arriv'd at the Camp to­wards the end of September, with his Troops, and took his Post on the Right of the Imperial Army, over against the Palace of King Matthias, which is the Point opposite to that which had been attack'd. The Council of War, held after his coming, con­cluded to carry on a fresh Assault on that side, as [Page 214] being the most easie to batter and force. The Elector of Bavaria sent before-hand a Trumpeter to the Bassa, to summons him to surrender. The Bassa admitted the Trumpeter into the City, hearken'd calmly to his Proposal; told him, That he understood of that Prince's Arrival, and had not fail'd to have beaten any one, but himself, by Cannon-shot, from an Eminence, where he was one Day posted, to take a View of the City: but that he was willing to spare him, and had that con­sideration for his Person. Afterwards the Bassa order'd him to be shewn the Place, and an inner In­trenchment, which render'd it stronger than at the beginning of the Siege. He shew'd him his Magazines, furnish'd with Provisions and Ammu­nitions, for above six Months longer; and his Gar­rison standing to their Arms, being very Nume­rous and very Resolute. After this, the Bassa ask'd him, upon what account he was oblig'd to sur­render; and then dismiss'd him, with a Present of 20 Ducats of Gold.

The Siege therefore continu'd with fresh Vi­gour, and new Attempts. In the mean time, the Bassa of Newhausel made his Advantage of the Ene­my's besieging that City. He had plac'd Detach­ments of his Cavalry, for half a League round his Town, and went often to visit them. Every Week he went out in Parties, sometimes towards Lewents, another time towards Komorne, and then towards the River Wag, to Goutta, to Nitria, and to all the Parts round about his Government, to seek for Pro­visions, and never return'd empty-handed: So that he preserv'd his own Stores, and supply'd the City very plentifully, with the Spoils he took in the Enemy's Country. Twice or thrice he ad­vanc'd towards Buda, to get Intelligence of the Siege. One Day he entred at Noon into the Isle of Schut, and ravag'd the Borders of it. In a [Page 215] word, this indefatigable Man, made as good a Campaign as could have been imagin'd, whilst the Germans perish'd with Misery under the Walls of Buda.

When he went out of the City, the Second Bassa commanded in his Absence, and never fail'd of coming to compliment him upon his Return, with an extraordinary submission: It was then that he open'd all the Avenues, and brought plen­ty of all things into Newhausel, which before was under a kind of Blockade, and so quite chang'd the Face of Affairs in that City, from what it was in his Predecessor's Time.

In the midst of these Transactions, his Polish Majesty, inform'd by Count Teckley of the Arrival of this Bassa, and of the Friendship there was be­twixt him and the Visier of Silistria, then prisoner at Leopold; he oblig'd the Visier to write to his Friend of Newhausel, concerning my Exchange with the 30 Turks of Zetzen. This Letter and Instru­ctions were sent to Prince Lubomirski, who serv'd with his Polish Regiment in the Imperial Army, at the Siege of Buda. He had a Commission of offer­ing two Men more for my particular Ransom; be­cause those that were detain'd at Transchyn, were only stopp'd by way of Reprisal, for my former Patron's Breach of Faith. The Prince sent an Ex­press to Komorne with all these Dispatches, and a Letter which he wrote to me. From Komorne to Newhausel a Correspondence was settl'd, as if it were in time of Peace; the Peasants on both sides, went and came by an Establish'd Custom. The same thing was allow'd to the Slaves of both Na­tions, who left a Comrade as Hostage in the City, where they were attended by some honest Man, still wearing Shackles on one Leg. Without this it would have been impossible to have concluded upon any Exchange, or to have negotiated for any Ran­som.

[Page 216] The Hungarian Governour of Komorne, nam'd Zamori George, according to the Custom of that Country of putting the Christian after the Sirname: this Governour, I say, sent by Prince Lubomirski's Order a Peasant to Newhausel, with the New Proposals of the King of Poland. The Bassa, who never heard of my Name, inform'd himself by the old Officers, who the Frenchman was that the King of Poland demanded, and who was his Master. He afterwards sent a Chaous to the Quarters of the Bey, the Eldest Son of his Predecessor; which Chaous came to call me in the Kitchin, and com­manded me to follow him, without asking any Leave of my Master, or so much as letting me go to speak to him. In the way he inform'd me of the Proposals that were arriv'd, and the Bassa's Inten­tion of accepting them. The Bassa examin'd me very mildly about my Quality, about the Refusal which his Predecessor made of Releasing me, and what the Pretences and Excuses were, that he had alledg'd for so doing. What I answer'd him was confirm'd to him by Mustapha-Aga, who had taken me. The time of my Enlargement being now come, the Bassa consented to the Exchange, and demanded for the two Men that were offer'd him, two Spahas of his Acquaintance prisoners in Poland call'd Alé Spaha, and Mehemet Spaha. Upon this, the Messenger was sent back with the Answers; and from that time the Bassa kept me at his own House, sending one of his Men to fetch my Rug and my Knap sack, from the old Patron's Cook, without any other Formality. I never far'd better than I did this Day. All the Turks of the Houshold, being newly come from Constantinople, where they had been us'd to Civility, gave me Bread, Meat, and some small pieces of Money. At Night they brought me into an old ruinous Building possess'd by a great many Soldiers, Spahas or Janizaries, of [Page 217] the Ottoman Race, very sociable Persons, who re­ceiv'd me civilly; especially those with whom I was acquainted in the former Bassa's House, who waited for an Opportunity of being convey'd back to the Levant.

On the Morrow, an Aga took and carry'd me before the Cadis, or Judge of the Town; before whom they had summon'd the Boy, my Master, to consent to my being made free, by vertue of a con­siderable Exchange offer'd to the Bassa. That Bey sent thither his two Brothers, who disputed a long time about the Reparation, that ought in justice to be made for a Slave, for whom they said they might have 5000 Crowns at Constantinople. The Cadis took my Name, and continued writing in his Register: but they would by no means consent to the Manumission, and so went away without sign­ing it. Notwithstanding this, the Bassa continu'd his Resolution, and detaining me at his House, lie the next Day sent these three Beys away, with all their Family to Constantinople. He committed me to the care of his Valets de Chambre, who were six young Levantines, well shap'd, and lodging all to­gether, who were allow'd four dishes at a Meal out of their Master's Kitchin; and they always left me enough, with Bread that I had every Morn­ing, hot out of the Oven; for a comfortable Subsi­stence. The Turks do not bake as we do; they make thick Cakes, rather than Loaves, and bake every Day, according to the number of the People among which they are to be distributed. But that which restor'd me perfectly to my former Health, were the Melons and Ice. I have already observ'd, That the Melons of Hungary are extra­ordinary good. There are whole Fields full of 'em round about Newhausel, from whence they [Page 218] bring ten Cartloads a Day into the City: besides which, the Bassa orders a small Cart of 'em to be brought every Day after Dinner, for the use of his Family, out of his own Private-Garden, which he cultivated very carefully, and caus'd to be watch'd every Night by one of his Men, in their Turn. Out of this Cart, thirty are pick'd out for his own Table, the rest fell to the share of the Footmen and Slaves: So that I did eat 10 or 12 a Day, like so many Apples. I drank Water, and Water-Ic'd; for the Turks have no other way of re­freshment, than to put large pieces of Ice into a Pitcher full of Water, whose Mouth is stopp'd with another Isicle, that drops into the Water by little and little, and of this they drink.

I began to feel my self in a comfortable condi­tion, which increas'd upon the hopes of seeing a speedy end put to my Misery. The Bassa order'd a Cloth Coat, two Shirts, and a Cap to be given me; and charg'd his Valets de Chambre, not to put me upon waiting: so that they would not let me so much as carry the Dishes to the Kitchin, for fear the Patron should chance to meet me. He being a Man of Courage, and desirous of being better instructed, took an occasion by my stay, of informing himself of all things that I was able to give him an account of, both with respect to the Countries, and to the Courts of Princes. I then took Notice, That the Grand Visier's Design was, after the taking of Vienna, to fall into Bohemia: All the Questions of this Bassa were about the City of Prague; what Passes, Cities and Rivers lay be­tween: He enquir'd likewise▪ very much about the King of Poland, and his Family. In a word, all that could be of any Service to him, he made the subject of our Conferences, which were held al­most [Page 219] every Night after Supper, in the presence of two or three of the Principal Officers of the Cavalry, and the Curate of the Mosque, whom he very highly esteem'd, inviting him every Night to Supper. The more I advanc'd in the Know­ledge of the Turkish Language, the more he lik'd my Company, and the greater was his care of me. He ask'd, Whether I had Bread enough allow'd me by his Steward, and upon my Reply, order'd me two Loaves a Day: But the Valet de Chambre, whose Business it was to distribute the Bread to the rest, kept back the Moiety for his own use; and his Knavery being found out by the Bassa, he commanded an hundred Blows to be given him upon the Soles of his Feet.

The Turks have several sorts of Coyn, beginning with the Ducats, or Turkish Sequins, call'd Altom. The Crowns of every Country are of the common Value: In the Levant they are call'd Piastres, in Hungary Rixdollars, and of these they make up the Purses, which contain 500 each. This is their peculiar way of reckoning considerable Sums, as they do by Aspres, in the ordinary course of Trade. Besides the Crowns, they have Lion-dollars, of a less value, call'd simply Cara-groch, made almost like the Dutch Crowns, with a great Lion on one side. There are a great many of these Pieces in the Fron­tiers of Russia, because all the Commerce of Vala­chia and Constantinople, through those Provinces that ly between the Niester and the Danube, is carry'd on by Lion-dollars. At Newhausel they have small Silver Pieces of the Emperor's Coyn, worth 5 German Groats, or 10 French Sous, stamp'd with the Arms of the King of Hungary on one side, and on the reverse with a Nostre-dame encircl'd with Rays. The Tinfes of Poland of the same Va­lue, [Page 220] are likewise currant here: And the smallest Coyn us'd in Domestick Affairs, were the Para, and the Atché. The first of these are very thin, and of very fine Silver, about the bigness of a French Denier, having several Arabic Characters on them: 48 or 50 of them go for a Crown, and 40 for a Lion-dollar. The Atché is the smallest Coyn the Turks have, which yet is worth about 4 French De­uiers; and with these Pieces they pay off the Troops, and go to Market; it sounding big to hear them prize such or such a Commodity, at 4 or 500 Atchés or Aspres.

In the mean time, Prince Lubomirski having re­ceiv'd our Answers, dispatch'd them away to the King of Poland; who sent him back an Order to take out of the Prisons of Transchyn, the 28 Turks which had been sent thither by way of Reprisal. This spun out a long time, by reason of the great Distance there was betwixt Buda and the Niester, where the King of Poland then was: it was fur­ther protracted by the Knavery of a Secretary be­longing to the Prince Lubomirski, who instead of going to fetch the Slaves, stay'd at Niklitsbourg, where he consum'd the Money that had been given him, and a thousand Crowns that he had borrow'd in his Master's Name. So that after two Months waiting for News from him, they were forc'd to send another Messenger, who brought the Turks at last, about the beginning of November, to Komorne. At their Arrival, two of the Chief of them came to Newhausel, to cast themselves at the Bassa's Feet; and to beg for my Liberty, and their own. This Man affected with their Misfortune, and desiring to render a considerable Service to the Grand Sig­nior, in delivering such Brave Soldiers, was at [Page 221] first for frightning them, by telling them, That they must make him amends for the Ransom he was like to lose for me. These unfortunate Creatures represented to him, That they could give him but little satisfaction at present, being so long prisoners: but assur'd him, that they would make him an ample Return as soon as they should get into their own Country. The Bassa smil'd; and commanding their Fetters immediately to be knock'd off, which they had always wore to this time, told them very freely, that he did not pretend to exact an Aspre of them, thinking himself sufficiently happy in being able to do that piece of Service to his Coun­trymen, and the Sultan.

I was afterwards call'd into his Chamber: He told me, That indeed the Turks retain'd at Transchyn were arriv'd, but that there were still wanting two more, that were propos'd for my personal Ex­change. I reply'd, That they could not as yet be brought from Poland, or that they might be deli­ver'd without sending them so far into Hungary, by the Bassa of Caminiec. Upon this Overture, the Bassa of Newhausel, reflecting upon the Di­stance of the Country, and willing besides to demon­strate his Generosity and Confidence, told me, that he would trust to my Word without waiting for any farther News, and would remit me upon the Promise, which I made him, of immediately de­livering the two Spahi of his acquaintance, specify'd in our Letters. I gave him a Note under my Hand for it, writ in Latin; to which, for want of a Seal, I clapp'd my Five Fingers. And here 'tis to be noted, That all the Turks wear a Ring, engrav'd with Arabic Characters, which they make their Seal, making the Impression of it in a Letter or a [Page 222] Deed, by the side of the Superscription, to attest the Truth, and Validity of the Contents. Besides this Note, the Bassa made me swear to the same thing upon my Prayer-Book: and these Assu­rances I ratify'd to him by an honourable Promise of Returning back to Newhausel, in case these two Men were not set at Liberty. In pursuance to this, the Bassa order'd my Fetters to be knock'd off; for you must take Notice, That the Bey, the Kiayia of his deceas'd Father, who had taken them off at first by his own Authority, put them upon me again two Months after the Bassa's Death, in order to oblige me to be more urgent for my Ransom.

There was nothing now more to do, than to ap­point a day with the Governour of Komorne, and the Officer who had brought the Turks from Transchyn, to make our Exchange in the open Field. They sent on each side Pasports, and they agree'd to have 30 Men of a Side, and the Place they fix'd on, was to be not far from the Danube, near the Village of SanPetré. But the Execution of it was put off to the 14th of November, through two Scruples of Interest, that were as Unintelligible as Unreasonable. The Offi­cer of Prince Lubomirski, to whom several Polish Slaves had writ during the Goings and the Com­ings of the Express from Komorne to Newhausel, thought of delivering two or three others, with my eight and twenty Turks; pretending that this Number was too extravagant for a single Man. It was to no purpose for me to write that his Polish Majesty detain'd 'em only upon my account; That zealous Patriot was harden'd to this Project; and I believe he would have stopp'd the Exchange, had he not receiv'd fresh Orders from Vienna, whither Prince Lubomirski was return'd, being wounded in [Page 223] the Camp before Buda. The King of Poland be­ing tir'd with the Delay, redoubled his Instances; and that Lord did the same to his Envoy, with Orders at the same time, to give two of his own Prisoners, which he had at Komorne, in case that the Bassa of Newhausel made any Scruple upon the two Spahis, that had not yet been sent.

The other Pretension was started by the Keeper of the Prisons of Komorne, nam'd Lasko. That covetous Officer was for exacting of those mise­rable Turks the Fees of the Prison, settled on both sides at a Ducat a Head; as if for fourteen or fif­teen Day's stay in his Prison by chance, for want of a more secure Place, they ought to have pay'd a Fee, which the Governor of Transchyn never de­manded of them. The Bassa of Newhausel per­ceiv'd the Pretension of Lasko to be very unjust, and appear'd very much concern'd to me; and the more because for one Ducat that he might demand of me, he must give 28 for these unhappy Crea­tures, who had nothing in the World. However, he very generously compleated his Design, and pay'd the whole Fees; so boundless were his honou­rable Intentions. This Noble Bassa, whom I shall never forget, loaded me with Favours upon my De­parture; gave me a Coat, and Money to buy me what I wanted besides at Komorne. He intrusted me with more, to send him several Toys and Tobacco from thence; embrac'd me very joyfully and af­fectionately, and order'd me to be conducted to the Place of Rendezvous, by a Colonel of Hunga­rian Cavalry, with thirty of the Best Horse be­longing to his Garrison or Houshold, my self be­ing mounted on one of his Arabian Horses, of which he had thirty very Rich Ones.

[Page 224] The Exchange was made with all the Fairness and Honor imaginable. We arriv'd the first at the Rendezvous. Prince Lubomirski's Officer put his Turks into a large Boat, with thirty Foot Sol­ders, as a Guard, allow'd him by Zamori George Governor of Komorne, and pass'd the Danube over against San-Petré. When he saw this Body of Turkish Cavalry, having as many Led-horses as there were Men, he fear'd some Foul-play; he therefore put his Prisoners into the Thickets, and plac'd his Foot in a Covert way before his Boat, to secure a Retreat, in case of any accident. But Maiar-Alay-Bey, who commanded that Troop of Horse, order'd them to alight, and advan­ced himself to dissipate the Fears of the Pole. Lasko advanced likewise towards Alay-Bey, whom he knew particularly. They sat down on the Grass, and entred into a Friendly Conference, which lasted a quarter of an Hour. At last Alay-Bey seeing his Countrymen in Chains coming out of the Bushes, for whom he had provided several Waggons; he took me by the Hand, and gave me to Lasko and the Polish Officer, assuring them over and over, That I was the King of Poland's French Gentleman. Each Party took their Leaves, and went on his own Way. The Footmen march'd in good Order towards the Boat; Alay-Bey caus'd the Priest, or Otgé of Zetzen, (who was one of the Turks that had been detain'd, and particular­ly recommended to him by the Bassa of New­hausel) to get upon the Horse that brought me thither. He doubtless was very glad to see his Brethren arrive, as I was to see once more Ko­morne, and the Christian Country, where I took up my Lodging for that Night.

[Page 225] On the Morrow, I punctually discharg'd the Commissions of the Bassa, and laid out all the Mo­ney he gave me in small Toys, which I presented to my Good Friends of Newhausel, of whom I receiv'd a thousand Tokens of Friendship at the latter end of my Slavery; and whom I would cer­tainly have seen again, had not the Imperialists besieg'd that Place the next Year. They broke up the Siege of Buda at the same time. The very day of my Departure, part of the Army pass'd the Bridge of Barcan, in order to encamp on the Plains, between that Fort and Newhausel. The Elector of Bavaria arriv'd at Komorne, just as I got on Shore, and was receiv'd under the Discharge of all the Artillery of the Citadel; which I took at first for a Rejoycing for the Taking of Buda. On the Morrow I waited upon that Prince, and the Duke of Lorrain, to recommend to them the German Slaves which I had left behind me in Chains. Besides, the Bassa had given me in charge, to pro­pose in his Name, a general Discharge of the Pri­soners of both Nations, Head for Head, wisely foreseeing that he should want Men; and chusing rather to spend his Provisions on Turks, who were of use to him, than on Slaves, that were only a Burden.

I cannot sufficiently commend the Vigilance and Bravery of this Officer; nor his Conduct and Skill in matters of War. He was better vers'd in Fortifications, than the most Skilful of his own Nation. Newhausel had several Defects in the Fortification, which lay on the side of the Ko­morne Gate, by which it was attack'd. That Go­vernor discover'd them, and order'd them to be [Page 226] repair'd, in opening the Angles, enlarging the Breast-works, and strengthening with Fascines the back Part of the Open Curtains. He made all his Cavalry march out one Day, to cut down a large Thicket, which lay about a League off the City, over against Goutta. Another time he carry'd off all the Wood of the Neighbouring Villages, depriving the Enemy by that means, in case of a Siege, of that Supply with which he furnish'd his Garrison.

I was very sorry to hear of the Loss of that Brave Man; tho' I was the cause of his being besieg'd: For upon the Report I made to the King of Po­land of the state of that Place, in the presence of the Pope's Nuncio Palavicini; and his acquainting his Holiness with it; It was resolv'd upon at Vi­enna, through his Sollicitations, to bestow the next Campaign on that Undertaking. For which purpose, General Heyseler was detach'd, with a Body of Troops this Winter, to block up the Place, and to prevent them from receiving any Supplies from Abroad. But this Blockade did not hinder the Bassa of Newhausel from making Sallies upon the German Quarters. The Germans had during Summer taken a Town nam'd Schoran, a League off that City; from whence the Turks had been forc'd to withdraw. They afterwards made some Provisions at Nitra, in Preparation for the intended Siege. The Bassa, after my Depar­ture, retook Schoran, and went to burn upon the River of Nitra, at the very Gates of that City, the Boats which the Germans had caus'd to fall down with Provisions.

[Page 227] These were the Transactions of Hungary this Campaign: The King of Poland on his side did all he could, to oppose the Incursion of the Turks and Tartars, commanded by the Serasquier Suleyman Pacha, who was advanc'd as far as the Niester; and by this march cross'd the Designs of the Polan­ders, who had Thoughts of entring into Valachia, and by the Way of Boudziac, to have pierc'd as far as the Black Sea.

The Court remov'd from Cracow at the end of March 1684, and had gain'd the Frontiers towards Leopold, to be in a Readiness for any Enterprise. Whilst the King waited at Yavorouf for the Com­ing up of his Troops and Recruits, Count Monte­cuculli arriv'd there, being sent by the King of Spain, to Compliment his Polish Majesty, upon the happy Success of the preceding Campaign. The Emperor sent thither the Count of Valestein, as his Ambassador Extraordinary, with Order to follow the King and his Army, whithersoever they mov'd. Lastly, the Republick of Venice, being willing to enter into a League against the Turks, and to take Advantage of these Favourable Junctures, nomi­nated the Procurator Morosini, to go into Poland with that Character, who likewise made the Cam­paign with his Polish Majesty.

The King of Poland open'd it, by spoiling two or three Retreats, which the Turks had preserv'd on this side Caminiec, on the Confines of Podolia and Russia: The nearest, that lay towards this Ca­pital City, was the Castle of Yaslovietz, scituated on a Hill, surrounded with others more large, and almost encompass'd with a River, which wash'd the Bottom. There was an Aga, with a Garrison [Page 228] of about 120 Men, detach'd from Caminiec; some small Pieces of Artillery, and Fortifications pro­portionable. The Army encamp'd on the Emi­nencies which commanded that Castle, and sum­mon'd the Aga to surrender. The Aga desir'd for his Honor's sake, to see some Cannon play upon the Place; it being pretty strong by its Scituation, and by its ancient Walls. M. Dupont, Engineer to the Republick, caus'd two Batteries to be rais'd, which Beat down all the Front of the Castle, which fac'd the Army. They had scarce fir'd ten times, when the Garrison desir'd to march out. The Aga, being well acquainted with the Customs of his own Country, which reckons no Man inno­cent that is unfortunate, was not for exposing himself to the Test; and so retir'd into Poland, where the Queen made him Keeper of one of her Country Houses. His Lieutenant likewise stay'd with the King, and serv'd him as an Hussar, and their Janizaries, were dispers'd here and there about the Country.

The Aga is a Man of a good Mein, and a Vene­rable Aspect, of a Warlike Air, even a little rough, which Adversity smooth'd afterwards. The other is a mere Soldier, very Fat, of a Low but Brave Mein, as appear'd by those dreadful Scars with which he was full; especially that which he brought from Candy, by a Bullet shot into the back part of his Head.

The Surrender of this small Castle, made just as I have describ'd it, did however inhance the the Reputation of the Polish Arms in Foreign Parts. They talk'd as big in France of this Expe­dition, as of the Taking of Valenciennes: so true [Page 229] is it, That Fame raises Matter of Fact in Propor­tion to the Distance of the Climates, where they are done. The same News being brought to New­hausel, chear'd up the Hearts of the Polish Slaves so much, that I believ'd it had been Caminiec that was taken by the King. And my supposition was the more probable, because I knew that the Republick had undertaken the War, only with Intention of retaking that Place from the Turks; being the most considerable which they held in Poland. But my News-monger Suleyman, the Bassa's Coffee-man, undeceiv'd me, and told me the truth of the Bu­siness.

The Queen attended the King as far as Yaslo­vietz, and was present with her Court at the Assault of that Place, which in truth deserv'd no other than an Army of Females. The Turks, who march'd out, were very much surpriz'd, having never before seen such Luggage follow the Camp. But the Queen, after this Exploit, retir'd to Leo­pold, from thence to Yaroslave. The King march'd directly to Zwaniec, there to pass the Niester. His Design was to enter into Valachia, to make him­self Master of that Province, and there to winter his Army, in order to cut off the Communication between Caminiec and the Turks, who had no other way thither, no more than the Tartars. By this means that place would have been immediate­ly block'd up, and reduc'd at last, for want of Sup­plies, to surrender within six Months, without so much as discharging a Cannon. Besides, the King of Poland made a considerable Diversion to facili­tate the Taking of Buda by the Germans, and to relieve one another from the Niester to the Danube. [Page 230] But neither were the Germans minded to share the Glory, and the Fruits of their Conquests with the Poles, nor were the Poles in a capacity of finishing this great Design. They could not in 3 Week's Time so much as lay the Foundations of a Bridge, having neither Boats, nor other things necessary. And after they had spent above a Month's Time, in casting Baskets of Stones, Fascines, and other Materials in the Water, an Inundation of the River, occasion'd by the Rains that fell, carry'd away all the Work.

Whilst these things were doing, the Tartars appear'd on the other side the Niester, to the num­ber of near 40000 Horse, from whence every Day Detachments were sent out, who swam over the River, a little below the Polish Camp, between Cot­chim and Caminiec, and came to skirmish with the Poles, who likewise cross'd the River sometimes with the same Vigour; so that all was reduc'd into particular Skirmishes, the two Armies looking on at the same time, and disputing for the Ground and Forrage, at the Expence of some unhappy Creatures, whom the Tartars carry'd off every Day. There were likewise several Interviews be­tween the Officers of the two Armies, having the River in the midst. The Chancellor of the Cham, who had formerly been at the Polish Court, to treat about ransoming his Brother, came one Day on the Bank of the River, and desir'd to speak with one of the King's Touariches, who accordingly was order'd thither: He desir'd them to tell his Polish Majesty▪ That he desir'd to see him, to thank him again, for all the Favours he had formerly shewn him. The King was very glad of that En­counter, [Page 231] and order'd this Answer to be given to the Tartars, That if he would come into the Camp, he would send him not only a Convoy, but Hostages. This Gentleman very frankly reply'd, That his Polish Majesty did him wrong to think that he forgot, that his single Word was more worth, than all the Hostages of the Army; and that he would come to him on the Morrow upon his Pa­role. But he could not execute his Design, because the Enemy decamp'd.

To enter into the the Particulars of this Cam­paign, which in general pass'd without any consi­derable Action: You must know that the King of Poland, in Decamping from Yaslovietz to march towards the Niester, committed the Van-guard to be led by the Castellan of Cracow, Little General of the Crown, with fifty Troops all Horse, Hus­sars, Pancernes, and Valachians, who had Orders to advance as far as Caminiec, to take a View of the adjacent Places, to observe the Motions of the Garrison, and the Marches of the Tartars.

The Castellan was to amuse the Enemy, and to cover the the March of the Army, as well as the Design of the Bridge. He stay'd for some time be­fore that City, where his Hussars march'd fre­quently to skirmish with the Turks, who made small Sallies on the Polish detachment. In the mean time the King posted himself at Zwaniec on the Banks of the Niester, where he had his Right Wing, stretch'd out a little beyond that Castle towards Caminiec, which was not above two Leagues lower, and on the same side.

[Page 232] To cover the Building of the Bridge that he was willing to make in that place, he sent over on the other side the River, all the Dragoons, and some Troops of Cossacks and Valachians, part in Barges, part swam over, and the rest for­ded it a little above the Camp, where was a small Island.

These Troops were retrench'd on the other Bank, and remain'd there a long time, but the Tartars having harass'd them several times, by the small Attacks which the Poles bore with great constancy, and the Rains having ruin'd their Bridge, the King order'd them to repass the Ri­ver, intending to march towards Caminiec.

He was joyn'd before by a Body of Troops, which the Elector of Brandenburgh had sent to the Republick, as his Quota, consisting of two Regiments of Infantry, the one commanded by Prince Alexander Cowrland, the other by the Count of Dona, with a Regiment of Dragoons; the whole under the Command of General Troucz, which compos'd about 2000 Men.

Whereas the Tartars came frequently into the Camp, and stay'd there without being discover'd, one could not be secure from them. The Equipage of these Brandenburgh Troops was all carry'd off the first Night, which oblig'd the King of Poland to order all the Poles to wear a white Handkerchief, twisted round their Left Arm, to distinguish them from the Tartars, who were always mix'd in the Camp, and at Forraging, with the Valets of the Army.

[Page 321] The Army then decamped from Jouanietz, after having tarried above three Weeks to no purpose, having known that the Tartars had been joined by the Serasquier, with a great Body of Turks, which the common Report of the Camp gave out to a­mount to forty thousand Men, but which in effect was not above ten thousand. The Enemy passed on our side, at first by Detachments of three or four hundred Horse, who approaching the Polish Camp amused their Troops by frequent Skirmi­shes, carried off the detached Parties, who were ordered to patrol along the River to secure its Banks, and by this means deprived the Polish Ar­my of the Knowledge of their Motions: In fine, all theirs had passed without being discovered, they having no need of a Bridge for that end, & carrying neither Artillery nor Equipages with them.

The better to judge of this Action, we must note, that Jouanietz is an Ancient Castle of Stone-Work, but very much shattered, scituated upon a rising Ground, about one hundred and fifty or two hun­dred Paces from the Dniester, which is very rapid at that Flace and almost as broad as the Seine at Pa­ris, but not so deep by much, with steep Banks, co­vered with thick Bushes. This Castle is inhabited by some Families of Valachians, of the Number of those who retired into Poland, by whom certain Places of these Frontiers of PODOLIA have been peopled. Over-against this on the other side of the River, but a little lower, towards Caminieck, is that of Cotchym. This is much of the same Structure, pretty good and Massive, but much ruined. There was heretofore a Bridge which saved some of those that fled at the Battle of Cotchym when the Turks, who were encam­ped at this Place, were defeated. This Bridge [Page 322] at that time fell down by the Numbers of Fugi­tives that crowded over it, was afterwards rebuilt and broke down again, taken and retaken by both Parties. The King of Poland designing to march into Wallachia, had posted himself under Jouani­etz, which he left behind his Camp, taking up all the Ground between that Castle and the River. The Tartars advanced to Cotchym, and after ha­ving roamed a long time on its Banks, as I have said, swam over the Dniester a little below that Castle, but very secretly, to keep the Polish Army on their own Country, and to divert them from their design against Walachia.

The King of Poland having by this means miss'd his Aim, formed another Project, which was to draw the Tartars to a Battle, in some disadvanta­gious Place. He was forced to move cunningly from Post to Post as at a Game at Chess. The King went directly to Caminieck, advanced upon the Hills near that Place, from whence he saw into the very streets, and tarryed there some time, by way of Bravado, within Cannon-shot, above 500 of which they shot from their Platforms and Towers, the Pieces of a middle-size or bore, carrying be­yond his Army. After which he left that Place on his his left Hand, marching as if he designed to return into Poland, and moving from the Dnie­ster, which was behind him. The Tattars follow­ed the same way, and daily presented themselves either upon their Flanks, Front or Rear.—In fine, the King posted himself be­hind the Ruins of a demolished Town, where there were still some Walls, with the Terrasses of an old Castle, which was rased, on which he plan­ted his Standard. This Place was in a Bottom, en­closed by steep Hills and a River. The Lithuanian Army stayed at the top, and the Tartars being de­ceived by this Lure, rusht into this Bottom. The [Page 323] KING seeing them thus ensnared, according to his Desire, rejoyced to have catched his Prey in a Trap, and would have given them Battle, and the rather because the Tartars must suffer in retiring precipitately from this Cut-throat Place, flanked by the Polanders; But the Generals opposed the same, alledging the Approach of the Night and Fatigue of a long March; hiding under those seeming Reasons a spiteful Jealousie of the K's Glo­ry, whose Name would have swallowed every thing as at Vienna, without leaving any share of the Success to the Generals. They proposed a Coun­cil of War: But the King saw into their Hearts, and reproaching them with this Aversion for the Publick Good, which they made to give Place to a secret Partiality for a Politic Interest, he retir'd to his own Quarters, full of a just Indignation, and mortal Anger against those Enemies of their Country, which at this Juncture lost such an Op­portunity as they could never get since. In a word, the Tartars, being sensible of the disadvanta­giousness of the Post, retired, and appeared not again in two Days after. Thus ended this Cam­pagne, called in Poland, The Campagne of Jou­anietz, which decided nothing on either side; only the Enemy drew this Advantage from it, that they hindred the King of Poland from entring into Va­lachia, as the Grand Visier on his side, had frustra­ted the Projects of the Germans under the Walls of Buda. The Duke of Lorrain was so obstinately bent upon that Siege, that after he had retired with his Army, it was given out in Foreign Coun­tries, That he carried on the Siege. The Count de VValesteine, Imperial Ambassador to the King of Poland, maintained a long time, That they had only sent away the Sick and Wounded, to Comorra and Raab: But when I arrived at Zolkiew, where the Court was the beginning of December, I un­deceived [Page 324] them of this Error, by assuring them that I had seen the Duke of Lorrain and Elector of Ba­varia, the same Day I came out of Slavery, who were actually retired from before Buda, and had been pursued a great way, in their Retreat, by the Turks of the Garison, who very much gall'd the Imperial Army, which was weary and worn out, by the Labours of a long Siege.

The King of Poland having retired much about the same time, Procurator Morosini the Venetian Ambassador, having dispatched his Affairs, retur­ned Home, leaving his Secretary called Alberti, as Resident at this Court, during all this War, into which the Republick had just ingaged themselves. This Alberti was ten Years in the same Station at the Court of England, a Man of wit, cunning and sly after his smooth-way, falsly simple, sober, secret, speaking little, and communicating himself less, prying into another's Affairs, as it were out of Complaisance, but in order to draw some Advan­tages therefrom, such as Juvenal mentions to be pra­ctised by those Greeks newly arrived at Rome, and patronized by the Grandees, whom they found the Secret, to make them stand in awe of them, by the knowledge they had of the Affairs of their Familys. Alberti arrived some time after the Am­bassador, having lost all his Equipage by Fire near Cracow.—A little Compassion at first assisted him at Entry into Poland. His Modesty, his Submissions, managed with Address, without stooping too low or being too starch'd, his Assiduity in giving his Attendance even at Hours when he need­ed not, his Inventive Genius, for certain little Mechanick Works, gave him all the facility ima­ginable to compass his Ends. The King was very cu­rious, full of Questions, and much addicted to learned Conversations of all sorts; so that he must have such a Man as Aesop to answer every [Page 325] thing. Secretary Alberti was capable enough in some Respects to act that Part.

He was back'd by another hidden and secret Minister, near the King's Person, from the Court of Vienna, who arrived in Poland much about the same time, in a Jewish Habit, and under the spe­cious Title of a deputed Missionary into Muscovy, for reuniting the Russian Schismaticks. 'Tis the famous Father Vota, a Savoyard by Birth, Austrian by Inclination and by Profession a great Talker, but speaking well: A Courtier, educated in the fine Politicks of Italy, and brought up to the In­trigues of the Closet, as well for managing of Sovereign Princes, as Republicks, whose Interest and Designs he knows better than any Man. He has, with his great Experience, a lively, piercing and clear Wit, an admirable Memory, furnished with all that is most rare and most particular in Ancient and Modern Histories, with all that is most exact in Chronology, and with a true Gene­alogy of all the great Families of Europe, a great Divine, an excellent Geographer; and, in a Word, an Universal Man. He utters himself in Latin, French and Italian, with equal Facility, is dextrous to divert a nice Question, and to prevent before he answer him who proposes it, by flatter­ing Insinuations in his favour, by way of doubting it, and to make the Discourse fall on other common Places, from which he also diverts the Questions, insomuch that he stuns him, is before-hand with every Body, and appears in every thing to be the Champion, speaking always without giving a­nother a Minutes time to reply; for he neither blows his Nose, spits nor coughs. Just like a Ma­chine that goes only the length of its Spring; for when he once enters upon any Subject, he never ceaseth so long as he has Auditors; he is a News-Mon­ger beyond compare, who values not to whom he [Page 326] distributes his Gazettes. I have seen him busie rea­soning on Politicks, and the Accidents of War, with Footboys and poor Women, and expose himself thereby on the usual Days, to be teazed by all the Footboys of the Court, by all the Underlings of the Kitchin, and by all the Curious Imperti­nents, which he valued as an essential Thing. He had the Fault that is annexed to the Cassock of the Society, to love above all things the Conver­sation of great Men, Honours, Distinctions, the first Place in Illustrious Companies, the Carresses and Civilities of Crowned Heads. Furthermore, he was a Man of good Manners, sober, satisfy­ing himself many Days with less than was neces­sary, eating only in Company, and sitting down at Table meerly for Discourse sake; insomuch that he never thought himself more welcome than when People hearkened to him. Upon which the Marq. d'Arquyan, methinks made a very good Re­mark, when he said of Father Vota: That he had a particular Advantage, to cause Digestion in eating by the Interval of his Discourses. This famous Man is also very Religious, fearing God, devout without Bigottry, rigid without Scruples, simple without Affectation, void of all wordly vanities, and a truly honest Man.

The Emperor could not have made a better Choice for the design he had to induce the King of Poland to ingage in the League. He knew that that Monarch loved the soft Amusements of wit, Knowledge and the Intrigues of the Republick of Letters; that he must have a Breast-Plate of Con­versations, a Scavantas to the utmost; but at the same time a SPIRIT, that was Plyable, Subject, bearing Reproaches, Injuries, unseason­able times, Labour and the Troubles of this Life. This Jesuit was born with all these things; I have seen him him a hundred times upon the Floor of [Page 327] an Anti-Chamber, that he might not miss his Op­portunity of conferring with the King. By this means he made himself useful; insomuch that that Monarch could have no peace, if he had not Spoken with him. He had a Hand in all Nice Affairs, and became the only Channel through which the Nuncio's of the Pope and the Ministers of the Emperor arrived at the Cabinet of his Polish Ma­jesty, and he became Master of all Secrets and Bu­siness.

The Court of Vienna would have made him Preceptor to the King of the Romans, and doubt­less he was very capable of the same, not only upon Account of his profound Knowledge without Pe­dantry, but also of his Noble Education and high elevated Thoughts: But at the same time 'twas thought they had occasion for him in more important Affairs, which was to keep the King of Poland, who was very much moved with the frightful Ingratitude of the Germans, in their Interest. They sent him through Moscovy, under Pretence of a Missionary to the Schismatick Russians. He went thither with the old Baron Jorosski, whom the Emperor sent to the Czar the beginning of the Year 1684. to sound that Prince in favour of the Holy League, in order by that means to give the Crim Tartars a powerful Diversion. Upon their return, Father Vota stopt in Poland, to wait there for a more favourable Conjuncture to his pious Design, giving out that the Czar had not hearkened to his first Overtures. The King received him very pleasantly (all No­velties are pleasing to the Learned, and above all at this Court, where every thing runs in the Ex­cess, as the Heat and the Cold) he carried him to the War, lodged him, defrayed him, and at last made him his most intimate Secretary.

[Page 328] Much about the time of the arrival of all those Persons extraordinary, each in his Sphere, arrived also one from France, no less illustrious, distinguished, besides his Personal Merit, by his great Birth. 'Twas the Marquis de Bethune, here­tofore Ambassador Extraordinary of France in Po­land; who returned thither without any other Character than that of Brother-in-Law to the Queen, and without any other Design than to follow the King into the Army, being out of Em­ployment in France, where the Peace had just ex­tinguished the new Differences between the two Nations, after the taking of Luxemberg, in the Year 1684. which the Marshal de Crequi joined that very Year to the Conquests of Louis le Grand. The Austrian Ministers being naturally suspicious, according to the Genius of the Ger­mans, believed that the Voyage of the Marquis de Bethune comprehended some Politick Mystery. Count Wallestein dropt some Words to that pur­pose in a Conference with the Marquis d'Arquyan; who telling him one Day that he, Count Walle­stein would doubtless be glad to see a Lord in Po­land, whom he had known at Vienna, and ho­noured with his Friendship; that Minister an­swered smiling, That he had rather see him else­where; but the Marquis d'Arquyan replying, That his arrival was without Mystery, and only upon the Score of a Relation, who came to see the King his Brother-in-Law, after the happy Success of his Campagnes; the Count de Wallesteine ad­ded, with the same Tone, That the Pretence of his coming was very plausible, and the Colour well contrived.

However, all those illustrious Persons lived in this Court in a perfect Union of Civility and ho­nest Correspondence. There had not been so great a Number of Foreign Grandees at that Court of a [Page 329] long time: The end of the Campagne also in­creased it more with Officers of the Elector of Brandenburg's Troops: Besides the young Prince of Courland; his Brother Prince Ferdinand also re­paired thither from Germany to get some Post in the Army; The Rendezvouz of those illustrious Persons was in the House of the Marquis d'Arquin, who kept an excellent Table, and made a Figure worthy of the high Rank of Father to a great Queen. They played a great Game there all the Winter, whilst the King of Poland was taken up about calling of the General Diet, whose Ses­sion happened in the following Year 1685. It ought to have been held in Lithuania, as being the third, according to the Regulations made for that purpose; however, the King of Poland with the Advice of most of the Senators, assembled them at Warsaw, on the sixteenth of February, 1685. to save the Nobility the Trouble of a long Journey, after so tedious a Campagn, and that they should not be at so great a distance, from the Frontiers, to the end that they might be in a readiness to repair thither betimes upon all Occasions.

This raised great Difficulties in the Republick, by the obstinacy of the Lithuanians, as we shall see in the Second Part of these Me­moirs. In the interim, Count Wallestein retur­ned to Vienna, leaving the Care of Affairs to a Resident called Chemoski, a Relation of the Baron Jarowski, who came afterwards and took it upon himself. Secretary Alberti fixed him­self also in this Court, and Father Vota began his Intrigues in favour of the Confederate Princes.

[Page 330] This was the Face of the Court and of the Affairs of Poland, when I arrived there after I came out of Slavery. The Officer that Pr. Lubomirski had sent to Comorra to make the Exchange, conducted me to Presburg by the Isle of Schit, and from thence to Vienna. I found the Country Peopled with new Inhabi­tants, who were rebuilding the Villages; and the Flying Bridge of the first of those Towns, was re-established. I tarried in the other five or six Days, with my Deliverer, who filled up the Measure of his Kindnesses to me, by solid and effectual Services, my Acknowledgment wherof, can never be sufficiently testified.

It is certain, that without the pressing Sol­licitations of the Marquis d'Arquin the Queen's Father, and without the Intercession of Prince Lubomirski, who negotiated my Liberty at his own Charge (which cost him above 400 Pistols, whereof the Court of Poland, repaid him nothing, and of which he would not suffer me to reimburse the least Penny) without these two Lords, I say, I had been killed at Nehausel, either by Famine or by Arms; for that Place having been besieged six Months after, there was only found therein about 40 or 50 Slaves, of nigh 1400, that I left in the Place, as well in the Prisons as in private Houses, the rest having been killed upon the Ram­parts, and in the Breach where the Bassa's expo­sed them to work, to cover the Turkish Soldiers. The Germans also massacred a great Number of them in the general Storm, without distinguishing them from the Enemy in the heat of the Conflict. At this Rate my Deliverance cost nothing to the King nor Queen of Poland, all the Charge of it fell on Pr. Lubomirski. Indeed the King had a great deal of Trouble to find the two Spahi's demanded [Page 331] by the Bassa: He called Mehemet was found with a Polander, of whom his Majesty bought him, to put him into the Hands of the Marquis d'Arquin: The other, who was called Ali Spaha, could not obtain the same Liberty; Miogenski who had him in Custody, refused to release him. The first had all reason imaginable to praise his Bondage, not only because of the good Treatment, that he received in the House of the Queen's Fa­ther, but also because of the fair Dealing that was observed for his Interest: I had been exchan­ged with 28 Turks of Zetchin, and had signified it so from Vienna, without specifying any thing of the Conditions I had sworn to: Upon the first News the Marquis d'Arquin, not knowing what I had promised, thought to procure me an advan­tage by causing this Mehemet to ran some him­self, it being said that the French Man, for whom he was designed to be exchanged, had ob­tained his Liberty by other means. The Spahi offered 500 Crowns; and a Turkish Envoy who was detained at Leopold by way of Reprizal for him of Poland at Constantinople, paid the same: After which he retired to Caminiec, with all ima­ginable Security and Conveniency. At my arrival the Marquis d'Arquin presented me with that Summ; but I explained to him the Circumstances of my exchange; and thanking him for his good Will, I convinced him that I ought to restore that Money to Mehemet Spaha, as I afterwards did.

I departed by Post from Vienna, and arrived at Cracow; where a Canon, Chancellor to the Prince of Poland, a Man of great Merit and sweet Be­haviour, kept me three Days, and treated me ad­mirably; after which I reached Reetchouf, a Ca­stle belonging to Prince Lubomirski, the Podsta­rosta or Captain whereof gave me a Calash, which brought me to Yaroslave; and there I found [Page 332] the Equipages of the Queen's Father, with one of his Gentlemen, who brought me in three Stages to Zolkief, where the Court was. 'Tis eleven great Leagues from Yaroslave in a straight Line, leaving Yarvorouf on the Right. I had found at Przevorska, a City belonging to the great Mar­shal of the Crown, Prince Stanislas Lubomirski, about two Leagues above Yaroslave, the Troops of the Elector of Brandenburg, which two Com­missaries of the Republick were conducting to the Frontiers of the two Estates; and this was the only Rencounter worthy of Remark for me, be­cause of the Kindnesses shown me by the Officers; and above all the General, who made me a Pre­sent of a Case of Pistols, of great Price, which I bestowed as a small Mark of my Acknowledg­ment upon Pr. Lubomirski, who liked them so well that he has always worn them since out of his Goodness, and by an obliging Distinction, which heaps further Obligations upon those I owe him already.

The End of the First Part.

SOME LETTERS AND OTHER PIECES, Whereof mention has been made in this first Part.

The two first Letters which I put here, may at first seem to have no Re­ference to what is related in those Memoirs; but they are not useless to give an Idea of the Genius of the Port, under the Ministry of the Grand Visier, who besieged Vienna; and they will also serve to expose the haughty and scornful Humor of that Ottoman General.

A LETTER FROM Monsieur De Guillerague, Ambassador of France at Constantinople. Wrote to the Marquis de Vitri, the King's Extraordinary Ambassador in Poland.

I Had resolved to send away my Family, but just as they were ready to imbark, a Messen­ger sent by the Consul of Smyrna, acquain­ted me, That on July 18. M. du Quene, an­chored at the Mouth of the Harbour of Scio, with six Men of War and a Fire-Ship; and that after a very short Negotiation to oblige the Governour of the Castle to turn out some Tripolins, who had sheltered themselves under his Canon, he fired so furiously for 4 Hours together, that he shattered them. The Castle also fired some Guns, to which M. du Quene answered; Some Houses were da­maged, many Tripolins killed, as also several Turks of the Town, and some Mosques were pier­ced through in many Places.

[Page 336] This Action has caused great Commotions at the Port; several Councils have been held, to which the Mufti and all other great Officers were called. Janisaries were sent to the Castle of the Darda­nelles; Couriers were sent to several Places. The Captain Bassa had Orders sent him to return into Port as soon as possible with the Gallies. The Consternation they were in, cannot be ima­gined; Some were of Opinion to arrest me, and some Officers advised more rigorously: They threatned to hang me, and all the French with­in their Dominions. They sent to Scio for the particulars of the Damages, and of the Enterprize. I have Notice given me that I shall be called to Audience, I shall perpaps speak as I ought, and I have good Reasons to alledge which are drawn from the express Terms of the Capitulations. I have supported the Affair hitherto without inde­cency, and I hope that notwithstanding all this terrible Image of Preparations to destroy all, I shall terminate the Matter to the Glory of the King.

Perhaps, Sir, you may find something of a Gas­coigners Security in what I wrote to you: But, in fine it is good to act with cold Blood. The Turks fancy that the King inclines to declare War with them: I assure them, that his Majesty will enter­tain the Ancient Alliance, if the Port is disposed thereto, and that he has no other design than against Rovers and the Rebel Subjects of the Grand Senior, who ought not to be received into his Ports. The Affair of the Mosques does above all things vex the Mussul-Men, who are extreamly bigotted to their Religion, and to every thing that relates to it externally. I tell them, That some chance shot might have done them some damage, but that if the French had done it designedly, the Disorder would have been much greater. It is also [Page 337] true, that M. du Quêne had no Design to shoot a­gainst the Mosques, and that he thought only of battering the 7 Tripolin Vessels. I still hope notwithstanding their Menaces that my Family may depart in 8 Days time, and that my Reasons will be heard.

Another Letter from M. de Guilleragues, to the Marquis de Vitry.

IT is proper to inform you, Sir, That the conti­nual Piracies of the Tripolins, have obliged the King to send a Squadron of Men of War into those Seas, under the command of M. du Quesne, with orders to attack those Robbers, even in the Harbours of the Grand Senior. M. du Quêne an­chored the 23d of July in the Mouth of the Har­bor of Scio: Having known that eight Tripolin Ships were there, he signified to him who com­manded in the Fortress of the Grand Senior, that he came as a Friend, and that the Emperor of France was an Ancient Allie of the Emperor of the Turks: But that he had express Orders to extir­pate the Pirates, who by the Terms of the Capi­tulation were called Rebel Subjects, and abandon­ed to the Vengeance of our Emperor. The Go­vernor gave no Answer. The Tripolins were very numerous. They had made themselves Masters of the Town and Harbour. M. du Quêne after having tarried▪ in vain for an Answer, let fly his Cannon among them. He shattered the Tripolin Ships, several chance Shot damaged the Houses and Mosques, and killed 200 of the Inhabitants. The Fortress fired upon the King's Ships; they answer­ed and beat down a part of it.

[Page 338] This News caused a great Commotion at the Port: I acquainted them that the Difference was only with the Tripolins: That the Emperor, my Master designed to entertain an Amity between the two Empires: That the Men of War had done nothing contrary to the Capitulation: That if they should do the least hurt to a French Man, it would be taken as a Declaration of War, the Consequences whereof would be terrible; and that there was no Appearance that the Grand Senior would break a Peace, which has been an­ciently established between the two Empires, to support Robbers.

Several Councils have been daily held: Orders were given to augment the Garisons of all Places of Strength: Such great Commotions were never seen, nor such an Alarm. In fine, after having done all things possible, in vain, God be thanked, to frighten me, I was called some Days ago, to an Audience of the Visier's Deputy. Our Conversation lasted an Hour and an half. He talked to me of the unheard of Temerity of this enterprize; and of the extream Anger of the Grand Senior; and at last told me, That he gave me Notice as a Friend, that perhaps I might be so happy as to buy off my own and the Blood of the French for a great Summ of Money. I an­swered him, I was as secure at Constantinople as at Paris, because his Emperor was just, and mine very potent: That I would not give one Denier towards repairing the Damages sustained at Scio: That it was the Tripolins part to pay it. I ad­ded several things, which certainly the Turkish Minister had never heard before. The Coun­tenance and Tone, wherewith I pronounced them, [Page 339] were a la Gascogne: I spoke of all that the Emperor of France, would do in this Coun­try, if he were exasperated; and I concluded with telling him, That if the French were trou­blesom to the Grand Senior or the Visier, I would carry them all back into France, where they would soon forget Turkey. The Deputy treated me very civilly. He told me, That he exhorted my Prudence to take other Resolutions, and went immediately after to give the Visier an Account of our Conferences, being much surprized at my stedfastness.

I do not know what will become of this Affair, I shall certainly support it to the end, nay, to the last extremity. M. du Quêne is still before Scio, where the Tripolins design to refit. They have done no sort of Violence, nor made no Threats to any French Man. 'Tis certain, that if such a like thing had happened to any other Nation, it would have been the utter ruine of them. I was told about six Days ago, That they expected News of the Captain Bassa, who is to go to Scio with the Grand Senior's Gallies. I wait the Consequences, and the Success of his Inter­view with M. du Quesne, with impatience.

I am, &c.

A Letter from the Duke of Lorrain to the King of Poland.

Most Serene King,

I received, with a due Respect, the Letters which your Majesty was pleased to do me the honour to transmit to me; dated the 25th Inst. And from them I understood how much your Ma­jesty's Royal Mind is moved, to accelerate the Succour of the City of Vienna, and how much inclined to the Defence of the Christian Empire, and Austrian Territories: Of which, indeed, I have been always so much perswaded, that in relation hereunto, I have received, from your Majesty's Let­ters, nothing new, nor what I did not before be­lieve. In the mean time, I esteem it a great Fa­vour and honour to me, that your Majesty does not vouchsafe to trust to your own most prudent Judgment in these things that are still to be done. I have hitherto indeavoured to guard my self a­gainst the Watchfulness of the Enemy by the Sci­tuation of my incampments; which though indeed I did not look upon as walled about, yet I have thought them to be as good as such from the Sci­tuation of the Rivers and the disposition of the Ground they take up. I have provided for the Security of the Bridge of Crems, and am advising the building of a second about Tulm, a Place nearer to Vienna, and which is reckoned to be se­cure. That which is hardest to me is, that I can scare send any Person into the Town; nor on the other hand, receive any News from the besieged. But seeing I understand, from the magnificent Marshal of the Court of the Kingdom of Poland, that the particular Relations of what things are acted in the Imperial Army, do not displease your Majesty, [Page 341] I have communicated something to your Majesty in Writing, which hath Relation to the same; from which and from the said Marshal's Letters, your Majesty may distinctly understand every thing; particularly what was done against the flying Rebels and Turks, about Presburg, on the 29th In­stant, by Prince Lubomirski and his Polish Officers and Soldiers alone, most prudently, valiantly, and with the natural Vigor of the renowned Polish Nation. Your Majesty will also understand in what Condition this Army is, and also the Pro­gress of the German Auxiliaries. It is my Hope and Prayer to see the Christian Army defeat this most inveterate Enemy, and deliver the Austrian Territories under your Majesty's Conduct, being sensible that in such a Field, I shall have an Op­portunity of further deserving your Royal Ma­jesty's Favour and Benevolence, to whom I wish a healthful and long Reign, from the very Heart of,

Your Majesty's, most Humble and most Obedient Servant and Allie, Charles, Duke of Lorrain.

The Duke of Lorrain's Account (whereof men­tion is made in the foregoing Letter) given to Prince Lubomirski, to be sent with his Di­spatches to the King of Poland.

THE Turks having opened their Trenches on the 14th instant before Vienna, pretty near the City; from the 16th they advanced their Works to within 60 Paces of the Counterscarp, and took Post in an Island of the Danube over-against Vienna, called Tabor; from whence I was obliged to retire. I would willingly have kept that Post, to have had Communication with the City; but this Island extending about two Leagues, and the Arm of the Danube which runs near the City being almost fordable every where; and the Squadrons and the Infantry being able to pass in Battalia in many Places of the Fords, the Banks on that side where the Turkish Camp was, being raised, and their Cannon commanding the whole Island, even to the Bridges; which being broke down by their Artillery, there was no other retreat left me, but the City, or to swim over the Danube, which were two Extremities equal­ly dangerous: And though the Bridges had been covered, it was in Teckley's power to come and post himself at the end on this side, I remained in the Island without Forrage and Subsistance; inso­much that that Post not being tenable, and parti­cularly with Cavalry alone, having been obliged to put the Infantry into the City to defend it, I thought that I was obliged to pass the Danube with the Imperial Cavalry, in order to preserve them for their relief. The Communication being thus cut off, we have had no News of them since the 22d. when the Enemy had advanced their Works to the Palissado's, which the besieged defended with [Page 343] dint of Sword; They extended their Works to the Right and Left, and had already made them reach three Points of the Counterscarpe. They had not yet begun to batter the Walls, and had only 10 or 12 great Pieces of Cannon mounted in Battery.

Having received Advice of the Auxiliaries of Po­land by the Count de la Tour, I endeavored to send some Persons into the Town to acquaint the Governor therewith; but I have as yet no Advice of their being got in; not having received any Letters from the City, nor seen any of the Signals by which I had ordered them to let me know that they had received my Letters. The Communica­tion with the City is the more difficult that I un­derstand they have posted Watches at every ten Paces distance. Just now we hear their Cannon battering the Place, though from the Report there appears not to be 20 or 25 Pieces of great Cannon.

On the 25th Instant, having had Advice that the Rebels advanced, and that they burnt all to­wards the Morave: I resolved to march to the River Mark, which is pretty good, having ne­vertheless first given Orders to the Imperial Troops that are in Stiria to advance into the Mountains, in­to inaccessible Places, and endeavour to incommode the Forages of the Turks. I gave Orders to Ge­neral Dunewald, who covers Upper Austria to­ward Saint Peld, to assemble all the Peasants, and to post them in the Woods for the same purpose. I sent General Lessie to Crems, to wait for the Ba­varians that ought to be arrived there by this time, and to keep the Bridge. I left in the Retrench­ments of the Bridges of Vienna, two Regiments to hinder the Turks from passing on this side by Boats, and to endeavour as much as possible to com­municate News to the City, and to receive, Advice from them.

[Page 344] Upon my arrival on the River Mark, I had Advice, that Presburg had desired Teckley's Prote­ction; and taken in a Garison of the Rebels: That he was marching with his Hungarians, and the Bassa's of Agria and Waradin, with Artillery to storm the Castle; That the Grand Visier had or­dered the City to make a Bridge of Boats, with all Diligence: And that he had already sent a De­tachment from his Army, to join Tekey by means of the Bridge that was making at Presburg.

I thought my self obliged, upon those Advices, to attempt the breaking those Measures; since if they succeeded, not only the Countries of Sile­sia, Moravia and Bohemia were unavoidably ex­posed to Fire and Sword; but besides this Com­munication of the Enemies two Armies seemed so dangerous to me, that I had reason to fear they might force me to retire to Crems; cut off my Communication with the Army of Poland; bring up their Bridges as far as Vienna, and render it im­possible to succour the Town; for the Grand Vi­sier might make very great Detachments from his Cavalry, which being joined to the Body of the Rebels, that was marching towards this side of the Danube▪ might post themselves every where and withstand the succours from Poland, or at least keep them further off.

So that I determined to pass the Mark, to put some more Foot into the Castle of Presburg, and to destroy all the Materials which that dis­loyal Town was preparing for a Bridge to the E­nemy. I left the Infantry and the Baggage in Mayerek, and began to pass the River with the Cavalry about three in the Afternoon at two Fords. I marched on the 28th all Night and stopt at a Defile about half a League from the Town, having sent some Dragoons before, backed by Polanders, to possess themselves of the Hill of the Vineyards, [Page 345] within Musquet-shot of the Town, that the Foot might march with safety. The Dragoons ha­ving secured the said Hills, I caused the Infantry to march into the Castle; and having been told, That the Fire in the Enemy's Camp was feen within a quarter of a League of the Town, I thought my self obligd' to summons it the better to destroy the Preparations of the Turks for the Bridge; not doubting but that, seeing the Ger­mans in the Castle, and the Emperor's Army in a Condition to destroy them, it would surrender, which is did at first summons, delaying only so long as was requisite to save the Garison of the Rebels, to the number of three hundred, who fled in Disorder to their Camp.

This Facility perswaded me that there was some Weakness in the Enterprize of the Enemy, who had put themselves in Battalia so soon as they perceived me, without offering to advance to­wards the Town; and this face of Affairs made me resolve to march towards them. I caused the Dragoons immediately to possess 'emselves of the Vineyards, Hedges and Places that were covered with Trees, that I might draw up the Cavalry in Battalia behind them; which was done in four Lines, the Ground allowing it.

As the Lines were formed, I made them ad­vance to give Ground to others. At first the Turks began to skirmish, which I hindered that I might not ingage before I was in Battalia: Be­ing formed, I made them advance towards the Enemy, who immediately retired something back to a sort of a covered Place, where I believed the Body of their Army, and their Infantry might be. And continuing to march, I saw them retreat soon after; which obliged me to pursue them; and to give Orders to Prince Lubomirski, to de­tach Part of his Polanders to ingage them. They follow'd them with so much vigor, that the Turks and [Page 347] Rebels, who fled with as much Precipitation and Confusion, were obliged some of them to betake themselves to swim in the Arm of the Danube, which forms the Isle of Schit; others fled into the Woods, and the Body towards Tyrnau, without having ever faced about, but at a little pass which they abandoned immediately. I caused all the rest of the Polanders to advance, to back the first; and afterwards all the Imperial Dragoons to advance into these Posts, where the Turks made show as if they had a design to turn into.

The Disorder of the Turks was so great that they were pursued near to Tyrnau; their Bag­age taken; and six or seven hundred Men killed, without the loss of one Man on our side.

Seeing them thus flying, and my Cavalry fatigued enough, and not able to come up with them; I recalled the Polanders; not being willing to suffer them to pursue them too far without being at hand to second them; however, some pursued them even almost to the very Walls of Tyrnau.

I encamped them afterwards near the City in the Camp of the Turks; who I heard were re­tired to Schintaw; and having refreshed themselves a little there, retired further towards Lewens and Newhausel; they and the Rebels having separa­ted, being dissatisfied with each other.

All the Cavalry of the Emperor was marching to the Engagement with stedfastness and joy: But the whole Action was done by the Polanders alone, who left nothing for the Germans to do. I can­not sufficiently praise the Constancy, Vigor and Conduct of Prince Lubomirski; and of the Of­ficers and Soldiers of the Body which he comman­ded.

[Page 346] All the Prisoners and Deserters say, that Tekeli had retired the Night before with the Canon, and the Infantry, and that there was a Misunder­standing between him and the Turks. They talk variously of their strength, some making them amount to 60000 Men, others to 40000, and o­thers to 25000. But from their Incampment, I cannot guess that they could be above 16 or 18000 Men.

I hope this Action secures Presburg for the pre­sent; and will cut off the Communication which I apprehended with so much reason; That the Rebels will not easily present themselves before this Army; That Teckley's Troops will be deserted by a great Number of Hungarians, who will not re­join him, and that the Misunderstanding between him and the two Bassa's will not be disadvantagi­ous to him.

In the mean time, after having ruined every thing that might serve to make Bridges; I thought it advisable to rejoin the Infantry and the Bagage; and to put my self within reach to cover the pas­sage of the Succours from Poland, and to hasten the others.

The News I have of them are; that the Ba­varians ought to be arrived near to Krems, where I believe there may be 15 or 16000 Foot, as well Bavarians as Imperialists, within these few Days. I believe that the Troops of Saxony and Franconia are upon their march; and I ha­sten them as much as I can: I cannot deny but that I very much doubt the holding out of Vi­enna; for though I may very well hope, that it is strong enough with a good Garison and good Troops; yet the forwardness of the Enemies Approaches; and the Accidents that may Occa­sion a Confusion in a City that did not expect to [Page 348] be besieged, oblige me to hasten the Succours, that they may show themselves to the Besie­gers, &c.

A Letter from the Emperor, to the King of Po­land.

LEopold, by the Favor of the Divine Clemency, chosen Emperor of the Romans always Au­gustus, King of Germany, Hungary, Bohemia, Dal­matia, Croatia and Sclavonia; Arch-Duke of Au­stria, Duke of Burgundy, Stiria, Carinthia, Carniola and Wirtemberg, and Count of Tirol. To the most Serene and most Potent Prince, John III. King of Poland, Great Duke of Lithuania, Russia, Prussia, Masovia and Samogitia, our most dear Bro­ther and Neighbor, greeting and mutual Friendship.

Most Serene and most Potent Prince, our most dear Brother and Neighbour. In this most cala­mitous Condition, into which the Treachery of the Hungarians and the most impetuous Barbarity of the Turks, hath cast our Country of Austria. Your Serenities most kind Letters wrote to us on the 7th of July, have wonderfully refreshed us. It was indeed a most joyful Message to us, when we understood, that your Serenity having laid aside all other Military Expeditions, was marching your Army with utmost Diligence to rescue Vi­enna, which is so closely besieged, out of the Jaws of the Barbarous Enemy. With how grateful and true a Sense we accept this Readiness to assist us, (as not proceeding only from the League betwixt us, but from your Serenities kind Affection, and In­clination which you have towards us and our In­terests) and with what Returns of Kindness, we shall acknowledge this obligation, which tends to the safety of Christendom. We have given Or­ders, [Page 349] to our faithful and beloved John Christo­pher Free Baron of Zieroua Ziorouski, our En­voy, and magnificent Counsellor to us, and to the Sacred Empire, to explain more at large. He hath also Instructions to acquaint and submit to your Serenities sublime Prudence, what we have thought necessary and useful on the present Occasion for the more vigorous carrying on of the War, and raising the Siege of the said Town: Wherefore out of friendly and brotherly confidence, we obtest your Serenity, to give entire Credit unto our said Envoy, in every thing he shall say to you in our Name, and that you would cheerfully prose­cute what you have begun, whereas by this As­sistance and delivering and rescuing the City of Vienna, you will purchase Glory and eternal Fame, and more and more engage our Affection, (which hath long ago been fixed upon your Serenity) unto your Royal Off-spring. To which end we pray, That God would vouchsafe you the height of all sorts of Felicity. Given at Passaw, Aug. 3. 1683. of our Reigns over the Roman Empire the 26th, over Hungary the 29th▪ and over Bohemia the 27th.

Your Serenity's Brother and Neighbour.

The Reader may observe from this Letter, that the Emperor does not give the Title of Majesty to the King of Poland; nevertheless he did it once in an Italian Letter, wrote with his own Hand, which is preciously kept in Poland, as a Piece upon which they may found their Right of Pretensions for the future.

A Letter from the Duke of Lorrain, to Mons. Yablonowski, Great General of Poland. Da­ted from the Camp at Angres, the 16th of August, 1683.

SIR,

THE Count de Caraffa, General of the Battle, set out Yesterday, in order to go to the King: I have given him Charge of a Letter for your Excellency; wherein I signified to you that the Counterscarp of Vienna was, after having held out twenty three Days, taken by the Turks, un­der the Covert of three great heaps of Earth, which they had cast up to clear three Points; from whence they entred into the covered way: And after having lodged themselves there, they applied themselves to the Descent of the Ditch which they sounded on the 8th of this Month. Altho' the Garison chased them them thence with loss, yet the Enemy had time to fix their Miners to the Ravelins, which they blew up on the 12th, and there assaulted the Place. They were repulsed; insomuch that they think of nothing but mining, and blowing up the Bastions which they at­tack. Your Excellency who knows what it is for Places to be besieged, may judge of the State of Vienna; which the Turks think fit now only to attack by Mines; and as they are al­ready in the Ditch, you may easily comprehend the Danger, and the Importance of not loosing one Minute of coming to the Succour of a Place which is of so great Moment to the common Cause; and to all Christendom. I have given your Excellency all these Particulars, because that knowing how much you understand the State of all things, I should have done an Injury to your [Page 351] Merit and Zeal, if I did not tell you the true State of the Besieged, and the Importance of ha­stening to their Assistance. I pray the King to succour us; his presence alone is worth an Army; so I beg him to advance his march with the first Troops: By the same reason, I pray your Excel­lency to hasten your march to join me. I should be overjoyed to see you; both for the Advantage I promise my self from the Troops you command; and for the Satisfaction that I hope to see so great a General as your Excellency with us. Count O­berstoff will tell you more particularly how much I pray your Excellency to join us, with all possi­ble diligence, how much I esteem you, and how much I am,

SIR,
Your Excellency's most Affectionate Servant, Charles de Lorrain.

I pray your Excellency to march directly towards the Bridges of Vienna; from whence you shall hear further from me. You will do me a pleasure to give an Account of Your march so soon as the Count 'dOberstoff shall have joined You, being impatient to have it in my power to testifie to Your Excellency the E­steem I have for Your Person.

A Letter from the Emperor, to the King of Poland, wrote by his own Hand.

To the most Serene Lord, the King of Poland, my most dearly beloved Brother and Neighbour.

I Have seen, by Your Majesty's Letter wrote with Your own Hand, dated the 15th Instant, how that You have already sent a good part of Your Army before; and given order that they shall join very speedily with the Troops of Lithuania and the Cossacks; and that You had begun Your march on that great Day of the Feast of our Lady, with Your whole Army, to come and succour with all Your might, my City of Vi­enna; which is ready to surrender, being closely besieged by the most powerful Army of the Turks. So puissant and opportune a Succour, makes me sufficiently to see the brotherly Love You have for me, to preserve my Dominions; as well as the Zeal You have for the Good of Christendom. So I return You most hearty Thanks, and shall endeavour upon all Occasions to acknowledge Your brotherly Love. I have been also willing to confess the same by this my devout Acknowledgment, which will be pre­sented by the Count de Schafsgoutz, who will acquaint You, that I am to set out to Mor­row for Lintz, in order to be nearer the City, and have News of it the sooner, and to have an Op­portunity to consult more easily with You; [Page 353] to whom I wish a perfect Health and all Pro­sperity.

Your Majesty's most Affectionate Brother, and Neighbour, Leopoldus.

A Letter from the King of Poland, to the Pope.

This Letter, properly speaking, is only the rough Draught, drawn by the King himself, and wrote with his own Hand, from which I copied it: For he afterwards gave this rough Draught to an Italian Secretary, who translated it into his own Language, with the Ceremonies and Titles agreed on.

LAst Year I ordered the Imperial Minister at my Court, to acquaint his Master, That Vienna would be besieged the beginning of this, because I had Advice of it from good Hands. So soon as the Confederacy and the Diet were over, I caused my Secretary to write to Cardinal Barbarini, that in case Vienna should be besieged, I would go in Person to succour it. I received the News of its being besieged on the Twenty Third of July between Warsaw and Cracow. In a Months time I have raised an Army without Money; for the Provinces have scarce begun to pay their Contributions. I gathered together [Page 354] the Troops that were in Podolia towards Caminiec; and those which cover the Frontiers of Ukrania: I caused them to make long marched insomuch that in a little time they have marches, above an hundred German Leagues, without having had Rest or Intermission. And seeing I have Advice, every Moment that the City, which has been be­sieged only forty Days, and defended by a whole Army, is notwithstanding reduced to a great ex­tremity; I send part of my Army before, with the Lieutenant General, who will join the Duke of Lorrain the Day after to Morrow. But see­ing every Body wants my presence, and that my Hussars, Cannon and Infantry can march but four German Leagues a Day, I take this Day some Troops of light Horse with me, and by the Bles­sing of God shall be upon the Banks of the Danube, by the last Day of this Instant, to see and de­termine with the Duke of Lorrain and the other Generals, how and by which way we shall succour Vienna; and we shall forthwith pass the River, which we wish to render yet more glorious, by the defeat of the Infidels. Let your Holiness now judge if you ought to give Credit to those who would have made you believe that the Polanders would do nothing this Campagne; and that the King would never go out of his own Kingdom The King and his Army shall be sooner at the Gates of Vienna, that one could have expected to have heard of his departure out of his own Ter­ritories. And then you may reflect whether or no one can do more for a Friend and Allie; but in so far as it concerns the good of the Church and Christendom, I and my Kingdom shall be always ready to shed the last drop of our Blood, as a true Shield of Christianity.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE Raising of the SIEGE OF VIENNA. Written by Order of the Queen of POLAND.

THIS Account is properly an Abstract of the Letter, which the King of Poland wrote to the Queen by the ordinary Post, five or six Days after the departure of the Courier, which he had sent the Day after the raising of the Siege, who only carried the News by Word of Mouth; whereof the King afterwards made an ample Relation to the Queen. This is an Abstract of the Circumstances, and particularly of the very Words in which the King wrote them, con­nected together. The Reader may observe some Verbosity and extravagant Praises therein; but it is the Genius of the Nation and of the Polish Lan­guage, which is full of Periphrases and Circum­locutions, [Page 356] which in that Country they reck on to be great and sublime; so that they make a Ha­rangue at saluting one, or for a Compliment of nothing.

The Victory which the King of Poland hath obtained over the Infidels, is so great and so com­pleat that past Ages can scarce parallel the same; and perphaps future Ages will never see any thing like it. All its Circumstances are as pro­fitable to Christendom in general, and to the Empire in particular, as glorious to that Mo­narch. On one hand we see Vienna besieged by three hundred thousand Turks; reduced to the last extremity; its Outworks taken; the Enemy fixed to the Body of the Place; Masters of one Point of the Bastions, having frightful Mines under the Retrenchments of the besieged: We see an Emperor chased from his Capital; reti­red to a Corner of his Dominions; all his Coun­try at the mercy of the Tartars, who have filled the Camp with an infinite Number of unfortunate Slaves that had been forcibly carried away out of Austria. On the other hand, we see the King of Poland, who goes out of his Kingdom, with part of his Army, and hastens to succour his Al­lies, who abandons what is dearest to him, to march against the Enemies of the Christian Re­ligion willing to act in Person on this Occasion, as a true Buckler of Religion; and will not spare his eldest Son, the Prince of Poland, whom he carries with him, even in a tender Age, to so dangerous an Expedition as this was. That which preceded the battle is no less surprizing. The Em­pire assembles on all sides, the Elector's of Sax­ony and Bavaria come in Person to join their Troops with the Imperialists under the command of the Duke of Lorrain. Thirty other Princes repair out of Emulation, to one another, to the Army, [Page 357] which nevertheless, before they will enter upon Action, stay for the presence of the K of Poland, whose presence alone is worth an Army.

They all march with this Confidence. The King passes the Danube first, and leaves no Troops on the other side to cover Moravia from the Incur­sions that the Malecontents under Count Teckley might make into the same, as the Duke of Lor­rain had proposed; because, says the King, he had wrote to that Hungarian Lord, that if he burnt one Straw in the Territories of his Allies, or in his own, he would go and burn him and all his Family in his House, so that this was enough to protect that Country during the distance of the Army. He leads them afterwards through un­frequented Defiles to the tops of the Hills of Vien­na, and in sight of the Turks, who drew out of their Camp to put themselves in order, and even attack'd the Imperialists by break of Day on Sunday the 12th of September, before the King of Poland had made an end of forming his Or­der of Battle, and extending his Lines, in which his Majesty had mixed his Hussars, and other Polish Troops among those of the Em­pire.

In the mean time, the Turks leave their Trenches well provided with Janisaries, with a conside­rable Body at the Posts and at the Attacks, to hin­der the besieged from sallying out; hoping to con­tinue the Siege at the same time as the Army should make head against the Succours of the Christian Princes; and truly they had wherewith all to back this proud Resolution; having above 300000 Men, according to the King's Account, who found above 100000 small Tents in their Camp, wherein apparently according to the man­ner of disposing their Men, there were at least three Men in each; and his Polish Majesty has [Page 358] reduced the common Report of 300000 Tents which would infinitely augment the number of Soldiers to that of 100000.

The Battle was fought on the 12th, it lasted 14 or 15 Hours; the slaughter was horrible, and the loss of the Turks inestimable, for they left upon the Field of Battle, besides the Dead and Prisoners, all their Canon, Equipage, Tents and infinite Riches that they had been six Years ga­thering together throughout the whole Ottoman Empire. There was found in their Camp above a Million of Powder, Bullets, Balls and other Ammunition, without reckoning the Powder that the Servants burnt by inadvertency in several Places of the Park of the Artillery the flame whereof made an Emblem of the terrible day of Judgment, with the Earthquakes that will ac­company it; and that thick Mass of Clouds that will obscure the Universe: A Loss nevertheless which ought to be called a great Misfortune, see­ing 'tis above a Million more, as the King as­sures us in his Letter, that he wrote himself to the Queen, from which all these Particulars are extracted.

The Battle ended by the Infantry of the Trenches, and of the Isle of the Danube, where the Turks had a Battery. The Night was spent in slaughter, and the unhappy Remnant of this Army saved their Lives by flight, having abandon­ed all to the Victors; even an infinite Number of Waggons, loaden with Ammunition, and some Field-pieces, that that designed to have car­ried with them; and which were found next Day upon the Road they had taken; which makes us suspect that they'l not be able to rally again, as neither having where withal to incamp themselves nor Cannon to shoot with.

[Page 359] So soon as the Grand Visier knew the Defeat of his first Lines, he caused a red Tent to be pitched at the Head of his Main Body, where he resolved to dye for the Ottoman Empire, but his last Efforts were to no purpose; and the Wing of the Imperialists, which he attacked with all his might, was so opportunely succoured by the presence of the King, who brought part of the Troops of his left Wing thither; that all fled before him. So soon as he perceived the red Tent, knowing by it that the Visier was there in Person, he caused all his Artillery to fire upon that Pavil­lion, encouraging the Activity of the Gunners by considerable Recompenses promising them fifty Crowns for each Cannon-shot; and these leveled their small Pieces so well, that they brought down the Tent of the Grand Visier; and the Troop of Prince Alexander his second Son, had the Ad­vantage to break through that Body of Cavalry, at the very Place where the Visier was, who was dismounted, and had much ado to save himself upon another Horse; having left, among the slain, his Kiayia, that is, his Lieutenant General, ad the second Person of the Army; with abun­dance of considerable Officers; all the Standards; the Marks of his Dignity that are carried before him, or that are set up before his Pavilions; even the great Standard of Mahomet, which the Sul­tan had put into his Hands when he set out upon this Expedition; and which the King has sent to Rome by the Sieur Talenti, one of his Secreta­ries, to be a Testimony to the Pope, of this great Victory.

The King understood afterwards by Deserters, who come every hour in Troops to surrender them­selves to him, as well as the Renegadoes, that the Visier seeing the defeat of the Army, called his Sons to him, imbraced them, bitterly bewailed [Page 360] their Misfortune, and turned towards the Han of the Tartars, and said, And thou, wilt not thou suc­cour me? To whom the Tartar Prince replied, That he knew the King of Poland by more than one Proof, and that the Visier would be very happy if he could save himself by flight, as having no other way for his Security, and that he was going to show him Example.

The Grand Visier being thus abandoned, took the same way, and retired in Disorder with only one Horse; that which he had in the Battle, and was armed all over with Steel, having fallen into the Hands of the King with all the Equipa­ges of that Ottoman General; who has left his Majesty Heir to all his Riches. In effect, his Letters were dated from the Tents of the Grand Visier, the Park whereof was of as large Extent as the City of Warsaw or that of Leopold; inclo­sing his Baths, Fountains, Canals, a Garden, a kind of Menagerie or Place for strange Beasts and Birds, with Dogs, Rabbets and Parrots. There was found an Ostridge of an admirable Beauty, which had been taken from one of the Emperor's Country-Houses, and whose Head the Visier's Men cut off in their Retreat, that it might not serve to adorn the King's Menagerie. This Precaution would have been of greater use if they had ta­ken it with Respect to the Standard of Maho­met, and of that prodigious Quantity of Ri­ches, Bows, Quivers, Sabres set with Rubies, and Diamonds, precious Moveables and Equipages of great Value, that were left with the Tents to the King of Poland; which made that Monarch say very pleasantly in his Letter to his Queen, You will not tell me at my return, what the Tartarian Women tell their Husbands when they see them re­turn from the Army without Booty; Thou art not a Man, seeing thou returnest empty handed; for [Page 361] doubtless he was the first in the Battle, who returns loaden with the Spoils of the Enemy; the Grand Vi­sier having made me his Universal Legatee. The Booty that was taken in this Action is infinite and inestimable: The Field of Battle was sowed with Gold Sabres, with Pieces of Stuff, and such a prodigious Quantity of other things that the Pil­lage which has already lasted three Days, will scarce be over in a whole Week, although the Besieged are come out of the Town in great Companies to partake of the Booty with the victorious Soldier; both the one and the other being scarce able as yet to perswade themselves that this happy success is real, it is so extraordinary: Inso­much that the whole Army, which nevertheless has done its duty very couragiously, can't forbear to attribute this great Victory to the mighty God of Battles, who would make use of the Hands of the King of Poland to overthrow the Enemies of his Name; for which let him be honoured and glorified for ever and ever.

The King did not taste all the Joy that Chri­stendom will feel, as well because his great Spi­rit is accustomed to Victories, as by the Reflecti­on he made upon the lamentable Spectacle, where­with he was pierced when he entred into the Camp of the Turks, at the sight of an infinite Number of Slaves, whose Throats the Infidels had cut after their defeat, and whose Bodies yet chained were extended confusedly amongst the dying and the wounded. The King was particu­larly touched with a Child of about four Years of Age, who seemed to be admirably beautiful notwithstanding he was coverd all over with Blood from a wound he had received on his Head.

The Desolation was nothing less in the City of Vienna, where the King entered the Day after the Battle, and found heaps of Ruines, rather than [Page 362] Houses, and even the Emperor's Palace reduced to Ashes, hy the Cannon and Bombs: but he was eased of the Grief which this dismal Specta­cle had occasioned, by the Acclamations of the Inhabitants, who thinking no more of their past Calamities, were transported with Joy for their unexpected Deliverance: The City not being able to hold out two or three Days more. Some kissed his Hands, some his Feet and others his Robe: And all cryed out, that they might be permitted at least to see and admire the Hand that had delivered them from the Bondage they had been so near reduced to: They called him their Saviour: And some of them dropt out that they must have such an Emperor as this magna­nimous King. His Majesty would have willingly put a stop to those Acclamations, and desired the German Officers to silence the People, but all in vain, for it was impossible to stop the Cur­rent of the Burgers who repeated their Cries of Long live the King! wherever that victorious Mo­narch went.

After having visited some Churches, where he returned thanks to God for the happy deliverance of Vienna, he dined with Count Staremberg the Governour where he was no less fatigued with Embraces than he had been with the Acclama­tions in the Streets. The Elector of Bavaria, the other German Princes, the Officers and all the Army▪ as one may say, run thither, as soon as they had Notice of it, to see him near at Hand, whose valour they had so much admired in the Battle. The Princes imbraced and kissed the King, with such Transports as are easily pardoned in extasies of Joy, where Respect is a little neglected, which cannot be attributed to any want of Considaration, for they had given him very great Marks of it, by the Submission with [Page 363] which they had always obeyed him, and which that Monarch had wrote to the Queen, was with more promptness and less reserve than that of his own Troops. He returned afterwards into the Camp, followed by the Princes, where he was joined by the Duke of Lorrain and Elector of Saxony, who had not seen the King since the Mor­ning before the Battle, because they had been al­ways imployed at the head of the left Wing.

The King was afterwards obliged to change his Camp and to remove it two Leagues beyond the Field of Battle, because the stench of the dead Corps began to be infectious. He proposed to himself at the same time to pursue the Enemy close, to give them no respite in their flight; and was so pushed on with the Ardor of his Zeal that he could not give himself a Minutes rest. In the mean time the Emperor advanced in great diligence to see him, and arrived at Vienna two Hours after his Majesty departed thence: But the King did not retard his March for it, preferring the Security of his Victory, and the Interest of of the Party to the Joy which doubtless he would have had to see the Emperor, who likewise ar­dently desired to see him. He marches then directly after the Enemy whom he had resolved to pursue into Hungary whither he had directed his flight; the Electors of Saxony and Bavaria resolved also to follow his Majesty, even to the end of the World, as they themselves told him▪ those Prin­ces having joined themselves in strict Frindship to his Person, as had the Elector of Bavaria to the Prince of Poland in particular, with whom he would have divided his Spoils. This victorious Army may justly be compared to that which God­frey of Boulogne led in triumph thro' the Holy Land; and ought to be the more satisfied with their Glory, for that the Victory, though bloody, cost [Page 364] them but very few Men of Note, among whom is reckoned only the Prince de Crouy of the Ger­mans; and of the Polanders the Starost Halitski, Son to the Castellan of Cracow, Potoski; and Mordreoski Treasurer of the Court; whom the King particularly regretted. This surprizing suc­cess ought also to be attributed to a visible Pro­tection of the Lord, according to the Vision of Father Marc d'Aviano, a Capuchin of a very Holy Life, who administred the Sacrament to the King, and the Prince his Son on the Morning of that memorable Day; who positively affirms, that he saw a white Dove fly in a Circle over the Christian Army during the whole Action; and it was observed during the King's march, that an Eagle followed his Majesty 7 Leagues, and pro­portioned its flight, so as to be always over his Head. One may observe an Effect of this Pro­tection, upon the sacred Person of this Hero, who exposed himself (like the meanest Soldier) and upon that of the Prince his Son, who was al­ways by his side, wherever he went. The same may be also said of the Elector of Bavaria, who in the most dangerous Places testified a Courage worthy of the Origin he comes of, and who was always by the King's side during the Battle. I ought not to forget the Count de Maligni, the Queen's Brother, to whom the King in his Letter gives an Account of the Valor and good Conduct of that French Lord, whereof he was an Eye-witness.

Let us conclude this Account as the King hath done his, and let us return Thanks to God for this memorable Victory, in which he did not suf­fer the Infidels to scoff us, nor to ask, Where is the God of the Christians? seeing they have felt his Power upon this Occasion.

[Page 365] Every thing shews the greatness of the Victory which the King obtained; and the sole Number of the things that were found in the Enemy's Camp, renders it still more considerable.

Here follows a LIST, or State of the Am­munitions of War, that was found untouched, af­ther the Defaet of the TURKS, as Count Staremberg himself confessed; besides what was embezled.

  • 400000 Weight of Powder, besides the like Quantity that was burnt by our Men after the Battle.
  • 400000 of Lead.
  • 18000 Hand-Granadoes, of mixed Mettle.
  • 20000 Hand-Granadoes of Iron.
  • 100000 Pick-Axes.
  • 30000 several Instruments for the Mines.
  • 4000 Spades.
  • 4000 Baskets.
  • 600 Pound of Match.
  • 5000 Pound of Pitch.
  • 1000 Pound of a kind of Oil for Workman­ship, and a Quantity of Linseed-Oil.
  • 5000 Pound of Cordage, of different sizes.
  • 200000 Sacks made of Hair.
  • 100000 Sacks made of Cloth.
  • 6000 Pound of Nails for Horse-shoes.
  • 5000 Pound of several sorts of Nails for the Cannon.
  • 20000 Powder-Bags.
  • 16 large Anvils; a Quantity of great Cordage for the Carriages of the Artillery.
  • 1000 Caldrons to boil the Pitch and Gums in.
  • 20000 Pound of Thread made of Hair and Lint.
  • 20000 Halbards.
  • [Page 366] 4000 Sythes.
  • 5000 Muskets of the Janisaries.
  • 600 Sacks full of Cotton, spun and unspun.
  • 30000 Pound of Grease or Suet.
  • 20000 Powder Horns for the Janisaries.
  • 4 Pair of Great Bellows.
  • 5000 Pound of new Iron.
  • 200 Waggons for the Artillery.
  • 4 huge Bars of Iron for the great Cannon.
  • 8 Great Iron Wheels for the same use.
  • 8000 Waggons for Ammunition.
  • 1000 Great Bombs.
  • 18000 Ball for the Cannon of a Middle bore.
  • 20000 red Bullets.
  • 160 Pieces of Canon, among which were many 48 and 24 Pounders.

'Tis said, that all this was set apart with a de­sign to be put into Vienna, after they had taken it; The Visier having taken Care to provide it with Ammunition all at once, in order to put it in a state of Defence, in case the Christian Princes should have a mind to retake it, after having not been able to hinder its being taken.

This Account was wrote in Polish and Latin, and translated into French. 'Twas printed in Holland in French, but as 'tis much disfigured by the Al­terations they have made (sometimes by diminish­ing and other times by adding to it) I thought the Publick would be glad to see it in the Original, as it came from the Hands of the Polish Author, and the French Translator.

AN HARANGUE Made to the POPE, September 27. 1683. By the Abbot d'Henoff, Envoy Extra­ordinary from the King of Poland; when he presented the Great Stan­dard of Mahomet, which was sent by his Majesty to his Holiness, in the Presence of the Sacred Col­lege, Ambassadors, Prelates and Lords of the Court of Rome.

Most Holy Father,

IT has been a Custom no less Ancient than the Time of Hero's, to lay the Colours of a con­quered Enemy under the Feet of the Victors; in order to conduct them, by so beautiful a Path, to the Temple of Glory, through the Accla­mations and loud Praises which they have me­rited.

[Page 368] But John III. King of Poland, my Master, entertaining no other than elevated Thoughts, for­getting himself, had no other Object in view by the Victory he has so lately obtained, but the ad­vantage of the Church; as his Piety towards God, and his Respect to your Holiness and the Holy Apostolick See, equal his Valour; 'tis also at your Feet, most Holy Father, that he would have me lay the great and principal Standard of the Infidel Army, which his Royal Hand has snatched from the Turks, in the middle of their Camp; and in this Standard, he, by my Ministry, abases all the Pride of the Ottoman Power, before you.

This great King came, saw, and conquered: He came, I say, but how? He left his Dominions, he quitted and almost abandoned the Queen his Spouse, and the Princes his Children, and hastened to the succour of Vienna besieged; in order to de­liver it, and to save the Empire; but the merit of this extraordinary Action, redounds, Most Holy Father, even to you, who incited my King to the Enterprize; and 'tis the Glory of that Prince to have rendred to your Holiness an unparallel'd O­bedience. He also saw, but without being appal'd, the redoubtable Squadrons of the Infidels; and the extream Danger, wherewith all Europe was threatned; but your Holiness had foreseen, that this Prince was the Buckler, that must oppose the infinite Darts of so terrible an Enemy; and by a particular Inspiration of the Holy Ghost, knew, that he was designed of God to be the Defender of the Christian Religion. In fine, He conquered; and to tell it in a few Word, his Arm swift as Thunder, but overthrew so prodigious a Number of those Infidels, that when they lay upon the Ground, the Field of Battle could scarce contain them.

[Page 369]
Et tu vois dans cette Victoire,
Rome, de tes Cesars renaitre lés lauriers,
Jean Troisiéme te rend, laiseul toute la Gloire,
Des triomphes des tes Guerriers.

But, most Holy Father, this great Victory was obtained under Your favourable Auspices: You have both of You conquered: You with Your Prayers and my King with his Sword: You by lavishing your Treasures for this Holy War, and my King by exposing his Blood and Life. Cast Your Eyes, most Holy Father, upon this Standard, receive it with Pleasure, seeing in future Ages, it will be the Ornament which will shew forth the Glory of your Pontificate: And may you long enjoy this Glory upon Earth, as the Fruit of your Ver­tues, and of the invincible Monarch, who makes you this Present.

A LETTER FROM The Elector of Brandenburg, TO The King of Poland. Written upon the Subject of Raising the Siege of VIENNA.

Most Serene, and most Potent King, Lord, Kins­man, and most Honourable Brother.

VVHen it was published throughout the World, That the most numerous Army of the Turks and Tartars, had been happily beaten off by the Christian Forces, (and chiefly by the Valour of your Royal Majesty) from the Siege of Vienna, and defeated; we thought it no small Argument of your high Esteem and good Will towards us, that it should please your Royal Majesty not to let us understand the same meerly by common Fame, but also by Your most kind Letters dated the 14th Instant, from the Visier's Tents. Which as we received with a most grate­ful Affection, as we ought to do, so we heartily [Page 371] congratulate Your Majesty on this illustrious Addition to Your Great Merits, at the Hands of Christ­endom, and do sincerely rejoyce at this Your Increase of Splendor and Glory; praying God always to assist with his Divine Blessing Your Royal Ma­jesty's Generous Design of pursuing the Enemy, to render the Course of Your Victories, for establish­ing the Security of the Christian World, and augmenting your own Glory, both most happy and perpetual; and to preserve Your Royal Person long in Health. Given at our Castle of Postdam Sept. 24. 1683.

Your Royal Majesty's, Fredrick William, By the Grace of God, Marquis of Brandenburg, Arch-Chamberlain of the Holy Empire, and Prince Elector; Duke of Prussia, Madgenburg, Juliers, Cleves, Bergs, Stetin, Pomerania, of the Cassubii, Silesia, Crosna, Carnovia and of the Vandals, Burgrave of Norimberg, Prince of Alberstadt, Count of Minden and Caminam, Mark and Ravenburg, Lord in Rauenstein, Ravenburg and Butau. Most Affectionate Kinsman, Frederick William, Elector.

The Superscription on the Cover of this Letter was thus: ‘To the most Serene, and Potent Prince, and Lord, John III. King of Poland, Great Duke of Li­thuania, Russia, Prussia, Muscovia, Samogitia, Livonia, Podolia, Podlachia, Kiovia, Volhinia, Smolencia, Severia and Czernichovia, Lord, Kinsman, and our most Honourable Brother.’

A LETTER FROM Aubeleire, Bassa of Alleppo, and Governour of Strigonia, to the most Great King of Poland. Octob. 26. 1683. At Midnight.

AFter having offered our Vows to the Ho­nour of the Great King of Poland, ha­ving been summoned to surrender the Place, we signified to You, That we were to hold a Coun­cil with our Bassa's, and the Ancients, and that then we would declare our Intentions: But the new Command which we have just now re­ceived in your Majesty's Name, is so pressing that our Council is scarce broke up before we begin to treat with You. And though Your Ma­jesty's Seal is not affixed to the Letters which you have sent us, yet we are fully perswaded, that you will keep your Word with us▪ be­cause the Name of the King of Poland is Great and Glorious throughout the whole Earth.

[Page 373] The Whole of the Matter is this: We suppli­cate Your Majesty, 1. To give a Free Pass-Port to the Man who shall deliver our Letters to you, to go and come, conform to Your Word which you gave us this Day. 2. That we shall march out without the loss of one Man belonging to our Emperour, without Arms, or Bagage what­ever; that we shall be allowed a Guard to con­duct us safe to the next Ottoman Place. We de­sire the same thing of the Generals of the Im­perial Army, and of all the Senators of your Coun­cil, as Your Majesty shall think fit; to the end that after having surrendered up the Place, and brought back our Infantry, we may have wherewith­al to justifie us before our Emperor.

Aubeleire, Bassa of Aleppo, and Gover­nour of Strigonia.

A LETTER FROM THE SENATE OF VENICE TO THE KING OF POLAND.

Most Serene King,

SInce Your Majesty invited us to enter into a League against the common Enemy (upon which our Republick made it appear, how much Veneration was due to the generous Sentiments of Your Majesty, as You may have understood by our Answers) there happens now a Motive, from what has been represented to us by the Imperial [Page 375] Ambassador, which has induced the Republick to think it necessary, to make no longer delay, to testifie their Readiness to do all on their side that may be Advantagious to the Good of Chri­stendom. We consider (tho' the Republick is still sensible of the great Damages they suffered in the late War of Candia, wherein they spent immense Summs, with the Blood of their Citizens and the Substance of their Subjects) that we must trust to the Help of God, to the Assistance and Zeal of the Sovereign Bishop our common Father, and to the Continuation of so Holy a League as this, which will grow daily stronger and stronger, especially being assisted by Your Majesty's puissant and strong Arm which has over thrown the Turks, and put them to flight with so much Valor and Courage, and which continues still in that constant Course of defeating them, as we have just now heard with great Joy. We communicate to You the Disposition of the Senate, which is very wil­ling to enter upon this grand Affair, which being well examined, We may consult to do that which shall be thought most convenient for the good of the Catholick Religion, and seeing the Republibk professes a singular Respect to Your Majesty, who is to have so great a share in this Alliance; they were willing to acquaint you with it forthwith; firmly believing that You will heartily approve of it. In the mean time, we shall expect Your Ma­jesty's Answer, that we may give the necessary Orders to advance and establish so important a Treaty. And desiring Opportunities to testifie the good Will which we bear to Your Royal Person. We wish Your Majesty long and happy Years, and the continual Blessing of God upon the Valor of Your Arms.

Anthonio de Negry. Secretary.
FINIS.

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