Titulus Primus. LUTHERANISM; OR The Troubles in GERMANY.

1 IN the year of our Lord, 1514. the whole Church of God en­joyed Peace, and her ancient Priviledges; all Princes with great devotion were Nursing Fathers and Protectors of her; no Storm did trouble her, no Schism to break her Unity: There was an harmony, a good correspondence (as to matters of Faith and Religion) between the Church of Rome, and all the Princes and States of Christendom; and till then, neither in England, nor in any other Country of Eu­rope, had there been such a Question [Page 29] ever disputed, viz. Whether a Ca­tholike might not be a good Subject. In the year 1517. Martin Luther, an Augustine Fryer, a man of a turbu­lent spirit, learned, but never coun­ted any famous Clerk, was the first that broke this long and happy Peace. Surius in Chron. An. 1517. This man unhappily inter­posing himself in the business of Indulgences, which were sent at that time by Pope Leo the Tenth in­to Germany, although it concerned not him further, then he made him­self the Proctor and Advocate of his Order; yet having once begun to inveigh against the injury done to his fraternity, as he conceived, (for as much as the Preaching or publishing of those Pardons, was committed unto the Dominicans, and not to them, viz. the Augusti­nians, as had been usual before) he fell afterwards to tax the abuses and covetousness of the Collectors, and then to question even the au­thority of them, by whom those Collectors were nominated, and such a levy of money required in [Page 30] that nature. This was a popular and plausible Introduction, fit to win upon the vulgar, who can never well endure the pressure of Contri­butions, especially extraordinary, and where the covetousness or scan­dal of Officers gives any occasion of murmur. He quickly therefore found many favorers; but much more, when he began to exclaim against the ambition of Prelates, against the ryot and disorders of Religious men, taxing some for Tyranny, some for Avarice, some for Idleness and Ignorance, all for corruption and abuses. In this maner he stood in arms, and, as it were, a challenger for some years, onely against the defects of the Clergy, and without much danger: For divers good men at first con­ceived, That he onely intended and sought Reformation of disorders, and restoring of Ecclesiastical Dis­cipline, punishment of irregulari­ties, and amendment of life. And this they did not without some cause: For Saint Hildegardis had [Page 31] foretold a storm to the Church for their sins; Savanarola a Dominican had awakned Italy with predictions of terror; and Frier Thomas of Guien prophesied a Vae, Vae, a scourge and desolation to Bourdeaux, an inundation of misery to France, and the whole World: All these not long before Luthers time.

2 Who finding thus, Populo placere, quas fecisset, fabulas, that the sport, which he had begun, did take with the people (as novelty is ever wel­come to the World) and that his actions and designs seemed general­ly to be applauded; that many of the best wits (especially such as had been bred in Erasmus his School, and were any way touched with his humor) were ready to second him; yea, perceiving that some of the greatest Princes in Germany were content, (though for other ends) not onely to give him hearing, but incouragement also in his proceed­ings; the mans ambitions and vain conceipts of himself were infinitely raised above his first projects: [Page 32] Whereupon, as a man sick in his spirits, and of a fiery disease, he begins now to rage against, and to defame all Church Government, he abandons his Cloyster, throws of his habit, breaks, yea, tramples upon his vows, renounceth all obe­dience to his Superior, Preacheth against the whole State of the Cler­gy, and especially against the Su­periority of the Bishop of Rome (which was ever unto this time, held Sacred in matters Ecclesiasti­cal) as against a Tyranny in the Church; perswading the people not to render any kinde of obedi­ence to them. The Pope himself (whom yet not long before, and since the beginning of the differ­ence, he had honored with the title of Christs Vicar, and protested un­to him very much humble Reve­rence and obedience) he now calls Sathanissimum Papam, Messire Asino: The Prelates he calls Blinde guides, the Religious men Swine, Candles put under a Bushel, and what not? And why, think you, Preacht he all [Page 33] this? Because (forsooth) otherwise the people should live in darkness still, in the shadow of death, still be fed and misled by ignorant and blinde guides, still remain in igno­rance, and in the Captivity of Ba­bylon. This Prologue having gained him attentive Auditors, he begins the Tragedy, which was afterwards acted, as you shall hear, with such incredible Sedition and Tumults: His whole study was now bent to undermine the Church, and to abo­lish all Ecclesiastical order; which by consequence was of necessity to shake the Foundations, and hazzard the State it self: Yea, this humor fed him with such vain and extra­vagant hopes, That he imagined to conquer the whole World, and to subdue the Pope himself, whom he was the first, that ever absolutely affirmed to be that Antichrist, Man of sin, and deceiver of the World, whom the Apostle mentioneth, 2 Thes. 2.

3 He was the more encouraged in these proceedings, for that now, [Page 34] 1519. Maximilian the Emperor was dead, whose power and wisdom he had great cause to dread, and that Charls the Fifth was chosen to suc­ceed him; Surius in Chron. a yong Prince, not fully Twenty years of age; whom there­fore he vainly hoped, he should be able to perswade to subdue the Popes power, to keep his own Court at Rome, and make the Castle of Saint Angelo subject to his com­mands; and that by the assistance of such an Emperor, Martin should be able to reform the Church, and cast it into what mould he pleased; especially seeing John Frederick, the Elector and old Duke of Saxony, was already his sure Friend and Patron; who for his strength, rich­es, alliance, and other abilities, was far Superior to any other Prince of the Empire.

4 Hereupon therefore fi [...]st of all, he proclaims, as it were, open war and defiance to all the Bishops and Ec­clesiastical State of Germany, endea­voring, what he can, to weaken their authority, to abrogate their power; [Page 35] yea, to make them odious and contemptible to the whole World: Therefore in his Book intituled, C [...]ntra Statum Ecclesiae, Tom 2. oper. La­tin. Jenae. & falsò no­minatum ordinem Episcoporum: He sends out a Bull against the said Bi­shops, in these words, Attendite vobis Episcoporum umbrae; Hearken, saith he, or rather, Look to your selves, ye Mock-Prelates, ye Bishops in shew, or shape onely; Doctor Luther intends to read you a lesson, which he thinks, will not be much pleasing to your tender ears; as indeed, it was not likely it should be. For after a short Exhor­tation, he gives advise, what his godly Auditory should do well to see performed, viz. To this horri­ble intent or purpose. Quicunque opem ferunt, bona, famam, sanguinem impendunt; Whosoever, saith he, will venture their Lives, their Estates, their Honor, and their Blood, in so Christian a work, as to root out and destroy all Bishops and Bishopricks (which are the Ministers of Satan) and to pluck up by the Roots, all their Authority and Jurisdiction in the World; Hi sunt [Page 36] dilecti filii Del, &c. These, yea, these, are the true children of God, and obey his Commandments. And again in his Book against Sylvester Prieras: Tom. 1. oper. La­tin. Wit­temberg. Si fures furcâ, latrones gladio, haereti­cos igne tollimus. If, saith he, we dispatch common Felons with a halter, Malefactors at the block, and Here­ticks by fire. Cur non magis hos magistros perditionis; As for these sons, yea, masters of perdi [...]ion; these Bishops, Cardinals, Popes, &c. Why should we not fall upon them with open force, and not cease, till we have bathed our hands in their blood? Was there ever such an Incendiary heard Preach? But, Objicient, saith he go­ing on, periculum esse; Perhaps some body will be telling us, it may cause Tumults and Sedition in the common people: Tush, saith he, I answer, must the Word of God be prohibited, and the people perish for fear of Tumults? The two Mar-Prelates of England and Scotland were not possessed with such a spirit as this; and though they were mad enough, yet they came not up to such a height [Page 37] of fury. Let the Lawyers therefore judge, Brunus, Minsinger, Gail, whe­ther this Sermon and Proclamation of Luthers, would not bear an Acti­on of Sedition and Conspiracy; and whether it were consistent with the Laws and Peace of the Empire, any more then it was with the duty of a good man. For hereby was the people taught and encouraged (when they should be able) to pull down and destroy those principal Pillars in the State of Germany, viz. The Archbishops of Mentz, Colen and Triers, the Primate of Magde­burgh, the Archbishop and Prince of Saltzburgh, the great Master of Prussia, the Bishop of Wurtzburgh, Bambergh, and many others; who, beside their Spiritual Relations (which were so eminent in the Church) had also a voice and place in the Imperial Dyet, and thereby a great influence and hand in the Government of Germany. Can this be avowed to be the act of a dutiful or loyal Subject of the E [...]pire? Do [...]h any Law, Reason, or Example [Page 38] warrant it in Civil Government? That a private man, himself a Sub­ject, of himself alone, should at­tempt thus insolently against the chief Magistrates, and Princes of the Country where he lives? That a Sheep should presume to depose the Shepherds? And by such wicked suggestions, stir up Insurrections and Rebellion against persons of so eminent quality, both for Place and Calling? Nor did he ever cease, or give over these Preachings, till out of Sax [...]ny, Hess, and Wittem­berg, yea, generally out of all pla­ces, where his Seditious Doctrine prevailed, he had expulsed, or pro­cured to be expulsed, the very name, as well as the Authority and Jurisdiction of Bishops.

5 Neither staid he here, but as fury and success lead him, proceeded further. Cochlaeus in act. Luther. At Wittemberg he took up­on him to burn, not onely the Popes Indulgences, Bulls, and such like, but even all the Canon Law it self, that he could but get into his hands. If you ask, by what war­rant? [Page 39] He gives you none but his own Authority, his private spirit was Commi [...]on, and pretence of the Gospel (as he called it) all the Apology he could make for such pranks. An insufficient pretence certainly: For although it be true, That the Canon Law, for the most part of it, be originally nothing but the Constitutions of Popes at seve­ral times and occasions published, yet much of it is also the decrees of Councels, Provincial, National, and Oecumenical, and all of it ratified by prescription, (which is Common Law) by general appro­bation and use of the Country, and by the Imperial Laws themselves; and therefore his audaciousness was intolerable, in giving so pub­like an affront to the Government of Germany, as well Civil as Eccl [...] ­siastick: And the Laws themselves (how needless or inconvenient so­ever, this vain man could imagine them, yet) could not be lawfully and orderly suppressed in the Em­pire, but by the Authority of the [Page 40] Empire it self. But as he did thus presumptuously, and of his own head, abrogate (so far as he could) the Canon Laws; so did he vilifie and despise the Civil Laws also, as shall be shewn hereafter in due place; for as yet we must trace him in his extravagancies and furies against the Church.

6 Having lost his own senses through pride, and overmuch con­fidence of himself, he was willing that all the World should be blinde; therefore he endeavors to introduce Barbarism, and to put out the eyes of his Almayns; that in such state they might not be able to see, either his errors, or their own folly, to be so much abused and bewitched by a Sot. Univer­sities must down; which because Cambridge and Oxford will not (perhaps) believe, I shall produce his own words in his Book against Ambrosius Catharinus: Ad Evange­lium funditùs evertendum, nec astuti­us, nec efficacius commentum, &c. The Devil, saith he, never invented a [Page 41] more cunning, and more pernicious means to root up utterly the Gospel of Christ, then the design of founding the Ʋniversities. And that no man should go about to colour or ex­cuse this Paradox, by some favor­ [...]ble interpretation and sense, he seconds it with another elsewhere, full as absurd or worse: Lib. de abrog. Missâ. For dis­swading the people from sending their children to be bred up in the Universities, he passeth a sentence of condemnation on them in these words: Academias per idolum Mo­ [...]och figuratas puto. I am of opinion, saith he, that the Idol Moloch in old [...]ime was a Type of these Ʋniversities: And therefore, that it was as un­ [...]awful for the people to send their children thither for breeding, as it was of old for the children of Israel to give of their sons to be conse­crated unto that Idol, of which we read, Levit. 20.2, 3, 4. The reason he gives is like his assertion, Ex isto e­nim fumo: for out of the smoke, saith he, of these Ʋniversities do arise all those Locusts, which at this day possess the [Page 42] Chairs; that is, the places of Dig­nity and Honor in the Church. But why will the man have all Univer­sities thus suppressed on the sudden? Is it because Catholike Religion and School-divinity was taught in them? that can hardly be thought. For why did he shut up the S [...]ho [...]l-doors at home, Cochlaeus in Act. Luther. at Wittemberg, where he prevailed for many years toge­ther? Why did he neglect the teach­ing and educating of youth in his own Religion and Profession? Why did he forbid Aristotle, Tully, and other Authors to be read, who meddle not with Religion? Ʋlemberg. in vitâ e­jus. Why did Carolstad chuse rather to go to Plough, then read a Lecture? Nay, his own Fidus Achates, Philip Me­lancthon in his Book called Didy­mus, commends Witcliff for a wise­man, Qui omnium primus vidit Aca­demias [...]sse Satanae Synagogas: Be­cause he, forsooth, was the first that discovered the Christian Ʋnive [...]sities to be Synagogues of Satan. Well said Master Philip! in whom indeed so loose an assertion was the more to [Page 43] be wordr [...]d at, being himself other­wise so great a Scholar. But thus we see, what a spirit of confusion and giddiness possessed them at the beginning, and how uncertain they were all, what to hold or main­tain: But above all others, Ʋlemberg. in vitâ Philippi. this was true of Melancthon, who was indeed a very Academick, always Sceptical, inconstant and wavering; so as neither himself, nor his own party knew well, what he was: And for this opinion in particular against the Universities and Hu­mane Learning, he retracted it in his Book Ad Waldenses, which Ca­rolstad would never do; and there­fore died very miserable and poor in the Country.

7 You may perceive by this, that at the first rising of these men, and their Preaching of Reformation, the spirit (to which they pretend [...]d had not in many years perfectly il­luminated them, nor cleared their judgement from many and stupid absurdities of Error, to which men of but common discretion are not [Page 44] usually Subject; which we may not a little wonder at, seeing men extraordinarily called by God (and such they would be thought to be;) as for example, the Pro­phets, Apostles, St. Paul, and others, were compleatly fitted for their work, from the first instant of their vocation. It appears also, what Lu­thers design was, viz. At three blows to have cut down three great Cedars of the Empire, The Clergy, the Canon Law, the Ʋniversities: For without Ʋnivers [...]ties the Clergy could not well be educated, nor without Laws could they be go­verned; and so being necessarily chained together, he could not break the Link, without subvert­ing all. Neither did he, as it is cleer, seek a Reformation, but an Extir­pation of them all together. And this I dare affirm, That all those hundred Gravamina presented unto the Emperor Charls at Noremberg, did not contain one quarter of the danger, mischief, and publike cala­mity, which these three Articles [Page 45] would have brought upon Germany, could they have been executed to his minde. And yet behold a greater mischief followeth, if greater be possible; for I am now to lay down some few of his Positions of State, by which it shall appear yet fur­ther, what prodigious incivility, arrogance, and presumption was in the man; and to how great con­tempt and prejudice his proceed­ings tended, not of Ecclesiastical Prelates, and persons onely (whom he made it, as it were, matter of Conscience, and a part of his Gospel, to revile and slander) but of the Emperor himself, and the other Princes of Germany, yea, of all Princes, States, and Magistrates whatsoever, that stood in his way, and complied not with his strange and exorbitant courses. And to d [...]scover his spirit the better, you shall have a taste in the first place of his behavior with King Henry the Eighth of England, a Prince at that time famous and renowned, as any in the World; and whom, but a [Page 46] little before, upon report of his disgust with Cardinal Wolsey, he had extreamly flattered and be­daubed with praises: But now finding by some tartness in the Kings answer, That it was but to build castles in the air, to expect any favor or countenance from him; the poor Frier runs presently mad with rage, and fowl language. The King is no longer now a King with him, Lib. cont. Reg. An­gliae. but an evious mad fool, full of bastardy and baseness; he hath not a vein of Princely blood in all his body; he is a Basilisk, to whom this impudent Apostata denounceth dam­nation. A glorious King indeed, that lyeth most stoutly, and like a King. Nay, He is a lying Fel [...]ow covered with the title of a King; not a King, but a Sacrilegious theif. Lastly, which is the height of all imaginable scur­rility and rudeness, Jus mihi erit, Majestatem tuam stercore c [...]nspergere: If I were neer you, saith he, I should make bold to dress such a Majesty as it deserves. The passage is so ex­treamly fowl, that to render it [Page 47] otherwise; would both offend the Reader, and defile the Paper. I omit infinite more of the same stamp and stain, which the Reader, if he please to be further curious upon such a subject, may finde ga­thered together by no less honora­ble a person then Sir Thomas Moor, Lord Ch [...]ncellor of England in those times, and published by him in a Latin work of his against Lu­ther, Printed at Lovain in the Year, 1566.

8 Nor was his behavior towards the Emperor himself and Princes of Germany, much better. He not onely wrote a Book expresly with this title, Surius ad annum. 1521. Against the Two Edicts of Caesar (which we must also know were Edicts legally published, and with consent of the other States and Princes of the Empire) but therein he openly chargeth the Em­peror himself, and the other Princes with false play. Turpe est Caesarem ac Principes manifestis agere menda­ciis. What a shame is it, saith he, that an Emperor and Princes should [Page 48] lie thus palpably. And in the same Book, of the same persons speaking, Deus mihi dedit negotium. It is Gods will, saith he, that in this business I should not have to do with reasonable men; but, I see, these wilde Beasts of Germany will murder me, if they can. And therefore more bitterly, ma­liciously, and traiterously after­wards, Oro cuncios pios Christianos. I beseech, saith he, all godly Christians, that they would onely pray for these blinde Princes, by whom God afflicteth them in his great wrath; but, saith he, let us not follow them by any means, let us not serve them in their Wars, nor give them any Contribution against the Turk: (For that was a thing either then in debate, or but lately con­sented to by the States of the Em­pire,) For the Turk, saith he, is a Prince ten times wiser, and more honest then they: And what good, I pray, can such fools expect against the Turk, who do themselves so horribly blaspheme and offend God? Will any man think this tolerable? but he pro­ceeds. Art. 367. In his Book against the Five [Page 49] hundred Articles, Quid ergo boni in rebus Divinis? What good, think we, saith he, can such impious and wicked Tyrants appoint in matter of Religion? Before they were fools, now they are Tyrants. And still he goeth on from worse to worse, that is, higher and higher, as it were, by degrees in his impudence. For in his Book De Saeculari potestate, concerning the Civil Magistrate, or the Powers of the World, He delivers his opinion of all Kings and Princes in general; and how he would have them esteemed, in these words, Scire debes, &c. You must know, saith he, that from the be­ginning of the world to this day, it hath ever been a rare thing to finde a wise Prince; but more rare, to finde one that was honest: For commonly they are the veriest fools and knaves in the world. And again, Quis nescit, &c. Who knows not, saith he, that Princes are like Venison in Heaven; very dainty and rare, it seems; scarse one of a thousand perhaps saved. This was the charity of the man towards Christian Princes in general; as [Page 50] for the Emperor himself, in his Book De bello contra Turcas, he ex­presly denieth him to be the head of Christendom, or so much as a difen­der of the Faith; and least this might be capable of some tolerable sense, he explicates his meaning plainly in the reason which he giveth, Eos namque esse pessimos hostes; For, saith he, Emperors and Princes are commonly the grea [...]est enemies, which Christianity, and the Faith have: Yea, in his Book Contrae Rusticos, against the Boors, (which was an occasion and subject, where, if ever he meant to do it, a man would think, he was obliged to favor Magistracy and Civil Digni­ties, yet even there) his Language is the same, or worse. Sciat [...], boni domini, Deum s [...]c procurare, quod sub­diti nec possunt, nec debent, &c. You must know, my good Lords, saith he, That G [...]d will have it so, that your Sub­jects neither can, nor will, nor ought any longer to endure your Tyrannical G vernments. Mark well that debent, they ought not, it was not put in for [Page 51] nothing, I warrant you. Those good men, the Boors, were not al­together, or too much to be dis­couraged by that Book of his, though titled against them; it ha­ving been from his Sermons and Doctrines commonly divulged, that they took the cheif grounds of their Insurrection.

9 Did ever man before him vent such seditious Paradoxes with im­punity? Can such assertions as these come from the Spirit of God? Did ever any of the Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, use such barbarous liberty of speech, against the worst of Ne­roes, Dioclesians, Julians, that ever persecuted the Church? Did Elias speak thus to Ahab and Jezabel? and yet his flatterers commonly call him the Elias of Germany. St. Paul (if he had pleased to regard him) gave him a far better exam­ple, Acts 26.25. using Festus the Roman Gover­nor with much more reverence. And without all doubt, no true Christian zeal can be so irregular, so rude, so intemperately passionate [Page 52] and scurrilous. To revile, and speak evil of dignities, is the property of another spirit, then the Spirit of God, Jude 8.9. or else Saint Jude deceives us. To give Caesar his Sovereign, and all the Princes of Germany the lie, although it were very insufferable, yet it may seem but a personal, or particular contempt; but to pro­claim them all Savages, Fools, Knaves, Tyrants, and to say that the Turk was a wiser and honester man then any of them, in whose Go­vernment, as all the World knows, the Sacred Law of Christ our Savi­our is wholly abrogated, and the blasphemous Dreams of a wretched Impostor set up, and maintained by force in stead thereof, and the Moral Law of God publikely and daily, by a contrary law of Maho­met, in many respects violated and broken, (to the great dishonor of God, indeed, and shame of Christen­dom,) is a Language so absurdly seditious and scandalous, as it can never be sufficiently detested. Then to give out to the world, and pub­lish [Page 53] in Print, as it were in open scorn and contempt of all authori­ty, That a wise and good Prince was as rarely found, as a black Swan; that commonly Kings and Princes be the most doting Fools, or wickedst Knaves in the World, and that they are such a Reprobate crew, as there is scarce a place in Heaven for them; what is it, but by such epithets and execrable boldness, to bring Majesty it self, and all Governments into con­tempt, to take the Crown from Princes Heads, and to expose Magi­stracy, and the just preheminencies thereof (without which no Govern­ment could long subsist) to the malice, contempt, yea, fury too, of the meanest of the people.

10 But you will say, perhaps, he used his own Princes with more respect; Some­thing to be added here from Page 87. of the Book. and all this was said to Catholike, that is, Popish Princes, and his Enemies. Well, admit it were so, that they were Popish Prin­ces, yet were they Magistrates not­withstanding, and at least in as [Page 54] good capacity as Nero, and those others, Rom. 13. to whom St. Paul commands every soul to pay obedience and ho­nor; yet were they the Lieutenants of God upon earth, they had the Image (that is, the Authority) of God upon them; and for that Im­age sake, were to be used with due reverence. They had the Laws, the Customs, the Constitutions of the Empire on their side; they were not his Enemies, further then his irregularities and offences, together with their own duty, obliged them to be so. Neither is it true, that he used his own Princes of the House of Saxony much better. Surely, as for Duke George of Leipsig, his bit­terness and incivility towards him was notorious, calling him, The A­postle of Satan, Surius Anno 1533. Enemy of the Gospel, Murtherer, Tyrant, and what not? Last of all styling him with a most scurrilous kinde of contempt, Il­lustrissima inclementia vestra: Your most Illustrious Surliness. And as for the Prince Elector himself, his Grand Patron and Protector, old John [Page 55] Frederick, Duke of Saxony, it was not possible he should scape without some dirt in his face, as well as the rest. For whereas the Duke had granted Commission to certain per­sons, viz. unto John Psaumitz, a Nobleman, Jerome Schurffius, a Lawyer, Philip Melancthon, Haw­bitz, and others, to make a visita­tion of Saxony (which, themselves had filled with disorders) Luther was much offended at this, and therefore when they returned their Commission, and made report of things, he took occasion to shew his scorn and contempt of their proceedings arrogantly enough: Trotz, quoth he, A fig for these visi­tors, they have done nothing; and all this, because himself was left out of the Commission: That was it which vext his ambitious soul, so as he could not hold, but must dis­cover himself in his very Sermons, Nescio quâ de causâ: I cannot tell, Serm. in Dominicâ Intravit. saith he, why the Prince should neglect me in this business. But because he was neglected, see how he takes it, [Page 56] and what respect he professeth to the Orders agreed upon in that Visitation. Lib. cont. Ambros. Catharin. Si licet mihi decretales Papae; Is it lawful for me, saith he, for Christian liberties sake, not onely to neglect, but to contemn and trample under my feet the Popes Decrees, the Canons of Councels, the Laws and Mandates of the Emperor himself, and of all Princes; Vestrasne res gestas, &c. And think you, saith he, I shall value your Orders so much, as to take them for Laws? No, I warrant you; himself must, and will be judge al­ways, what is fit to be Law: Neither the Duke, nor his Commissioners, must prescribe rules to him, further then his own humor pleaseth. And therefore, whereas the Duke had once presumed to forbid him wri­ting any thing against the Arch­bishop of Mentz, (because he being so great a Prelate, and a Prince E­lector of the Empire, it might oc­casion some publike disturbance,) speaking of this to Spalatinus, a famous Lutheran, Loc. Com. Class. 4. cap. 30. and great friend of his; What saith he? Non feram, [Page 57] quod ais, non passurum principem, &c. I cannot endure, saith Luther, that you should say, The Prince will not suffer me to write against him of Mentz, nor that the publike Peace should be broken; rather then this shall be, I will loose both thee, and the Prince too; Potius te & prin­cipem ip­sum per­dam. (if I translate him well.) Si enim Creatori ejus Papae, &c. For, saith he, seeing I have resisted his Maker, the Pope, I will not surely submit now to his Creature. No, Spalatinus, no, that shall never be.

11 And thus much of Luthers per­sonal doctrine and spirit, by which you may sufficiently judge of the man, and perceive, how contrary they were, both of them (person and doctrine) unto the Peace and Established Government of the Em­pire. We are next to see what Tra­gedy followed this Prologue, and what effect such principles of Sedi­tion as these had upon the people; which indeed was very answerable to them. For when as this Wilde Boar in the Church of God (as he may be justly termed) had broken [Page 58] down the Pale of Order and Disci­pline, and the common people by his means had received such a plea­sant new Gospel, as taught them, That they were exempted (now) from all Canons and Injunctions of the Church (made to restrain licentiousness and disorder;) That true Christians were freed from the Captivity of Babylon, that is, from all such Constitutions and Ceremo­nies, as they found burthensom, or less pleasing to themselves; That there was a more compendious way to Heaven lately found out, then had been formerly thought upon, that is to say, By Faith onely, with freedom from merits, and all the burthen of good works; That Rome was Babylon; That Bishops had seduced them for a long time together; That Religious men were Idolaters, and all Princes that favored or protected them, Ty­rants; That the Will of God was not to suffer the poor Commonal­ty any longer to bear so heavy a yoke and subjection under such [Page 59] oppressors; when, I say, the com­mon people had well drunk in, and were become mad with these in­toxicating doctrines of Sedition and Liberty, no long time pass­eth, but they rise in Arms, make Insurrections, and commit Out­rages and Ryots all the Countries over: Each man was a drum and firebrand to his Neighbor, every one gave alarm to other, to rise and root out so corrupt a Clergy, and depose such unworthy Princes. First of all, the Boors and Peasants in Germany run together and make havock of all things in Swevia, Franconia, Alsatia, and in many of the Imperial Towns also: They in Franconia profess they take Arms to expel the Nobility out of Ger­many, and to cut down those Oaks of the Church, which stood in their way, viz. The Bishops, Arch­bishops, and other Prelates, to a­bolish the old Laws, and to establish others new in their stead. The heads of these tumults, and; as it were, Tribunes of the people, were [Page 60] cheifly Thomas Muncer, and Phifer his Comrade, with one Christopher Schaplerus. Muncer was a most au­dacious fellow, and, as some re­port, of a Priest, was become an Apostate: He had been formerly Scholler to Carolstad; Melancth. in Hist. Ana. yet Melan­cthon confesseth, That he came also to Luthers Lectures; which is not improbable, seeing he acted some of his doctrines so much to the life. In Alsatia he first began to Preach against the Pope, yet dissented in many things from his Masters do­ctrine; because, as the Popes Laws were too severe, so Luthers (even in his opinion) gave too much li­berty. There he also first preached against Mass, and against the Bap­tizing of Infants, because it was not expresly commanded in the Scriptures. There he taught, That Christ did not take flesh of the Virgin Mary; and that Magistrates did forfeit or loose all Authority, so often as they committed Mortal sin; and lastly, That the people (that is, Cent. 15. p 445. such a rabble of the people [Page 61] as followed him tumultuously, and without any lawful order) might correct Princes when they offend. This fellow, to make his name and practices more reverenced by the people, pretended, as others did, extraordinary vocation from God; That what he did was by revelati­on and warrant of the Holy Ghost; that he had received from God the Sword of Gideon, cogere universum orbem, as the Centurists write of him, thereby to compel the whole World, to acknowledge and set up the new King­dom of Jesus Christ; to fight for Israel, and to depose Idolatrous Magistrates: And with such phan­tastical pretences as these, he made shift to draw into the Field infinite numbers of people of Franconia, by whose help he won by force the strong Town of Winspurgh, slew the Count Lodowick of Helphens [...]ein; and either killed, or captivated all the Noblemen of the Country, whom they could encounter. Be­sides, they sacked and destroyed all Ch [...]rches, Monasteries, and Religi­ous [Page 62] places, where they came; In­somuch, Surius Chron. as Conradus Wimpin, and other Authors affirm, That in this onely Circle of the Empire, they pillaged and spoiled neer upon Three hundred Monasteries, Castles, and Forts; and yet these wretched people could pretend, they took arms for edification. Is it not likely they did so? At last for want of Victuals, and other necessaries (as multitude and fury are seldom pro­vident) they were forced to divide their Camps; so some of them marched towards the Dutchy of Wirtembergh, where by Truchses, General of the League of Swevia, they were all put to the Sword, or flight; yet very great numbers of them remained still in Franconia. Whereupon, because their tumults and proceedings tended so mani­festly to the d [...]struction of all State, Laws, and G [...]vernment whatso­ever, at last John Frederick, Duke of S xony, (who had before con­nived at Mu [...]ers P [...]eaching in Al­stadt) his Uncle Duke George of [Page 63] Leipsig, together with the other Princes, (the Emperor himself be­ing then in Spain) joyned their forces, and at Franckhuisen made a bloody slaughter and execution of those Peasants in their Camp; where Muncer and Ph [...]fer, both, were taken prisoners and executed, and above a hundred thousand men lost their lives in these Tumults and Rebellion.

12 Yet could not such a fearful warning as this absolutely quiet their spirits: For in Alsatia they made new uproars, and above Twenty thousand of th [...]m were slain by the Count Palatine, and Anthony, Duke of Lorrain. After this an other multitude of them put themselves in Arms at Peter­sheim, in the Territory of Worms, but were likewise d [...]feated and put to the Sword. To conclude, no part of the Empire was perfectly cleer from this plague of Conspi­racy: For as the Boors in the Country, so in the Imperial Towns the common people would needs [Page 64] be reforming of Religion, and re­moving of such Magistrates, as did any way support the old. At Erford they degraded and committed all the Officers of the Town; at Franck­ford with more fury they spoiled the Churches, banished the Clergy, and put all the Authority and Go­vernment of the City into the hands of Twenty four Common­ers; they created all inferior Magi­strates new, made new Laws, expel­led the old Senators, the whole Clergy, not without much threat­ning and terror; Surius in Chron. they selected and set forth Forty and seven Articles out of Luthers new doctrine, which they decreed should be observed religiously, and professed by all men; they sent them also to their Brethren at Colen, and Mentz, who had attempted the like pranks there, standing in Arms, and being Masters of the several Cities for some days together; but in the end failed. In the Territory of the Bishop of Triers, one Francis Sick­ing, a private Lutheran, yet out of [Page 65] his zeal, and to comply, as some say, with the instigations of Bucer, and others, feared not to take up Arms, and to invade in hostile maner the Country of that Bishop; took by assault a strong place of the Princes own possession; marched with his Army up to the very Walls of Triers, with intention to besiedge it: But as his cause was wicked, and undertaken without any just ground of War, so the success was answerable; his forces being sud­denly compelled to retire, himself with many of his complices appre­hended and attainted, and their Lands confiscate. Briefly, and to give you the sum of all these mis­cheifs under one view, This In­undation, and, as it were, First fury of these Reformers of Germany, was so general and violent, that all Church-Goods whatsoever, where they came, became prey and booty to them; Cathedral Churches were broken down, and shamefully de­faced; Monasteries ransacked and robbed; Bishops and Bishopricks [Page 66] spoiled; as Magdeburgh for exam­ple, the Seat of the Primate of Ger­many, and a Prince of the Empire; Breme, Lu [...]ck, and no less then fourteen more beside: So as the Imperial Chamber at Spires was for a long time after much disquieted, and troubled with Actions, Peti­tions, and Complaints, about those spoils; the Emperor himself mar­vellously perplexed, how to pro­cure a Cessation of these disorders, and to stop the Torrent of these Re­formers: Neither could he do it effectually till many years after, viz. Anno 1544. when by an Edict he appointed Commissioners par­ticularly to enquire in bona Eccle­siae invasa, after all Church-Goods purloyned. Till that time, himself had his hands full, and at some time more then enough to do, to make resistance against their fury, and to pacifie the troubles, which continually grew upon him from these beginnings, as will hereafter more clearly appear. All which things are reported and testified to [Page 67] the World by Jo. Cochlaeus, Jo. Coch­laei Acta & Scripta Lutheri. an Au­thor beyond all exception, whose writings, out of which, most of this hath been taken, were published in Luthers life time, and never yet challenged by any man of false play. They are reported also ge­nerally by Pontanus, Hortensius, Su­rius, Mountford, Elorim. Raemundus; Flor. Rae­mundus de ortu & Progress. Heresium. yea, by Sleydan himself, and others. And for my self, I can but protest to have used all sincerity in citing the evidence, which I had from so many worthy Witnesses: And that I do, as the Romans were wont to say in such cases, Ita me Jupiter, si sciens fallo; Let me not live, if I forge any thing, which I know to be other­wise.

13 But it will be replied perhaps by some, that I do Luther wrong, to charge him with these Tumults, and the Insurrections of the Ana­baptists; seeing that he vehemently reproved their proceedings, gave them no encouragement at all, ever disliked those wilde phantasies of Muncer, and his followers, ever [Page 68] Preached in defence of Magistrates and Civil Government: Thus pleadeth Doctor Bilson, and some others in his behalf; but their labor is like the washing of a Blacka­moor, all they can do will not make him white: For let the World judge by what hath been said already, whether such Positi­ons and Exhortations, as we have instanced in out of his own wri­tings, vehemently delivered by him, and as greedily swallowed by the people, could be any thing else, but fire to this fewel. Let his Bull against the Clergy, his Invectives against all Ecclesiastical Persons and Orders, be well considered, and they will plainly appear to tend to nothing else. For what man is so senseless, that would not be moved to contemn Authority, and endeavor by all means to enfran­chise himself, when he shall hear Preached by an Elias, a man whom he supposeth to be sent extraordi­narily from God, to teach and re­form the World, That Princes [Page 69] were Tyrants, Bishops blinde and false guides, Religious men Idola­ters; and all the Powers of the World generally such, as by their corruptions and wickedness had forfeited their Authority; and that Christians had, and ought to enjoy, such a Charter of Liberty, as did exempt them in Conscience from all Humane Laws and Constitu­tions? I say, what man of sense can imagine, but the people fully perswaded of such maxims as these, from the mouth of such a Preacher, should not be always ready, and in a posture to rebel upon any occasi­on offered? And that Luther had taught them this, and much more in substance, is manifest, as I said, by what hath been alledged before; yet, as to that last particular, Of exemption in point of Conscience from Humane Laws, it may require a word or two more.

14 Not to insist therefore any further upon that which Cochlaeus alledgeth out of his First Book, Cochlae. in Miscel. Exhort. ad Pacem, in these words, In saeculari [Page 70] regimine nihil amplius facitis: You Princes of the World, saith he, what do you else, but fleece and pillage your poor Subjects to their very skin, to maintain your pride, till they can bear no longer? Nor upon that which follows, Non sunt Rustici; They are not the Boors, but God Almighty h [...]m­self, which is coming against [...]hem for the [...] Tyranny: These s [...]all pass as peices of his accustom [...]d Malapert­ness with them, or, if it be possible, with some tolerable interpretation. But certainly that which follows, admits none. Cap. de B [...]ptism. In his Book, De cap­tiv. B bylon. Ab omnibus hominum l [...]gibus, [...]. We are, saith he, freed from all Laws of men whatsoever, by vertue of th [...]t Christian Liberty, which is given us in Baptism. And in the same Book, Cap. de Matrim. Scio nullam rem­publicam, &c. I know, saith he, very well, there is never a Commonwealth in the World well governed by these Laws of men: And therefore con­cludes it to be, Cap. de Sac. Ord. Turpe & iniquiter s [...]rvile; A shameful thing, and a slavery unworthy of a Christian man [Page 71] who is free, to be subject to any Laws, but the Laws of God, and of Heaven. I know some men endeavor to put Interpretations even upon these Passages, to make them seem less scandalous. Respons. ad rat. 8. Campian. Doctor Whitacre in particular telleth us, That Luther meant not, that men are so exempt from Humane Laws, as that every one [...]ight do what he list; but that the Conscience of a Believer was free from all Humane Laws, in re­spect of Religion. As if to obey Ma­gistrates, in obedience to the Will and Ordinance of God, as Magi­stracy is plainly, Rom. 13. and as we ought to do in all the obedience we give to them, 1 Pet. 2.13. were not matter and duty of Religion; As to do it for Publike peace sake, and in regard of that Authority which they have by consent of men; and for our good, is an act of Morality or Civil Justice, due unto them upon the account of Natural Right and Hum [...]ne Rea­son, abstracting from the Law of God: or, as if, out of the case of [Page 72] scandal, peril, or some other such extrinsecal considerations, a man might neglect, or not observe, the just Laws of men, at his pleasure, without offence against God; or lastly, as if to resist lawful Magistra­cy out of a mans private Authori­ty, Passion, or Spleen, were not a thing contrary to Religion. But let Luther interpret himself, Dico itaque, neque Papa, neque Episcopus, &c. I say therefore, saith he, as Sir Thomas Moor cites him in his Latin work abovementioned, Lovan. 1566. That neither the Pope, nor Bishops, nor any mortal man whatsoever, hath authority to lay the least syllable of command upon a Christian, unless it be by his own con­sent.

15 Nor do we insist so much here, what studied or strange sense may possibly, perhaps, be put upon his words; but how they sound out­wardly, and how they are apt to be understood by common people, who do not usually stand much pondering about words, but take them as they sound; especially [Page 73] when they sound Liberty, or any thing agreeable to their corrupt Passions and Humors, as these do. And that we may see his design did drive directly against the Laws themselves, and not onely against such impertinent and imaginary niceties, which men might raise about the observing of them, in his Book Ad Nobilitat. German. he absolutely vilifies the Law it self, so far as to prefer the Turks Alcoran before it. Men say, saith he, there is no better Government in the World, then with the Turk, and yet he hath neither Canon nor Civil Law, onely his Al [...]oran: But with us it is plain, there can be no worse Government found, then that which we have by the Canon and Civil Law: What did he mean, think we? What rule did he leave the people to be guided by, but their own Humors and Passions, who before had traduced the Prin­ces themselves for Tyrants, for Op­pressors; and now debaseth the Law (that is, the onely rule by which the Princes pretended to [Page 74] govern) even beneath the Alcoran it self? Hospin. Hist. Sa­cram. Adde hereunto, that his own friends, and such as follow him in most things, do for this very reason charge him directly, To have been no small cause of the Wars in Germany; yea, Centur. 16. p. 16. his own Osiander testifieth, That the Boors, who made such ha­vock for a while in Germany by their conspiracies, and especially against the Clergy, did not onely pretend the Gospel, and the Liberty of the Gospel for their doings, but did even appeal therein to Luther him­self: Ad Lutheri judicium pr [...]voca­verant; They appealed, saith he, to Luthers judgement: Not to urge what Erasmus hath to this effect, Hypera­spist. ad­vers. Lu­therum. nor what Menno Simonius, an Ana­baptist, acknowledgeth in his Book De cruce Christi, Quàm sanguinolentas seditiones Lutherani, &c. What bloody Riots and Murthers the Luthe­rans have committed, for some years past, to maintain the [...]r Doctrine? And as to that part of the Objection, that Luther did reprove, yea, write against the Boors, it is the poorest [Page 75] fallacy of all: He did it, but how? With such calumniating and tax­ing of the Princes themselves, as they could be little secured by his writing, and the Boors as little dis­couraged. He did it, but when? When it was too late; when he could forbear no longer; when he found himself generally censured, and murmured at by the Nobility, and better sort of people, as an oc­casion at least, if not an Instrument and Fautor of those mischeifs. Last­ly, He did it, but when? When he saw the Boors go down, that they were not likely to maintain their quarrel, nor to go through with their work; then indeed he left them in the Bryers (wisely enough) though they appealed to him, though they used, yea, alledged his own Homilies and Sermons, for what they did, though they were all for Reformation, all for Liberty, all against the Church of Rome, and against Bishops, yea, and that their very word in the Field was Vivat Evangelium; Let the Gospel flourish▪

16 Hitherto we have discoursed cheifly of Luthers doctrinal extra­vagancies, and touched upon the evil practises, or fruits thereof, one­ly in such men, as either for the privateness and meanness of their condition (being all of them Boors, Peasants, and rude Country peo­ple) or for the unsuccessfulness of their designs are generally dis­claimed: Such as neither Luther, nor any of his followers will readi­ly own. I come now to give a fur­ther instance of the mischief, which the doctrine and doings of this man brought upon Germany, in a busi­ness which was publikely owned, not by Luther onely, but by many of the Princes themselves; who for the defence of his new Doctrine, and protection of his wretched person, bandied themselves against the Emperor, their Sovereign Lord, and against the general body of the Empire, of which they were both Members and Subjects, and by the Publike Laws, whereof themselves in that relation ought to have [Page 77] been governed. The beginning, proceedings, and issue of which confederacy was briefly thus.

17 Old John Frederick Elector, and Duke of Saxony, the Landsgrave of Hessen, with some others, already caught with the Liberty, and other advantages which they made of Luthers new doctrine, (besides an old and inveterate emulation in most of them against the House of Austria, which then was, and still is Imperial) first enter a League at Smalcald, which is a Town of Hessia upon the Frontiers of Saxony, onely (as they pretended) for their own defence, and to maintain their Re­ligion and Liberties against such men as would invade or persecute them. We must observe here first, That the Religion spoken of, was a Religion but then newly and pri­vately taken up of themselves, con­trary to that which was publikely received and acknowledged in the Empire; and by vertue, or rather pretext whereof, they were obliged to do, and suffer to be done many [Page 78] things, which were expresly con­trary to the Constitutions of the Empire; which Constitutions, the Emperor, together with themselves, were by oath solemnly bound to observe, and see observed. In this League were also comprehended, the Duke of Wittemberg, and some of the Imperial Towns: They renew­ed it again at Franckfort, and after that again at Auspurgh, confirming it with a general and solemn Pro­testation of what their opinions were in matter of Religion; which Protestation being then exhibited unto the Emperor in their names, the Title, or Sirname of Protestants, became thenceforward appropriate to that party. After this, viz. Anno 1536. Suspecting some opposition would be made against them by the Emperor, and other States of Ger­many, for such proceedings, and not willing to be taken at unawares by him, they bring ( viz. themselves first of all) an huge Army into the Field, commanded by the yong Duke of Saxony, John Frederick (his [Page 79] Father being dead,) and the Lands­grave of Hessen, with resolution by force of Arms, to finde or make themselves right, as they called it. The Duke of Wittemberg, the Im­perial Towns, Auspurgh, Ʋlm, Strasburgh, and Franckfort, sent them aid. The Count Pala [...]ine of the Rhine had levyed Two hundred horse for them, but upon better thoughts revoked them, when they were upon their march. The Duke of Brunswick and his sons, the Duke of Luneburgh, the yong Marquess of Baden, the Prince of Anhalt, the Counts of Furstenburgh and Mans­field joyned with them, either in person or power. Surius in Chron. Their Army con­sisted of about Seventy thousand fighting men, and among them Se­ven thousand and seven hundred at least were Horse; they had an hundred and twelve Cannon and Field pieces, with such an infinite quantity of all sorts of Provisions, as gave them an assured hope and confidence of Victory. The eyes of all Princes were upon this action; [Page 80] and Germany it self trembled in ex­pectation of the event and success of such an Army prepared, as they saw, to swallow up the Emperor, (if they could) and to subvert the whole Government and Religion of the Empire; I mean that Reli­gion and Government which was then established, and had stood so established many hundred years, before the Fathers or Grand-fathers of any of those Princes, now in Arms to destroy it, were born. The Emperor had onely God, and a just cause on his side; for his friends, those I mean, who openly and a­vowedly appeared for him, were few; viz. The King of the Romans, his Brother, the Duke of Bavaria, and the Duke of Cleve: For though Duke Maurice of Saxony followed him, yet in regard of his affinity with the Landsgrave, whose Son in law he was; as also for his Religi­on, being a Lutheran, he could not but be suspected. However, it pleased God, notwithstanding this huge Army of the Princes, that the [Page 81] Emperor became Master of the Field, with a most compleat and signal Victory; yea, (which was an accident more rare) the two Generals ( Saxony and Hessen, both of them) became prisoners, and their whole Army was defeated. The yong Duke of Saxony (a per­son much honored and pittied) had his life given him, with some con­nivence for his Religion; yet his impregnable Fort at Gotha was de­molished, and the Electorate with all the Lands thereunto belonging, were bestowed by the Emperor up­on Duke Maurice. The like mercy for life was shewed the Landsgrave, who after some time, obtained his liberty also. The Duke of Wittem­berg for Two hundred thousand Duckats; and the Imperial Towns, partly with Money, and partly up­on their humble Petitions and Sub­mission, made their peace at last with the Emperor. And thus, by the good Providence of God, and happy conduct of Caesar, was the Empire preserved in Statu quo prius; [Page 82] the Electors Ecclesiastical and other Prelates, continued, and their Dig­nities maintained; whereas, in all probability, had the Princes pre­vailed, as they had already by the instigation of Luther, and such Preachers, swallowed the Reve­nues, extinguished, yea, wholly buried the Title, State, and Autho­rity of Bishops in their own Pro­vinces, so would they have done all the Empire over.

18 Now as Greatness and Innova­tion seldom want Patrons, nor wit to colour their faults, so it must be confessed, there are some, who en­deavor to excuse Luther and Luthe­ranism of the odiousness of this Action, yea, and the Action it self from the imputation of Rebellion. First of all Doctor Bilson affirmeth, Differen­ces of Christian Subjects, &c. That the Lawyers of Germany do in some cases permit resistance to be made against Caesar; but he names not one: Then he saith, The States of Germany are not ab­solutely subject to the Emperor, but onely upon some conditions. [Page 83] Secondly, Centur. 16. the Divines of Magde­burgh plead, That if the Magistrate pass the bounds of his Authority, and command things wicked and unlawful, he may well be resisted, and must not be obeyed. Thirdly, Sleydan saith, Lib. 19. fol. 263. We may resist Caesar with good Conscience, when he intends the destruction of Religion and Liberty. Lastly, Consil. Evangel. Part. 1. p. 314▪ Philip Melan­cthon with great confidence gives Authority to the Inferior Magi­strate, to alter Religion and over­throw Idolatry. So they all con­clude the War lawful, both by Gods Law and Mans: And this indeed is the substance of the Reasons, al­ledged by the Duke, and the Lands­grave, both when the League was first made at Smalcald, and when they first proclaimed War against the Emperor.

19 But, as it is easie to perceive, these Doctors Assertions do all of them suppose certain things, which ought first to be proved; as for example, 1. That Caesar passed the bounds of his Authority; for if he did not, [Page 84] it is clear, they passed theirs. 2. That he commanded things wicked and unlawful. 3. That he went about to destroy true Religion, and their Liberty: All these must be proved, before it be lawful to take Arms, and resist him, by their own con­fession. I demand therefore of them this Question, When Caesar or the Supream Magistrate commandeth any thing to be done, which is not apparently contrary to the Laws of the Empire then in force, who shall be Censor, who shall Judge, whe­ther Caesar passeth the bounds of his Authority? and whether the things which he commandeth be impious, or no? They answer, he absolutely sought to destroy their Religion and Liberties: But I reply, it hath been an old and usual stratagem of Satan, to oppose Religion against Religion, thereby to bring in A­theism, and leave us no Religion. Beside, making Lutheranism to be the onely true Religion, and their Liberties to consist in the free pro­fession of that, they take that for [Page 85] granted which Caesar both at Worms and Auspurgh made the greatest Question. So they argue not well, because they do not proceed ex con­cessis; yea, it is manifest, that when they did presume to set up a new Religion, they passed themselves the bounds of their Authority; and the World might judge Caesar a very simple Prince, if he should either change his own Religion, or tolerate theirs upon the bare credit of Luthers private opinion and spi­rit, or upon the bare Protestation of the Confederates. For were they competent Judges against the whole World? or can Religion be law­fully and orderly changed by Civil Magistrates onely? and when nei­ther a General Councel, nor Nati­onal Councel hath decreed it, nor any Imperial Dyet established it? may every Elector or Prince frame a new Religion for his own Pro­vince by Law, without consent of the Emperor and States? Give me an Instance, shew me a President, when any such Innovation was ever [Page 86] made in the Empire, without an Imperial Dyet. Shew me a Law, or some colour of Law, by which it might be done, or else confess, That the Princes taking up Arms against the Emperor was without Justice, and their quarrel without lawful ground. Beside, was it lawful for the Confederates to coyn a new Religion, and maintain it by Arms, and was it not more lawful for the Emperor to defend the old, which was already received, and to reform them? The Boors took Arms upon the self-same pretences, viz. For Religion and Liberty; yet the Princes with their own forces, and with no less Justice and Honor, sub­dued them. Why might not there­fore Caesar compel the Confederates unto the same terms, as they did the Boors, viz. To exercise that Religion which was established, at least with à quousque, until a legal Reformation could be had, and to obey the Laws in force, and to keep the Peace of the Commonwealth? Doth the degree or dignity of the [Page 87] persons make the cause so different? I trow not. And for any designs of Caesar upon them, under colour of Religion, it cannot be made good: They were first in the Field; the Emperor had not any forces ready a long time after; yea, they pur­sued him with their Army, and compelled him to fortifie himself: P. Avila, de bello Germanico So that if mens Councels may be guessed at by their actings, it is clear, they had rather designs upon him: And his favorable dealings with all of them after the Victory, do more then refute such a ca­lumny. But, saith Dr. Bilson, The Em­peror is not absolutely to be obey­ed by the States: It is no matter. He is to be obeyed in seeing the Laws and Constitutions of the Em­pire observed, and that is enough to justifie his proceedings in the case. How far he is absolute, and how far the Princes do ow fealty and homage to him, and obedience to the Publike Constitutions of the Empire, their several Oaths taken at the Coronation of the one, and [Page 88] Investitures or Instalments of the other, do best shew.

20 But I will leave skirmishing and come to the main point. It is most certain, That Caesar did observe the Law, and that the Confederate Princes did violate both the Laws and Liberties of Germany. For what Prince soever stands Rectus in Curiâ, having the ancient and known Laws of the Kingdom on his side, must always be judged to hold a better plea then Subjects, who arm themselves against him il­legally, disorderly, and by autho­rity of their own private opinions onely. At that time Caesar was bound by Law to extirpate Luthe­ranism, and to maintain the Popes authority in Germany, as it was ac­knowledged in the other parts of Christendom, he was bound to maintain Catholike Religion, and the Immunities or Rights of the Church; so manifestly, that even their own Goldastus doth acknow­ledge it to be the Emperors Oath so to do; which is not a new Oath [Page 89] neither: For the same in effect was taken long since by Carolus 4. Otho 1. and 3. and by Carolus Magnus, which is a prescription every way good and indisputable. The like profession also we finde made by those ancient and religious Empe­rors, Theodosius, Gratian, Valentini­an, Justinian, and others, both in the Code and Novel Constitutions. How therefore could the Emperor, either maintain or suffer any other Religion in the Empire, then that which he found already established, and allowed by all his Predeces­sors, declared by so many Coun­cels, continued so many Genera­tions, ratified by all the Imperial Dyets, and lastly, by his own Oath? Beside, did the Duke of Saxony, or the Landsgrave, when they were prisoners, ever plead the Law on their side? did they ever use any such argument, any such excuse? No; they submitted absolutely, and craved pardon for their lives, from his hands to whom they were forfeited; and how ridiculous also [Page 90] had the plea been? For shall the Duke of Saxony take arms for the defence of Lutheranism, and may not the Count Palatine of Rhine do the same in defence of Calvinism, which yet the Lu herans will not endure? or an Halberstat for Epi­curism? or a Muncer with his Boors for Anabaptism? and so by Anarchy, under pretence of Con­science and Liberties, rend in peices the Empire, and open the Ports of Germany to the Turk. But to stop the mouth of Learned Ignorance, I will discover more particularly, and lay down the foundation of this great quarrel betwixt Caesar and the Confederate Princes, and the legal order and method of pro­ceeding, which the Emperor con­stantly observed therein.

21 In the year 1521. The Emperor conferred personally with Luther at Worms, and out of his special Grace and Benignity, further required the Archbishop of Triers, and the E­lector of Brandenburgh, to treat with him, and perswade him to [Page 91] Conformity; but perceiving him obstinate, and resolved not to sub­mit himself to any due Authority, and finding that all his Course, Books, Sermons tended to nothing but Sedition, and making further divisions among the people; at last he made a Decree, with the general consent of the States, not to put him to death, such was his mercy, but to banish him the Empire, wherein was shewn, as appeared afterward by the event, much more lenity then just providence. In which Decree, after the Causes and Reasons of such proceedings at large declared and set down, he concludeth thus. Mandantes de eo­rundem Statuum consensu, sub crimine laesae Majestatis, &c. Commanding by and with consent of the said States, under pain of High Treason, and forfeiture of whatsoever, Lands, Prin­cipalities, Goods or Priviledges hold­ing of us, and of the Sacred Roman Empire; as also of Proscription, or our Imperial Ban to be ipso facto in­curred, &c. That neither you, nor any [Page 92] any of you do presume to receive, main­tain, or harbor the said Martin Lu­ther, &c. And that ye burn all those his foresaid Heretical and Seditious Books. And this Edict was directed to all the Electors, Princes, Imperi­al Towns, and States. Now can you imagine, that the Duke of Saxony, or the Landsgrave, were exempted from this Edict? or that the Em­peror had not as full power to call them to account for their contempt of it, as any inferior persons? or otherwise, that those Princes were the Ephori of Germany, and might curb the Emperor himself, if they saw cause? Then certainly the Em­peror of Germany were but a poor shadow of an Emperor, a Titulus sine re indeed, a matter of nothing but empty Title, and it were true that which Bodin saith, that Imperi­um in Imperio quaerendum est; Jo. Bodin, de Rep. A man might seek for an Emperor all the Empire over, and not finde him: Which yet by his leave, is a gross error. Well! The Duke of Saxony, notwithstanding this Edict, would [Page 93] maintain and protect Luther; as he did at Als [...]at a Town of his own in Turingia; which place Luther with no small arrogance, or im­piety rather, was wont to call his Pathmos; and in the mean time changed Religion, and established Lutheranism in all his own Domini­ons; and at Smalcald, as we said before, entred a League against the Emperor for maintenance of it.

22 Which actions of the Duke, that you may understand how directly they are against Law and Justice, Andrew Gail that famous Lawyer shall tell you, Gailius de Pace pub­lic. c. 10. sect. 36. Receptores bannitorum perinde puniantur, &c. The Recei­vors, saith he, of Outlaws or Banished persons, are lyable to the same punish­ment, that such people are; and Domini Praediorum, The Lords, saith he, of those places where they lurk, are bound to deliver them up; viz. To Justice. And again, Qui bannito commeatum & annonam suppeditat, He that supplieth an Outlaw with pro­vision or victuals, is ordinarily judged as a receivor. Advers. Heres. lib. 1. c. 4. Brunus shall also tell [Page 94] you, That in excommunicatis, qui bannitis; That the very entertain­ment of excommunicate and outlawed persons, is criminal and lyable to punishment. If you suppose, that these Laws respected onely inferior receivors, and that the Duke was free, hear what Gail saith again. Conditio Pacis publicae, Lib. 1. c. 1. sect. 9. &c. An Edict for the publike Peace, obligeth all per­sons in the Empire of what state, con­dition or dignity soever, as well the Princes themselves, as the inferior pe [...] ­ple; yea, saith he, though it were pub­lished against some one or more of the Princes. The Duke therefore not obeying the Law, and knowing that the Emperor had oft written out of Spain, that the Edict of Worms should be executed, he ag­gravated his crime fearing the in­dignation of Caesar; and thereup­on took up arms, and entred into the League, as hath been said. And yet notwithstanding after this League entred, such was the lenity of Caesar, that his Ambassador at Spires, in the year 1529. offered [Page 95] the Confederates most equal and moderate terms of accord, viz. No more then that utrinque ab omni in­juriâ, &c. That henceforward both parties should abstain from doing in­jury to others, and from all offensive language or reviling each other; and that onely offenders against this agree­ment should be banished. A man would think this were a reasonable offer from the Supream Magistrate to the Inferiors, obnoxious both to him and the Law: Yet was it re­jected by the Confederates. At Auspurgh again in the year 1530. the Emperor most graciously enter­tained the Duke, and received a Petition from him, with as much favor and indifferency as could stand with his honor: And there again revived his Ambassadors mo­tion at Spires, that no further In­novations might be made, no more Books published, but that at least all things might abide in quiet State, till the Seventeenth of May ensuing: So much did his Imperial Majesty yeeld for Peace sake. And [Page 96] yet the Duke rejected his motion; which so much displeased the Em­peror, that he forbore not to tell him, and the rest of the Leaguers, That if they obeyed not, they should re­pent it. And yet again, at Spires he labored to have prevailed with them by fair means; but thither the Duke (being grown more jea­lous and fearful of Caesar) would not come. However by this course, which the Emperor constantly held towards them, you may see, how unwilling he was to disturb the Peace, or to begin the War; and how inexcusable they were, that rejected so often the offers of ac­commodation.

23 But beside this, if I should relate the malice and contempt they used to him, you might well think they ought not to have expected the least degree of mercy from him, in case they should fall into his hands, as it hapned they did. For in all their publike Letters they vouch­safed him no other Title, then Charls of Gaunt, Surius in Chron. usurping the name of [Page 97] Emperor; whereby they renounced all obedience to him, and so far as in them lay, deposed him: Which was an indignity the meanest Prince of them all, would not have ac­counted sufferable in his own per­son. I must not forget, that the Landsgrave did usually, both by Letters and Messages, with no little bravery and confidence assure the Princes, and Towns of the League, that within three moneths they would force Charls to flie out of Germany, and leave the Empire to them. But how then did their pre­tences hang together? that this League was made onely se defen­dendo, and for their Lawful Pro­tection? Surely they aimed at some thing more, when they talked of expelling the Emperor out of Ger­many. As they also did when they solicited the Kings of France, Eng­land, Denmark, the Hans Towns, and Swisses, to joyn with them, and dishonorably abused him by many foul and infamous aspersions. It is true, France indeed, (though his [Page 98] enemy at that time) nobly denied them; Denmark lingred, expecting the success; neither was King Her­ry forward, though his great Coun­sellor, and Favorite, Cromwel, solli­cited their business diligently, and was so forward, as to promise an hundred thousand Crowns for their aid. At which time Doctor Thirlby, Bishop of Westminster, and Sir Philip Hobby, were the Kings Ambassadors with the Emperor, and by that occasion witnesses of the whole Tragedy.

24 And yet a little further, to dis­prove their proceedings by Law: Let us remember first the Decree at Worms above mentioned, which as Gail the Lawyer hath told us, in the case of publike Peace, obligeth all persons alike: Let us remember the Decree of Maximilian the First Emperor, about the year 1500. in these words, Consentientibus Sta­tuum & Ordinum votis, &c. By the general consent of the Princes and States of the Empire, an Edict or Constitution was published necessary [Page 99] for publike Peace, called in the Lan­guage of the Empire Landtfrieden. By which Constitution, Proscription or Banishment was adjudged to all such as disturbed the publike Peace by force of Arms; Gailius de Pace. lib. 1. c. 14. which Gail further ex­plains to this sense. Omnia Bella, &c. All War, saith he, made without con­sent of the Prince, and Commission from him, upon private revenge or quarrel onely, is adjudged unlawful. And Cap. 5. In crimen laesae Majesta­tis incurrit, &c. He commits high Treason, saith he, whosoever within the Empire raiseth Arms, but by the Emperors Authority and Commission; because he usurps to himself, that which is the proper Prerogative Imperial. Yea, Lib. 1. tit. 190. their own Goldastus confesseth it to be ancient Law, Nemo intra Imperii fines, &c. That no man pre­sume to gather Soldiers within the bounds of the Empire, but by consent of the Prince of that respective Circle where he is; and that he give suffici­ent Caution to the State, that he in­tends not to attempt any thing against the Emperor, or against any of the [Page 100] States of the Empire. Tom. 2. And in an­other place he alledgeth a Decree of Ludovicus Pius, against the King of the Romans and his Confede­rates, as guilty of High Treason, for attempting against the Empe­ror. The like also of Henry the First, against Arnulphus, Duke of Baviere, who rebelled against him; and of Otho the First, against Ludol­phus, King of the Romans; and last­ly, of Maximilian the First, against Emicho, Earl of Lingen, whom he proclaimed Traytor, confiscated his Lands and Estate, and gave them to other Princes of the Empire, onely for going to serve the French King in his Wars, though out of the Empire, contrary to his Proclama­tion. And as for the Imperial Towns, which confederated with these Princes, there is as little to be said for them: For it is a Maxim of Law, recorded by Gail, Ʋbi su­pra; that Civitatum Imperialium so­lus Imperator est dominus. That the Emperor onely is Lord of the Imperial Cities, and not their several Magi­strates: [Page 101] And that they pretended their Liberties in this case against the Emperor, to no purpose.

25 And for Luther, who was the pri­mum mobile, and cheif wheel of all these motions; or rather the malus Genius, that Fury which agitated the people, and stirred them up to all these disorders, if the Princes and Towns were thus guilty, he could not be innocent. If the Flock did erre, the Shepherd which led them, was to blame. I shall not here charge him again with any small faults, I will not accuse him of belying Caesar most impudently, when he wrote to his friend thus: Wormatiam ingressus sum. In Epist. I entred Worms, saith he, at a time, when I knew that Caesar would not keep Faith with me. Nor of his traducing or vilifying that most Fundamental Constitution of the Empire in Au­reâ Bullâ, making it one of the cheif miracles which Antichrist was to work, viz. The translating of the Empire from the Greeks to the French, in the person of Carolus [Page 102] Magnus, Turesel. Epitom. lib. 6. p. 204. which was done by Pope Leo the Third: Nor of his usurp­ing upon the Emperor and Tempo­ral Governm [...]nt, in those pretended Laws of his which he published, con­cerning the Publike Exchequer; and how he would have Church-Lands and Abby-Lands to be dis­posed, when he and the Princes should be Masters of all. It shall be enough, that I say, He first counsel­led the Princes to take Arms, and oppose Caesar in his quarrel; and this Sleydan himself acknowledg­eth. And that all his Preaching, and all his endeavors were to over­throw the Ecclesiastical Electors, whose Dignities and Estates being established by the Aureâ Bullâ, it was Treason, or Sedition in the highest degree so to do. The three Ecclesia­stical Electors, are three Chancelors of the Empire, and in respect of their Regalities, immediately sub­ject to the Emperor; so as there li­eth no appeal from them to the Pope, but to the Emperor, and Chamber at Spires. Luther there­fore [Page 103] contriving their ruine, attempt­ed treacherously to pull the fairest Flowers out of the Imperial Crown. Neither could he effect the suppression of them, but he must undermine and endanger the State of the Temporal Electors also; who, as links of the same chain, must necessarily have faln to the ground upon the dissolution of the other; for they had no other ground, nor could plead any other Charter for their Dignities and Im­munities, then the Ecclesiasticks did.

26 Therefore, to draw towards a conclusion, concerning Luther and his practises, I shall adde one in­stance more of intolerable iniquity and arrogance, Cochlae. in Miscel. which Cochlaeus re­lates, either of Luther (as is most probable, for the Author appeared masked, and was Anonymus) or at least of some Lutheran, published upon these differences betwixt Caesar and the Princes. Atque ut ora eis obturem; And that I may stop their mouths for ever, saith he, they are to [Page 104] know, speaking of the Pope, Em­peror, and other Princes Catholike, That they are but Elective all of them, and that they may be deposed for their misgovernment, as hath been often­times done. This is very modest, in comparison of what follows; for having unto this Proposition added an Assumption, as full of calumnies and slanders, he concludes very Logically against Caesar thus: Hunc ego exactorem; Such an Op­pressor and Tyrant, as this, such a Moabite, such a Phalaris, such a Nero to drive him out of the Country, to pull him out of his Throne, cannot but be a thing most acceptable to God. How justly therefore may that sage Counsel of Mecaenas given to Augu­stus, be applied unto him, and those of his Gang; as the Historian re­lates it. Dio Cass. lib. hist. 52. Eos, qui in divinis aliquid in­novant, odio habe & coerce. They that introduce Innovations in the matters of Religion, detest, saith he, and be sure to restrain, not onely for the sake of the gods (whose honor yet whosoever neglecteth, doth seldom advance him­self [Page 105] much) but also for thy own: For such persons by bringing in of new opi­nions, and new customs concerning the gods, do very much disquiet the people, and make them desire change in the Affairs of State: Whence proceed Seditions, Conspiracies, Factions, and Tumults among them; all which, are things prejudicial to the Dignity of a Prince, and should be avoided. How true this is, Germany and these other parts of Christendom have been a sad example, for these hundred of years. And how justly it might be done, Luther himself will tell you as clearly as any man, if you con­sult him, when he is himself: For though he were a mad Doctor, yet he had his lucida intervalla, and could now and then discern Rea­son, especially when he declaimed against Sacramentaries and Ana­baptists; for then the Magistrate must do his office, and no man must complain. Neque is Sectarius, Enarrat. in Psalm 82. Tom. 3. f. 488. Wittemb. in quem animadvertitur per Magistra­tum, cogitur ad fidem. For, saith he, such a Sectary as is punished by the [Page 106] Civil Magistrate, is not compelled to the Faith, as they commonly pretend; but his impious and unsound Doctrine is suppressed, his blasphemous mouth stopped, and the danger of corrupting of better Christians, prevented. And therefore, Eat aliàs; Let him go, saith he, whether he will, let him go exercise his gifts among the Turks and Pagans, rather then abide here to corrupt Christians. And again, Nam ut saepe dixi: For as I have of [...]en told you, saith he, they that will live in any City, are bound to observe the Laws of the place; nor are they to be en­dured, who shall presume to do or speak any thing contrary thereunto: Yea, they may be stoned, as blasphemers were by the Law of Moses, and con­demned, Indictâ causâ & in auditâ. even without tryal: And if such a course had been taken with Muncer, Carolstad, and the rest of that Rabble, in the beginning, when they first began to publish their opini­ons privately, and without any la [...]ful calling, we had seen much less cala­mity in Germany at this day. Thus sharply and truly, Luther against [Page 107] them. But how is this evil Servant condemned by his own mouth! For is it lawful, and the duty of the Civil Magistrate to punish and restrain the Preaching of new un­sound Doctrines in Muncer, Carol­stad, and the rest of them; and shall it not be permitted to Caesar, to take the like legal course with him, doing the same things? He must needs perish by his own breath, and by the verdict which he gives against his adversaries, he draweth an Indictment against himself; un­der which we leave him, and pass on, to see what pranks our Masters of the Reformation played, upon the like principles or pretences, in the other parts of Christendom.

Titulus Secundus. CALVINISM: OR The Tumults in France.

1 I Leave Germany, and launch out into an Ocean of as great miseries in France, and enquire there, whether Calvinism doth any better dispose people to obedience (which is our grand quaere) then Lutheranism did. The first founder of this Sect was Huldericus Zuingli­us, whose followers Luther always called Sacramentaries, but now ge­nerally they have their title from Calvin; whose transcendency in evil, hath overshadowed the others glory, and is solely reverenced as the Patriarch and Architect of Genevah; that framed all her State [Page 109] and Discipline, and ordered the motions of her sphere with much art and policy. Luther was harsh and stern, using neither modesty nor good maners with men: Calvin was more cautelous and of a subtler spirit, appearing at first to the World in Humility, and covered with a Foxes skin. Luther was the first cause, but Calvin glorieth that he gave perfection to all. Both of them were vain glorious; both br [...]d in the Schools of Law and Contention; both special friends to the Flesh and to Pleasure, and nei­ther of them commended much for Piety or Devotion. For the descrip­tion of the Life and Conversation of Calvin, of his Nature, Behavior, Dyet, and general Epicurism, I re­fer you to one, that sat long by him to draw his Picture, and hath done it to the life. Hier. Bol­sec vita Calvin. It is Dr. Hierome Bolsec, one that was used to feel his pulse, and knew his humors. A man not hired, nor corrupted to do it; (as some have affirmed with­out any shew of proof, onely to [Page 110] weaken his testimony, and main­tain the credit of their Cal [...]pha) and who in the beginning maketh a most serious, yea, Religious Pro­testation of Truth and Candor in the business. Baldwin Apolog. Francis Baldwin, a man that lived long with Calvin, and knew well what blood ran in all his veins, concurreth with him: So doth Florimundus de Raemund, De ortu & pro­gress He­resium. a French Gentleman of eminent qua­lity: Claudius de Sainctes, Bishop of Eureux, and others; not to men­tion any Lutherans. These have all left us lively Images of Calvin, and of his Successor at Genevah; the fine Mr. Theodore Beza, who could as easily usurp another mans Wife, Pantal. in vitâ ejus. as an other mans Parish, and was ever more in Love, then in Charity, as they that knew him well, say. But I intend not to meddle here with their lives or vertues; nor yet with any of their School points and Doctrines, which I leave to the more learned to discuss. That which I shall insist upon here, shall be according to my principal pur­pose [Page 111] to deliver their seditious Para­doxes, and shew unto the World, how much their new refined do­ctrine doth derogate from Royalty, and that sovereign Authority which belongeth unto a [...]l Kings, Princes, and States, rightly consti­tuted; and how much it favoreth the worst of Governments, that is, Pure Democraty or Popularity. And I shall begin with Calvin, who goeth more slily and cunningly to work, nothing so rudely and blunt­ly as Luther.

2 First therefore, for the reputation of his Consistory or Sanhedrim, at Genevah, he labors to d [...]base Mo­narchy, and to prefer Aristocracy before it, Non id quidem per se; Instit. lib. 4. c. 20. sect. 10. Not in it self (forsooth, as if he had been very tender of the Rights of Kings) but by reason of mens natural corrup­tion. Quia rarissime contingit; Be­cause it is seldom seen, saith he, that Princes can govern their Passions so well, or are so wise and prudent, as th [...]y ought to be, to uphold good Government. So he makes it a rare thing, to finde [Page 112] a wise and moderate King; and so concludes from a general defect, which he supposeth in Kings, that it is best f [...]r many joyntly, and not one alone absolutely to command. For, saith he, where many govern, one supply [...]th the d [...]fects of another, both in point of Counsel and Justice. This was his way (politick and plausible enough) to prepare the hearts of his people at Genevah to the Disci­pline, which he intended for th [...]m. For you must know, the Genevians had now ejected their Bishop, who was also their Sovereign Prince, and had been so ever since the time of Frederick the First. Bodin de Rep. So that their Monarchy was newly changed into a popular State, yet governed Ari­stocratically; which Calvin there­fore smooths unto the people by such Reasons, as it concerned him to do, this change being as the First-fruits of his new Gospel in that City. So having given this first blow to Monarchy (though therein he seems to forget, that himself was born at Noyon,) and finding himself [Page 113] safe at Genevah, he proceeds; and to prevent your objection in behalf of Monarchy, That Kings, have al­ways grave and wise Counsellors to advise them, and to supply their defects, in case themselves be weak, he gives his resolution elsewhere. Kings, saith he, Com­ment. in Dan. 11.26. make choice of such men for their Counsellors, as can best fit their humors and accommodate them­selves to their appetites in the ways of cruelty and deceit. So he makes them little better by having Counsellors, and stains the reputation of Coun­sellors themselves with a scandal intolerable. Daniel. But Chap. 2. v. 39. he is yet more passionate: They are, saith he, out of their wits, quite void of sense and understanding, who desire to live under Sovereign Monarchies; for it cannot be, but order and policy must decay, where one man holds such an extent of Government. Yea, Chap. 5. v. 25. Kings, saith he, oftentimes for­get they are men, a [...]d of the same mould with others. They are stiled Dei Gratia, but to what sense or purpose, save onely to shew, they acknowledge [Page 114] no Superior o [...] Earth? yet under co­lour of this, they will trample upon God with their feet; so that it is but an a­buse and fallacy, when they are so stiled. Which is a pretty descant, (is it not?) upon Dei Gratiâ; and there­fore, Voila, saith he, See what the rage and madness of all Kings is, with whom it is an ordinary and common thing to exclude God from the Govern­ment of the W [...]rld. And this he writ, not in quality of a Statesman, but of a Divine; in that master-peice of his, his Institutions: and in his Commentaries upon Scripture he de­livereth these dangerous Positions, as matters of Doctrine and of Dis­cipline, to be generally received by all; and makes a Nebuchadnezzar of all Kings: But rather out of his own spleen, then out of his Text, by his good leave. For to what purpose can such expressions tend, but to disgrace Scepters, and to scandalize all Governments, that are not framed according to his own mould?

3 And therefore, Chap. 6. v. 25. in [Page 115] Daniel, h [...] chargeth them directly. Darius, saith he, will condemn by his example all those that profess them­selves at this day, Catholike Kings, Christian Kings, and Defenders of the Faith; and yet do, not onely de­face and bury all true Piety and Reli­gion, but corrupt and deprave the whole worship of God. This indeed is work for the Cooper, not by a Mar-Prelate, but a Mar-Prince. The most Christian King must be new Catechised; he that is Catholike, must be taught a new by an Unca­tholike, that is, a private spirit; and the Defender of the Faith, must have a new Faith given him to defend, by this great Prophet Cal­vin: And so by a new Model all the old Religion of the Church, and all the Laws of State concern­ing it, must be abolished. Thus doth Calvin presume to reform Kings and Government, and pretends to build an Ark (but it is of his own head) to save the World, having dreamt, that otherwise it must pe­rish by a deluge of Ignorance, Im­piety, [Page 116] and Superstition; of whom it may be truly said, Plusquam reg­nare videtur. He must be much more then a Prince himself, who thus pre­sumes to play the Aristarchus, and cen­surer of Princes. And that he may not seem to come short of Luther his Predecessor, in any degree of im­modesty, Les Rois (Chap. 6. v. 3, 4.) sont presque tous; These Kings, saith he, are in a maner all of them a com­pany of Block-heads, and brutish persons; as wilde and ungoverned as their Horses, preferring their Bawds and their Vices, above all things whatsoever. Yet did he write this in an age, when to say but truth, the Princes of Christendom were not so extreamly debauched. Lewis the Twelfth, Francis the First, and Henry the Second of France, have left a better fame of themselves to Posterities, then this: So have Maxi­milian the First, and Charls the Fifth, Emperors in Germany. Henry [...]he Eighth of England, degenerated onely in his latter times, and not till he was corrupted by some prin­ciples [Page 117] of this Reforming Liberty: In his children, Edward the Sixth there was much hope at least, and in Queen Mary much vertue. In Scotland reigned James the Fifth, and two Maries, that might be ca­nonized for their merits: And for Castile, and Portugal, their Kings never flourished more for Govern­ment, Greatness, encrease of State, Plenty, Peace, then in those times. What could his meaning then be, to censure them all so much for stupidity and vice, but to breed a contempt of Kings, and to induce people, that live under Free States, to despise and hate them; and their own people to cast of their Govern­ment, and procure their Liberties at all adventures? especially under the cloak of Religion; for at this he driveth altogether, as knowing well, That in popular and tumul­tuary States he should prevail more, then where men of wisdom, and discerning judgements sit at the Helm. And as Zuinglius before him had found, That he could not [Page 118] induce Francis the First to favor him, so Calvin well perceived that Kings, and Dei grat [...]á, would be al­ways blocks in his way. Therefore he is willing to remove them, so far as he can, out of the way, that they may not impeach the current of his Pr [...]achings; and to that end, tells them in plain terms, Dan. 6.22. Abdicant se potestate; Princes deprive them­selves of a [...] power, when they oppose God; and it is better in such case to spit [...]n the [...]r faces, then to obey them: Which irreverence yet he never learned from the example of any Apostle or Prophet. There is a re­spect due to the persons of Princes, even when they forget their office, if we be not much mistaken.

4 Doctor Bilson labors much to save Calvins credit in this business with Princes, and to expound the words in some tolerable sense: Christians subject to Anti­christs Rebellion. He says, Calvin speaketh not a word of depriving Princes, or resisting him with Arms. That by Abdicant se he means not, they loose their Crowns, but their power to com­mand [Page 119] unlawful things (a fine gloss, they loose a power, which they never had) but in lawful things they retain their power still. The phrase Conspuere, he confesseth to be harsh, and that the comparison was urged by him in vehem [...]nt words, yet is willing to excuse them. But as to the first plea, it is wholly im­pertinent, For what though he use not the words of deprivation and res [...]stance, are therefore the words he useth, excusable? to speak too plainly had been to erre too palpa­bly, which stood not with Calvins craftiness. Beside, what was Daniels defence, which he urgeth, it was onely in Humility, Patience, and Prayer? It was not after the violent fashion of Genevah, he did not spit in Nebuchadonozors face, nor tell him, he was unworthy to live. And for the second, Abdicant se, what means he that Kings do loose? not their Crowns, but onely their Power to Command. Speak plain English, and be clear: You confess the King looseth his Power to Command, but [Page 120] you adde obscurely in these things, meaning in matters of Religion; for so it must be understood, though you cast a cloak over the words, and cover the matter. But I d [...]sire to know, what is a Kings Crown without power to com­mand: He that teacheth, they loose their Royal Power, doth he not say as much as that they forfeit it? and if they forfeit it, who may chal­lenge and take the forfeiture of such a Crown? But by such Lectures and Doctrines as these, doth not Calvin plainly enough arm the Subjects against the Prince, when they revolt for Religion? And is not this the very ground of all the Combustion, and Civil Wars in France? Yea, but in other things lawful, Princes retain their power. First, these are not Calvins words, but Doctor Bilsons, who writes and lives under a Monarchy. Calvins words are indifinite, Abdicant se potestate: They deprive themselves of the power they have, without ex­ception or limitation; absolutely, [Page 121] not after a sort; in all things, not in some particular; for altogether, not for some time onely, and then to be restored: For Princes, once dispossessed, seldom recover their hold again. Secondly, what Court or Magistrates shall take cognizance and determine, wherein Kings loose their power, and wherein not? who shall judge and decide the difference between the matters lawful and unlawful, that you speak of? Though, as I say, Calvins own words import no such restriction at all; which doth plainly appear by his harsh phrase (as you call it) of spitting in his face, that is, to defie them openly, and to contemn them and their acts, according to your own interpretation. But this, you say, is far from Rebellion; true, but not from Treason. And therefore though he teach not the one, yet he may teach the other. Extenuate the words, as much as you can, yet they will be really heinous and sediti­ous: For he that holdeth a King is not worthy to be, or to live among [Page 122] men, doth he not sufficiently ex­communicate him from his Govern­ment? As for your Insurgunt contra Deum, it is a stale and Arbitrary pretext, and serves onely to make them odious under a feigned charge of impiety; it convinceth nothing but much impudence and malice in the objectors, who should first learn to be vertuous themselves, before they charge vice so freely upon o­thers, especially Princes: A thing which they never yet were, in any kinde, that the World knoweth. To conclude, this you grant in effect, That if the King of Babylon threa­tens Daniel with punishment, in case he will not worship his Idol; or the King of France commands his Sub­jects to obey the Laws, and com­municate at the Altar of the Church, in both cases alike abdicant se potestate; the Kings loose their power, and Subjects ought not to obey them, but rather to spit in their faces. And this was the rea­son why Doctor Al [...] obje [...]ted it to Calvin, as seditious Doctrine; and [Page 123] Doctor Bilson well knoweth, that seditious Doctrines are not so dain­ty at Genevah. For there it was, that in hatred of th [...]ee Queen Ma­ries of England and Scotland, that Calvin first set a broach that more then seditious Paradox against Gy­nocraty, or the Government of Wo­men; and by instruction and ex­ample from him, Knox and Goodman afterward published their several Books of that subject. Look but upon the History of Scotland, Print­ed by Wautroller, Page 213. and you will finde, that Knox Apologized for all his practises from the autho­rity and judgement of Calvin, viz. That it was lawful for Subjects to re­form Religion, when Princes will not.

5 And that Calvins opinion in the point, may be yet more manifested, the practises of his darling and Scholar, Master Theodore Beza, must be considered; who perfectly un­derstood his Doctrine, and did no less bravely put it in execution. In the Preface to his Translation of the New Testament, which he maketh [Page 124] to Queen Elizabeth, he writeth thus. Quo die (Scil. 19. Decemb.) Ʋpon which day, Anno 1564. saith he, two years s [...]nce, the Nobility and Gentlemen of France, under the command of his Excellency, the Prince of Conde, being assisted with Your Majesties Auxiliaries, and some others from the Princes of Ger­many, laid the first foundation of the true Reformed Religi [...]n in France, with their own blood. This, I hope, Master Bilson himself will confess to be Rebellion; yet Beza justifieth it openly, yea, glorieth, that himself was not an accessory, but a princi­pal in the business. For after he had commended some other good ser­vices of this nature, which the Re­forming Parties had done at Meaulx, Orleans, &c. He concludes, Id quod eò libentiùs testor; Which I speak, saith he, the more freely, be­cause I my self, as it pleased God, was present at most of those Counsels and Actions. It is true, there be some that would excuse even this Action of Conde, and the Hugonots, pre­tending, it was not against the King, [Page 125] but against an evil Counseller, and to deliver themselves from the op­pression of one, who abused the Kings youth: That same one was the Duke of Guise, who being him­self a stranger, say they, and hating the Nobility of France, on purpose to oppress them of the Reformed Religion, and to set the Crown on his own head, in case the King should die, armed himself into the Field, &c. That thereupon the N [...] ­bles of France perceiving his mali­cious designs, viz. To murder and destroy so many innocents, took up Arms to defend themselves against such a Tyrant. That, for the Kings consent it was not to be expected, nor, as the case stood, much to be regarded, seeing he was in the hands of the Guises; and had nei­ther age to discern, nor freedom to deny, nor power to execute the Law. Lastly, say some, Beza teach­eth obedience to Magistrates in his Book De confess. fid. very largely, Cap. 5. Sect. 45. and prescribeth no other remedy to private persons oppressed by a Ty­rant, [Page 126] but prayers and tears to amend their lives. Touching the first point, the Apologists will seem confident, that this Battle of D [...]eux was nei­ther against Law, nor the King; and yet afterward confess, that they un­derstand not the Law of France▪ nor the Circumstances of the War. So they pretend certainty in a matter, wherein they have not Science; which is to beat themselves with their own weapon. But was indeed that War neither against the King, nor the Law? Assuredly against them both, as will appear by the Laws of Charls the Eighth, 1487. of Francis the First, 1532. of Francis the Second, 1560. at Fountain Bleau, which I shall cite hereafter in the case of Rochel and Montauban. Se­condly, it is certain, that Battle was not in King Francis his time, but in the Reign of Charls the Ninth: And after the death of King Fran­cis, all men not unacquainted with the proceedings of that time, know full well, that the House of Guise did bear no sway at Court; the [Page 127] Duke was made, as it were, a stran­ger to the State, the Queen-Mother, the King of Navar, and the Con­stable sate at the stern, and ruled all. Therefore it is not true, that the King was in captivity under the faction of Guise; nor true, that the Duke armed himself into the Field, for the Constable commanded in cheif; he and the Marshal of Saint Andrews, were the Kings Lieute­nants, and had the Kings Commis­sions to warrant what they did. The Duke of Guise lead onely the Rear of the Army; Mons. Lanow's discourses Mons. Mauvis­sier. Com­ment. and though it were his fortune to stand master of the Field, and to win the day, yet he had not any charge in the Battle, but onely of his own Companies. Thirdly, Neither did the Princes of Bourbon take arms onely to de­liver themselves from the oppre sion of Guise: For if it were so, why did they not lay down, when they saw, not the Duke of Guise, but the Constable Montmorency coming against them, armed no less with the Kings Authority, then with [Page 128] his Forces, to chastize them as Re­bels. The Constable was a man, a­gainst whom they could pretend nothing; he was the Honor of the Admirals House, the Admirals Kinsman, and his great friend, e­specially when he was prisoner at Melun, by commandment of Henry the Second: He was now the Kings Vicegerent in the Field, why did they not reverence him? yea, why did they themselves begin the fight? why did they first affront and assail the Kings Army? This therefore is but matter of meer pretext; for Beza himself confesseth plainly, This Field was fought to restore or establish their pretended Religion. Ʋbi supra. Fourthly, Neither is it true, that the Duke of Guise is a stranger in France. Is he a stranger in France, who is descended clearly from the Stock and Line of Charlemaign, who is no stranger in France, I wis? Is he a stranger in France, who is a Peer of France, and Cosin-German to the Prince of Conde, their Pro­tector? whose own Mother was An­tonietta, [Page 129] Princess of Bourbon? whose Ancestors have enjoyed the greatest Offices and Honors in the Court of France? Neither, may we forget the great services they have done for the Crown of France, at Rome, at Metz, Verdun, Theonville, and at Calice especially, in a time when all Fran [...]e was in mourning, and distress too, for the loss which Monsieur the Admiral had received at St. Quintins. Lastly, that dream, viz. That the Duke should aspire to the Crown, is the pitifullest of all, a meer fable taken out of the Legend of Lorrain, and other Libels of that time. For how many Walls of Brass were betwixt him and it? The King himself yong, his Bro­thers yonger; their Mother living, the King of Navar their trusty and Noble Friend, with the whole No­bility of France, as they themselves acknowledge: Was it not then a likely object for such a Strangers pretensions?

6 It being then apparently false, That the King was in the hands, [Page 130] that is, under the power of Guise; let us consider the last Proposition, viz. That the Kings Commission, which the Constable had, and the Prince wanted, and fought against at the Battle of Dreux, was not much to be regarded, because at that time the King had neither age to discern, nor liberty to deny, &c. As for Liberty, it is answered alrea­dy. And for age, what if the King wanted age naturally, in his politick capacity he did not. We are to know, a King hath two bodies, or his person may be considered under a double capacity, that of Nature, and that of Policy. His Body po­litick, as it never dieth, so it is never defective of Authority or Directi­on. The acts of the Body politick be not abated by the Natural bodies access: The Body politick is not disabled to govern by the non-age of the natural. See 26. Lib. Assis. Placit. 24. where, by Justice Thorps judgement, the gift of a King is not defeated by his non-age. In the Book of Assis. tit. droit. placit. 24. [Page 131] Anno 6. Ed. 3. for a Writ of Right brought by Edward the Third, of a Manor, as Heir to Richard the First, the exception of non-age against the King was not admitted. For though the Natural body dieth, yet the Body politick (which magni­fieth and advanceth the quality of the Natural) is not said to die. So 4. Eliz, The Leases of the Dutchy made by Edward the Sixth, were re­solved by all the Judges to be good, though made in the Kings minori­ty. So though the Kings Body natural, cannot discern or judge, yet that disableth not the King, that the acts of his Minority ordered by his Counsel and the Regent, should be of no validity; which their own Hottoman in his France-Gallia might have taught them. And let them resolve us, whether the Coun­sel and State of England would take it well, if a Catholike should affirm (as he might do, much more truly,) that the change of Religion made by Edward the Sixth, was not warrantable, being done in his Mi­nority, [Page 132] and when he had neither age to discern what he did, nor li­berty to discern any thing to the Protector, and Northumberland, in whose hands he was. If you ap­prove not this Argument, why do you disallow the same plea for the Authority of the King of France? was the age of the one a Bar in Law, and not in the other? or was the one an absolute King, and not the other? was King Edwards con­sent sufficient to authorize his Un­cles doings, and was King Charls his consent insufficient, and nothing worth to authorize the Constable with his Army to pursue and punish their Army of Rebels? Be­za's opinion therefore In c [...]nfess. fid. is much contrary to what he al­loweth and commendeth here. For if there be no other remedy, but preces and lachrymae for private per­sons against the oppressions of a Tyrant, he betrayed the Admiral and the Prince very foully, to bring them into the fields of Dreux, to fight against the King for Religion. [Page 133] Doctor Bilson hath taken up some­where one notable singularity to excuse the Prince of Conde, viz. That he was not an absolute Sub­ject of France, ought not simple sub­jection to the Crown; Ergo, might lawfully do something more then others. But it argueth such a gross ignorance in the Laws of France, and in the state of that Prince, that it deserveth more to be pitied, then answered. Neither could it help the Admiral, who had no other Protection then that of his Sword, nor Priviledge, but from his new Religion.

7 But because that smooth professi­on of Beza above mentioned, is so much insisted on, and cunningly used, as it were, to cast a mist before the eyes of an unwary Reader, it will be necessary to clear that busi­ness a little further, by letting you see the man himself in more pro­per colours, as in relation to this point. First, therefore read his Po­sitions and Catechism of Seditions, viz. That Book of his called Vin­diciae [Page 134] contra Tyrannos: There act­ing the part of Junius Brutus (a Noble Roman indeed, but great enemy of Kings) he propounds in the first place this Question, Whe­ther Subjects be bound to obey their Kings, when they command contrary unto Gods Law, and re­solveth presently, Pag. 22. We must obey Kings for Gods sake, when they obey God: But otherwise, Pag. 24. we are absolved; For as the Vassal, saith he, looseth his Fief or Lordship, if he commit Felony; so doth the King loose his Right, and his Realm also, viz. By commanding contrary un­to Gods Law: Which considering that Gods Law is onely as they themselves shall think good to in­terpret it, is dang [...]rous enough. But Pag. 65. he is more notable. Con­spiracy, saith he, is go [...]d or ill, accord­ing as the end is, at which it aimeth: Which is a most pernicious Maxim, and a Doctrine fit for nothing but to encourage Ruvillac, Poltrot, or some such villanous assassinate to his desperate work, or to be a buck­ler [Page 135] to the Conspirators at Ambois. So Pag. 66. The Magistrates, saith he, or any one part of the Realm may resist the King, being an Idolater, as Lobna revolted from Joram, when he forsook God. And Pag. 132. The Go­vernment of the Kingdom is not given to the King alone, but also to the Officers of the Realm. And again, Pag. 103. The Kings of France, saith he, Spain and England, are crowned, and put, as it were, into p [...]ssession of their charge by the States, Peers, and Lords, which represent the people. And Pag. 199. There is a stipulation in all Kingdoms Hereditary: As in France, when the King is crowned, the Bishops of Beau­vois and Loan ask the people, if they desire and command, This man shall be King. What if they do? it is no argument, that the people do there­fore chuse him to be King (for his Kingdom is confessed already to be Hereditary, and so the Succession de­termined by Law;) much less that they make him such. It is an accep­tation onely, not an election; a de­claration of their willing Subjecti­on, [Page 136] Obedience, and Fidelity to­wards him, and nothing else, as you may be well informed out of Fran­cis Rosselets Ceremonies at the Con­secration or Inauguration of the Kings of France. Was there ever an Assembly of Estates held to conse­crate or elect a King of France? or do the Kings of France count the time of their Reign from their In­auguration onely, and not from their entrance? was not Charls the Seventh full Eight years King of France, before he was crowned, as the French Historians themselves re­port? Gaguin. Giles. or think you, that the Peers are Ephori? No, they are Pares inter se, but not Companions to the King. They are not States, as in Holland, to rule and direct all Affairs: For in France and England all the Au­thority depends upon the Kings; and what is the State, but the Au­thority of the Prince? Who onely by his Letters Patents createth Peers, disposeth all Offices, giveth all Honors, receiveth all Homages in cheif, as being the sole Foun­tain [Page 137] from whence springeth both Nobility and Authority: And he that would either restrain this So­vereignty within any narrower bounds, or communicate it to o­thers, makes no difference between the Crown of a King, and the Ber­rette of a Duke of Venice. Many other Maxims and Rules he hath of this nature, fit for nothing but to introduce Anarchy, and confusion in the World; most of them false, all of them dangerous: Vails onely to cover the ugly faces of Sedition and Treason; because in their pro­per shapes, no man living can abide to see them.

8 I might here travel, and weary you further, with as much good stuff out of his Book De Jure Magi­stratus; for his it is, as most men think, or else Hottomans, who was his Comrade. But I shall leave them both; for indeed they touch the string of Sovereignty with too rough a hand; yea, rather they strain to break it, if they could, by such gross and misinterpretable [Page 138] Paradoxes; as when they say, The States are above the King; that is, the Body above the Head: As if any man could seriously make it a question, whether people should be commanded by the Master, or by some of their fellow-servants, by the Subject, or by the Sovereign, by the Prince of Conde, and the Admi­ral, or by their Lawful King and Sovereign, King Charls. And there­fore had King Philip good reason to cut off the head of that Justice of Arragon, upon a just occasion, and to teach the people by example, what the true meaning was of Nos qui podemos tanto come vos. All which Paradoxes, it were easie to refel, but that I have undertaken onely to discover, and not to combate: And because they are both learnedly and piously confuted already by Barclay, Baurican, and Blackwood. Onely by the way I shall desire you to observe, how politickly they go to work. They profess not openly and absolutely any desire to change the State, or to depose Kings. But [Page 139] this they do, They labor by insi­nuation, first to breed some dislike of Monarchs in the mindes of peo­ple, and to shew how inconvenient it is, for such an infinite multitude and variety of people to depend upon the Edicts of one man. This being done, they know it is then easie, and they may much better advance the authority of inferior Magistrates; and by them, embold­ned by such degrees to contest at last, and jar with their Superiors, under a pretence of Reforming a­buses, and pulling down Idolatry, they become able to pull down Kings themselves, and to level the Creators; that is to say, the cheif Authors, and origin of all lawful Power exercised in their respective Kingdoms, with the most inferior Creatures themselves, upon whom it should be exercised. And after this, they are sure, their Consistories and Elders must rule all, be Judges both of Clergy and Law, Councel and King: They must be hencefor­ward the onely Rabbies, and from [Page 140] their onely Sanbedrim or Genevian Consistory, must the Oracles of all Government be fetcht both for Church and Kingdom. Neither can I forget how irreverently Euse­bius Philadelphus (viz. Master Theo­dore Beza disguised) used his Sove­reign King Charls in his other Book of Reveille Matin, where usually he calls the King Tyrant, and of his name, Charls Valois, makes this Anagram Chasseur Desloyal, that is, neither more nor less, Perfidious Hunter, or Persecutor, chuse you whether. Read his rimes and scan­dalous reproaches of the Queen-Mother, himself being a fugitive, for more crimes then one, deserved­ly most infamous. Peruse the For­ty Articles recorded in that Book, for the better advancing of sediti­ous Government: For example, Art. 25. All Generals and Com­manders in cheif, must observe the Ecclesiastical Discipline ordained by their Synods. Art. 40. They are bound never to disarm, so long as their Religion is persecuted (as [Page 141] they call it) by the King. This is the patience of those Saints: But what is become of their Preces & lachrymae in the mean time? That pretending to reform the World, are so little masters of their own Passions. But in Article fourteen and fifteen, their spirits and designs appear in their bravery, aiming at no less, then the utter overthrow of the King; and extirpation of the whole family of Valois, as any man may perceive that reads them. These were those Holy Articles of Bearn, Anno 1574. so much talked of over all France, coyned with Beza's own stamp, and at Melion dispersed, and communicated to their inferior Moschees, all the King­dom over, to the intent, as they ex­presly avowed, That they might make war more strongly against their Ene­mies, (who were no other but the King, and whole State of France,) and [...]ill it should please God, say they, to turn the heart of the Tyrant; that is, of the French King, their Natural and Lawful Sovereign. [Page 142] About the same time also was fram­ed and published by their Emissa­ries, that libellous life of Catharine de Medices Queen-Mother, Franco-Gallia, the Tocsan of Massacreurs, together with that fine-piece men­tioned b [...]fore, called the Legend of Lorrain. For this is very observable, and it is an honor which the House of Guise hath had a long time, that no man ever professed himself an Enemy to the Church of God in France, but he was likewise at dead­ly feud with them.

9 All which proceedings were so notorious and unexcusable in those times, that even their fellow Pro­testants here in England; those, I mean, of better note and more moderated judgement do acknow­ledge them with dislike. The Pro­testants of the French Church, saith Doctor Sutcliff, Answ: to a Lib. suppl. for thirty years toge­ther taught violent Reformation by the Nobility, people, and private persons. And again, Beza, saith he, in his Book De jure Magistratus, doth arm the Subject against the Prince, and in [Page 143] effect overthroweth the Authority of Christian Kings and Magistrates. And the Book Vindiciae contra Tyrannos gives power, saith he, not onely to re­sist, but to kill the King, if he impugn Gods true Religion. The same also is affirmed by the late Archbishop of Canterbury, Doctor Bancroft, in the Survey of Discipline, but most copi­ously and at large in the Book of Dangerous Positions, especially about Pag. 192. & seq. To these I may adde Francis Baldwin, a famous Lawyer of France, who lived a long time with Calvin at Genevah, and knew all their proceedings very well. Mirabar, saith he, Respons. ultim. ad Jo. Cal­vin. I wondred a long while, whether your fiery Apo­stle (viz. Theodore Beza) would tend, who in his Sermons here so much ex­tolled that fact of the Levites running up and down the Tents of Israel, Exod. 32. and slaying every man his Brother that had committed Idolatry: But I hear now, that your self are not much satisfied with such Ministers. And again, Pag. 128. Leviora sunt isia, All this is nothing, saith he, in comparison of [Page 144] that which follows. For now men make war even upon the dead; The Statues, the Sepulchres, the very bones and bodies of Martyrs, Princes, &c. scape not their barbarous hands; Cities are sacked, Churches robbed and spoiled, &c. Which Beza is so far from excusing, that he justifieth them rather, and professeth to his Friend Christopher Thret [...]s, Epist. 40., That for his part he hath no thoughts of peace, that is, that if such outrages and villanies should cease, Nisi de ellatis host [...]bus, until the [...]nemies (so he calls the Kings Army, and all the Catho­likes of France with them) be totally subdued. But we ought not to won­der at it: It is Morbus innatus, to all Sacramentaries, a disease bred in their bones, that is, in the very vi­tals and entrails of their cause, to be seditious, and dangerous to their Princes. Zuinglius, their Patriarch, first taught them the Lesson, who Tom. 1. of his works, Art. 2. deli­vers this for an Oracle, viz. That Reges quandò perfidè & extra regu­lam Christi egerint, &c. When Kings [Page 145] break Faith with their people, and do otherwise then the rule of Christ di­rects them (which rule themselves will onely interpret.) Possunt cum Deo deponi; They may be deposed with right good Conscience. Doctor Bilson is here again entangled, and trou­bles himself and his Reader not a little to finde som Apology for this Paradox. I undertake not, saith he, first, To defend each mans several opi­nion: Wisely spoken. Secondly, They may be deposed, saith he, when they advance ungodliness, as Saul was. May they so? where is the Samuel, the Prophet extraordinarily, and on purpose sent from God, that shall do it? may the people do it? No, saith he, blushing, or afraid to affirm that, and therefore seems to leave it as a priviledge, or a matter reserved to the judgement of the Elders. But Zuinglius himself deals more plainly, and tells you, Art. 42. and 43. who shall do it. Cum suffragiis & consensu totius aut ma­joris, &c. When, saith he, such a Ty­rant is deposed by consent of all, or [Page 146] the major part of the people, it is well done, and as God would have it. There­fore in his Epistle to Conradus Son­nius, Lib. 4. p. 868. he professeth, That obedience or respect, is due unto Caesar, onely upon condition, viz. That he permits them entire Liberty of Religion; which yet is more then the Luthe­rans themselves, their pretended Brethren, will do: Otherwise, saith he, it should be sin in them, and make them guilty before God to obey him. Thus boldly doth a Minister of Sedition take upon him to de­termine, whether, and upon what terms a Sovereign Prince, yea, the supream and cheif of all Christian Princes, shall either hold his Digni­ty, or be dethroned. If Caesar will be wise, and advised by them, they will obey; otherwise, they not onely may with Justice, but are ob­liged to take a course with him. To which end, and that they might be ready, when time and opportu­nity should serve their turn, to put such Doctrine in execution, in his Epistle to them of Ʋlm, Lib. 4. p. 196. one of the [Page 147] Imperial, or free Cities of Germany, as they are called; he adviseth the fraternity of Ministers there, very properly, viz. That they remember by little and little, warily, and by de­grees, Detrahere personam Imperio Romano, &c. To pull of this vizor of the Roman Empire from their Au­ditory, and make them see, what a folly it is for them to acknowledge a Roman Empire in the midst of Ger­many, which is not regarded at Rome it self. Could there be a project devised more wretchedly dangerous and disloyal, then this, against the Emperor? O the depths of Hereti­cal malice and treachery! They must do it, not suddenly, not openly, not all at once, (for that were to spoil all,) but sensim, paulatim, prudentèr, now a little, and then a little, as the people shall appear capable of such Counsels, and the poyson of Rebellious suggestions shall be most likely to be received, and to work upon them. Certainly a most plain and full discovery of the Re­forming Design; and by it the Princes [Page 148] and all States of Europe may see, what they are to expect from that sort of people, when they have once given them power enough to pull their Superiors down.

10 Having thus declared the Princi­ples and Apliorisms of this great Triumvirate of the French Church, viz. Zuinglius, Calvin, and Beza, those Ecclesiastical Tribunes of the people, and Ring-leaders of Rebel­lion; I am now to make it appear also ex effectis, or by the evident practise of such principles, That Genevah is, and hath been a School of Rebellion to all these parts of Christendom, and a Seminary in particular of all the Civil Wars in France. Neither shall I blot their names with any false aspersions: For as their practise is the best Commentary of their Positions and Writings; so it is the best tryal of their Loyalty, and can give in best evidence, whether they be (as they will yet pretend, and seem to be) good Patriots, and faithful Subjects. I shall shew both their first begin­nings, [Page 149] progress, and continuance, at this present time; and this so much as may be, in a method, or­dering their disorderly crimes un­der these general heads, viz. First, Their Conspiracies against the King: Secondly, Their Battles fought against the Kings Armies and Officers: And thirdly, Their horrible Outrages and Villanies committed, incomparable for cru­elty, and incredible for disloyalty.

11 The first of their Conspiracies taken notice of, was that of Am­bois; there they began the Scene of their Tragedy, on this maner. At an Assembly they had at Nantes, in the year 1560. certain of the Cal­vinists conspired among themselves to seize the Kings person, and sur­prize the Court; to apprehend the two principal of the Guises, upon an accusation, That they sought to invade and possess themselves of the Crown, and thereby to ruine the Princes of the Blood, and to sup­press Religion. This being secretly, yet upon great deliberation con­cluded [Page 150] by them in the Moneth of January, was to be executed the Tenth of March following, at Blois. The cheif of the Conspiracy was Godfrey de Barry, sirnamed de Re­naudy: By this man it was impart­ed to the Prince of Conde, who dis­liked it not, but onely wished it could be executed in some form of Law. While they stood thus at De­murrer, the business hapned to be strangely, and beside all their ex­pectation discovered; first, by a Secretary of the Cardinal of Lor­rains, afterward by more perfect Intelligence and Information from Cardinal Granvellan, out of the Low Countries. Whereupon the King suddenly removing to Ambois, the Conspirators were disappointed, both of time and place; so as the forces which they had levied and appointed for that exploit, wan­dered up and down for some while without any Commander in Cheif appearing, and were in a short space after, most of them apprehended and gathered up by the Duke of [Page 151] Nemours his Troops; among others there were taken, the Baron of Castelnau, and Monsieur Pardillan. Mons. Castelnau Com­ment. Renaudy the General was slain, and some others executed. The Duke of Guise, in the mean time, provi­dently took order for the safety of the King, and the Court, and so assured himself of the person of the Prince of Conde, that he had not power to attempt any thing to their prejudice. He was afterwards committed upon this business, yea, condemned to loose his head: Yet nevertheless, Charls the Ninth, upon some politick Reasons of State, and because he was so neer a Kins­man, and a Prince of the Blood, not onely gave him enlargement, but, for his honor, and to assure his fidelity the more, if that had been possible, he acquitted him also, and declared him innocent of the Con­spiracy. This was the first attempt of the Calvinists for Religion, and Bonum Publicum. Their second should have been executed at Meaulx upon the person of Charls [Page 152] the Ninth, in the year 1567. But by the noble service of the Duke of Nemours, and of the Switzers, the King, though with some difficulty, escaped. Their purpose was here, as before, to have possessed them­selves of the Kings person, and of the Duke of Anjou his Brother, to have put the Queen-Mother with some others marked out, to death: but, as I said, by the valor and fide­lity of the Duke of Nemours, with the aid of the Switzers, they reco­vered Paris by a sudden flight in the night, and so were all saved: Onely the Cardinal of Lorrain (a person, whom they principally desired to entrap) was forced to take another way, yet he made shift to get pri­vately to Rhemes, and there died. A third was at St. Germans in lay against both King and Queen-Mo­ther; for which, although onely Mole and Coconas lost their heads, through the ill management of the business; yet were there so many heads and hands both, engaged in it, That it was matter of great [Page 153] trouble, disquiet, and danger unto France, for a long time after. And this onely of their Conspiracies, or of such Treacherous designs, as never went further then Inten­tion.

12 To inform you of their open and actual Rebellions in the Field, where they sought by force of Arms, and with the Sword in their hands, to compel the King to grant them what Liberty and Terms of Pacification they liked; we are first to call again to minde, that so fa­mous, and indeed furious Battle upon the Plains of Dreux, of which Beza formerly boasted, That the foundations of Reformed Religion in France were first laid, and as it were, consecrated therein. Let us remember also the Battle of Saint Dennis, the Battle of Jarnac, the Battle of Coutras, the Battle of Moncontour, together with the be­siedging of Roan; and how much, and Noble Blood was spilt in all these Actions. At Roan the King of Navar lost his life; at Saint Dennis [Page 154] the Constable was slain; at Jarnaec the Prince of Conde; and at Contras the Noble Duke of Joyeuse ended his days. Tho Fields are yet stained, France was let-blood too prodigal­ly, and strangers brought in, as Surgeons to launce her wounds, who have left behinde them, greater cause of Lamentation, then Re­membrance. At Moncentour, where the Admiral stood alone, as the sole Champion of the Reformed Churches. The Missa-pulta testified what their quarrel was, which by Beza's devise was advanced as a Ba­silisk, to beat down the Royal Standard of France, and the La­barum or Cross of Constantine.

13 Now as concerning the outrages, assassinations, and other mischeifs done and committed by these spi­rits of Reformation, yet pretend­ing nevertheless to be altogether innocent of Blood and Murther: Pol [...]rot in this Kalender must have the first place, for killing the Duke of Guise, who was the Kings Lieu­tenant General at that time, so [Page 155] basely and treacherously as he did; confessing, it afterward before the Queen-Mother, and avouching that Beza had both counselled and en­couraged him to the Action. After him, we may remember how the Protestants in Valentia used Signeut de la Motte Gondrin, the Kings Lieu­tenant in Daulphin, who had assured them, in case they would live peaceably and quietly with the Catholikes, he would bring none of the Kings Soldiers upon them; yet notwithstanding this, they as­sembled forces of their own pri­vately, surprized La Motte, and hung him up instantly in cold blood, without any provocation, save onely of their own malice; to shew their contempt of the King, and scorn of his Officers among them: Which was a villany not sufferable in any Commonwealth, especially where such favor and connivence had been offered, but immediately before. We may re­member the Conspiracy of Simon May, a man induced by the same [Page 156] spirit, and instructed out of the same School, to kill the Queen-Mother, and Henry the Third: But his purpose being discovered, he was apprehended, and had his de­sert. Neither can the business be excused or shifted off with any colors; himself confessed it, and accused Seigneur de la Tour, and Monsieur d' Avantigny, two Gentle­men of good parentage, yet birds of a Feather, to have been hi [...] Counsellors and Abettors in the Plot: Whereupon they were both of them apprehended, but afterward released by His Majesty for private reasons, not being willing, as some thought at that time, to search too deep into the wound, either for the men engaged in it, or the matter it self; yet this was not all. They proceed much further, and seize upon the Kings own Rents and R [...] ­venues; they coyn money, and surprize, either by fraud or force of Arms, the cheif Cities of the Realm, Orleans, Troyes, Poictiers, Tours, &c. putting in Garrisons and [Page 157] Governors of their own party, and for their own ends. They deliver one of the Keys of France into the custody and command of Forreign­ers: All which were attempts of the Highest Treason that could be, and usurpations of the Prerogative Royal, being done without colour of Commission, or Warrant from the King, and contrary to his ex­press Will and the Law. Lib. des Financ. de France. Nicholas Froumenteau, a Minister of the new Edition, confesseth, That in Daul­phin, onely the Army of the Hug [...] ­nots killed Two hundred fifty and six Priests, and One hundred and twelve Monks and Friers, burnt Nine hundred Towns and Villages. And yet what a pitiful tale do the Calvinists, and others, tell of a Mas­sacre at Vassy, by the Duke of Guise, as if no cruelty had been compara­ble to that? Which yet indeed was nothing at all in comparison of these, and was done without the Dukes consent; as not onely Mon­sieur Chasteauneuf in his Commen­taries, but also Thuanus, Thuan. Historian. lib. 29. who was a [Page 158] man never suspected to be of the Guisian Faction, do expresly a­vouch: Yea, the blood that was drawn from the Duke himself, la­boring to have appeased the fray at the beginning, was the cause, that some quantity more was drawn from those Hugonots, by the Dukes servants, then otherwise there needed to have been. No, it was a toy and a trifle in respect of those outragious excessive carnages of Montbrison, of Mornas, and many o­ther places acted by the Hugonots. But such was the calamity of those times, They which most justly de­served, and unjustly complained against persecution, did persecute their Neighbors most unjustly and tyrannically. Let the world, and all indifferent men judge by this. In these Civil Wars there were no less then. Twenty thousand Chur­ches destroyed by Protestants: and yet these men were born, as they say, to edifie the Church. Is it not likely? Could Mahomet himself edifie better? or was his Alchoran, [Page 159] and Turkish Superstition set up any other way, then by the power of a Tyrants Sword, and pulling down of Christian Churches? I shall not commend any Act of Cruelty in whomsoever, yet let men that are impartial, consider, how they can justly blame Charls the Ninth, King of France, for his proceedings a­gainst this sort of people at Paris, and some other places, in the year 1572. The Admiral, being the principal Instrument and mover of all those Seditions and Trou­bles, which for a long time had disquieted France, and indangered so much the very life and person of the King, the Queen Mother, and other of the Princes, who can won­der, if his Majestie at last were com­pelled to use a mean extraordinary and somewhat rough, for the cut­ting off such a Pestilent Member with his Complices, who did no­thing, but Gangren-like, perpetu­ally corrupt and indanger the whole body of his State, yea and often threatned the Head it self. [Page 160] 'Tis well known, he was come to such height at this time, that he Reigned in France, as it were some Petty King in a Common-wealth, meerly through the assistance of such people as had, by his Means and Sollicitation chiefly, revolted from their Lawful and Natural So­vereign; he maintained in France an open War against the King and Crown of France, he Sollicited and called in strangers to his aid, levied Contributions, exacted Tributes, coyned Mony, seized the Kings Re­venues, invaded his Towns, contem­ned all his Laws; yea what actions of Sovereignity did he not usurp & exercise, in contempt of his Sover­eign? For which, having been first proclaimed Traytor in the year 1569. he afterward met with the pu­nishment, which both he and his, had most justly deserved, though the way of Execution was very ex­traordinary indeed, and hath no excuse, but necessity.

14 But perhaps you are ready to say, This age hath reformed those er­rors, [Page 161] such violencies, as were for­merly used, are now ceased, and that, at present more charitable, mild, and civil proceedings are held by the Hugonots. It is not so; They have the same principles, and the same spirits still, which upon occasion they are not slow to manifest: And to make this more plain, I shall give you a relation of the true state and condition of those reformed Chur­ches (as they call themselves) in France at this very time, viz. Anno 1621. wherein, not to trouble you with any thing concerning the infi­nite troubles & great charges, which they forced their Sovereign Lewis 13. to be at, and endure all the last Summer and Winter; nor concer­ning their Garboils at Tours; nor the practises of the Rochellers to have put a Garrison of Six thou­sand men into Saumur, on purpose to have given work to the Kings Army thereabouts, and to hinder their March to Montauban; nor con­cerning their revolt and disloyal practises at Gergeau, standing out [Page 162] against the Count St. Paul Gover­nour of the Province of Orleance; and at Sancer, against the Prince of Conde: not to exaggerate the Trea­cheries and Conspiracies of Vatte­vile in Normandy, which yet were so plainly proved by his own Pa­pers and Instructions intercepted, that the Duke of Longueville was compelled thereupon to disarm those of Deep, Roan, and Caen, to prevent danger, and fearing, least they should joyn with Vattevile; I say, omitting all these, which yet were actions and passages, wherein much malignity and undutifulness to their Sovereign was apparent, I shall begin onely with the business of St. Jean d' Angely, which held out a long time, and refused sub­mission, Notwithstanding the King in person demanded it of them, and that Monsieur Soubize, Commander of the place for the Hugonots, were Summoned to render the Town, or to stand to the Peril and Attaynt of Treason; yet they contemned all, and held it out to the very last [Page 163] point, that they had any hopes of help left them. At Montauban how was his Majestie defied and despited, as it were, to His Face? continuing in person at the Siedge thereof for a long time together, with an Ar­my of Noble and most Expert Sol­diers, many of whom (men of E­minent Desert and Dignity) were lost in that service, especially the two Brothers the Duke of Mayenne, and the Marquis of Villars, who were generally lamented. And to draw the Kings eyes the more upon them, it is said by some, They had set upon their Gates this insolent Mot­to, viz. Roy sans foy, Ville sans peur, importing, that the King had no Faith nor the Towns no fear. Yea so obstinate were they in their reso­lution of disobedience, that for the present, they forced His Majestie upon advice, to defer their merited punishment, and to raise the Siedge: Whereupon the Insolent Burgers, af­ter the Kings Army was departed, lead the whole Clergy of the Town, as it were, in Triumph, [Page 164] using them with many scornful in­dignities, for which they smarted, not undeservedly, the year follow­ing. In Montpellier and Languedoc the Hugonots deprived Monsieur Chastillon of all his Governments, by a pretended Sentence of their Consistory, which is very observa­ble; and razed at the least Six and thirty Parish Churches, and Chap­pels there. Nor do they usurp one­ly upon the Royalties of the King (though that be too much) they are as bold, where they prevail, with the Inheritances and Estates of Pri­vate persons. At Privas they would not suffer the Viscount l' Estrainge to enjoy his Lordship of that place, onely because he was a Catholike: They put him out of his own Castle at Lake, whereof the Marshal Mo­morency had but lately given him possession, and give it to Brison one of their own fraternity, upon a pre­tence that it belonged to him: yet was it none of the Towns of assu­rance, nor comprized in the list at Brewet in the year 1598. neither [Page 165] would they permit the Kings Justi­ces, delegated thither to com­pound controversies, so much as to hear Mass, though private, or to have any exercise of their Religi­on.

15 What Society or Common­wealth can stand, if upon pretence of Religion, such petulant usurpers as these, may disseize Right-owners of their Estate at pleasure, and hold whatsoever they get, upon a pre­tence, that it is for the use and secu­rity of some Confederate Gospel­lers? But what cause have they to ryot thus upon their Neighbors, and Fellow-subjects? The King is content, they should quietly enjoy what is theirs, yea and securly use the liberty of their Religion. Will not this content them? Should not Catholikes, in all reason and equi­ty, enjoy the same? Yet will they not live peaceably themselves, Not­withstanding such royal Favor, nor Converse peaceably with Catho­likes. They obey not the Kings Laws for all this, not, I mean, in [Page 166] Temporal Affairs, wherein he one­ly pretends to command them. At Saint Jean d' Angely the King assu­red them, he would protect all those of the reformed Religion in France, that would obey him, and obse [...]ve his Edicts. He promised and performed n [...] less to Mall [...]ret, who was sent to him, as Deputy from the Assembly of Lower Guienne: He did the like to the Duke of [...]remo­ville Son in Law to Monsieur B [...]v [...]l­l [...]n, who came to that seidge ten­dring his service, and protesting o­bedience to His Majestie; was not the Government of Saumur that so famous, and considerable a place, given by His Majestie to the Count de Sault, Grandchilde of the Duke Desdiguieres, though he were known to be of the Reformed Religion? Did he not long before, viz. in the year 1615. answer the Petition of the Hugonots, That he meant not by his Oath at Consecration (which was for the Repressing of Heresies) to comprehend therein, Those His Sub­jects of the Reformed Religion, who [Page 167] would live obediently under his Laws and Authority? And how graciously the King dealt with Rochel, all the world knoweth; how willing was he rather to regain and reduce it, then to destroy it? How much and often did His Majestie employ Mon­sieur the Duke Desdiguieres to per­swade them to conformity and obe­dience? How much and often did he (the said Duke) solicite them ac­cordingly by Letters, to return to their duty, proposing them Articles, which all the world, but themselves would have thought reasonable? Yet the Deputies Chalas, and Favas, obstinately refused them, till it was too late: What can a King do more then seek the winning of his Sub­jects, so far as 'tis possible, by fair and gracious means? Yet see the recompence, which His Majestie found from such Spirits: It was no other, then a long and frivolous De­claration published against his pro­ceedings, wherein, instead of ac­knowledging their own Crimes, they tax His Majestie of much in­justice, [Page 168] persecution, and I know not what other designs, which they charge him to prosecute by the counsel and inducement of certain persons, that were Fnemies of the State, as they said, and of their Re­ligion, the Cankerworm of it.

16 To discover and disprove the va­nity of which pretences, I shal search ab origine, and deliver you the true causes of the Kings proceedings a­gainst these Male-contents; and how great reason, or necessity rather, he had by Arms to maintain his Royal Authority, which they by Arms sought either to contemn or usurp: that is, wherefore he was constrained at Myort to proclaim Rochel and all their Adherents Re­bels against him, and guilty of treason. First it appears by the Edict of Nantes, Art. 77. That King Henry the Fourth had discharged the Pro­testants from holding any Assem­blies General or Provincial; like­wise from all Unions and Leagues, and from holding of any Counsel, or Decreeing and Establishing any [Page 169] Acts by them: Likewise Art. 82. from holding any Corresponden­cies or Intelligences without the Realm: Yea Art. 32. They might not hold any Synods Provincial, without the Kings License. All which Articles they also promised to observe; but, as all France and the world knoweth, have broken them every one. And not onely so, but they have intruded upon the State it self, taking and fortifying places of assurance, without any Warrant from the King,; and con­trary to an express order set down in August, in the year 1612. where­by it evidently appeareth, to be of the Kings Royal favor and goodness to assign them places of surety, and not for them to chuse, or usurp where they please. Adde to this their notable presumption, and disobedience shewen, in laboring so much to introduce the reformed Churches of Bearne, and to annex them to those of France by an Act of Ʋnion (as they call'd it) both Spiri­tual and Temporal, passed at Rochel [Page 170] in the year 1617. In which business they were so confident, That they did not onely justifie their pretend­ed act by Apology, but promised all possible assistance to Bearn; yea, and bound themselves by Oath, First, To observe and execute what­soev [...]r was determined in that As­sembly; Secondly, To venture their Lives and Estates in mainte­nance thereof; and thirdly, Not to reveal or make known any Pro­positions, Advices, or Resolutions taken or made in that Assembly, unto any person whatsoever, no not to the King himself. All which was done by them, not onely irre­gularly, and without Law, but most contemptuously also; in as much as they well know, that the King of France had sent to all the Provinces, and expresly forbad that Ʋnion; yea, and had made a De­cree of his Councel to the contrary. Besides, how they used Regnard, whom the King had sent into Bearn as his Commissioner about the Church Goods, and what disorders [Page 171] they committed at Paw against him, is scarce credible. Not to speak any thing of their Assembly holden at Loudun, with most obsti­nate disobedience to the Kings command. At Grenoble the King was content, and gave them leave to hold an Assembly; but that all the World might see, what a facti­ous and froward spirit governed them, they refuse the place, and by their own authority assemble at N [...]smes. At Chastelrault and Saumur the King suffered them to Assemble, onely to chuse two Deputies, who were to remain at Court, and re­ceive the Kings Orders concerning them, and to exhibite from time to time their own Plaints and Grie­vances, as occasion should be: Con­trary to this they make an Act of Ʋnion there also, and take the same Oath, which the Confederate Ca­tholikes, then in Arms, had not long before taken; yet with this difference, That whereas the Catho­likes protest their service to His Majesty, so long as he continued Catho­like; [Page 172] which was to oblige him to no more, then his Oath and the In­terest of His Royal Office required of him, so long as he lived: These Hugonots protest theirs onely on this condition, viz. Le Sovereign Empire de Dieu demeurant tousiours en son entier; that is to say in eff [...]ct, So far as may stand with their duty to God: Which, whosoever knows, what a Hugonot thinks is his duty to God, will confess to be a restricti­on of an equivocal and perillous signification to a King of France. And so they did plainly shew, send­ing presently after to the Camp at Sansay, and offering to joyn with those Frenchmen, who had taken arms to oppose the Kings marriage. And not onely this, but they esta­blished in each Province of France, a Councel of their own to hear Af­fairs, and to take notice, what the Order and Government of the Country was; yea, and impor­tunately urged to have Counsellors in the Parliament at Paris. Lastly, to shew in one Act, as in a Mirror, [Page 173] the height of their Presumption and Treason, in the year 1621. at Rochel, out of their own onely au­thority and arrogance, they divide the Provinces of France into Seven Synods, which they call Circles, adding Bearn for the Eighth. And having formerly resolved to have War with the King, and to make good their actings by force of Arms; in this Assembly now they make Orders for the Government of their Army; they chuse a Gene­ral and Officers for every Circle, (which what other thing was it, but to Cantonize France? Art. 35.) They Decree, That no Treaty, nor Truce should be made without this As­sembly. They Order, That this pretended General Assembly of theirs, in respect of the great charge, which they must necessarily under­go, should arrest all the Kings Rents, and Money due for Tails, Ayds, Gabels, &c. They appoint Officers for collecting the same. Art. 36. They order the seizing and letting to Farm of all Goods Ec­clesiastical, [Page 174] and profits of Churches, Revenues of Parsonages, &c. Art. 41. They take the same order for all the profits of the Admiralty. And when all was done, the Arti­cles are every one of them signed by their President Combart very so­lemnly; yea, as foul as their fault was, and beyond all colour of ex­cuse; yet there is nothing pretend­ed in the business, but Justice and Loyalty, and His Majesties service: All is covered with that false man­tle of Religion, and Publike good. But wisely, and truly, was it long since observed by the Orator, Tully. Totius injustitiae nulla capitalior, &c. Of all injustice, saith he, none is more odious and abominable, then where men act their villanies under a vizard, and pretence of good.

17 I for my part shall not insist much here upon the opinion of the Civilians, what a Sect is, what meet­ings of people are justly called Conventicles, and declared to be against the Prince, and the ancient Laws; nor how Faction and Con­spiracy [Page 175] are defined by the Lawyers, and when they fall within the com­pass of Treason; as conceiving it matter, though not altogether im­pertinent to my subject, yet some­thing more then I have undertaken. For this therefore, I refer you to Farina [...]ius, Part. 4. to Decius, Lib. 7. c. 7, 20. to Bossius, to Gigas, and others, who can with greater au­thority resolve you. I shall onely alledge the Municipal and Com­mon Laws of France in such cases, which heretofore have used to be a rule, and bridle of Justice, and to be able to keep men in aw. In the year therefore 1477. this Decree or Law was made by Lewis the Ele­venth, King of France; viz. All Treaties against the Kings Person, or his Estate, or against the Realm, are declared to be Treason: Which was revived, or a new Law enacted to the same purpose and effect, by Charls the Eighth, in the year 1487. and in the year 1532. by Francis the First; in the year 1560. by Francis the Second at Fontainbleau; [Page 176] and by Henry the Second, in the year 1556. All men were forbidden to bear Arms, or to hold any par­ticular Intelligences, Councels, or Assemblies for Conference, but in Town houses, or publike places. By Henry the Third, at Bloys, in the year 1579. prohibition was made against the assembling or gathering of any Troops, upon occasion or pretence of private quarrels; or to enter into any such kinde of Asso­ciation. It was also Enacted, That to hold intelligence, to make Leagues offensive, or to have parti­cipation with such, either within or without France; to levy Soldiers without the Kings License, should be judged and deemed High Trea­son, and offenders herein to be holden as disturbers of the State. All which Laws are set down in the Code of Henry the Third, Print­ed at Paris, 1597. And all the Lawyers of France affirm the same; viz. Francis Rogueau des droicts Royaux. Bodin de Repub. Le grand Coustumier, and others. And surely [Page 177] with great reason: For, as without Order there can be no Peace, so without Justice no Society. And Calvinists in this respect, differ not at all from the worst of Anabaptists, if they refuse submission to the Su­perior Magistrate, and to the Law. Magistrates, as King Josaphat saith, 2. Paralip. 19. Non hominis, sed Dei exercent judicium; Do execute the judgement, not of man, but of God. And verily it cannot be denied, but that this seditious Sect and Doctrine of Calvinism hath cast the State of France into a very desperate disease, under which it laboreth at present, and such as may seem to require more then an Aesculapius, to give it perfect cure. For as much as nei­ther the Majesty of their King, nor the Forces of his Armies, nor the Wisdom of his Councel, and Par­liaments, nor the Authority of the Estates so often assembled, nor the Obedience due to Justice, nor their own Peace and Safety, together with that of the whole Kingdom, can move a few desperate Out-Laws, [Page 178] sheltring in Montauban, and Rochel, to yeild up themselves and their Arms to the King, and to seek from His Royal Grace and Fa­vor that Peace which all other his dutiful Subjects, even of their own Tribe and Profession elswhere, do securely enjoy.

Titulus Tertius. KNOXISM: OR The Troubles in SCOTLAND.

1 BUt perhaps this Fiery Zeal of the Rabbins of Genevah, if it were transplanted into some colder Climate; as for exam­ple, into Scotland, it would cool somewhat, and be found of a better temper. Not one jot better. Calum, non animum, mutant: It is to change air onely, not complexion. Their spirits, that come from thence, are too much fixed upon mischeif, to be easily dispersed; much less to be sublimated unto true goodness and vertue. As experience hath shewn, [Page 180] in the example of an infamous Em­pirick sent from Genevah thither, whose practices have inflamed the whole Body of that Kingdom, and filled it with so much irregular Zeal, and abundance of ill Humors, as thereby hath grown a Pleurisie of Troubles in that State, which hath cost much blood, and is not perfect­ly cured to this day. The Authors of the Tumults and Alterations in Scotland, with the Actors also, were as violent as Whirlwinds; they blew down all that stood in their way, even Royalty and the Crown it self. John Knox, Goodman, Gilby, and Buchanan, were the principal Instruments of the Work, and e­missaries of Master Calvin; yet bravely seconded by Master David Fergersson (a Learned Shoemaker, but Minister at Dundee,) by Master Coverdale, Willox, Rous, Harriot, and Montgomery. Victrix Legio, a man may well say, Et Novatores strenui. Men of invincible obstinacy in their way, and as perfect Innovators, as could be desired. All of them [Page 181] Ministers, and of such Salt-peter Spirits, as were fit to blow up, and put into Combustion any Nation in the World. By these was the Church of Scotland Reformed, ac­cording to the Standard of Gene­vah, and the Platform of those El­ders. Knox was their Nehemia's, but far unlike him, both in proceedings and qualities; yet he pretended to act his part: How properly and piously his Countryman will best inform you, Langius vitâ Joh. Knoxi. who wrote of his ver­tues. Buchanan was ever a rude and slovenly Swiss, of a presumptuous audacity, and by nature factious. He was one of them, that in the time of James the Fifth, at Edin­burgh, did solemnly in Lent eat the Paschal Lamb; and being convict­ed of that Judaism (a business which the King himself examined) his Companions were condemned and burnt for the Heresie; but he himself escaped, and fled over into other Countreys, as a man reserved to be a scourge to his own. But to discern their spirits cleerly, and to [Page 182] judge of their peaceableness, patience, sanctity, &c. which yet they so much pretended, we must first read their Theorems, and by the Maxims of their Doctrine, we shall finde them Doctors extraordinary indeed, and such as were scarce to be matched again in the whole World, for the business which they came about.

2 I shall begin with Knox first, who in his Book to the Nobility and people of Scotland, instructs them thus in the point we treat of, viz. Of obedience to Princes, and Loy­alty, Neque promissum, neque jura­mentum obligare potest, &c. Neither promise, saith he, nor oath can oblige any man to obey, or give assistance unto Tyrants, against God. It is true; no man saith that they can, when the Tyrant expresly commandeth, that which God expr [...]sly forbiddeth; but that is not the case: All the World knoweth, in the sence of Knox and Genevah there is much pretended to be against God, which is not at all forbidden by God. And when a Christian Prince commands nothing, [Page 183] but what his Office and the Laws of his Kingdom do require him to command, certainly we may not so hastily presume it to be against God; some better Authority must declare it to be so, then the bare opinion of a Knox, or a Buchanan. So in his History of Scotland, Prin­ces, saith he, may be deposed by the people, if they be Tyrants against God and his Truth; and their Sub­jects are free from their Oaths and Obedience. Secondly, Goodman his Companion and Fellow Boutefeu sings to the same tune out of Exo­dus, Goodm. de obedien­tiâ. in a Book which teacheth any thing, more then what the title promiseth. Toti populo hoc onus in­cumbit, &c. This is a duty, saith he, which lieth upon all the people in gene­ral, to see that Idolaters be punished, whosoever, or how great soever they be, none must be excepted, neither King, nor Queen, nor the Emperor himself. This is his Homily; If Governors fall from God (and still we must re­member, what it is to fall from God in his sense) ad furcas abripiant, [Page 184] away with them, God requires it of the people, that they fall upon them, and Hang them up instantly. Most excellent Consistorian Do­ctrine verily! such Spirits, and such Preachers deserve the countenance of the State. Neither is Buchanan much behinde in such grave and wholesome Counsels. Buchan. de jure regn. apud Scotos. p. 61. For first he tels you, that the people is above the King, and of greater Authority then he. If he means this of the people Colle­ctively taken, and Legally represen­ted; albeit it were true, yet is it not any way pertinent to his pur­pose; for never did he, nor any of his reforming brethren beyond the Seas, act any thing by the Autho­rity of the people in that sense: if he means, as he must do, of the peo­ple dispersedly, and rising, in tumults heer and there of their own heads, it is apparently seditious, and de­structive of all Governments what­soever. After he hath said this, and that the people may bestow the Crown at their pleasure (notwithstan­ding that the Law ordereth the de­scent [Page 185] thereof in a particular and certain succession) he falls at last in­to a Dialogue worth your observ­ing. They hold, saith he, meaning Roy­allists, that Kings must be obeyed good or bad. It is blasphemy to affirm that, saith Buchanan. But, God placeth often times evil Kings, say the Roy­allists: So doth he oft private men to kill them, saies Buchanan. But in 1 Tim. we are commanded to pray for Princes, say they. So are we com­manded to pray for Theeves, saith he. But say the Royallists, S. Paul com­mands obedience to Princes. Saint Paul wrote so, saith Buchanan, in the infancy of the Church; if he lived now, he would write otherwise. It hath been said, that nullum magnum in­genium sine aliquâ mixturâ insaniae, These great high-soaring wits have commonly some tincture of frenzy following them. Buchanan in his time was counted for such, a great wit; but questionless had he been perfectly sound, he could never have let slip such a Hysteron-prote­ron, as this is, from his Pen; he [Page 186] would never have set the Cart thus before the Horse, the people above the King, arming them to kill their Princes, under any undeclared, un­judged pretense of Tyranny; For when such a thing is done without justice and publick order, what can be more impious and abominable? yet Kn [...]x not onely justyfieth it, but could be content, there were publike rewards appointed for such Assassi­nates, Histor. of Scotland. p. 372. and Murderers of Tyrants, as he calls them, which there are for such as kill Wolves. So far doth the zeal and light of their new Gospel carry them. The sword of Gideon is now in their hands, and all are Midia­nites, Moabites, and Enemies of God that stand in their way. But I pray thee good Reader what is A­narchy, Sedition, Treason, if this be order or good government?

3 I shall not need to trouble you further with instances of Doctrine: The book of Dangerous positions, &c. gives a general Sentence, that such Divinity as this, is not holden by Knox and Buchanan alone, but generally, [Page 187] saith he, for ought I can perceive by the chief Consistorians beyond the Seas. He means the Presbyterian Divines, Calvin, Beza, and the rest of their Gang; whose opinions have been but too much reverenced here in England, since the year 1570. and it would be very unhappy, that such shops of sedition, as their Con­sistories be, should be ever set up, or opened: here Whittingham in his Preface to Goodmans Book of O­bedience, testifieth from Genevah, that it had been allowed, and much commended by the chief Divines of that place. Calvin himself Epist. 105. to Knox doth applaud his pra­ctices, and encourage him to pro­ceed. Buchanans works pass'd for a long time as currant in Scotland, as if they had been Printed Cum pri­vilegio; till the King at last found it necessary to prohibite them. So we see, it was not Goodman alone, nor Knox alone, but the whole Con­gregation of Presbyterians, that de­fended such dangerous Paradoxes; and not in one Country, but gene­rally [Page 188] where they were admitted; not lately or newly, but originally and from the beginning of their sect. Yea their Genevah Bibles pre­tend to prove it from 2 Chron. 15.16. where they allow the deposing of Queen Maacha, by her son King Asa, for Idolatry. But it is an example, which by no violence they can use, will be fitted to their purpose. For first it was done, not by private per­sons, Mark that. but by Asa the King. Secondly, not by the King alone, but with the full consent, yea, Covenant of all the people, V. 13. and not contrary, but according to the express Law, Deut. 13.9. What is this to private persons, or the people tumultuously runing together against their Prin­ces, and killing them not only with­out any publike order or authori­ty acknowledged, but even contra­ry to the Laws established, and while the Princes themselves are doing nothing, but what the Laws established and their Office oblige them to do? Such practises as these are not allowed at Doway; nor are [Page 189] there any such notes to be found in the Rhemists Testament. Leslaeus Hist. lib. 10. The Bi­ [...]hop of Ross chargeth them, but Knox especially, that in his Ser­mons he bitterly inveighed against [...]he Nobility, Quod Jesabelem illam [...]x medio non sust [...]lerunt, &c. because [...]hey were slow in removing that Jezabel (so he calls the Queen Re­gent of Scotland) either from the Go­ [...]rnment, or out of the World: For [...]t is not certain, which he meaneth, [...]nd the phrase, as his Spirit, in­ [...]lines to the worse. And therefore, because the Nobility, as it seems, would make no more haste, they [...]egin the Reformation themselves, [...]iz. He and thirty more of his [...]ompany; first of all, by surprizing [...]he Castle of Saint Andrews, and [...]urdering of the Cardinal Betun. This was in the year 1546. The Queen hereupon summoning him [...]o appear, and answer for such out­ [...]ages, he refused; she proclaims [...]im Traytor, he contemns her Pro­ [...]lamation; and having secured [...]imself at Saint Johnstons from any [Page 190] danger of apprehension by the Queens Officers, who sought him, he was so far from relenting, or shewing any respect to the Queen Regent, that at the same time he perswades the Burgesses of the place, viz. Saint Johnstons, and of Dundee, to suppress the Frieries, to pull down Images in the Churches, and overthrow the Ab­beys of Stone, and Saint Andrews: Which they did, keeping Forces in the Field two moneths together, taking the Coyning Irons into their custody, and proceeded so uncontroulably, and without re­sistance in their disordrous courses, that it even brake the heart of that Noble and Religious Queen Regent to see it. After whose death, in the year 1560. (the Queen being then in France) by the instigation and procurement of Knox, it was enact­ed, as a Law perpetual and funda­mental in the State, That Catholike Religion should be abolished, and that whosoever defended the Popes Au­thority in Scotland, should be [Page 191] banished, and that all former Acts to the contrary should be repealed. This was pretended to be done by the three Estates; but the Queens Commission could not be shewn, nor any consent of hers to confirm such Acts; beside the opposition which the Clergy or State Eccle­siastical generally made against such proceedings, See Jo. Leslaeus hist. of Scotland. not onely in the Parliament or Convention of States, where they happened to be overborn, but all the Kingdom over. Therefore to make that seem good by a colour of Law, which was at first begun by meer Faction and Violence, some years after; viz. Anno 1567. and after the de­position, or rather unjust and forced Resignation of their lawful Sove­reign the Queen, they procure an other Parliament to be called (the Earl Murray being then Regent, and the King scarce out of his Cra­dle) which confirms the Acts of the Parliament, 1560. Cap. 9. and prescribes an oath to be taken by all succeed­ing Kings, to maintain the Religion [Page 192] then received (to which as yet no King had ever consented) and esta­blisheth the Confession of that Church. The Queen provoked with their many and insufferable indignities, had, before this time, sent for some French Forces into Scotland to oppose them: But this they take so ill, and the Preachers of new Doctrine in all parts of the Kingdom, improve the occasion so much to her disadvantage, and to the further incensing of the people, that at last, they not onely make shift to exclude her from all Go­vernment, putting her in condition of a private person, but dishonor her beside with most capital and criminous Accusations; yea; and cast her into prison, not without great danger of her life. Beza (that Tibullus of Genevah) instigating and encouraging them much thereunto, who is pleased in his Reformed Zeal and Eloquence to call her Me­dea, Athaliah, and what not? Nul­lum ejus sceleribus nomen, &c. The Good Man, it seems, could not finde [Page 193] words bad enough to express her guiltiness; and yet how well is it known, he had store of them always at command; and how malicious­ly he pleaded against her, while she was prisoner in England, onely out of hatred to the House of Lor­rain, appears abundantly in his Book called Reveille-Matin.

4 I confess, generally tis better to bury old quarrels, then to renew their memory; yet to justifie the Innocent, and to detect perfectly the evil practises of these men, I cannot forbear to insist a while on this Subject, and to declare more particularly, what inducements they pretended, for such exorbi­tant courses. They accused the Queen of procuring the death of her Husband, the Lord Henry Dar­ley, out of a desire and intention to marry Bothwel, who was princi­pal in the murther. Therefore say they, for zeal to Justice, for the Honor of the Realm, and satisfa­ction to Forreign Nations, it is necessary, that she be under re­straint, [Page 194] til she cleer her self from the imputation of such heinous crimes. These were their Accusa­tions and pretenses. But touching the Murther it was very unlike to be true; and certainly required manifest proofs, if ever any cause did. Her Sex was not fit for such a Butchery; and her nature known to be too Royal, to harbor such dishonorable Treachery: though she had some just cause of offence against him. If she had desired to put him to death, he was her Sub­ject, and she might have done it, openly, legally, and by course of Justice. He had been of the Con­federacy for the killing of David Riza her Secretary; his own Dag­ger was found in his Body. The Earl Morton beeing fled into Eng­land upon that offence, he pre­sumed to revoke him, and call him home without th [...] Queens know­ledge or allowance. Neither was he Loyal to the Queen in respect of Conjugal affection and duty; his off [...]nsiveness in that kinde was [Page 195] very notorious and scandalous to all the Court, and occasion of much disquiet and difference betwixt the Queen and him; and from whence their common Adversaries took advantage, in a short time, to ruin them both: What then is the proof of such a crime? what evidence bring they to convince her guilty of the Fact? First they object, that Douglas, Earl Bothwels man, was executed for it. True. And that it was he, that brought a Box of Letters of the Queens to Bothwel, which he had received of Sir James Balfoor at Edenburgh to carry to his Master; by which Letters intercep­ted, their juglings and practises ( viz. of the Queen and Bothwel) were discovered. It is answered, Lyes have commonly one Leg short; and so 'tis here. For is it probable, that either the Queen, or the Earl should repose such confi­dence, and so great secrets in a man, that was known to be at the devotion of a contrary Faction, as Sir James Balfoor was? Is it likely [Page 196] she would at all send such a Packet, which she knew contained matter of great Peril, but of no conse­quence at all to her self? For she directs them to be burnt, and might have done that her self well enough without the labor of sending them to him. Beside, the Queen ever denied those Letters to be hers, though her hand had been coun­terfeited to them; neither was there Superscription, Indorsement, Seal, Date, or any thing else, that might possibly discover more cleerly, whose they were, or from whom coming. Her hand was onely Sub­scribed, the Letters themselves of another Character; and truly it is not probable, that in a business of so great privacy, she should require the State of a Secretary, and that of some Stranger too? for had it been the hand of any of her ordina­ry Amanuenses, the case had been cleer, and a discovery would have been easily made. Neither could he, who delivered them, ever be found out to discover the Pack; [Page 197] and Douglass, who was the man ac­cused to carry them, protested at his death, that he never knew of any such Letters. Lastly, sup­posing that she had indeed sent them, yet was there no express proof of any unlawful act, attempt, or practise to charge her with. Suppose she had desired to have her husband murthered: doubtless it had been a great offence against God, and odious to all men; but was it a sufficient cause for her own Subjects to take Arms against her, and to depose her? Was not David in a like case, in the business of Ʋriah and Bathshebah? Yet he forfeited not his Crown. Saint John Baptist reproved Herod for his Adultery, yet did neither exhort nor counsel the people to deprive him of his Dignity, though he were both a stranger of Idumaea, and an usurper. Edward the fourth of England was not deposed for keep­ing another mans Wife, though he committed a great sin; Nor Henry eighth for cutting off the Heads of [Page 198] so many of his own Wives, and committing as great sins, Spectante populo, in the view of his Kingdom and of all the world. Surely these Bou [...]efeux, while they presume to punish their Kings for sin, without any good authority or proof, do precipitate themselves unhappily into far greater. Zeal in them is like a Sword in a mad mans hand, dangerous to himself and others. But to the matter; What other probabilities did they produce a­gainst her? Many, She mourned faintly for his death, which is a sign, she was weary of his life. She acquitted Bothwel for his death, and did not punish him, as he deserved, Ergo, let her die. But what a Nu­gipoliloquides is this Buchanan? are such conjectural presumptions, as these, matter of evidence sufficient to depose Princes? As for her Mourning and the Funerals, His Body was Embalmed, and laid by James the fifth her Father; the Lord Tracquaire, Justice Clerk and others attended the Corps; indeed most [Page 199] of the Counsel being Protestants, the Catholike Ceremonies were not permitted: and in Scotland it is not the custom to reserve the Corps Fourty days. Nor was it decent, that the Queen her self should have been there personally mourning, as a Subject: therefore she mourned privatly, as his So­vereign and Wife; which she did so long, that her Counsel, and Physitians both were forced to dis­swade her from it, and to cease. All which Sir Henry Killegrew might witness, who was sent from England to condole and comfort her. What could be required more of a Wife?

5 But as concerning Earl Bothwel and the Marriage following, herein the jugling of Murray and his facti­on was most admirable, and worthy to be known. For First, was not Bothwel acquitted for this crime by his Peers? was not Murray himself, (who best knew the Plot) together with the Lord Lindsey, Sempil, and other adherents, principal to pro­cure [Page 200] his purgation? The Queen did not acquit him out of her own affection, or will onely, but by their advice and Counsel, who were the chief Pilots of the State, at that time. Nay, did not the same parties Murray, Sempil, &c. procure others of the Nobles to joyn with them, and sollicited the Queen to Marry Bothwel, pretending it necessary for her to take such a Husband, to de­fend her in troublesome times; yea did they not in some maner force her to it? and by their Hand-writ­ing to Bothwel, did they not binde themselves to obey him, in case he would marry her? did not they themselves, viz. Murray, Sempil and the rest, (in order to this) procure the Divorce of Bothwel from his first Wife, sister to the Earl of Huntly? and are thereby most cleerly con­vinced of double dealing? But what follows? The charg of the Murther. And of this the Lord Harris accused Murray himself, viz. that at Craig­millar, he, Morton, and Bothwel did consult, conspire, and determine the [Page 201] Kings death; for the effecting whereof Indentures were there drawn and subscribed by them. And to convince it more evidently, Pourry, Paris, and Hay, who were all three Executed for the Murther, confessed at their death, and called God to witness, that those two ( Murray and Morton) were the prin­cipal contrivers of it. The like did John Hepburn, Bothwels servant, at his Execution for the same Fact; protesting that he had seen the Ar­ticles and Writings drawn to that purpose, as we said. To blinde the world therefore a little, Murray and Morton take up Arms upon a pretence to apprehend Bothwel, and send out ships to pursue him at Sea, whom themselves had sent a­way; yea had sent the Lord Grange on purpose to him, to advise and will him for his own safety, to be gone, promising, that no body should pursue him: as indeed none did very hastily: for he stayed af­ter this no less then two Months in Scotland, viz. until Murray was re­turned [Page 202] out of France. Then of ne­cessity he must be gone; otherwise by his stay, or their taking him, they would be all betrayed them­selves: So he finding himself over­reach't by his Associates in the Conspiracy, and being as sure to be overpowered by them, if he should abide it, was content at last to withdraw, and be offered up as a Sacrifice to the censure of the world for their purgation. This therefore was the Texture and sum of the Plot concerning the death of the Lord Darley Husband to the Queen, and the Queens Marriage of Bothwel. These two Catilines ( Murray who was the Queens base Brother, and Morton) caused the King to be slain, using Bothwels consent and assistance in it; which Bothwel they perswade afterward to Marry the Queen, and deal as effectually with the Queen, that she should be willing to Marry Bothwel: and this on purpose, that they might have ground hereby to ruin them both, and possess themselves of the go­vernment; [Page 203] as in a short time they did, upon a colourable, though feigned, accusation brought a­gainst them, viz. against the Queen and Bothwel, as conspiratours and contrivers of the Kings death. Tis well known, the Earl Murray ne­ver truly loved the Lord Darley. He was once in Arms and in the field to have kild him; and there­upon fl [...]d into England. After this he perswaded the Lord Darley to give his consent to the Murthe­ring of David Riza the Queens Se­cretary; in which action a Pistol was also set to the Queens Belly, being then great with Childe, to terrifie her, and, if it could have been, to procure her Micsarrying: but the Lord Darley, having obtai­ned the Queens pardon for this, yet fearing lest Murray should inform Her Majestie concerning him, fur­ther then he liked, he resolves with himself to kill Murray; but first, out of I know not what reason, dis­covers his intention to the Queen, whom he supposed to be very much [Page 204] incensed against Murray; but she utterly disliked the business, and would not endure him to speak of it: which coming afterwards to Murrays knowledge, as he had be­fore practisd to estrang the Queen from her Husband, and offered to procure her a Divorce from him, (which she also utterly condem­ned,) so now he resolves to make away him viz. the Lord Darl [...]y, and to that end Plots with the Earls Morton and Bothwel, as hath been said, yet himself cunningly, to divert suspicion, and that he might be thought absolutely inno­cent in the business, when as now all things were agreed upon, with­draws himself, from the Court first, and then goes into France, a little before the Murther was com­mitted. All which passages, being indeed the most intricate maze of Treachery (one of them) that ever was devised by wicked men, were made to appear plain enough unto Queen Elizabeths Commissioners at York, as is manifest by Sir Ralph [Page 205] Sadlers Notes concerning that busi­ness, which I have seen; but after­ward more cleer then the Sun, at the Tryal and Execution of the Earl Morton. Surius. Chron. For Murray had met with vengeance before; having been Pistolled by a man of his own pro­fession, as he rode in the Street at Edinburgh, about the year 1570.

6 Yet upon such false and treache­rous Foundations as these, do they ground all their disloyal proceed­ings and hard usage of the Queens Majestie their natural Sovereign af­terward, viz. That which they us­ed towards her at Carbery hill, their slanderous Libels, their impriso­ning her at Lough-Levin; and their Act of Parliament for her depositi­on, as appeareth by the words of the Statute. Lastly the resignation of her Crown; which yet they stoutly affirmed at York, to have been voluntary and of her own seeking. But whether it were so or no, their course of proceeding will best manifest. For first, them­selves had drawn up the form of [Page 206] Resignation, before she understood any thing of it. Then Athol, Lid­dington and the rest send Sir Robert Melvin to her, to signifie from them the great danger she was in; and to perswade her to yeeld to their Mo­tion touching her Resignation: yea they alledged, as out of duty and well wishing to her, as they said, that in case the condition of affairs should change, what she should do now, could not be any prejudice to her, being it was extorted. Sir Nicholas Thro [...]morton was about this time arrived in Scotland from the Queen of England; upon other pretenses indeed, but a most fit man to further such a work: which he did, so like a cunning Artificer, that what wind soever blew him thither, he deserved well at his re­turn to have been created Lord Hurly. At last comes the Lord Lind­sey (one whose hands had been for­merly washed in the Secretaries blood,) with a Commission from the Counsel to the Queen, and with stern looks tenderd the wri­tings [Page 207] of Resignation to her, threat­ning fearfully, in case she should re­fuse to sign them. Whereupon she subscribed, beeing prisoner; and to save her life, lost her Crown. Was this a Free Resignation, think you? Their Act of Parliament in­deed calls it so, but the world will judge. Beside this they make her give power to the Lords, Lindsey and Ruthen (as her dearest Friends) to renounce the government in her name, and to appoint Murray Re­gent, which was the thing he had long & earnestly gaped for: when th [...]s was done, and she was now become, as it were; a private person, they de­cree, Chap. 12. that she shall remain prisoner until her Tryal. And Chap. 19. They draw up her Indictment most scandalously and falsly. A­mong the causes they pretend of her Resignation, they say first, That she was weary of the Government. But, their Tyrannous and Disloyal pro­ceedings had made her so, if she were. Secondly, That she was not able in Body and Spirit to endure the [Page 208] pains. She was in the flower of her age, and a Princess of no mean Vi­vacity, quickness, and Magnani­mity of Spirit, as they themselves and the world knew. And thirdly that she might in her life time, see her Son setled in the government. She would gladly have seen him first of age to govern himself. This was the direct way to loose both her Son and her self, for ought she could expect or foresee otherwise: But 'tis true, Domini est salus, qui evellit de laqueo pedes suorum, Sal­vation is of our Lord, and he deliver­eth the Feet of his people out of the Snare. For as it happened, the Queen maketh a very strange Escape: and at Hamiltoun, the house of a Noble Family, and at that time well af­fected, she rovoketh all, whatsoever she had done in her imprisonment, Confessing and Prot [...]sting that it was all again her Will, and by Force and Violence extorted from her; That no form of legal procee­ding had been observed in it; That the Noble Earls of Huntley, Argile, [Page 209] Lord Harris and many others, ne­ver consented to it. That in the Parliament, where it was transact­ed, there was not above Four Earls, Six Lords, One Bishop, and Three Abbots. With such manifest par­tiality, and dislike of the greater and better part of the Kingdom was the business carried!

7 I would tell you some other, no mean inducements, occasions, motives, which perswaded these Heads of the Scottish Nation, to cast themselves into such a Gulf of dis­loyalty against their natural Sove­reign, as they must needs either pe­rish themselves, or run the whole State of the Kingdom upon a Rock, and wrack it; but for some reasons I must do it under the Vail of an Apologue; For all things are not to be spoken plainly.

IN Africa then there were two great Forrests neer adjoyning; In the one a Lyon governed the Beasts, in the o­ther a Lyoness. The Lyon was Rich and full of Prey, yet feared, least his [Page 210] Neighbor the Lyoness getting her a Forreign Mate, should gather so much strength and courage, as to pick some quarrel with him, and invade his Fo­rest. Wherefore ca [...]ling a Counsel of his Beasts, he c [...]nsulted with them, how they might secure themselves of the Ly­oness: The Bull, presumptuous of his strength, and used to go [...]e all that came in his way, together with the Boar, and the Bear contemned such vain fears, as not worthy of the Lyons cou­rage: yet the Major part of the other Beasts concurred in opinion with the Lyon, That there was ground of fears and jealousies: which an old Ape perceiving, that had lived long in the Forest, and was used to counter­feit, gave advise presently, that the Lyon should f [...]ign kindeness, for, saith he, being an old dissembler, Great hearts are soonest won with faire semblance. Neither did Reignard the Fox dislike this Counsel; but know­ing that the Lyoness had many hungry. Wolves and Wily Foxes about her, ad­vised the Lyon to send the Goat, a­grave Bearded personage, to visite [Page 211] the Lyoness and renue Freindship: and under colour of such friendly Ne­gotiation, to deal privately with some of the Wolves and Foxes about the Lyoness, and breed in them some sear and apprehensions of her cruelty; yea and if he found them inclinable to such Counsels, to perswade them to stand more upon their own guard, and not to suffer the Lyoness to rule so Arbitra­rily, as she did, but rather, if they could, to make themselves a Free State, and to be under no other com­mand, but their own. The Goat per­formed this service so wisely, that the Mongrel, a Beast much used and very neer the person of the Lyoness, upon hearing the Motion, resented it so well, that he undertook to perswade some other of the Counsel. But, saith he, we have some cruel Beasts among us, which favor the Lyoness much, as The Tyger, the Leopard, the Ʋnicorn, &c. if they perceive this, they will op­pose us instantly, and make a Party too strong for us. Fear not that, said the Goat, we can spare you a Regiment or two of such Mastiffs, as shall defend [Page 212] and guard you sufficiently: onely be sure, that you stand to your business; and when you are once Masters of the Field, there will be Prey and spoile enough. Ʋpon this the Mongrel, the Wolve [...], and the Foxes, with such other Brutes as adhered to them, lay their Heads together, and never leave con­sulting and conspiring, till they had entrapped the Lyone [...]s, and drawn her into such a Pit-fal, as she was not able to recover her self, but they seize upon her, disongle her at their pleasure, and put her in ward. Reignard a great Counsellor of the Lyon in the o­ther Forest, and a Contriver of this Treachery, hearing what success it had, and that the Lyoness was secur'd, sends another Messenger to the Mongrel, ad­vising him to make sure of the Lyoness Whelp, and then he might securly rule and govern all: For, saith he, Posses­sion is the chief point in Law: and when you have him, you have all. Per­haps, out of sullenness and restraint, he may die; however, if he lives, he shall be sure to live at your pleasure and dis­posing, if you take him in time, [Page 213] so he did accordingly. This is the Fable. The Moralizing of it, I leave to those that expound Riddles; though this be such, as needeth not an Oedipus to declare it.

8 I might here end my discourse of this pretended Church of Scot­land, and of its irregular and tu­multuous Reformation, but that I desire to satisfie the Reader a little further in the true cause of this particular distemper, or more spe­cial abuse and contempt of Civil Magistracy, which the Reformers of this Church seem to have shewen all along their work. It proceeded without all doubt from the Spirit and humor of Calvin, who first devised it; and was himself a bitter enemy against all Magistrates, in whose Counsels he could not rule: In so much, as at Genevah it self, he was at first expelled for a sediti­ous person by the Magistrates of that City; and compelled to go live with Bucer at Strasburgh. Yet after­ward, the party, which favored him, prevailing at Genevah, he [Page 214] was recalled back again; but refu­sed to return, unless upon condi­tion and promise, that his disci­pline should be received. So it was promised by a general consent of the City, and at his coming performed; His consistory, that is to say, an Oligarchy of certain pickd Elders, was erected, as it were the Inquisition of Genevah. This, by the way, was a strain of policy much beyond Luthers dull reach, and which madded him all his life long. For by this Calvin did not onely set up a Church Independent of him, and without consulting at all with him, viz. with Luther, but became a Dictator general, as it were, to all the Protestant or refor­med Churches abroad; and so very much Eclipsed Luthers glory. But the seat of his Dominion was at Genevah, as we said, having setled his discipline in such maner there, that by colour and pretence of it, he was able, not onely to cen­sure offenders at his pleasure, but to carry on designs against any op­position [Page 215] whatsoever: For indeed through the concurrence of his El­dership (who were commonly all at his book) he was upon the mat­ter inv [...]sted with a kinde of Sove­reignety both of their Town and Chu [...]ch: He and his E [...]ders ruled all there. And to the end it should be received abroad with due reve­rence (though it were indeed the Idol of his own fancy, yet) they set it down ( viz. Calvins Presbyte­rian Discipline) for a mark of the True Church, and joyn it in equal rank with the Preaching of the word, and Administration of Sa­craments. So that by means of this Discipline he not onely in a short time became himself the great Sol­dan of the Lake, but sent his Mam­malukes also out into all the Pro­vinces of France, and planted Reformed Churches there after his Model of Genevah: The Sinods or more general Assemblies whereof, seating themselves in the principal and chief Towns of the Kingdom, are thereby inabled to hold such [Page 216] correspondence with the Nobility and Gentry of the Nation inclined to novelty, as that they are sure of a constant and strong support from them upon all occasions; yea to engage them perfectly in their way, they take them many times, very politickly, into their Consistories in the quality of Lay-Elders, and do questionless nourish in them­selves no faint hopes, to be able one day by their means to subvert those Pillers of the Catholike Church, which so much obstruct their proceedings, viz. the Bishops, Archbishops, and other Prelates of France; and to set up Calvinism and their Consistories all the King­dom over. This, I say, is the Train of their Policy, and the reason, why they are so implacable in their hatred, and incessantly violent and active against all such Princes and States, as do oppose the in­troduction of their Discipline; which is the Medium whereby, in France; Scotland, the Palatinate and elsewhere, they have made, or [Page 217] endeavored to make themselves Su­pream heads and Masters of misrule over all others: as hath been in part declared already, and shall be further manifested in the sequel of this narration. Hence it is, that all commanders, Generals, and all other Officers whatsoever in their service, are so strictly injoyned by the Articles of Bearn, Art. 25. as hath been said, to observe the discipline Ec­clesiastical, as it shall be from time to time, ordained by their Synods: And hence, that is to say, from this Arrogant confidence of theirs it was, and indiscreet zeal, that they refused when time was, at Rochel, so much as to speak with Monsieur Byron, the Kings Embas­sador; and used Monsieur la Nove with so much, and so long incivi­lities, that at last he was constrai­ned to forsake them.

9 And out of this fiery zeal for their Diana of the Discipline it pro­ceeds, that they oppose, prosecute, and vilifie, with so much bitter­ness of spirit and ill language, where [Page 218] they can or dare, all other Eccle­siastical government whatsoever all Order of Divine Service, Rites and Ceremonies, which are not exactly after their Mode, or fra­med according to their Pattern. And in this particular the Prote­stants church of England hath, from the beginning so much tasted of their spleen, or madness rather, that Mr. Butler of Cambridge may seem to have shewen no less judge­ment, then wit, in the definition which he once gave of a Puritan, viz. That he was a Protestant frayed out of his Wits; which King James in the Conference at Hampton Court disliked not. The reason where­of may be this. We finde by expe­rience, that Ceremonies and So­lemnity have ever in the Church of God stirred up and bred a reve­rence and devotion in the hearts of good people towards the service of God; that they help to elevate and awaken their souls in time of prayer and other Divine worship: also that the order, and gravity [Page 219] of Bishops and other Prelates of the Church were, not onely wont to finde, but apt to procure estima­tion and respect with the people. Now ask a Puritan his opinion of a Rochet, a Surplis, cornerd Cap, or any other Habit, which distin­guisheth Ecclesiastical persons from the Laity, he tells you presently, They are the raggs of Antichrist, badges of Superstition; The Com­munion Book he calls the Portess and Breviary of Satan; set prayers extinguish zeal with him, yea are tantum non flat Idolatry; The Ec­clesiastical Courts are the Syna­gogues or Shops of the Devil, and but the excrements of a corrupted discipline, which they would fain reform. As for the Authority and Government of Bishops he sub­scribs to Doctor Ames, Hunc Epis­coporum ordinem & medio tollendum, &c. That either this Hierarchy of Bishops must down, or Popery will come upon us, do what we can. Cujus con­trarium verum est. But let that pass. The Clergy of England they count [Page 220] Atheists, call them soldiers of An­tichrist, and a Bastardly Ministery. And from the Fountain of this frenzy sprang in late times, all those infamous and scandalous Li­bels of Ʋdal, Penry, Brown, Green­wood, Martin, Marprelate, Martin junior, Hay any work for a Cooper, The supplication to the President of Wales, and many other to the late Queen, and troublesome to the State. But the spring-head of all was Calvin himself, who Epist. 105. declares magis sibi placere, &c. that he (forsooth) did rather approve the Scottish Reformation, then that of England. Gramercy good Sir John. You like it better; why? because it was the issue of your own happy Brain: 'tis well known, Knox fetcht his Coales from your Fire, and cast his Engin of Refor­mation in your Mould; and so upon the matter, in commending it, like a wise man, you commend your self. So Epist. 26. he tells Cranmer, relictam esse congeriem, That there was a great heap of Popish super­stitions [Page 221] yet remaining in the Church of England, which did not onely dim, but even much darken, and corrupt the purity of Gods worship. Hence it was, that during all Queen Maries Reign, The English Church at Ge­nevah, as they calld themselves, was Antagonist, and at defiance with the English Church at Franck­fort: for they at Franckfort defend­ed the Authority of Bishops, and used the Leiturgy and Ceremonies which were commanded by King Edward the sixth; notwithstand­ing Mr. Calvin, writing to the Protector, by whose Authority they had been established, was so modest, as to call them scoffingly and by way of contempt, Tolera­biles Ineptias, certain fooleries, but yet such, as might be born withal for a time.

10 It is therefore we see, no Hyper­bolical charge or Calumny, to say that this Presbyterian Discipline is the Palladium of Calvinists, for which they do not onely contend but fight, tanquam pro aris & focis, a­gainst [Page 222] all Kings and Princes that oppose it, more eagerly and bitter­ly, then for any other thing: which no man will deny, that knowes, what their proceedings have been, & are in France, Scotland, Low-coun­tries, Bohemia and elsewhere; or that hath read Bsialicon Doron, writ­ten by a Pen, that had cause enough to be sensible of their disorders; or that Book of Philippus Nicolai, De regno. Xti. which is ful of predictions of what lawless attempts and practises they would serve themselves to advance their consistory above the court, which have not all prov'd untrue: or lastly that of Joannes Schutz a learned Lutheran, Lib. 50. caus. who tells them plainly that they trust onely upon their Soecular power, That they are seditious people, and defend their opi­nions best with a Sword in their hand. But that which King James him­self saith of them, is most remark­able Ego a Puritanis, Prefat. monitor. &c. I, saith he, have been vexed with these Puritans from my very Birth, yea they persecu­ted me, while I was yet in my Mothers [Page 223] Belly, and it mist but little, that they had not murdered me, before I was born. Among which Pranks that of the Ministers at Sterling must not be forgotten; who appeared them­selves in the field, under the Com­mand of some of the Nobility of that faction, and forced the King to yeeld his person to them, and to suffer a new guard to be put upon him, and his old removed. For which insolent attempt the chief of them, viz. Mr. Patrick Galloway, Pollard, Carmichel, and Andrew Melvin were glad afterwards to take covert in England: yet James Gibson stood to it, and called the King Jeroboam and persecutor; Lawson opposed and affronted him to his face: Pont and Balcanqual by open Proclamation and in the pre­sence of a publike Notary, censur'd him very formally, and did what they could to withdraw the peo­ples Loyalty and affection from him. When Philautia and Phanta­sia, that is, self-love and self-con­ceit do meet in Conjunction in the [Page 224] Brain, there must needs be a great Eclipse of the understanding; and a Heart swollen and blown up with singularity doth so far contemn, yea hate, whatsoever opposition is made against her, that being not able to govern the strong passion, and those fervors of a proud spirit which boyl incessantly within her, Men run like so many furies, upon rash and inconsiderate at­tempts, both against the reverence due to Majestie, Justice, and all good government. A thing mani­festly observable in these Zelots. And therefore the Zuinglians, who are (otherwise) more then their half Brethren, can scarcely ap­prove them in the point of the Con­sistory. For saith Gualter Minister of Zurich, Comment in 1 Cor. c. 5. Galli habent sua seniorum Concilia, &c. The Reformed French, saith he, have their Consistories of Elders, in whose hands all power and authority Ecclesiastical is, as it were, deposited; and in These all counsels and resolutions are taken, all Taxes and impositions layd for the [Page 225] maintaining of War against the King. Proper work doubtless for the Mi­nisters of Gods word, as they will be called, and for a Spiritual Court, as it pretends to be, and to as good a purpose. De Offic. Ministror. lib. 15. cap. 19.20, 22. Musculus also sheweth as little esteem of them, in his Loci. Commun. cap. 10. But above all Schultingius in his Hierarchica Anachresis doth most graphically and to the life discover their exor­bitant and absurd practises, shewing how all Kings, Princes, and Gover­nors are made subject to their Excom­munications, that truly Brutum Ful­men, of their elderships. How Nobili­ty and Commons both must assemble at the Summons of the Pastor, who is more then half Pope in his Parish, be­ing attended by Assisting Elders, rather to countenance what he will have done, then to do any thing contrary to his minde. Lastly, Calvin at Genevah is the Su­pream Oracle, beyond whom there is no appeal, really Papa, though out of a dissembled humility he seems not willing to be called Doctor. So he. [Page 226] And what confusion in the Civil State this Constitution of preten­ded Discipline may further cause in time, Hooker in the Preface to his Books of Ecclesiastical Policy sheweth at large.

Titulus Quartus. GEVXISM: OR The Troubles in HOLLAND, AND THE United Provinces.

1 BY Course we arrive now at the States of Holland, Zea­land, and those other united Provinces, that is, at an Aceldama a Field of blood, where the Prin­ciples mentioned so oft already in this Narrative, and the Tragical effects of them have been acted with most lamentable fury and rage for many years together. I [Page 228] will not be large in the declaration of them, to shew you, how, the Lutheran faction first began, and how violently the Calvinists suc­ceeding did prosecute their work; for then I should weary you. I shall labor to be as breif as I may, and rather to Epitomize things, then dilate them. Of all their Acti­ons That Union of Ʋtrecht was the most notorious; a devise cleerly according to the rules of Junius Brutus, and in imitation of the Switz and Cantons. This Union was made by the States in the year 1578. For seeing on the one hand the fortunate Proceedings of the Duke of Parma, and on the other the course of th [...] Male-Contents, they enter a perpetual League; which was comprized in Twenty Articles: In the first whereof Hol­land, Zealand, Frize and Gelders joyn contra omnem vim quae sub prae­textu, &c. to maintain one another against all force whatsoever that shall be made upon them in the Kings name, or for matter of Religion. After this, [Page 229] viz. in the year 1579. the Prince of Orange (who was the contriver and ringleader of all) with those of Antwerp and Gaunt enter the League, and subscribe on the Four­teenth of February: and it was a­gain confirmed at the Hague the Twentieth of July, 1581. The de­sign in all being to expel their Leige Lord the King of Spain, and to deprive him of those Domini­ons; as presently after they did; publishing an Edict in the name of the States unit [...]d, with this title or prescription, Que le Roy a' Es­pague est descheu, &c. That the King of Spain is fallen from the Dominion of the Low-Countries: and injoyn­ing an Oath or form of Abjuration to be taken by all the people of those Countries in these words, I W. N. Comme un bon vassal du 'pais. Sware anew and binde my self to the Provinces united, to be Loy­al and Faithful to them, and to Aid them against the King of Spain as a true Man of the Country. Upon this they break all the Kings Seals, pull down his Arms, seize and enter [Page 230] upon his Lands, Rents, Customes, and all Hereditaments whatsoever, taking them into their own posses­sion, and as absolute Lords, they Coyn Money in their own names, they place and displace Officers of State, Banish the Kings Counsel­lors, seize upon Church livings, suppress Catholike Religion, be­seidge Amsterdam, and do all other acts that might import Supream and absolute Dominion. And all this with so much terror and vio­lence, that, as 'tis reported, Raald a Counsellor for Frizeland, upon onely hearing of their maner of proceeding, and of the new Oath against the King, died suddenly therewith, as of an Apoplexy. The reasons they give, why the King had forfeited his title and right to these Countries were these. First, because he labored to suppress Religi­on. They mean their own, which they had newly taken up contrary to the old; and which, had it not been for the opposition made a­gainst it by the Kings Governors [Page 231] in the Provinces, had long before this time destroyed the Kings Reli­gion, which was legally established, and received by the ge [...]eral con­sent, approbation, and profession of the whole Country. Secondly, for oppressing, that is governing, them, not according to the Law, but by Tyranny. Thirdly, for abro­gating their priviledges▪ and holding them in a condition of bondage and servitude. Such a Prince, say they, we are not bound to obey as a Law­ful Magistrate, but to [...]ject as a Ty­rant. But this is a Presid [...]nt of v [...] ­ry dangerous consequ [...]n [...]e doubt­less. For if private Subjects (as [...] that time they were without dif­pute,) may depose their Prince meerly upon general Charges, and without having done any one overt Act contrary unto the Laws or the duty of his Office, and may make themselves sole Judges in the cause, of what is right betwixt the Prince and the People, of which they were in no capacity (either formal or virtual, that is representative) more [Page 232] then a Minor part, Qui stat, videat ne cadat, there is no Prince, nor State in the world can be secure. The Rochellers may plead this, as much as the Hollanders; and so may any discontented party under a government which they like not, as well as they.

But it shall not be amiss, to en­quire a little further into this busi­ness, and lay open to plain view the grounds, occasions and conse­quences thereof, so compendiously as we shall be able. The original, primary and true cause of these troubles was the spring and growth [...] heresie, which by this time was, like a Gangreen, spread over the greatest part of Germany, and not the least in these Low-Countries; where under the shadow of religion especially of abetting and promo­ting liberty of Conscience, as they called it, All factions of State and discontentments of Ambitious per­sons shrowded themselves. The peoples natural inclination to No­velty was great, and set it much [Page 233] forward; yet there wanted not the Concurrence of some Forreig­ners, (to blow the Coals of dissen­tion) both out of England and France. Charls the Fifth, Emper­or, a wise and provident Prince, remembringing what a piece of work Luther had lately cut him out in Germany, and with what dan­ger, difficulty, and charge he over­came it, intended, as well for the quietness of these Provinces, as for his own Interest and Honor, to pre­vent, as much as he could, the Propagation of Martinests and all other Sects whatsoever. And to that end, finding no other means more proper, and fit to be applied unto such a Malady, had established the Inquisition among them, about the yeer 1550. for the Execution whereof Mary, Queen of Hungary, then Regent of the Low-Countries procured such Explication and Mitigation of some Circumstances, as was judged necessary. But after this, the Emperor resigning the whole government of these Pro­vinces [Page 234] to his Son King Philip, re­tired himself, by a most memora­ble example, voluntarily from the world, and cons [...]crated the last act of his life entirely to God and devotion. King Philip at the first entrance into his government, finding how much the Sects in­creased daily in Flanders, not­withstanding the means opposed against them, and considering what danger would ensue upon it to the State, followed strictly his Fathers advise, and in the year 1555. re­newed the Commission, Instructi­ons and Articles for the said Inqui­sition. But this, as it happened through the general contagion and distemper of mindes, which Here­sie had bred in the people, provd onely matter of further discontent to the Inhabitants of the Nether-Lands, and did no good. They alledge, that all Strangers would thereupon be forced to depart the Country, and by consequence their Trading would decay, which was the Golden Mine and maintenance [Page 235] of those Provinces. Thus they com­plained; but indeed their inward grief was the humor of Innovation, to which they were much inclined, and therefore feared themselves. There was another Politick Act of the Kings, yet withall of very re­ligious concernment and design, which added Fewel to this Fire, namely, the Erecting of those new Bishopricks at Gaunt, Ipres, Floren. vand. Haer de tumult. Belgic. An­twerp, &c. which he intended all the Provinces over. And a third, viz. the authority and power of the Bishop of Arras, whose Cardi­nals Hat lately procured him by the Kings favor, made him the more odious; so as the greater his Obligation was to his Holiness, or the King their Sovereign, so much more, it seemed, was the malice both of the Nobility and common people incensed against him. Last­ly, they urge their Ancient privi­ledges and liberties which they pre­tend, were violated by the King; They would have no Strangers rule or bear Office among them; [Page 236] The Spaniards must be dismissed the Country; and some new liberties granted, viz. Liberty of Conscience, and Toleration for Religion.

.3 Thus were the names of Liberty and Religion made the Standard-bearers, as it were, to their future Commotions. But let us con­cerning their several grievances. As con­cerning the first, that of the Inqui­sition, the name is of greater Ter­ror then the thing: It was first de­vised upon a nece [...]sity against the Moors in Spain; and upon experi­ence of the use and benefit thereof, continued. And though I shall not commend any sign, or proceedings, that savor of cruelty, yet I cannot condemn this: because it addeth nothing to the punishment of Here­sie, which the Law did not inflict before; but requires onely a more strict Execution of the Law, and a more diligent course of examina­tion to be used by the Inquisitors. And certainly, under God, it hath been the chief Antidote, which hath preserved Spain so well and [Page 237] so long free from the infection of heresies, and from such dangerous and lasting tumults as do common­ly follow them, and wherewith the other Kingdoms of Europe have been generally embroyled. The Spaniards themselves, when they were most discontented, never complained of it; nor is it in it self a more bloody Law or Executi­on of Justice, then the Consistory it self at Genevah doth maintain, and hath executed more then once, though unjustly and Tyrannically, considering what principles they pretend, and what outcries and obtestations they once made for Liberty of Conscience, Liberty of Pro­phesying, Liberty of the Spirit, which is their onely Judge of Controversies, according to the written word alone, and not any Consistory, or com­pany of men whatsoever. Besides, as it was at first propounded by the King, out of his zeal for the good and quiet of the Country, so was it by his wisdom suspended afterwards, finding, they were not [Page 238] capable of such a remedy. For the second, viz. the Erecting of the new Bishopricks it was a prudent and necessary resolution to bridle Sectaries, and as a Sythe, to cut down those Weeds, which grew so fast in Gods Church. For by ap­pointing in each Province grave and learned men, to stand as Watchmen and Sentinels against the Enemies of the Church and State, it would be more easie, by concurrence of their Authority, and by their vigilancy over their Flocks, to preserve the people from danger of seducement. Neither was it a new design. For Philip Duke of Burgundy had long before desired it, as a thing very needful; because in his time all the Seventeen Pro­vinces (except onely the Diocess of Arras were under such Bishops, as were strangers to the Country, and Subjects of Forreign Princes; which could not be convenient for the State. And what good their Erection hath wrought, experience daily sheweth, in those places where [Page 239] they still continue. For now every Diocess is carefully visited by a Bishop of the same Country and Language; who as he hath more natural compassion, so hath he al­so more knowledge and care to instruct his Countrymen in the way that is right, and to weed out disorders. And therefore was the Erection allowed, and ratified by Bull of Pius Quartus in the year 1559. Concerning the third, viz. the Cardinal of Arras, Although his wisdom and experience in af­fairs of government, as well Ec­clesiastical as Civil, was sufficient­ly known to the King, yet because the Prince of Orange with the Counts Egmond and Horn, did joyntly write to the King against him, His Majestie, though to his great disservice, was content to re­move him, for their satisfaction. But when this was done, neither was the Country any whit the qui­eter, for his calling away; nor did they themselves cease from fur­ther practising. As for their liber­ties [Page 240] and franchises, had not the King confirm'd them all at the joy­ful entry? When did he violat them afterward? was it for pre­ferring Spaniards? There were ve­ry few of them left in the Country, and of these fewer cum imperio. Was it for the Offices of State? See how the governments were distributed among themselves. Count Egmond was Governor of Flaunders and Ar­tois; The Prince of Orange, Go­vernor of Holland, Zealand, Ʋtreckt and Burgundy; Count Aremberge was Governor of West-Frezeland, and Over-Issel; Count Barlamont of Namur, Count Mansfeld of Luxem­berge and Clinay; The Marquis of Berghen of Lisle and Doway: So as 'tis not easie to see, how the Nobi­lity could complain justly they were neglected, or not honorably imployed. And yet for addition, and their further assurance of the Kings good affection to them and the Provinces, he left his Sister the Dutchess of Parma Governor Ge­neral with them, a Woman of a [Page 241] very peaceable and mild Spirit, and one that was like to hold the bridle of Government with a Gen­tle hand, and to be advised by their Counsels.

4 In this maner were all things wisely and moderately constituted by the King, and might have so continued, had the Nobles com­plied with their duty, and not fa­vored so much those spirits of In­novation and Tumult, which lurk­ed up and down the Country, and had infected no small part of the Common people. Howbeit all things remained outwardly quiet for a long while; The fire that was, lay covered in Ashes: The first breaking out was not, til Baron Brederode and his Associates pre­sented their Petition to the Dutch­ess; which containing many things neither fit for them to aske, nor safe for her to grant, was, not with­out reason, look't upon as a Pro­logue to some future Troubles. Henceforward the Heads of the Faction plot the advancing of their [Page 242] party, and begin to strengthen themselves both at home and a­broad. These were, the Earl of Culembergh, who had lately mar­ried a Germane Lady of the Luthe­ran way: Horn, who was matched with the Sister of Count Harman: The Prince of Orange was already by his Mother allied to the Count of Solms, and his Wife was Sister to Maurice Duke of Saxony: And Grave Scheremberg had married his Sister. There was also Count Lodowick, the Princes Brother, a Soldier, and a man of great Spirit, Lutheran all over, and as fit an in­strument, as could be desired, both to make a party, and to back it. Besides these Flacius Illiricus, a most turbulent Preacher of new Doctrines, had been sent for pri­vately out of Germany, with some other Ministers, and were dispersed in all corners of the Country, in­censing and corrupting the people with as much industry as was pos­sible. These were Lutherans, and did mischief enough; But when [Page 243] Calvins Quicksilver came to be cast in among them, the fire then could be kept in no longer, but the flames break out in all places. The people in spight of Laws mutiny every where; down go the Kings Arms, down go Images, and all the Orna­ments in the Churches; The Chur­ches themselves, as if they had been the Castles and Forts of some Enemy, are Sackd and Pillaged, Strad. de bell Belgie. Monasteries rifled, Religious houses robd, puld down, and spoiled, the Religious expeld and driven out by force of Arms, and all Magi­strates whatsoever, that endeavo­red either to pacifie or oppose them, are contemn'd, abused, resisted: yea their fury and violence was such, as they forced the Go­verness her self to consult of reti­ring out of Brussels; which she had done, if the Counsel of some of the Nobles had not prevailed with her to the contrary. Yet did not the causes of her dislike and distrust cease, but rather grow and encrease daily, viz. the private Conventicles, [Page 244] preachings, and insolency of the people, openly now Lutheranizing, and even in the Face of the Court: yea the frequent and private meet­ings of many of the Nobility were matter of much jealousie to her, whereof she often complained in Counsel, but without redress. She knew very well, the people could work no great effects without a head, and that the Nobles wanted power to execute any of their d [...] ­signs without the people; but that both of them conspiring to coun­tenance and a [...]st each other, much mischief might follow. Orange, who was the chief Captain and contriver of all, yet playd least in sight, and would very seldom seem outwardly to favor any change of Religion, all that he did, was, as he pretended, for the interest of the Common-wealth and for the publick good. He was assisted chiefly by the Marquis of Berghen Montagny, and Florence Montmorency, alias Count Horn, who by this time was grown a perfect [Page 245] Malecontent; yet not for Religion, but upon some private respects, viz. of his own debt, and for being de­nied the government of Zutphen, but especially for the execution of his Brother Montigny in Spain. The meet­ings, in which they agitated Coun­sels, and brought their designs on­ward to perfection, were first at Bre­da, whither the Count Egmond was also invited, as a man of the grea­est Military power and interest in that Country: and presently af­ter, as an effect or resolution taken at that assembly, Brederode and his complices delivered their Petition to the Governess, as hath been said, for Liberty of Religion. They had meetings also at Hoochstrat, Oster­weal, and Saint Trudon, at which that Noble Count Egmond was un­done; For at his Arraignment it was one of the principal things chargd against him, that he had been privie to the Confederations and agreements made at those As­semblies. Secondly, that upon the same day the Petition was de­livered [Page 246] by Brederode, he came with the Prince of Orange and Count Horn to the great Banquet at the Earl of Culemberghs house, where there were no less then Three hun­dred Confederates, and dined with them; at which time the name of Geuses was publikely assumed by the Confederates. Third­ly, that afterward he sent his Se­cretary, Backerseal, to the Crew, of­fering them his aid. And lastly, which himself acknowledged at the Bar, That he had offered his assistance to hinder the Duke D' Al­vas coming into the Low-Coun­tries, and that he had neither dis­liked, nor disswaded the proceed­ings of the Confederates; Horn was endicted upon the same Articles, with this further charge against him, That he threatned to levy Fifty thousand men to rescue his Brother, and bring him home upon force out of Spain. Upon proof of which accusations, they were, both of them, condemned and lost their heads; as it semed, [Page 247] not onely just for matter of Law, but also necessary for reason of State, for the example of others, for the Regents safety, and for vin­dication of the Kings honor and authority; which partly by their practises, and partly by their con­nivances contrary to duty, had been insufferably vilified and abu­sed by the rude multitude. Sir Roger Williams History. Yet is it commonly thought, that Count Egmond was rather drawn in by the Craft and Policy of Orange, then that he engaged mu [...]h of him­self; being otherwise a person of a plain, yet Noble and Magnani­mous disposition, and therefore ge­nerally lamented.

5 For what Prince is there in the World, that having endured so many indignities, and of such fowl nature, as those we lately mentioned, would not seek to vin­dicate his honor upon the offenders and to prevent the like for the fu­ture? Was it not time for the King to Arm, when the people were in Arms, and had, beside their con­tempt [Page 248] of Religion, committed so many great and scandalous disor­ders? the Nobility, whose office and duty it was by their places to have suppressed and punished them, conniving at their proceedings? When the Cities were all in up­roars, and the whole frame of the Common-wealth seeming to be shaken? Had not the King all the reason in the World to send D' Al­va and forces of his own, when the Provincial Governors would not be commanded to apply theirs ef­fectually to the business? It was certainly high time to do that which he did, not onely to repress and keep in order those rebellious Spirits, which were dispersed and acting in all parts of the Country; but also to encounter and oppose Orange, who by this time, what by his open backwardness and oppo­sitions to such Counsels as tended to a speedy redress of those evils, and what by his secret practises and abetting of the Delinquent party, had no less undermined the govern­ment [Page 249] it self, then he had discoura­ged and wearied the Governess. And for the Companies, which D' Alva brought out of Spain, at which the people were taught so much to murmur, could it be law­ful for the Prince of Orange to bring in the Reisters out of Germany, and for his Brother the Count Lodo­wick, with an Army of French to invade Henault, and was it not lawful for the King to send in for­ces to maintain his own? Was it lawful for them to surprize Montz, and was it not more lawful for the King to expel them? Let no man dream, that if the Dukes forces had not come, the Country would have been quiet: for that was in­credible to any body, that knew the State of affairs. The fire was not quenched, but covered, and would have broken out again in a greater flame. The Confederating of so many and great Persons, countenanced by the chief Gover­nors themselves, did Prognosticate a storm to be yet coming; and all [Page 250] men of understanding saw, they were not likely to be governed long by the Bridle in a Womans hand. Therefore was the King forced upon the matter to send D' Alva. And the rather, because he could not but know, that Monsieur Chastillon, Jean Pe­tit. l' Histor. the Admiral of France, had sent to Baron Brederode, both to incense him further against the King, and to perswade him not to agree with the Dutchess of Parma; for, saith he, that would but deceive him: and offering moreover in case of necessity, to a [...] st him with Four thousand Gentlemen. That Count Lodowick, after his def [...]at at Mont [...], did lie at Rochel among the Calvinists; and that the Prince himself was gone into France on purpose to prepare for a future in­vasion. He knew, that the same Admiral afterwards did sollicit Charls the Ninth, King of France, to turn all his Wars upon Flanders, and to take upon him the protecti­on of the Low-Countries; That Aldegund, a great Incendiary, was [Page 251] in Germany solliciting a party there with like eagerness. So that they laboring on all sides to offend the King, shall it not be lawful for his Majestie to provide for his own ne­cessarie defence, but he must be taxed with Tyranny? Certainly it is a most unequal censure, and argueth much more partiality then reason. D' Alva could be no cause of those disorders, which made his coming necessary; for they all preceded his coming. The Regent, notwithstanding all her mildeness, yet was at last forced to deal with them by Arms; and having by that means once reduced them, yet they are insolent and factious still, and to bring their evil purposes to effect, they seek to Forreign Prin­ces for aid. Who can wonder then, if the Duke, finding their distempers such, as that gentle pro­ce [...]dings did rather aggravate, then allay the malady, did make his War with some rigor? It was no more then necessity, and the gene­ral malice, with which they had [Page 252] possessed the people against him, compelled him to do for his own safety. In the Passion week, pre­sently after his coming, there was a Conspiracy to kill him, whiles he was at his Devotions, at the Monastery of the Green Vally in the Forest of Sauve not far from Brusels. Monsieur Risot, Carli, Vil­lars with Seven hundred Horse and Five hundred Foote were designed to do it, when the Duke, the No­bles, and all his followers should be at Mass; and with fire and in­struments devised for the purpose, to burn both men, and Monastery, and Church, good and bad, friends and enemies all together: as the two Guidons confessed. Such ano­ther business was intended also at Brussels against the Spaniards, Mich. ab. Isselt. de bell. Belg. as both Petit, Mendoza, and others testifie. Neither did their malice much cease, when he was recalled. For as that Noble Lord the Duke of Areschot discovered, and advised Don John, there was a Plot to have surprized his person, of which the [Page 253] Prince of Orange was reported to be the chief manager; and another to kill him at Namur by Radcliff and Grey, two Englishmen. I en­quire not who set them on work; Latet anguis in herbâ, its a business not to be look't into too far. And did not those Calv [...]nists at Antwerp as finely contrive, to have blown up that famous Duke of Parma, as he should be going along the High Street, with all the chief State of the Country attending on him? So that 'tis cleer, how strange soe­ver they make of it, Protestants may be charged with Assassinats and Treasons, as well as others.

6 Thus were the occasions and first beginnings of the Nether-Landish tumults. To discourse a little of the chief Author, Actor, and upholder of them, we are to know, The Prince of Orange (who signally deserves that Character,) was a very popular, and no less politick man, and beside a great House-keeper, which qualities, es­pecially the last, very acceptable [Page 254] to that sort of people, stood him in no smal stead in order to his de­signs. The house of Nassau in Ger­many was Ancient and Honorable, but advanced in this Country chiefly by marriages. This Willi­am (his Father falling to Luthera­nism) Charls the Fifth, Emperor, out of a Princely affection to him, took from his Father, and com­mended him to the care and Educa­tion of Mary, Queen of Hungary, his Sister. Afterwards he admitted him to be of his Bedchamber; Then made him General of his Horse, and after that raised him to be Leivetenant General of the Army. And yet further to endear his obli­gation to him, when he was to [...]nd the Imperial Crown to his Brother Ferdinand, he made choise of him, as a man of most Trust, and com­mended him likewise very much to his Son, King Philip; notwithstan­ding diverse often warned him to take heed, that he nursed not a Snake in his Bosom; to these favors we may adde how much the Em­peror [Page 255] favored his match with the Count of Burens Daughter and Heir, who was his first Wife, and by whom he was highly advanced; and that he procured Rhenatus of Challon, Prince of Orange, to make this William his Heire, when the President Schorus was wholly a­gainst him. These things conside­red, and also the many favors, and great trust, which King Philip also shewed to have in him, com­mitting so many and so great Go­vernments to his charge and fideli­ty, viz. Holland, Zealand, Ʋtrecht, and Burgundy, as hath been said, it might seem impossible almost, that any thing should corrupt his Loyalty. The first visible disgust he took, was upon the Kings going into Spain. The Prince being then a Widower, aspired to marry with the Princess Christerna, Dutchess of Lorrain, Cousin Germane to the King, and labored also, that she might be made Governess of the Provinces in the Kings absence; to the intent, that by such Alliance [Page 256] he might in effect sway the whole Government of the Provinces him­self: a thing indeed for which he had gaped a long time, and stood competitor with Count Egmond. But the King preferring the Dutch­ess of Parma, he lost both his hopes and his Wife. Upon this grew his first hatred against D' Alva and the Cardinal Granvellan, by whose Counsels, he supposed, the Dutch­ess of Parma was preferred. So as Ambition and Pride being indeed the true internal motives of his dis­content, Religion, and the Com­mon-wealths interest, must be made the Mantle to hide it. Hereupon he marrieth into the house of Sax­ony, which was already Luthera­nized, and sets Brederode and his fellows to work, as we have seen already. Then labors to make a difference between Granvellan and Egmond (although the former had been his good friend in many mat­ters of importance:) practiseth what he can to hinder the coming in of D' Alva; nor did he ever, after [Page 257] that repulse concerning the Dutch­ess of Lorrain, shew himself wel af­fected to the Kings affairs, nor con­tent with any favors. But after all this that hath been already re­cited, he invades Frizeland, di­rects Lumay to possess himself of Brill, and what else he could in Holland; gives order to his Brother Scheremberg to make himself ma­ster of Zutphen, and himself mak­eth Saras Governor of Flushing. Wherein (to note it by the way,) the World took notice of a great oversight in the Duke d' Alva, to neglect a place of so great impor­tance so long, and to suffer it to be invested by the Enemy. In a word I may wel conclude, he was the great Wheel, whereupon the whole State of the Confederates affairs turned. It is true, he did once seek to be reconciled to the King, by intercession of the Emperor, and Duke of Bavier, but not being able to procure it modo & formâ as he desired, he grew desperate in his resolutions, though he met with [Page 258] ill success in all things for a long time, and could finde no harbor but Holland. That Country in­deed being now become, through his means, a receptacle for all Re­ligions, afforded him a place of retreat, not onely to preserve what remained, but also to repair and make up his decayed Estate. There factions were ripened to their full Maturity; and the place so forti­fied both by nature and art, that, till he should be able to appear in Action to the World and fight, he might lie secure and write Apolo­gies; encourage seditious people abroad, and settle his new Religi­on at home; which, although at first, and from his Father, it was Lutheran, yet after he had been in France, he Professed rather to fa­vor Calvinism, providently and wisely foreseing, as he was a man that wanted no insight into Worldly affaires of this nature, that they, viz, the Calvinists, were to be his neerest and surest Neigh­bors.

7 All which practises and courses of his notwithstanding, with the injustice of them, being well dis­cerned at last by the States of Artois and Henault, when they were, in the year 1579. reconciled to the King, with the assent of the most Honorable Duke of Areschot, they binde themselves in the Fifth Arti­cle of Agreement, to prosecute the War against the Prince of O­range, as the Enemy general of the peace of those Countries, and to finde at their own charge Eighteen thousand men for that purpose: which certainly being Persons of such Religions and right Noble quality, as 'tis known they were, and of so great experience in all the passages and pretences of O­range, they would never have done, if they had not known both him and his practises to be very bad. I confess, that the Hollanders are a people very industrious, and skil­ful to make use of their labor, but yet of such a temper, that as a Learned Censor saith of them, [Page 260] Nec totam libertatem, Thu [...]n. Nec totam ser­vitutem patiuntur, They endure not well, either absolute Liberty, (which makes them insolent;) nor absolute Servitude, (which makes them mad.) Friends they are some­what too much to change, and not always content with the present State: which would appear more then it doth, but that their mindes are now wholly set upon their Trade and profit, wherein finding much sweet, by their successes at home and abroad, they are ex­treamly jealous of any thing, that sounds but to the least obstruction of either of them. The Prince of Orange therefore understanding their natures very well, and to feed this jealous humor of theirs with fit matter, discovers a certain secret Counsel to them, which he preten­ded, Henry the Second, King of France, had taken with the Duke d' Alva, to suppress the Protestants by force of Arms, and to erect the Seventeen Provinces into one King­dom; and this the French King him­self [Page 261] should tell him at his being in France. But first was it so likely, the Duke would discover such a secret of his Master to an Enemy newly, or scarce reconciled? Beside, King Henry dying suddenly, as he did by mischance, there was now no body living to disavow the imposture, but D' Alva onely; and him, he was sure the people would not be over hasty to beleeve. He was the first also that gave out, that factious and stale Calumny a­gainst the Emperor and King of Spain, That they should affect a Monarchy Universal over all Eu­rope: which forgeries, how palpa­ble soever, yet they served his turn thus far, viz. to terrifie the Hollan­ders, to make them rely still upon him, and to procure some distrust and hatred in Forreign Nations against the Spaniards and house of Austria.

8 This upon the matter is the whole charge, and all that can be objected against the King, from the very beginning, as I have re­lated [Page 262] it; and these the Actors which prosecuted the business: against whom what exceptions may be taken for their Estimation, Integri­ty, Testimony, especially in their own cause, every man may see. It remains, that we enquire a little, whether the King stood guilty of those Crimes, which they charged upon him, Injustice and Tyranny. For if he be innocent, these men were grand usurpers: if guilty, another question will arise, whe­ther his error in Government will give them title, and his offence free them from Subjection. It is ma­nifest to all the world, that the King ever desired peace, and with great care, so far as in him lay, la­bored to prevent the desolation of his people and Countries; as the course that was taken by that ex­cellent and most loyal Prince the Duke of Areschot, and by the States General at Gaunt in the year 1574, do testifie. When they found it re­quisite to decree, and did decree a general Amnestia or Oblivion of [Page 263] all things past on both sides; and took order for the dismission of the Spaniards, Notwithstanding that in this pacification all things were, in a maner, referred to the States, and the King scarcely so much as mentioned: yet Don John did rati­fie it, and procured the Kings con­sent for the confirmation of all, as appears by the perpetual Edict. This agreement was made by the States General of the Provinces, and for the general good and quiet of them; yet would not the Prince of Orange, Holland, nor Zealand ac­cept of it. They perswaded the States General not to receive Don John for Governor, till the Spani­ards were gone; although them­selves refused at that very time, to dismiss those Forreign forces, which they had in Holland: that is to say, They would binde the Go­vernor to perform promise, but they themselves must be at liberty to break. Was it for Religion they did dissent? that can hardly be said. For in the Articles of A­greement [Page 264] there was provision made for their security in that point by this Article, Ʋt sola Romana religio in iis exerceatur, exceptâ Hollandiâ, & Zelandiâ. Roman Religion was to be exercised onely in the other Provinces, but Holland and Zealand were excepted. And for the Prince himself in the general Amnestia, he had as absolute in­dempnity offered and assured him, as could be imagined; if that had been all he had sought: And the States had prevailed more in his behalf, then the Emperor could. But Malice and Ambition trans­ported him still, and the more His Majestie gave assurance of his de­sires of Peace; the more he prepa­red and was inclined to War: wherein yet the World did never count him a Hannibal. This ap­peared yet more plainly in the col­loquy at Breda in the year 1575. where the King offered reasonable conditions, and the Emperor had sent the Count Swartzembergh to perswade them to concord; yet [Page 265] the Prince would listen to nothing, the Treaty was fruitless, and at the same time the Hollanders were Treating by their Agents, Jean Pe [...] ­tit. Aldegund and Douza, to submit themselves to the Queen of England. Yet not­withstanding all this, which the King knew well enough, such was his patience and royal goodness, and so far was he from the baseness of Tyranny towards him or any other, that he proclaimed not O­range Traytor till the year 1580, that is, till his malice appeared to be irreconcileable, and his courses desperate; and that the Trayterous Ʋnion of Ʋtrecht was framed and published, which is about Fifteen years after the beginning of the troubles.

9 Adde hereunto, that when the Emperor procured the Treaty at Colen in the yeer 1579, and made choise of most Honorable and emi­nent persons for that purpose, viz. Two of the Princes Electors, the Bishop of Wurtzburgh, the Count Wartzemburgh, and Doctor Lawen­man, [Page 266] the King of Spain was as for­ward, and sent thither the Duke de Terra Nova; And the Duke Are­schot with some others, were Com­missioners from the States with Commission Signed by the Arch-Duke Mutthias. The States had by their Letter to the Emperor bearing date June the Eighth 1578. promised, that they were, and so would continue, constantly resol­ved, Ʋt in Belgio colatur religio Ca­tholica, & sua Regi constet Authori­tas, that both Catholike Religion and the Kings Authority should be main­tained in the Netherlands. Before this at Worms in the year 1577. the Agents of the States submitted and referred themselves to the Emperor; as likewise the King of Spain did: Therefore both parties being so in­clinable, and consenting in Eodem Tertio in the same Umpire, who could expect, but that a general peace should follow? But Davus per­turbat omnia. When the Emperors Commissioners were come to Colen at the time appointed, viz. by the [Page 267] beginning of April, the States Com­missioners appeared not till the Fourth of May, and then with a Commission insufficient, and their Treating restrained to a Term of Six weeks and no longer; when as themselves had been twice the time in but framing their instructions, which the Commissioners of the Emperor took for a great error, as justly they might do. All which delays had been craftily procured by the Prince of Orange and his par­ty, on purpose to obstruct the peace. And in the Articles them­selves the States Commissioners propounded many things contrary to promise. In the Articles pro­posed by the Duke de Terrâ Novâ in the behalf of his Master, All kinde of severity relating to Religion was mitigated, as the Emperors Commissioners had assured them, to the intent, ut nemo justè queri po­ssit, &c. that no man might com­plain of the King, as if he desired, either to Tyrannize over their bodies, or to Seize their Estates, or to Oppress [Page 268] their Consciences for matter of Religi­on. But nothing could prevail: so the Imperial Commissioners find­ing such dallying and delays in the States, That in Sixteen weeks they could get no answer, and that in their Letters they did onely renew old grievances and quarrels, they broke up the Treaty and departed. Nevertheless B [...]lduc and Valencien­nes received the Articles: So did Over-Issle and Tournay, Artois and Henault guided by the Bonus Geni­us of the Country; and Em. L [...]lain that valiant and religious Mar­quis of Renty, together with Mon­sieurs de Capre, Heze, Barze, and the rest contemned the course of O­range, offered their obedience to the King, and made peace with the Duke of Parma. But as for the Hollanders they were now further off then ever; they publish dis­courses against the Treaty, and la­bor by all means possible, how to make good their usurpation, and perfect their Union, which they were all this time a framing: not [Page 269] forgetting to scatter seeds of dissen­tion and further discord among the Provinces; in which business their Ministers helped them not a little. And lastly at this time also, by the advise of Orange and Eng­land they admitted Monsieur, the Duke of Alenson in the year 1578. to a kinde of Protectorship of the Provinces, creating him Duke of Brabant and absolute Prince of the Netherlands: And all to shew, how irreconcileable they were to their natural Sovereign.

10 Thus much hath been said to shew the Kings good inclination to Peace. Now for his Tyranny and Exaction which they pretend­ed, and objected in the second place, as the cause of making that Union; and also his breaking of their Priviledges, and the too se­vere Government of his Mini­sters, contrary, as they say, to his Oath at Coronation: surely so long after D' Alva's times, and un­der the moderate Government of the Duke of Parma, and after so [Page 270] many significations of the Kings gracious disposition and offers to ease their burthens, if they would themselves, this may rather be judged a Cavil to shift Peace, then any desire to be rid of War. But as for the business of the Tenth Pen­ny, an exaction which they so much complain of, we must draw the Curtain a little, and tell you, it was necessity, and not his own will, which forced him to require that; and that otherwise, neither would he have done it, nor the King have suffered it. But, as it happened, being driven to an extremity for the satisfying of the Soldiers, (who always grow wilde, if they want Pay,) he was constrained to incur an inconvenience, that he might avoid a mischief. England and O­range were the cause of it. For a­bout this time some of the Counsel here, by the instigation of the Prince, had made stop of no less sum then Six hundred thousand Duckets, which were sent out of Spain, to the Army, but driven by hard weather [Page 271] and ill fortune upon the coast of Hampshire; notwithstanding as some say, the Queen had given a safe Conduct for the passage thereof. But the Polititians of those times, and Enemies of Spain, knew well, into what Streights the want of this money would drive D' Alva; and that of necessity he must commit some error or other, which would encrease the hatred of his Govern­ment, and perhaps arm the peoples fury once more to sedition. Be­sides this the King had sent another sum of Two hundred thousand Duckets by the Duke de Medina, but that also was intercepted at Sea by the Zealanders, and converted to o­ther uses. This man was of a milder nature, and sent on purpose to qualifie the severity of D' Alva, who by his natural Sterneness and some errors in Government, (which the general malice of the people, and disfavor of some Forreign Princes did much aggravate,) had made himself, it must be confessed, not a little odious: but having, as [Page 272] was said, lost his money and Ships, he had small heart to stay among them; so he quickly returned home again, and with a resoluti­on, it seemed, never to have fur­ther dealing with such sharking Cormorants, and left D' Alva in a Labyrinth of difficulties, how to get money and govern his Soldiers. But however, it appears by this, that it was never the Kings pleasure nor purpose, but meerly the necessity of his present wants, which com­pelled the Duke to demand that Tribute; and that the quarrel up­on it was rather made and contri­ved by themselves, then given. And these great pretenders for the Com­mons, that seemed then so extream­ly careful of the peoples ease, and sollicitous to keep them free from Taxes, Impositions, &c. Let me ask them one question, Why do they now Tax them so much? Why do they lay such heavy burthens upon them, they themselves now they have them in their power? Excises? Subsidies? Taxes of all sorts? which [Page 273] they have augmented, and do daily augment and raise in such sort, that never any Common-wealth in Christendome groaned under the like burthens. Tis certain, The Gentle Father of the people (as they once called that Fox the Prince of Orange) did propound and endeavor to wrest from them, not the Tenth but the Sixth Penny towards his charge and mainte­nance in the year 1584, Mich. ab Isselt de bell. Belgic. after he had made them a Free State. This you will say, was a Note above Ela. And though the people deni­ed it and murmured grievously at the motion, yet is he still in Holland Pater Patriae; so well and cunning­ly doth he both shuffle his Cards and play his Game. Barnevelt in his Apologie confesseth, that in the year 1586. he found the order of Government out of all good frame; many Protestant Preachers would not acknowledge the States, because they had not that command and discipline after the French fashion, which they desired; The Common [Page 274] people all contrary-minded one to another, and the Towns wishing for Peace; The Expences of the State exceeded all incomes by Twenty six Millions, and that (which I cannot but wish the Rea­der to observe,) West-Frizeland, which in the beginning of the trou­bles did contribute onely Eighteen hundred thousand Florens, was now charged to pay Quadragies centena millia librarum & duos Milli­ones. I have put it down in the Au­thors own words, because I would not have the Reader po [...] bly mi­staken. Who is now the Tyrant and Exactor? It seems though the people have changed their Lord, they have not laid down their bur­then. D'Alva may be said to have beat them with Whips, but the States with Scorpions. Do but consider their Excises and Imposi­tions upon all sorts of Commodi­ties, even the most necessary for humane life and subsistance, viz. Meat, Drink, Fewel, yea men-servants Wages, and what not? [Page 275] Besides Loans and Benevolences, which are both commonly requi­red, and heavy. Cnickius directly chargeth them, that they exact one way or other the Fourth part of the peoples Revenues, that are Hol­landers and live out of the Coun­try: But, saith he, Si in Provinciis nostris, &c. if they live in any of our Provinces by leave, Semissem jubent solvere, &c. they require them to pay the one half; and in case they refuse or neglect, They take all.

11 As for the cruelty of D' Alva, (which was objected so much to little purpose in the Treaty at Co­len, and hath been since Rhetori­cally aggravated by their Doctor Baudius) let us call to minde, See Bau­dii orat. what provocations were at first given him, by the oppositions and ma­lice of the Nassovians, by the War at Montz, by the practises used to impead his entrance into Brabant and by so often contriving his death: yet were these venial sins. But when he found the Nobility [Page 276] so far engaged with the Geuses, as they were, that the Kings Autho­rity was slighted, Catholike Reli­gion generally deserted and profa­ned, the chief solemnities thereof in some places most impiously and contumeliously abused in the face of Heaven and of the Catholike Army; when he saw the Towns in Holland and Zealand revolt, Har­lem, Alcmar and others refusing the Kings Authority, what indifferent man can wonder, if severity were used at first, to such of them as fell under his power? Who would not think that Cauterizing was neces­sary, when there appeared so much proud flesh in the wound; and that purgations must be somewhat vio­lent, when the body is so much and so generally distempered? Nor could the peaceable nature of the Commendador Ludovicus Reque­sens, who succeeded D'Alva, do a­ny good upon such rough and ir­reconcileable spirits. How often was he heard to cry out, Dios nos libera de estos estados, God deliver [Page 277] me from these States once. Inso­much that Sir Roger Williams, a Gen­tleman of our own Country and Soldier of good note, who had served on both sides, and knew the nature of the people very well, con­demns the revocation of D'Alva as an error of State; Because, saith he, See his History. nothing but rigor could reduce such violent Spirits unto order, and nothing but a Sword in hand keep them in obe­dience. As for the Kings Oath which they say, he hath broken in the matter of priviledges, if they would decide the matter by justice, they must make it plain and evi­dent, by what Fact, in what case, instance, example he hath broke it; and ought not to presume so much as they do, viz. to be (Themselves) both Plaintiffs, Accusers and Judg­es. Again supposing that the King had broken his Oath, may not many things happen after his Oath-taking to excuse him from perjury? By Law every Oath or promise, how absolute soever, yet hath al­ways this necessary condition tacit­ly [Page 278] implyed in it, viz: rebus sic stan­tibus, that things remain so as they were, when the Oath was taken. But if such difficulties or alterati­ons happen, as render the promise either impossible or unlawful to be performed, a man doth not then commit perjury, nor any other kinde of injustice, by not perfor­ming his promise. What if that which the King at his Inauguration promised for the good of the Pro­vince, cannot be observed now, but with the great dammage of the Province, and of all Europe? and this occasioned by the distemper and change of the people themselves of the Province? of necessity, if the case, that is to say, the condition and state of affairs be so far chang­ed, resolutions and proceedings upon them must also change. A­gain, supposing he had broken his Oath, suâ culpâ and blameably, yet were not the States thereby in­abled or authorized to depose him, and chuse a new Prince. For in the Articles of the Joyful Entry this [Page 279] is a Clause. Ʋt si in omnibus, aut in vno quopiam Articulo pacta ista Dux Brabantiae violasset, &c. That if it shall happen that the said Dake of Brabant doth violate or break either all or any one of these Articles, it shall be lawful for his Subjects to deny him the accustomed services, until the thing in Controversie be either revoked or a­mended. So long they might, but after the grievances complained of should be redressed, they were to return again to their duty, and to rest in statu quo prius of obedient Subjects. And the world knows, how oft the King offered unto the Emperor, to other Forreign Prin­ces, and to the States themselves to revoke and amend, whatsoever could be proved amiss. Beside, the States and Courts of Brabant are more proper to decide this questi­on, then the States of Holland; who have no such priviledges Origi­nally, but onely by Participation and Ʋnion: And they, that is, Brabant, Flanders, Artois, Henault and the rest have conformed themselves, [Page 280] and are returned to their due Alle­giance, being obedient to the King, his Laws and Government. And if Holland would but follow their example, the business were at an end.

12 To draw therefore to some con­clusion in this matter of Priviledges and of the Kings Oath, it would be demanded, who granted these Priviledges at first? was it not the Prince ex mero motu & gratiâ speci­ali, out of his meer grace and fa­vor, and to gratifie, and endear the affections of good Subjects to him? Do not all their Charters run in this still? Speak they not all this language? What ungrate­ful presumption is it then for peo­ple to be so ready and industrious to molest their Sovereign Princes upon the advantage of their own favors? What if they be forced to break an Article, or some clause of an Article upon urgent cause? must it be judged a crime unpardon­able? what would they have said to Philip Duke of Burgundy, and of [Page 281] the Netherlands, who upon occasi­on resumed into his own hand, Henric. Berland. Histor. and by his own Authority, all the Priviledges and Immunities of Gaunt? yea detained them all his life-time; teaching them thereby to acknowledge from whose grace they held them? And though the people compelled his Son Charls to restore them, upon his coming to Gaunt, yet it proved to their cost: for they were forced to seek pardon, and to cast themselves and their Charters once again at his feet, and to stand to mercy. The like he did at Machlin, but not without great suit made to him, and upon such conditions, as himself thought good. And it is not a little strange to be considered, why this Prince of Orange, who urgeth so much the Kings Oath, and that it ought to be kept, yet makes so little conscience to perform his own. For he may remember, when he was made Go­vernor of Brabant, Mich. Bai­us. de Ʋ ­nion. Stat. he took his Oath to maintain Catholike Reli­gion in that Province. Hath he per­formed [Page 282] it? When he retired into Holland, he professed and protested publikely, he would alter nothing, nor dispossess the Catholike Cler­gie of their livings: The like he did at Amsterdam, and further bound himself there with a Solemn Oath; yet he performed none of these, but the clean contrary most perfidiously and wickedly, as soon as ever he had power in his hands, and could attend to do it, so that to serve his own turn, and for his treacherous end, we see how much he could urge another man, though his own sovereign, to his duty: but for his own, Religion and bonum publicum gives him a dispensation. And it is just according to Calvins Institutions. Lib. 4. c. 13. Sect. 21. A man, saith he, once perfectly illuminated by the light of the Gospel simul omnibus vinculis obediendi legibus & Eccles [...]ae solutus est, is ipso facto and at an instant dis­charged from all bands of obedience either to the Church or the State. A blessed Lesson doubtless, and where­in he could not but have many [Page 283] Scholars. But all this while no particular charge comes in against the King, no instance, no example is given, wherein he did break his Oath, when it was po [...] ble for him to keep it; which through their distempers and undutifulness, was become not a little difficult. Was it in his exactions? that is answe­red already. Was it for bringing in Spaniards upon them? Time and necessity forced him to be at that great charge and trouble much against his will, to defend the Church, to defend the Religion of his Ancestors and of the Coun­try, against the insolencies of rude, ignorant, impious people, conni­ved at, and countenanced by them; lastly to defend the Laws and lau­dable Customs of the Country, and to make them know he was their Prince. Was it in the matter of Re­ligion? Indeed it is true, there is a clause in the Ʋnion, contra omnem vim, &c. That it should be against all violence whatsoever, that should be offered them under pretence of the [Page 284] Kings Authority for matter of Religi­on. It is to be observed, at the be­ginning Orange, Horn, and Montig­ny joyned with the people upon pretense onely of opposing the In­quisition; upon this ground onely they would seem to countenance Brederode and his complices, and for this end only they seem to urge the Religions Ʋried, yea they pub­lish books, and make liberal pro­mises to be content, if they may but enjoy their own Religion, and that they will not prejudice or op­pose the Catholikes: and with such dissembling as this, they drew a great part even of the Catholikes themselves to joyn with them, yea Prelates, and persons no way sus­pected for the matter of Religion, yet deceived not a little with their pretenses of liberty and of the pub­like good: for which reason the Arch-Duke Matthias was called in, and they engaged to assist and defend him with their lives and estates, Well! the Religions Ʋried was granted, and thereby, as it [Page 285] were, a Supersedeas to the Inquisi­tion; all violence and severity for matter of Religion ceased. What could they desire more? All the Provinces, and Holland and Zea­land among the rest, enjoyed what they would have, Liberty, Re­ligion, Et quid non? But it is an observation of infallible verity, Faction and Heresie are always humble, till they get the Sword in their hands; when they have it, they change their tune; as it mani­festly appeared by their procee­dings. For in a short time they of Holland were so far from keeping the Peace of Religion, which they had promised, that they expel the Catholike Clergy out of all places under their power, They seize up­on their Lands, Sequester their Be­nefices, Imprison their Persons, yea molest and prosecute all without exception, whose consciences suf­fer them not to conform to their pretended Synods, at Dort in the year 1574. at Middleborough in the year 1581. yea they drown, and [Page 286] use many other kindes of cruelty towards men meerly for Religion, not enduring so much as to heare of Toleration,, but onely for their own, and some few Anabaptists, and Semi-Arrians among them. The Religions Ʋried so impetuously de­sired, or rather demanded, when time was, for themselves, is now quite forgotten; and Merchants of Amsterdam, B [...]ewers of Delf [...], Stap­lers of Dort, Seamen of Horn, with some few illiterate Ministers joyned with them do now Direct, Rule, Govern and Judge in all things, Comme bon leur semble (as it is in one of the Articles touching the Ʋnion,) according as to themselves seemeth good: No man must gain­say them. Truly if the King had proceeded thus with them, if he had taken Arms and levyed forces to introduce a new Religion upon them, as they did upon the Coun­try, I should confess he had much incroached upon their liberties, had broken his Oath, and incurred their hatred justly. The States of [Page 287] Holland, Zealand, &c. have done all this, and much more mischief and injurie to the people of those Provinces, where they command, what therefore do they desire? doth not their own example and practi­ses justifie, beyond all exception, the Kings proceedings? Shall they presume to introduce and set up by force of Arms a Religion, which before themselves no man ever ow­ned? Shall the Consistory at Gene­vah be so precise, as not to permit any kinde of Toleration? Shall the pretended Churches of France, and Bearn more especially, insult up­on, and oppress those poor Catho­likes which live under their power? And must the King of Spain onely be content to sit still, and let Secta­ries play what pranks they please, and commit all outrages in his Do­minions, without check or con­troule? Who can be so absurd, as to judge it a thing reasonable? Deos peregrinos ne colunto. It was a Law of Romulus against the intro­ducing of new and strange gods. [Page 288] Numa Pompilius, Socrates, and all the wise States-men of the world Heathen no less then Christian, have been always careful to pro­vide against Innovation, change and corrupting of Religion. And shall his Catholike Majestie do no­thing for the preserving of Religi­on sound and entire, who, both by his own piety, and the dignity of his Title is obliged to do so much? Shall it be necessary for the peace of their new State to use severity, and shall it not be both necessary and just for the preservation of his, which is so Ancient, so Old? For their conscience sake they will bar out Catholikes. Shall he not for conscience sake take the same course with Calvinists? How strang­ly do their beginnings and pro­ceedings differ? They take up arms against their Sovereign for Liberty of Conscience; and yet by those Arms they forbid Liberty of Con­science to their Sovereign. For as much as they forbid it to his peo­ple, their Fellow-subjects, they [Page 289] forbid it to Him, who pretends to no more in that respect, then what every subject he hath ought to enjoy: And that his person, to­gether with some other of his Sub­jects, is free, is not, because these men would not, but because they cannot bring them in Bon­dage.

13 These States in their Letters to the Emperor 1608. pretend, that the Spaniards made use of the Trea­ty at Colen, rather to oppress the Country of the Netherlands, then to ease them; and therefore, to a­void utter ruin, Plerae (que) Belgicae Provinciae, quae in Ʋnione perstite­rant, &c. Several of the Provinces, say they, which stood firme to the Ʋnion, did at last renounce, or ab­jure the King, and established unto themselves a certain form of Govern­ment, in the nature of a Free State, and have been so acknowledged by o­ther Christian Princes for Thirty years together and more. The ground of this Plea is Tyranny, exercised after the Treaty at Colen; but this [Page 290] Union was made before: how then doth it cohere to justifie their do­ings? They say also, that the King of Spain and Arch Duke acknow­ledge them as Free Provinces, in qu [...]s ipsi nihil juris pretendunt, up [...]n whom they pretend to have no Title. This is a new Plea, I confess. But the Reader will observe, as it can one­ly justifie their possession and title for the future; so doth it manifestly suppose, that their actings before that Declaration was made, and by which it was forcibly drawn from their Prince, were Illegal, Disloyal, Rebellious. Which the States may do well to remember, so often as they use that Plea. Ne­vertheless, because, by an imper­fect disquisition of the matter I would not do harm, where I in­tend onely good, I leave this whol­ly to the Consideration of the Ho­norable and Learned Chancellor Peckins, who can best, in a conve­nient time, satisfie the world, that this is but a Scar-Crow, a Fig-leaf-pretence, and a Thunder without [Page 291] a Bolt. So that their whole Plea, at lest for their past actions, resting on­ly upon the stilts of pretended Ty­ranny, Exaction, and abrogation of priviledges, which have been so often and so manifestly disproved, what remains but their condem­nation? And that we abhor the principles, which have lead them into this predicament of disloyalty and sin? And yet, to leave nothing untouched, that can be easily thought on, let us once again sup­pose all their charges, viz. Tyran­ny, Exaction, breach of Oath, &c, to be true; yet must we tell them, The Tyranny of a King shall never warrant their usurpation and grea­ter Tyranny. Yea suppose, he hath lost his right, by what Law, Order, or Priviledge acknowledg­ed do they pretend to have found it? Nay what Law of equity or reason have they to Act those things, which they confess to be Illegal, Unwarrantable, yea Ty­rannical in him? Is it so great an offence for the King to abrogate [Page 292] their priviledges, and is it not as great, or greater, offence for Sub­jects to usurp his? nay to usurp greater, then they will acknow­ledge he ever had? May they one­ly be Parties and Judges in their own case, and to the prejudice, yea punishment of no less Person, then their Prince? never was such iniquity heard of, Posterity will not beleeve it. The Swit [...] ers, The Amphi [...] yons (those Cantons of Gre­cia) never heard of such Liberty; what is, (if this be not,) to confess plainly, Regn [...] occupantium esse, that Kingdoms go onely by con­qu [...]st, that possession and power are sufficient titles to any Govern­ment? 'Tis true, a man may make himself Civis alienae rei [...]ublicae, a Subject to another State, then that whereof he is native, perhaps more ways then one; But he can never unmake himself Subject of that Country, where he is native, do what he can, especially staying there: and much less of a Subject make himself Sovereign. For let [Page 293] him Rebel, (as who doubts, but the Hollanders did,) yet he remains a Subject still de jure, and of right. Adde hereunto, if the King should forfeit his Earldom of Holland, it were not to them he should forfeit it, but unto the Emperor, to whom it escheates, as is cleer both by the Imperial and Municipal Laws. For­feitures do not use to fall to the Tenants, but to the Lord of the Fee. And 'tis evident, that Holland was erected into an Earldom, not by the Grandsires of Orange, nor of any of the Burgers of Amsterdam, Delft, D [...]rt, &c. but by the Empe­ror Carolus Calvus in the year 863. Qui cum audivit, &c. Who hearing, saith the Berland. Meyer. Historian, that the Coun­ty of Ho [...]and, being a part of the Em­perors demesnes, was much infested and spoyled by the Danes, at the in­stant re [...]uest of Pope John, principa­tum ejus, &c. bestowed the principa­lity thereof upon Theodorick, or Thi­erry. If then the Earldom of Hol­land, &c. be not in the King of Spain, to whom it descended line­ally [Page 294] from Theodorick, The Empe­ror may give a second Investiture thereof, to whom he please, as of a Fief Imperial. For to say, it should be lapsed into the right of the Pro­vince, as perhaps particular Estates may do, is vain. The Emperor takes no notice of their private customes, neither can they be pre­judicial to a third Person, who is so much superior to them, and up­on whom their very customes do originally depend. Beside, the Earldom was never vacant, there was always an Heir notoriously known, either in possession, or plea for it. They hold it there­fore by the sword onely; but that is the worst title of all, and fitter for those Hoords of Tartarians, then for a Common-wealth of Christians. Neither Littleton, nor Somme rural, nor Jus feudale know any such Tenure. A certain Hol­lander, in a third defence which he hath written of the united Provin­ces calls the King Raptorem & He­reticum notorium, Spoyler and Noto­rious [Page 295] Heretick and therefore to be set upon and driven out of his Kingdom by a general League and Ʋnion of all the forces of all Protestant Princes and States of Christendom, But, hoc tantum defuit, this onely was wanting to advance their Ca­lumnies against His Majestie to the height of impudence. Never was the King of Spain called Heretick by man, since he deserved the title of Catholike; and it could not be done now, but by one, whose Ma­lice, and Heresie together, had cor­rupted his judgement unto mad­ness.

14 Nor is it to much better purpose, that which they say concerning o­ther Princes and States, viz. That they have been acknowledged and treated by forreign Princes, as Free States, above thirty years. That time will not serve for Prescripti­on: and if it would, Prescription always pleadeth some other Title, and possession bonâ fide beside: nei­ther of which can they pretend without blushing. Neither can [Page 296] the opinion of forreign Princes make their bad claym better; it may give some reputation in­deed to an usurper, but not any Title of right. And as in a bad quarrel bravely defended, not the cause, but the success gains the credit; so it is their prosperity, and not the justice of their cause, which doth them honor. Beside, it is not true that Princes have so reputed them: To Negotiate with them under a quality, which they will assume, is one thing; and re­ally to adjudge that quality, as due to them, is another. They offered the Sovereignty of these Provinces to Queen Elizabeth; but she refused them: The world doth not think, it was out of any Favor to King Philip, that she did so, but because she knew, they offered some­thing more then their own; and she was not willing to give her own people such a bad President against her self. And when, for private ends and some reasons of State, she was content for a while to take up­on [Page 297] her the charge and title of Pro­tectress of the poor distressed States, &c. it was observed, the business was most earnestly promoted by them, who were now as willing to be rid of the E. Lei­cester. Son, as when time was, the Marquis of Winchester had been to be rid of the Duke of Northum­berland. Camden. Father. This is up­on record, that Aversata est Regina the Queen could never endure the offer of the Sovereignty of those Provinces: Neither was Sir Noel Caron in her time ever acknowledg­ed Embassador, but Agent. But to joyn issue with them more neerly, let us here what Damhouderius, Praxis Crimin. c. 132. a famous Lawyer, and their own Countryman, saith, Seditiosi sunt, qui moliuntur conspirationem, &c. Se­ditious persons, saith he, are such as hatch or foment Conspiracies against the Governors and Lievtenants of the Provinces, that procure unlawful meetings or assemblies of the people, or cause any Tumults in the Towns. What is this but an Endictment drawn against the States, considering their practises, not onely against the [Page 298] Person of D' Alva, but of Don John himself, the Duke of Parma, &c. their many and tumultuous mee­tings at Breda, Osterweal, Saint Tru­dens, their encouraging, yea in­censing the Genses throughout all the Provinces, lastly with their de­fence and holding of Harlem, Ale­mar, Leyden, and other places by force of Arms? Again Chap. 82. he teacheth, that to make a War just, there must be first a just cause, Second, honest intention, Third, Authority of the Prince, or Su­pream Magistrate, Sine quâ, with­out which, saith he, 'tis Treason to make War. That same Sine quâ of his might make the States tremble, if they reflect upon it. For in all their Wars they neither had good cause nor good colour. Their Re­ligion and Liberties were all secu­red to them by the pacification at Gaunt, by the perpetual Edict, by the Articles of the Treaty of Colen which were all quietly enjoyed without disturbance, by such of the Provinces as would conform to [Page 299] them. Their Sovereign was known to be His Catholike Majestie, and for their good intention, as no man could judge of it but by their acti­ons, so it appeared cleerly to be onely to sow dissention among the people, and through factions and discord to arm them by degrees against the supream Magistrate un­der colour of Religion. And the Prince of Orange most disloyal of all other; because being a person of Honor, and so highly entrusted by the King, he betrayed that great trust reposed in him, and made a War, by his own Authority and that of his faction, against the King: Although he had neither Office, nor any kinde of Command in the Low-Countries, but what he had un­der the Wings of the Eagle, and the Authority of the Lyon. All his Belgick Lands, he held in Fee of the Duke of Burgundy, as his Leige-Lord; he did Homage and Fealty for them, and knew, that a Sove­reign gives Law as well as offices to his Subjects. Besides, Claudius le Brun, Process. Crimin. [Page 300] another famous Lawyer addeth this, viz. That whosoever surprizeth Towns, Castles, Forts, without order of his Sovereign (as the Prince caus­ed Lumay to do in Holland, and as Ʋoorst and Barland did Flushing) by which the peace of the Country is bro­ken; or who attempteth against the life of his Sovereigns Lievtenant, it is Treason. And these are judge­ments, which all Europe do consent in, decrees of reason, and princi­ples of Government, which must not be called in question: if the States of Holland themselves do per­mitt them to be disputed, they must never expect Peace, Order, or any setled obedience in their Coun­try.

15 So that by Law 'tis cleer, in what case the States do stand, for thus breaking the peace of Christendom in those times, and being cause of the effusion of so much Christian blood, as hath been shed in that quarrel. Now concerning any liberty which the Gospel, Holy Scriptures, or any principles of [Page 301] true Religion may be supposed to give them, to use such proceedings against the Sovereign Prince, I shall not enter into any Theological dis­pute with them, as being beside my purpose, which is onely to shew matter of opinion, and matter of Fact in this controversie of obedience due to the Supream Civil Magistrate: And therefore, because I write onely to English men, I shall content my self onely with the judgement of Doctor Bilson against them. He was a great Divine, and a great Pre­late of the Church of England, and chosen on purpose to write on this Argument, by the greatest States­man of that time; and he wrote cum privilegio of the State, and with the general approbation of the English Church. Shall a King, Christian Subject, &c. saith he, be deposed, if he break his pro­mise, and Oath at Coronation, in a­ny of the Covenants and Points, which he promiseth? He answers in the Margin, No. The breach of Covenants is not deprivation: and gives this reason, The people may not break [Page 302] with their Princes, so often as they break with God. And afterward, Subjects, saith he, cannot depose their Princes, to whom they must be Su [...]ject for Conscience sake. This is Do­ctrine, we see, quite contrary to the Aphorisms of Holland, and to the Divinity that is now currant at Rochel. Now as private subjects may not, by Gods Law, depose their Princes, so are they forbidden to take Arms against them; and the reason hereof is invincible. For saith Doctor Bilson, he that may fight, may kill; and War against the Prince, and killing of the Prince are of consequence inevitable. The Apo­stles, saith he, obeyed Tyrants, that commanded all things against Religi­on: And in those things, which were commanded against God, they did submit themselves with meekness to endure the Magistrates pleasure, but not to obey his will. Lastly, and most of all to the purpose he conclud­eth, if the Laws of the Land appoint the Nobles, as next to the King, to assist him in doing right, and to withhold from [Page 303] doing wrong, then are they Licensed by mans Laws to interpose themselves, but in no case to deprive the Prince, where the Scepter is inherited. And because some of good judgement have been lead into that error, that the Dukes of Burgundy had not full Power or Sovereignty in the Netherlands, I will send them to School to all the Lawyers, Records, Stories, and (which is most infal­lible) to the practise and Com­mon Laws of the Country, and unto Bodin; Bodin. de­rep. and satisfie my self to alledge here that Ancient and Ho­norable Counsellor of our Nation the Lord Chancellor Egerton, who in his Oration for the Postnati saith thus, P. 71. The Dukes of Burgundy were absolute Princes, and had Sovereign power in their Countries. And King Henry the Eighth, had as absolute power, when his Stile was Lord of Ireland, as when he was King: For the difference of Stile makes not the difference of Sovereignty. I conclude therefore upon the grounds of all Law, Divine and Humane, and [Page 304] (as you have seen) upon a full view and examination of all their pre­tenses, complaints, excuses, &c. that as their usurpation at first was without warrant, so they continue the possession with as little consci­ence; That all their Pleas are ei­ther Nullities or Forgeries, and they have indeed no better title, then what success and their Can­non gives them. And that all for­reign Soldiers that assist them, knowing the injustice of their cause, and that the War is so utter­ly unlawful, do incur Mortal Sin and danger of damnation; and may as justly be reproved, as King Josaphat was for helping and as­sisting Ahab. Look to the end, for it is certainly fearful, and we must know, that [...].

16 I write not this as an Enemy to the Country. I hold it a Peerless County for the goodly Townes, Wealth, Traffick, Strength, and Fertility in so small a Circuit; nor for any personal quarrels; nor for any corruption, or assentation in re­gard [Page 305] of the match with Spain; but onely for the truth of the story, which induced me, together with the danger of the President, and the manifold injuries that were done to Religion. For though I remembred the general dislike that they have of our government, their dealing with the Queens Officers, and how unkindly of old they used my Lord Willoughby, as his Apolo­gy testifieth; and of late what complaints our Merchants Adven­turers, in their Books, have made of their ill usage by them at Moske, at the East-Indies, &c. what con­tempt they shewed, when the Duty of Sixteen Herrings was demanded in his Majesties right, ☜ for Fishing upon the Coast of Scotland, presu­ming no less then to imprison him that demanded it, and many such like matters; yet seeing the State is not moved, why should I be of­fended? And when I say The State, I mean not the people onely, but especially the King, to whom Hol­land is most obliged; and more [Page 306] particularly for Two Singular and Royal Favors, such as might in reason require some reciprocal re­turn of thankfulness, and breed in them good Blood, good Affecti­ons, and also good Language. The first was in restoring to them the Keyes, which did open and lock up their Province; and this not for any reward, but a restitution onely of part of his due. The second for the Free permission of their Fishing upon the English Coast; wherein they yearly employ above Thirty thousand persons, who are set on work by it, and above Four thou­sand Busses, Doggerboats, Galliots, and Pinks; to their exceeding great benefit and enrichment: which is not a liberty they have by any Law, as some men pretend, but a privi­ledge, or permission rather of roy­all Grace and Favor. And Grotius may prove, without any mans con­tradiction, Mare Liberum, in this sense, as the Kings Highway is Free for every man to walk, that is, to go and come; but he shall never be [Page 307] able to prove, that Fishing is Free, that is to say, taking away the pro­fit upon another Princes Coast, without leave of the Prince first had and obtained. Tis true, they have had the boldness to do this for a long time without leave; but they may hap to finde at last, the long­est time they can pretend, will not serve them for prescription. And thus much for our new Masters, and no very good Neighbors, The High and Mighty States of the Uni­ted Provinces of the Netherlands.

Titulus Quintus. PALATINISM, OR The Troubles in BOHEMIA AND THE PALATINATE About Religion.

1 BOhemia is the last Stage of the Scene of Forreign Tra­gedies, or Tumults for Re­ligion, to which I am now going; yet so as I must take the Palatinate in my way, an unfortunate Pro­vince of late, which in the space of an Hundred years hath changed [Page 309] Religion no less then Five times, and yet, as it seems, never learned well that part of Religion, which is not the least principle, concerning Obedience. But of this wee shall cease to wonder, when we think of Paraeus, Gracerus, and some o­ther Divines, that have possessed the Chaire there; and of the Schools of the new discipline, which are o­pen. Paraeus in his Commentary upon the Thirteenth ad Romanos teacheth plainly, Subditi, possunt suos reges deponere, &c. That Sub­jects may depose their Princes for Ty­ranny, &c. Tyranny is contrary to the very end and being of Govern­ment, and therefore where it is U­niversal and general, and no other redress to be found, it is capable of the less dispute; onely it is not to be determined by private per­sons, especially of his Robe; which yet most commonly they do: or when they compel their Subjects to I­dolatry. By compelling to Idolatry he means, if the Prince maintains Mass, Confession, Priesthood, and other [Page 310] the Service and Religion of the Catholike Church; (as all Catho­like Princes are bound to do by their Oath:) or indeed (with these men) if they maintain any other Religion then pure Calvinism, it is to compel to Idolatry. This is the sentence, which he pronounceth against the Emperor, the Kings of Spain, France, Poland, the Princes of Italy, Germany, &c. And yet this is but the first peale, which he rang as a Toxsan or Alarum-bell to Bo­hemia. For he addeth another Ar­ticle, which, if they look not well to it, may touch Reformers Free­hold, as well as other Princes. It is, Quando sub prae [...]extu Religionis, &c, When under colour of Religion they look after their own advantages or profit. This had not been a Lecture to be read to Henry the Eighth, and the Courtiers of his time. And surely, if a man should ask Murray and Morton, those two pillars of Reformation, in Scotland; Orange and Horn in the Netherlands; Conde and the Admiral in France; [Page 113] the Dukes of Somerset and Northum­berland in England; Saxony, Swe­den, Denmark and the rest of the Lutheran Princes in Germany; whe­ther they had not some by-ends of Avarice, Ambition, and other si­nister and worldly nature, when they seemed to be most hot and zea­lously transported, it might trou­ble them all, perhaps, what to an­swer. Last of all he assigneth ano­ther cause of deposition, viz. When they oppress their Subjects in matter of Conscience. Which indeed is the strangest of all; for who ever knew a Calvinist permit Liberty of Con­science to another man, whom he could compel to his own? and yet in this point he is so earnest, that unless the people do this, viz. Resist the Superior Magistrate in the defence of themselves and true Religion, he tells them in conscientiis incolumes esse nequeunt, They cannot have true peace of Conscience, They should of­fend God by not doing it. And in his Commentary upon Judges he speaketh yet more absurdly and [Page 312] dangerously, Magistratus Minor po­test occidere majorem, The Inferior Magistrate in this case may kill the Superior, Bayl [...]ffs, Sheriffs, Consta­bles their King and Sovereign; or if they think fit, one another upon the quarrel of Religion, because, saith he, Domestick Tyrants are more to be suppressed or opposed, then For­reigners, or such as are without us. Neither was Paraeus the onely Ma­ster of Paradoxes in that Country, (although it must be confessed, his Doctrine so corrupted the Palati­nate, that in England, to prevent the like evill, his Books were pur­ged by fire:) Gracerus, his Pew-fel­low, teacheth, that the Malice of Antichrist (that is in his sense, the actings or zeal of any Catholike Prince for the true Religion esta­blished) coercenda est gladio, must be resisted, saith he, or restrained by the Sword. And Aretius himself suffici­ently shews his affections to the Em­peror & Christian Empire, when he teacheth that the Dragon in the Apo­calyps, that is, the Devil, Dedisse [Page 313] Imperio potestatem suam, &c. gave to the Empire its power and greatness; and that plenitudinem Diabolismi, the Fulness of Diabolical malice and ha­tred against Christ dwelleth in the Empire.

2 Nor are we to think, that this Doctrine was onely Speculative among them; it was the practise also of that pretended Church ab origine: Yea their own Neighbors and Elder Brethren have felt the effects of it, in much inhumane and uncivil usage from them. Ask Gieskenius, who was a man of Learning, and no small account a­mong the Lutherans, and he will tell you one pretty exploit of theirs, Emdenses Illustrem Dominum suum motâ seditione, &c. They of Emden, saith he, had by this time almost driven their Leige Lord out of all his dominions, by their seditious proceedings. And that they rested not, till they had obtained these Articles of him, who was himself a Lutheran, Ne Illustrissimus Comes, &c. That his Excellency should not [Page 314] have power to grant unto his Subjects of Emden the exercise of any Religon, but Calvinism. 2. That himself one­ly at Court may have a Preacher of the Auspurgh-Confession. So it was matter of favor to him, that Sub­jects should tolerate their Princes Religion; but for themselves it must be framed entirely according to their own Mode. They must direct, and their Prince obey. If you object, that this was but a pri­vate tumult, and that the Church of the Palatinate did not approve of such proceedings against their Brethren, it is cleerly answered by this, That in the year 1602. there were twenty points established in that Church; The first whereof was this, Schulting. Hierarch. Ana [...]res. Totus Lutheranismus & omnes libri eorum, &c. That the whole Do­ctrine of Luther (opposite to Calvi­nism) and all the Lutherans Books be for ever taken away and prohibited. Neither are they permitted in any part of the Palatinate, the Marqui­sate of Brandenburgh, or the Terri­tory of Emden. 'Tis true, The Lu­therans, [Page 315] where they command, do as wisely provide against them; They have as little footing in all the Duke of Saxonies Countries, Ham­borough, or the Hans Towns. That great Synod of Torgaw, convented by the means and procurement of those Protestant Princes, do testifie, that the Calvinists had troubled and brought to ruin omnes Christianas Ecclesias, All Christian Churches, Ʋniversities, Kingdoms and States, where ever they were admitted. And hence it is, that they are not inclu­ded under the peace and protection of the Empire, the Religions Ʋried is no way permitted unto them; as appeareth by the Edict of Charls the Fifth, De composit. pacis, &c. Anno 1532. Nor are they comprehended in his Sentence, De confess. Suevicâ, 1530. Nor in the Interim, 1548. Nor in the Constitution, De pace publicâ. And for the Acts made at Passau, 1552. by the Emperor Fer­dinand, the very words exclude them from all benefit. So also in his Declaration at Auspurgh, 1555. [Page 316] And in the conclusion or agree­ment of the Princes of the Augustan Confession, with the three Electors, and other Princes and Cities in the year 1557. it was declared, that the Sacramentaries, Anabaptists, Osiandrians, &c. were all excluded from the Articles of peace, and that there should be Edicts published a­gainst them by common consent, and for their utter extirpation. This was enacted in the year 1557. and in the year 1566. Caesar and the Princes of the Dyet decreto publico scripserunt, &c. published a general decree concerning Frederick the E­lector Palatine of the Rhine, that he should desert the opinions of Calvin, and not suffer them to be taught in any of the Churches or Schools of his Coun­try: And this Decree of the Dyet was intimated to him in the pre­sence of the Bishops of Mentz, Tri­ers, and Colen, of the Elector of Saxony, and of the Embassadors al­so of the Marquis of Brandenburgh; and after his death, by his Son Lewis it was obeyed. In the same [Page 317] year the Princes declare in their reply to the Emperor, permittere se nolle, that they will not permit that any Sects whatsoever shall be harbored in their Dominions, and that they count the Zuinglians and Calvinists for such, which was also long be­fore declared, viz. in the Recess of the Empire in the year 1555. Calvi­nism then being so long before not counted tolerable in Germany, the Bohemians of late have made it much more odious and intolerable by their practises; and most justly are they excluded from the pro­tection and benefit of those Laws, Liberties and Peace, which them­selves would destroy, if they could prevaile; as the Sequel will shew.

3 Paraeus and the rest of the Calvi­nists in the Palatinate were the Fire­brands of the Bohemian War; they seduced the people, set the Princes at variance among themselves, and cast that whole Kingdom into a most desperate combustion, though to their own shame and confusion [Page 318] at last, as it it pleased God. I need not be very sollicitous, how to re­port the business aright; both the original of the War, as also its progress and success are so general­ly known by the relations of the French Mercury of Mercurius Gallo-Belgicus, and others, that there cannot easily be any false play us­ed. But the long, many, secret practises and plottings about it were discovered chiefly upon the Battle at Prague, by intercepting the very Rolls and Records there­of. First of all in the Secreta Prin­cipis Anhaltini Cancellaria, printed in the year 1621. which certainly was no Fiction, as that Catholicon published against the Leaguers in France was; but a serious admoni­tion, plainly and down-right making report, how things were carried, without any affectation or disguise; as a Treatise made ra­ther to deliver Truth, then to shew Art. And hereof Lundorpius, an Historiographer of Franckford, must needs be thought an impartial wit­ness; [Page 319] who sets down the Letters and Records themselves for some time, viz. so much of them as concerned the time of his writing. And afterward they were verified by Cogmandolo, who in his Treatise of like Subject, called Secreta Secre­torum, avoucheth the same things. So that, there being no just ground, as I conceive, either of jealousie or doubt concerning this relation, I shall professedly upon that founda­tion build my cheifest reports con­cerning this business.

3 In the year 1608. this great U­nion did begin; The Cheifs where­of were the Count Palatine of the Rhine, Christian Prince of Anhalt, and the Marquis of Onoltzbach, Count Mansfield was a principal A­gent, and in the year 1619. contra­ry unto, and in contempt of the Im­perial Proclamations, Letters, &c. sent Two thousand men to the Aid of the Bohemians against the Empe­ror. Afterward they admitted Joachim, Marquis of Brandenburgh, to be as it were Vicar or Lieutenant [Page 320] General of the League. They ad­mitted also the Marquis of Baden, the Duke of Wittembergh, Lands­grave of Hessen, Duke of Dupontz, and Strasburgh, Norimbergh and ma­ny other Cities. All which con­tributed so largly to these Wars, as the Emperor never received the like Aid from them against the Turke. For as Cogmandolo testifieth, The several Taxes afforded by them from the year 1608 to the year 1619 amounted in the whole sum to no less then Four Millions, one hundred seventy six thousand, nine hundrd and seventeen Florens. The concurrence of so many Prin­ces could not but argue mighty force; which was much increased by the Negotiations of Mansfeld, and Nomarus in Italy, (which No­marus was Baltazar Newwen princi­pal Secretary to Onoltzbach.) and of Volrad Plessen with the Hollanders; and of others with the Duke of Bullion, Bethlehem Gabor, and the Rebels of Hungary. And though they could not perswade the King [Page 321] of England to enter into their League, for great and weighty rea­sons which he alledged, yet they hoped for some good assistance from the Grisons; and gave out also that the Hans Townes favored their Union. They omitted not to sol­licit the Venetians also with much earnestness, as conceiving it to be their interest to keep the other Prin­ces of Europe in balance, as much as may be, and to be jealous of the too potent Supereminency of any one; but what answer the Com­mon-wealth gave them is not cer­tainly known. The pretense of their Union was, that it was pure­ly defensive, for the protection on­ly of their Religion, Liberties and Priviledges. Vetus Cantilena, the old song, I confess, but who can beleeve them? Can it be supposed of Anhalt, that he took Arms one­ly for Conscience, having been so well beaten in France for it, both out of his Honor and Fortunes? or that Count Mansfeld is a man that fights onely for Conscience, [Page 322] and Publike liberty, whose Trade and patrimony is the Sword, and who, braving the World most commonly with a running Army, more used to Pillage then Fight, Robs and Spoils all, where ever he comes? Besides, doth not Achatius a Donau write to Anhalt, November the Fifteenth, 1619. that the inten­tion of Bethlehem Gabor, a principal Confederate, was pied a pied, by degrees, yet as closely as foot could follow, to root out the Antichristi­an Papacy, where he came? This was something more then to be onely defensive. And in the Uni­on it self, which contains One and twenty Articles in all, although they say, it was onely their Buckler against the Catholikes assaulting them, yet do they not profess, Art. 8. to have intention to expel Pa­pism, as they call it? and to pre­serve themselves from the Yoak of Spain and forreign Government? And doth not Bethlehem Gabor in his Letter to the Turk, profess also, how much he labors now, Ʋt rasa [Page 323] Pontificiorum Cobors, &c. that those shaven Companies of Papelings (so he calls the Catholike Clergy, and Religious,) might be utterly de­stroyed. This therefore was cer­tain, had they prevailed, Catho­like Religion long before this time had been extinct in those Coun­tries, and Catholikes themselves banished, destroyed and gone. In order to this do they not decree a­mong themselves, Pag. 43. to fall upon Church-men, and Church-goods first? Pag. 131. do they not resolve to invade some part of their Adversaries Country, (as they call the Catholikes, having first com­pelled them to be so, for their own defense?) and in particular do they not name and design out the Arch-Bishoprick and City of Triers, as lying fairest in their way, and being a Prince Electors Coun­try, Catholike, and the Clergy rich? But their Noblest and Chief project was to invest themselves of two Crowns, (goodly booties in­deed, if they could catch them, and [Page 324] Temptations fit for such high Spi­rits,) that is to say, of the King­doms of Bohemia and Hungary. The reason is given Pag 25. because thereby in the Assembly of Electors they should be always Secure of a dou­ble Vote. And therefore doth the Count Palatine confess in his Let­ter to the Duke of Saxony, that he took upon him the Administration of Bohemia, among other reasons, principally for this, viz. That by this means the Election of the King of the Romans might be hence forward in the power of the Protestants. This was certainly a main part of their design, according to that which Anhalt writes unto Donau in May 1519. That it were better the Turk were chosen to wear that Crown, then Ferdinand; yea Gabor tells the Turk, that the Palatine and Bran­denburgh were resolved no longer to endure Ferdinand, and that all those Provinces that were Confe­derate with them, ☞ Corde & animo omnia officia fidelissimè praestabunt, were ready with heart and goodwil to [Page 331] tender all faithful services to his Otto­man Greatness, and the whole Nation of Turks; and that in a short time Ferdinand would surely be expel­led out of all Germany, and forced to seek his fortunes in Spain. But O Monstrous! O Incredible.! that such desperate malice and impiety should enter the hearts of any that profess themselves Christians! were it not, that the Records themselves be extant fide publicâ, which do as­sure us thereof even beyond contra­diction, who could beleeve it? O Malice implacable! O Envy most perfectly diabolical! And O hap­py house, Family, Name of Au­stria, which for the interest of true Religion, and Constancy to Justice, deservest to be made the object of such execrable Spleen, and to Com­bat perpetually with such odious and Antichristian Conspiracies. Guicciard. Lib. 20. It is no new thing. But Macte istâ virtute; Be faithful to God, and to those principles of piety and justice descended from so many, so Religious, and so Renouned An­cestors, [Page 326] and reign in spite of Hell, so long as the Sun and Moon endur­eth.

5 The Truth is, Ambition was so hungry with them, that they con­sulted about dividing the Bears Skin, before the Bear was taken; They consulted how they should share among them the spoils of the German Clergy, and of the house of Austria, before either of them was in their power. For as by their Chancery-rolls it is evident, Their intent was to advance the Palatine to Bohemia, Cancel. Anhaltina. Alsatia, and some part of Austria, enlarging his Domini­on also with the Bishoprick of Spi­ers, and a part of Mentz. Bethlehem Gabor should be assisted to keep Hun­gary, which afterwa [...]d (this Gabor having no issue) might also proba­bly fall to the Pal [...]tines lot. Too many Crowns her [...] you will say, to expect any in Heaven. Onaltz­bach gaped for Two fat Benefices, the Bishopricks of W [...]r [...]burgh and Bambergh his Neighbors: and there­fore was it agreed, that their Ar­mies [Page 327] should Rendevouz in those parts. The Marquis of Baden thirsted after Brisack, and was wil­ling by this occasion to continue his possession of the upper Marqui­sate, against the more just claim of the Count Eberstein. Brandenburgh expected the least of all, being con­tent onely with a part of the Bi­shoprick of Wirtzburgh, which lay fit for him; But Anhalt intended to recruit both his purse and bro­ken fortunes with the spoils of Mentz, Banbergh, and other Catho­like places, as also with some Lands and Lordships, which were like to Escheat in Bohemia. If the Veneti­ans would joyn with them, they might make themselves Masters of Istria and Friuli, and so Oceanum cum Adriatico (as their Cancellaria speaks) they might joyn Sea to Sea, and Land to Land, and carry all before them without controule. Such were the vast, but vain, de­signs of their Ambition and Ava­rice. But before we proceed any further, it may not be amiss to [Page 328] examine their Plea. It is mani­fest, their design in it self was most pernicious, and such, as (if it had taken effect, which God would not suffer) had been of general prejudice to the State of Christen­dom, and not onely to the Peace of the Empire; which yet every one of the Princes Confederate were bound, in some relation or other, to maintain: beside the subversion of all Laws, which ap­parently it carryed along with it. Who doth not remember, how all the Pulpits in England, when time was, and generally of all the Re­formed Churches abroad, sounded the Alarme against the League and Leaguers in France? Which yet was not half so mischeivous as this; but was at first set on foot quietly, without any sedition or insurrecti­on, onely for defense of the Anci­ent Religion, always received and established in France: yea confir­med with the Kings personal Oath and approbation. And though it were afterward continueed, and [Page 329] more strictly prosecuted, upon occasion of some horrid Actions of murther and tyranny, yet Monsi­eur Villeroy himself, (who was a wise man, and a great Royallist,) profes­seth,) that their aim was not the Extirpation of the King of Navarre, but his Reformation; and that if they might be assured of his Religion (which he had promised) he should be instantly assured of their obedience: as in the conclusion it clearly ap­peared; every person in France, according as the King condiscend­ed to give them satisfaction in that point, entirely acknowledging their Allegiance to him. And the mis­hap which befel him afterwards, was not in pursuance of the League, but upon a private ac­count, not to say, upon some new provocation given, and which no man living justified. But as for this Union, it runs in a far wilder strain, and is for the advancement of a new Religion, entirely disa­vowed by all the States of the Em­pire in all their publike Acts. How [Page 330] then can it be otherwise then ex­treamly disloyal and criminous? The Duke of Saxony himself, though a Protestant Prince, dis­swaded it, and advised the Palatine very prudently, and like a friend, to quit Bohemia, and to seek for reconciliation and pardon, where as yet, he might possibly finde it. Beside it opened the Gates of the Empire to the Turk, which mis­chief alone, had there been no o­ther going along with it, had been sufficient to condemn it. But Ples­sen confesseth in his Letter to An­halt, That it was an Action of the same nature with Holland: and what that was, we have seen al­ready. In brief they took arms a­gainst a King Lawfully Elected, so­lemnly Crowned, and established in possession by consent of the States. It is true, when they first went about the work, they nomi­nated the Duke of Saxony, as Com­petitor with the Palsgrave for Bo­hemia; but that was meerly craft, and a trick of maliciousness, to [Page 331] render the Duke suspected with the Emperor. They knew he had re­jected their offer and Confederacy long before, when their Agent the Count Slick sollicited him in their names. By this means they put Austria it self, the Emperors Patri­monial Country, into sedition; The people there, through corre­spondence with the Turk and Ga­bor, were so bold as to tell Ferdi­nand, that unless he would grant them Toleration, and such Liberty of Conscience, as they desired, they would joyn with his Enemies. And they were in this point as good as their words; For in the year 1620. all the upper Austria did really quit their old Lord; and submitted un­to a new Protector in his stead. If the Catholikes of England should attempt the like, how would it be censured for sedition, and punished severely, as it might? and yet sure­ly the cases are much Parallel, and if there be any advantage, it is on our side; who desire the exercise of nothing, but what was once pub­like, [Page 332] owned for many ages together by all the people of the Nation, and legally established before us.

6 But nothing makes the Action more offensive and scandalous, then that Anhalt, and Onoltzbach, two such private and inconsidera­ble persons, in relation to the bu­siness they dealt in, should take up­on them ( insciis Electoribus, without the knowledge and consent of the Princes Electors themselves) to dis­pose of the succession of the Em­pire; and in order to effect this more then treasonable design, should Confederate themselves with one, who is a declared Ene­my of the Emperor, and the Turks Vassal, a Reprobate, a Monster, called Bethlehem Gabor, and cal­ling himself Prince of Transylvania, King of Hungary, and what not? one, who to hold himself firm in the Turks grace, had already deli­vered up to him the Town and Fort of Lip, the Towns of Solimos, Tornadg, Margat, and Arad, all [Page 333] well fortified places in Hungary? [...]nd labored hourly how to do him further service, to the prejudice of Christendom. One, who had [...]worn Allegiance to his Soveveign Lord Gabriel Batthori, Prince of Transylvania, yet afterward Tray­ [...]erously murthered him, and usur­ped his State. One, who made a League with the Emperor Matthias in the year 1615. to be quiet, and to attempt nothing contrary unto the Liberties and Peace of Hungary; yet presently after invaded the Country in person with a great Ar­my, took upon him the Crown, carried the Emperors Lievtenant Andrew Dockzy (whom he had taught by Treachery,) prisoner into Transylvania, banished all the Clergy, and maintained his Sol­diers with the spoils of the Church; profaned the Cathedral Church at Poson with his own Heretical or Mahometan Chaplains, and from thence certified the Turk boastingly under his own hand, how success­fully he had now begun the wotk, [Page 334] which he promised; that most of the Nobles of Hungary were under his command, and that since the Popes Clergy gloried to weare their Crowns shaven, he would make bold to shave some of them, heads and all. Upon which good news, and in expectation to turn all his Warres now upon Christen­dom, the Turk instanstly makes Peace with the Tartar, and offereth Gabor, to assist him upon any oc­casion of need, with Forty thou­sand men. Yet, I say, upon this mans head did the Union resolve to set the Crown of Hungary; to which end his neerest Kinsmen lay all this time at Heydlebergh, as an Intelligencer, Treating with them, yet disguised under the habit of a Scholar.

7 Let now the impartial Reader cast his eye upon Germany, and see, as an effect of this wicked Combi­nation, the picture of Troy on fire, that is to say, the lively image and horror of War. And when he hath done so, let him reflect, how well [Page 335] it would please him, to see the face of L ndon and Middlesex so disfigu­red [...]th wounds and desolation. T [...] [...]rious Zealot, who is now m [...]t [...] [...]rward to blow the Coals of d [...]ssention [...], and to infl [...]me a State that is at quiet, would quake and tremble, when he should consider in what devastation all that once flourishing Country of the Empire now lieth, mourning and groa­ning by reason of this War. Those fertil Provinces about the Rhine all wasted, and impoverished by Sol­diers on both sides, especially a­bout Worms; Tillage forborne, Traffick decayed, Trades ceased, Taxes imposed, Fortifications rai­sed at the charge of the Country; and for what? onely for defense and security of those, who oppress, or impoverish them: No man ma­ster of his own, all at the will of Soldiers and Strangers; and above an Hundred thousand persons reck­oned to be slain. These are the ef­fects and issues of this War, the fruits of Calvinism; which though [Page 336] directly prohibited by the Laws of the Empire, and onely tolerated by connivance, and the mercy of the State, yet was now come to such a point, that it sought to sup­press the Emperor himself, and hazarded the subversion of the whole State, both Ecclesiastical and Temporal. An unchristian re­turn doubtless, and without any stamp of Religion: Their sole justi­fying Faith will scarce justifie this, because it was with breach of Faith, and of so many civil bonds, and contrary to charity. The true marks of Charity are Humility, Patience, and Zeal perfectly con­joyned and qualified with the o­ther two: Your little Patience, and less Humility do convince your Zeal to be no less counterfeit, then your Faith is fruitless. Cha­rity would never have suffered you to invade the Duke of Bavieres Country, notwithstanding he was willing to have stood Newter, and onely because he would not joyn with you. Charity never coun­selled [Page 337] Anhalt to design for pillage, and, as it were, to devour before­hand the spoil of a City, valued at Two and thirty Millions, as he did in his Letters to Donau, 1619. Charity never directed Christians to seek assistance from the Turk, Christs greatest enemy; nor to frame so many treacherous and malicious plots, as they did, Pag. 32, 42, 66, 80. of their Canc [...]llaria, against such as were either Neigh­bors, or Friends to them, or their lawful Superiors. What the Laws of the Empire are concerning such proceedings, hath been seen above in the daie of Luther, where they are sufficiently condemned. I shall therefore add here one onely pass­age of Leopold, King of the Romans, in his Supplication unto his Father Otho the first, Emperor; who, be­cause he had broken the Peace of Germany, and called in Forreigners, Membrum Imperii appellari non debeo; I ought not, saith he, to be accounted any longer a Member of the Empire, [Page 338] having brought in Forreign and Bar­barous Nations into the heart of Ger­many. [...]ut these Minions of Gene­vah stand not upon the Law, it is Gospel that they plead; let the Gospel therefore condemn them. The Word of God saith, Per me Reges, &c. Kings reign by me; It is by Gods appointment, that they bear rule over men: Therefore for­bear, ye people, shew reverence to the Ordinance of God, observe your d [...]stance, Touch not mine An­ointed. The Gospel saith, Let every soul be subject to the higher p [...]wers, &c. And he that resists, resisteth Gods Ordinance, and shall receive damna­tion: Yea, the Gospel saith, Be sub­ject unto every ordinance of man, viz. That is established, and by which, the Will of Divine Providence may be seen, For the Lords sake, whither to a [...]ing, as Supream, or more Ex­cellent, or unto Governors, &c. How much do the Doctrine of the Cospel, and the Doctrine of Cal­vin differ? The Gospel teacheth [Page 339] us to honor the King, to obey Governors, &c. Calvin directs us rather to degrade and depose them. But this is a matter needs no dispu­tation; Grace and Honesty would decide it best.

Titulus Sextus. STATISM, OR The Changes in ENGLAND About Religion.

1 AFter a tedious Voyage a­broad, we are at last to look homeward, and to st [...]er our course for England, where it must be confessed, no such Paradox [...]s are now current, or practi [...]es on foot, either among the Prelates, or any part of the inferior Clergy, I hope, as abroad we have both heard and seen. And it is no marvel; for now they have the wind with them, they live in a calm: There is no great [Page 341] tryal of their patience and tempe­rature of Spirit, save onely what Martin Mar-Prelate and his Fel­lows do now and then give them. B [...]ing therefore in so great Peace themselves, through the favor of the State, they were mad men, and should forget their own Interest, if they did not Preach now very zeal­ously against Tumults, and Disloy­alty in others. But if we look back unto times past, and observe what spirit reigned in them, when they were in a storm, or that the State seemed to frown upon them; you will finde them much differing from themselves, and that they were not always such peaceable men, and so calmly spirited to­wards Authority, as now they seem, For if Master Fox doth Register his Martyrs aright, and that Wicliff and his followers were Protestants (as Protestants will have them to be) there is cause of exception against them not a little. For first their opinion was, That no Magistrate in the state of sin had any Authority; [Page 342] Which Position alone openeth as wide a gap to Rebellion and Re­sistance against the Civil Magistrate, as Hell it self can desire. And that we do not bely them herein, Com­ment. in Arist. Po­litic. Me­lancthon himself confesseth. Wicleff, saith he, was the cause of much tumult and trouble in England; Qui con­tendit eos, qui non habent Spiri­tum sanctum, amittere Dominium, &c. Holding that such persons as have not the Holy Spirit dwelling in them (or are not in state of Grace) do loose all Dominion and Authority. De Jure Magist. And elswhere, Wicleff, saith he, was so mad, as to hold, That wicked persons are uncapable of Dominion. Cent. 9. Osiander witnesseth the same. And therefore though the same Master Fox calleth him, Stellam matutinam in medio nebulae: The Morning Star in the midst of a Fog, and the Full Moon of those times; yet surely the mans judgement in this point was it self much befogged, and the Moon of his understanding suffered a great E­clipse. Secondly, It can as little be denied, but that in pursuance of [Page 343] this Doctrine, and for defence of his person, and some other Hetero­dox opinions, which Wicleff taught, Sir John Oldcas [...]le, alias Lord Cob­ham, Sir Roger Acton, and other his followers, Stow. levied an Army of Five and twenty thousand men, with intention, as our own Chronicles re­late, to suppress the Monasteries of Westminster, Pauls, St. Albans, and to destroy all the Frieries in and about London: Which they had also effected, but that it hapned, the re­ligious and valiant Prince, Henry the Fift, was at that time in the state of Grace, and exercised his Royal Author [...]ty so happily upon them, in Saint Giles his Fields (where their Rendevouz was) that they were all either killed or scattered, and a­bout Seven and thirty of the prin­cipal of them executed. Sir John Oldcastle and Acton fled, but were afterward both of them apprehend­ed, and attainted of High Treason; for which, and for Heresie, they suffered according to their merits. Master Fox laboreth much to excuse [Page 344] or extenuate these things, but to no purpose; they being so palpably and undeniably true, That our English Chroniclers themselves, Stow. Harpsfield. Histor. Wicliff. and other worthy Authors of our Country, do expresly avouch them. And certain it is, that in the first year of Henry the Fifth, Schedules were set on Pauls Church door, boasting seditiously of no less num­bers, then One hundred thousand men ready to rise against such as were enemies to their Sect. Sir John Oldcastle being first committed to the Tower, for certain points of opinion concerning the Sacra­ments, which the Synod of London had condemned, brake out from thence, and was harbored by one Bennet; who for that fact, and for dispersing Seditious Libels against the King, was himself executed: And Sir John Oldcastle being the se­cond time apprehended, was in­dicted in open Parliament, as an enemy to the State, but answered most contemptuously, and accord­ing to the Principles of his Sect, [Page 345] That it was a trifle to him, to be judg­ed by them, and that he had no judge among them, &c. At his death he spake more like a mad man, then otherwise, desiring Sir Thomas Ar­pingham, that in case he saw him rise again within three days, he would be good to those of his Sect.

2 Yet, as it commonly happens, that Preachers of Novelty and Se­dition do seldom want some Prin­ces or other of the Temporalty, and great Personages to counte­nance them; so was it here. Wic­liff, beside some few of both the Universities, Oxford especially, whom his Doctrines had caught and corrupted, found no mean Friends and Patrons even at Court. John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, openly favored him, so did Sir Henry Peircy, Marshal of England; insomuch that Wicliff, being upon a time summoned to appear before the Bishop of London, both those Personages, the Duke and Marshal, with divers others of the Court, bore him company to Pauls, on [Page 346] purpose to discountenance the Bi­shop, and to animate Wicleff, and his followers in their courses. It is confessed, the Duke and Wicleff had several ends: The first aimed to destroy the Liberties of the Church, and the Charter of London, both which he found to be great blocks and obstacles in the way of his am­bitious designs; the other, simply to satisfie an envious Malignant humor, which possessed him, against the Clergy, desiring, if he could, to make himself famous by their in­famy. But it is observable, the de­signs both of the one, and of the other, failed them: For Wicleff (as great a Protestant as they would have him) died a simple Parish-Priest at Lutterworth in Leicestershire, Doctor Harpsfields History. where he said Mass to his death; and was never able to obtain the preferment which he desired. And John of Gaunt lived to be accused publikely of many evil practises, prejudicial to Religion, and to the Nation, and in particular, of aspi­ring to the Crown; but his cheif [Page 347] Accuser, viz. John Latimor, an Irish Frier, was, through the power of the Duke, committed to the custody of Sir John Holland, as they pretended, in order to his Tryal. Howbeit the poor man, the very night before he should come to his Answer, to prevent further trou­ble, was found strangled in his bed, and that, as our own Chronicles report, by the same Sir John Hol­land, and one Green.

3 But to come neerer the present age, and consider how obedient and loyal this sort of men shewed themselves in Queen Maries times. A time of Tryal, you will say, to some of them. True; but there­fore most likely to discover their true Genius, and Spirit. Now it is manifest, That in the short space of Her Reign, which was not much above five years, she had more open Rebellions and Insurrections made against her, from such of her Sub­jects as were not well affected unto her Religion, then Queen Elizabeth had from Catholikes, in full Forty [Page 348] and five. How plain and sincere her Government was, how far from tricks, and such strains of policy, or rather iniquity, as were after­ward used, is manifest to all the world. How great a Justicer was She? It will be said, Somewhat too severe; and it may be as truly answered, That severity was ne­cessary, not onely by the judge­ment of Parliament, which a little before had Enacted those Laws, upon which she proceeded, and be­fore which she acted nothing in that kinde: But also in respect of her own safety, and of the State; against both which, that sort of men, which tasted of the severity of those Laws, were not a little insolent, and prone to attempt. Yet that she was withal a Princess very merciful, is manifest by her com­passion shewn to such, as deserved not well of her; that is, To the Dutchess of Somerset, to Sir John Cheek, who had been the principal corrupter of King Edward, her Brothers Infancy, to Sir Edward [Page 349] Montague, Lord Cheif Justice, who had both counselled and subscribed to her disinheriting, to Sir Roger Ch lmley, to the Marquis of North­ampton, to the Lord Robert Dudly, to Sir Henry Dudly, to Sir Henry Gates, &c. who stood all of them attainted, and the Duke of Suffolk. All which persons were very ob­noxious to Her Justice; she knew very well, they neither affected Her Religion, nor Title; They were already her prisoners in the Tower, yet she released them all. But for all this, the Zealots of her time would not be quieted, nor suffer her to enjoy any quiet; They Libel against the Government of Wo­men; they pick quarrels and mur­mur at her marriage; they publish invectives and scurrilous Pam­phlets against Religion; yea, they forbear not to conspire and plot Her Deprivation, out of a desire to advance Her Successor to the Crown, under whom every Calvin­ist expected a Golden Age. The austerities and abstinences, which [Page 350] Catholike Religion prescribed, and which the Queen, by Authority of Parliament, had but lately reduced, and was her self very exemplary in the observation of them, were not much pleasing to some Gallants about the Court; nor to many others, both in City and Country, whose affections were better satisfi­ed with the Liberties of the former Age, and therefore desired some change of this. But among other Instruments of mischeif, that Book written by Goodman, intituled Of Obedience, was a most pernicious In­centive among the commons, teach­ing expresly, Ad Nobil. Scot. P. 94. That Queen Mary deserved to be put to death, as a Tyrant and a Monster. And that other of Knox, with whom the Zealots of England did correspond too much, where he hath, among many other of like nature, this passage: Illud aud actèr affirmaverim, &c. This I dare boldly say, saith he, the Nobili­ty, Magistrates, Judges, and whole people of England, were bound in Conscience, not onely to oppose and [Page 351] withstand the proceedings of that Je­sabel Mary, whom they call their Queen, but even to have put her to death, and all her Priests with her.

4 After this, Sir Thomas Wyat takes up Arms (for which Master Fox worthily Chronicles him) marches his Army, like another Cyrus, as some called him, over Sh [...]oters-Hill, threatning both the Court and the City, Prince and People. And for this, Goodman in his Book Of Obedi­ence commends him, saith, He did but his duty, and that it was the duty of all who professed the Gospel to have risen with him. This was their doctrin then: And though it be said, That Goodman recanted his opinion in Queen Elizabeths days, it was (perhaps) onely that part of it, which opposed the Government of Women. And if he did it absolute­ly, what doth it prove, but the in­constancy of such men, and how easily they can conform themselves to times that favor them, and of what spirit they are under the cross and affliction? Wyats pretence was [Page 352] particoloured, looking, as he would seem, both at Religion and bonum Publicum, in his opposing the Queens marriage with Spain; as both Holinshead and Stow agree. They that suppose it to have been meerly upon a civil account, are confuted by the Queen her self in her Speech at Guildhal, where she tells the City, That she had sent divers of her Counsel to Wyat, to demand the Reasons of his Insur­rections, and that they found, The business of the marriage was onely a cloak to cover Religion, which was the thing principally aimed at. For he urged also to have the Tower delivered to him, to have power to nominate and chuse new Counsel­lors, declaring plainly, That he would not trust, but be trusted. But Master Fox is plain in the case, for he confesseth of all that Rabble which followed Wyat, That they conspired among themselves for Religi­on, and made Wyat their cheif. The marriage was looked upon by them onely as an accessory thing, [Page 353] and a means to strengthen that which they meant to overthrow, and eo nomine, for that respect onely it was to be hindred. Upon this ac­count William Thomas a Gospeller of those times, conspireth to kill the Queen, and at his death is so far from repenting of such a foul intention, That he glorieth to die for the good of his Countrey: Yea, the Faction grew so tumultuous and bold, That Doctor Pendleton was shot at in the very Pulpit, Preach­ing at Pauls, and Master Bourn had a Dagger thrown at him in the same place; the multitude being so disorderly, That the Lord Major himself had much ado to quiet them; and the Lords of the Coun­sel were forced to come thither the next Sunday with a guard, to keep things in order, and to prevent fur­ther combustions which were fear­ed. At Westminster upon Easter-day, a desperate fellow wounded the Priest, as he was at Mass in Saint Margarets Church there. After this they found out a Perkin Warbeck, [Page 354] and brought him upon the Stage; one Wil [...]iam Fetherston counterfei­ting King Edward, (whom the world, and some of themselves especially, knew well enough to be dead) on purpose to amuze the Queen, and disturb the State. There was one Cleber, sometimes a Pedant, living at Yakesly in Nor­folke, put to death for a conspiracy against the Queen; Ʋdal, Staun­ton, Peckham and Daniel, were committed for the same crime: for which, and for attempting to rob the Exchequer, and her Treasury, and also for Heresie, they had their desert. Not to speak of the Trea­sons of Dudley and Ashton, set on by the French; In Devonshire Sir Peter, and Sir Gawin Cary, great Prote­stants, together with Sir Thomas Denny, took arms to impede King Philips arrival in England, posses­sed themselves for some time of Excester Castle, but afterward, see­ing things go contrary to their ex­pectation, they made an escape by getting over into France. Thomas [Page 355] Stafford, coming well instructed from Genevah, made Proclamati­ons publickly in several places of the Kingdom, that Queen Mary was not lawful Qeen, was unwor­thy to reign; and, to abuse the peo­ple further, gave out no less boldly, then falsly, that already Twelve of the best fortified places in England were committed to the Spaniards. Upon which pretense Bradford, Proctor Streachly, and he, surprize the Castle of Scarborough in York­shire, a Fort of singular strength, which they would hold against the Spaniards, (they should have said, against their Queen and Sovereign,) but they lost it, and their heads be­side. Henry Duke of Suffolk (one to whom the Queen had given life before, being Father to the Lady Jane, and a privy Counsellor in those Treasons of Northumberland,) fled into Leicestershire with the Lord Gray, making Proclamation a­gainst the Queens marriage; but not being able to raise a Comman­ding Army, as he hoped, was com­pelled [Page 356] to flie and lurk in corners; Till the Earl of Huntingdon, appre­hending him, brought him up a­gain to his old lodging in the Tower; where he made an unfor­tunate end. I shall not urge the practises of Sir Nicholas Throgmor­ton, a man of great wit and policy, notwithstanding he was Indicted of high Treason, and arraigned at Westminster, with Arnold, Warner, and others; because though the case were plain, yet the Jury ac­quitted him, but to their own cost and trouble. And it was well for him, the Advocates of those times desired not so much to triumph in the calamities of poor men, nor that the prisoner should loose his head, rather then they their oration, and the glory of the day.

5 But, say some, there were no Ministers had any hand in those tu­mults, none of them were Trum­peters to Sedition at that time. What was Goodman and Gilby? Were not they Ministers? Was not [Page 357] Jewel a Minist [...], [...]ho preacht at Gl ce [...]er, against the Queens pro­ceed [...]ngs? Was not Doctor Sands a Minist [...]r, though Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, when he walkt a­b [...]ut with the Ragged Staff, and assisted the proclaimers of Lady Jane? Were not Hooper, Rogers, Crowly Ministers, all enrolled as friends and favorers of these acti­ons? And were there not divers other Ministers, both of Kent and other Counties, who upon Wyats fall, forsook the Realm? or was there any thing more likely to drive them out, then a guilty Con­science? what shall we say of those two Apostles (falsly so called) of the time, Cranmer and Ridley? W re not they Ministers, yet great instruments of the Queens trou­bles? And that not in King Ed­wards time onely, (upon which account some would excuse them,) but after his death, and under the Reign of Queen Mary. For Rid­leys Sermon of Pauls Cross, where­in (like another infamous Shaw) [Page 358] he so highly magnified and defen­ded the Title of Lady [...]an [...], and perswaded the people to accept and obey her as Queen, i [...]pugning, a­gainst all honesty and conscience, the right of King Henries two Daughters, was the Sunday after King Edward was dead. And 'tis well known, the Reign of a Prince commenceth (not from the time of his Coronation, but) instantly upon the death of his predecessor. And therefore was he justly attainted and convicted of Trea­son. Cranmer was both Coun­sellor and Oracle in the business, and was therefore arraigned, and condemned with the Lady Jane, and Guildford Dudly, as contri­ver and principal assistant in that Treason, as appeareth by the Re­cords in the Kings Bench. This man was a very Proteus in all his actions, and of a disposition most servil, and vitiously plyable to any humor of the King, and rea­dy always to follow the prevailing party. He was first a principal in­strument [Page 359] of the Kings divorce from [...]en K [...]b [...] ne, whereby the [...] Gat [...] were let opon to the Lady Anne Bolen; yet afterward to serve the Kings Appetite, he was used again, as a chief instrument in her condemnation, as appears by the Statute; where Cranm [...]rs Sentence is recorded judicially, 28. Hen. 8. c. 7. as of his own knowledge convincing her of some fowl act. Nor can a­ny wise or indifferent man but con­demn him of inexcusable iniquity, that being a Counsellor of State, Primate and M tropolitan of the Realm, pretending also to be a Reformer of Religion, would so much betray his Master, (whose creature he was,) as to frustrate and make void his will, (whereof himself was made chief Executor,) subscribe to extinguish his issue, as much as possibly he could, by dis­inheriting his two Daughters, and transferring the Crown to another Line and Family: and all this most basely, and contrary to his con­science, onely to please a Subject, [Page 360] and to avoid [...]om [...] [...]inde of afflicti­on, which he feared upon the Suc­cession of Q [...]een Mary, and against which, 'tis manifest by the frequent changings, lapses, relapses and per­juries, which he made, he was ne­ver well armed.

6 It is manifest therefore, that in all places, at home as well as a­broad, this Spirit of Reformation hath ever been, and is seditiously pragmatical and dangerous unto Princes and States, wheresoever it getteth footing, and is not counte­nanced and advanced so far, as to bear all the sway it self. It is in this onely respect (not in any o­ther) like the Motto of her, who meerly for temporal and worldly ends, made her self the great Patro­ness of it, that is, it is Semper Ea­dem, always the same, and never changeth. This was it, which in­duced them of Genevah to expel their Bishop and Leige-Lord; This was it, which induceth them of S [...]ethland to renounce their lawful King; Them of Holland to depose [Page 361] their Sovereign Prince; This was it, which Sollicited the Bohemians to depose the Emperor, their Ele­cted, Crowned, and Acknowled­ged King, That imprisoned the most Vertuous and Religious Queen and Martyr, Mary Queen of Scotland, and cast her undeserved­ly into those calamities, which pursued her to death; This was it, which held out Rochel and Montau­ban in defiance against their King; and lastly, that which begat so ma­ny conspiracies, commotions, and causes of jealousie unto Queen Ma­ry of England; So, as within the space of Sixty years, it hath been observed. More Princes have been deposed and persecuted by Prote­stants, their Subjects, upon the quarrel and difference of Religion, then had bin by the Popes excom­munications, or by the attempts and practises of any Subjects Catho­likes, in Six hundred before. Of the troubles which have arisen to other Princes upon this occasion, we have spoken somewhat already. [Page 362] The business of Sweden is defended by one Master T. M. upon these grounds. First, That it was done by the demand of the whole State. But this is a manifest falshood. For if you take the whole State, formally, that is, for all the people of the Nation, it is certain, that Sigismund their lawful King, had, not onely a great, but the far greater and better part of the people, well affected to him: If you take it Virtually, that is, for some general Assembly represen­ting the people, legally met and resolving upon that business, there never was any such called. The meetings that were, were onely of Duke Charls his faction, who, in comparison of the Kings party both of Nobility and Commons, were but few; yet, as it often happens, the better case was more negligent­ly managed: and those for the Duke (who were also inclined to Innovation in Religion,) being more active, industrious and unani­mous in their design, made shift to secure the Military provisions, and [Page 363] to invest themselves of the chief Strengths of the Kingdom before the others, and so prevailed; as Chytraeus himself a Protestant Au­thor is sufficient witness. Chytra. Continuat. Crantzii. Second­ly he saith, it was for the defence of their Priviledges and Liberties. None of which were violated, as by the same Chytraeus appeareth. Third­ly, that it was for the fruitoin of Re­ligion, That's true indeed and con­fessed; That they might introduce and establish a new Religion, they renounced their old King: which is the thing we charge them with; and wherein whatsoever they did, they did by private Authority and Faction.

7 It shall suffice therefore to send this Master T. M. for his better instruction, unto a great Doctor of his own Church, Doctor Bilson above mentioned, who, as we have heard before, holdeth it tantum non, as an Article of Faith, that Princes are not to be deposed; which is also the judgement of the greatest Do­ctor of the English Church, and [Page 364] hath been so, for these Fifty years and upwards. But we demand of them, is it good Doctrine in the Reign and case of Queen Elizabeth onely? and not so, in the Reign and case of Queen Mary? It is a position frequently defended in their own Schools, Dominium non fundatur in gratiâ; and the contrary Doctrine is as generally exploded in W [...]cleff. The difference then of Religion al­ters not the Authority and power of Jurisdiction. And Wyat with his complices rising in Arms, with­out and against royal Authority, was a Rebel against Queen Mary, as much as Westmorland and the rest with them, whom the English Chronicles mention, were Rebels in rising against Queen Elizabeth. But you will say, Queen Mary ob­served not the Laws of the Realm, she abrogated the Statutes of the First of Edward the Sixth, which all the Kingdom approved; and 'tis the profession of good Princes to observe the Laws, and to govern by them. I answer it is true, Le­gibus [Page 365] se Subjectos esse, &c. it is a most Christian profession of all Kings to be subject to their own Laws; but it would be understood cum grano salis, soberly, and to refer more to the di­rective part or power of them, then to the corrective or punitive: especial­ly in criminal cases, if any such should happen; lest the remedy should prove worse then the disease, & the reparation of a private person turn to the ruin of the publike, which is contrary to reason & the end of go­vernment. Beside in Princes we may consider their private Acts (as I may so cal them) of Government, which consist in the Executive part of their Office, viz. in administring or dea­ling justice betwixt man and man, and in seeing, so far as the Law or reason requireth of them, that all men under them live well, and ac­cording to their several duties; in these Acts the Prince may be justly supposed to be bound up to the Law, and that he ought not to do otherwise then the Law prescribes. But who ever accused Queen [Page 366] Mary of breach of Law, or misgo­vernment in this sense? Happy had it been for some of her Suc­cessors and this whole Nation, if they had affected arbitrary Go­vernment and Rule, no more then she did. Secondly, we may consi­der in Princes their more publike Acts, which concern all their peo­ple in general, and consist in the Legislative part of their Office; and in these they are Free, they are ab­solute, unlimited, and bound to nothing, but onely to proceed up­on such advise, as the Constituti­ons of their several Governments do require: that is, most com­monly (and as is best,) upon ad­vise and the consent of their whole people represented and giving them Counsel in Full Parliament. I say, in this capacity the Prince is bound to no Law, but the Law of Reason and a Good Conscience; as to all other respects at liberty to enact or abrogate, to make or repeal what Laws he shall think fit, and most likely to procure publike [Page 367] good, upon such advise given. And did not Queen Mary so proceed? Did she do any thing, but by pub­like consent, advise and supplica­tion of her people in Parliament? Beside, if Queen Mary should be so subject to her Brothers Laws, as not to alter them upon any reason in a legal and due manner, why was not Queen Elizabeth so sub­ject to Hers? yea, why was not King Edward the Sixth himself so subject to the Laws of his Father? Why were they altered, and that in his Minority too? When he was a Childe, and understood no more, in things of that nature and conse­quence, then a Childe? you will say, The Religion, which Queen Mary brought in, was corrupt and impure, That of her Brother before, and of Queen Elizabeth af­ter her was pure, and according to Gods word. But this is your assertion onely; we say still, That you proceed upon a false suppositi­on, that presumption and self­conceit rules the greatest part of [Page 368] your rost. That thing viz. Whe­ther Queen Maries or Queen Eli­zabeths Religion were best, is the grand question betwixt us: And as it is certain, that it was never yet by any general and orderly Coun­sel, no not of Protestants, deter­mined on your side; so we are sure, and the world, together with your selves know, it hath been of­ten, legally, solemnly determined for us, by all sorts of Counsels, Provincial, National, Oecumeni­cal. And we pray, what reason can be given, why the Judgement of Parliament restoring Catholike Religion under Queen Mary, with the consent and advise of the chief and best of the whole Clergy of the Nation, should not be as good, as that, which under Queen Elizabeth abolish'd it, not onely contrary to the Queens Oath taken at her Co­ronation, but without the advise or consent of so much as any one Bishop or spiritual Prelate of the whole Kingdom, who yet in a bu­siness of that nature, viz. concer­ning [Page 369] Religion, were by all Laws, both of Malach. 2.7. Heb. 13.7.8, 17. God and of the Nation, principally to be consulted with.

1 But let us gratifie our Adversa­ries, as much as may be; Let us suppose the worst, viz. that Queen Mary had indeed erred in the intro­duceing of some kinde of supersti­tions, ought she therefore presently to be censured by Ministers? or de­posed and put down by a Wyat? God forbid. Solomon himself, a wise and a great King, did fall into grievous sins, and particularly in­to the grosest of those kinds, where­of they presume to censure Queen Mary. He had many Hundreds of strange Wives, contrary to the Law of Moses; and by reason of them fell to Idolatry beyond measure. The Queen never took but one Husband, and he a Catholike Prince, of the same Religion with her self, and with the whole Chri­stian world beside, except onely some few Provinces, which Heresie had lately corrupted. Yet neither [Page 370] did the Priest or people take upon them to depose such a King as So­lomon? They left him to him, who is the Supream and most proper Judge of Kings, and who, in the time appointed by his Divine Pro­vidence, raised up Jeroboam to cha­stise him in his Son. Yea when Julian himself, of a Christian Em­peror, became Apostate, and per­secuted the Christians of his time with all maner of vexation and cruelty, which either policy of malice could devise, neither the peo­ple, nor the Pastors of the Church, (though they sharply reproved and inveighed against his proceedings, yet none of them) took up Arms a­gainst him, none went about to de­prive him either of Dominion or Life. And if they thought it not expedient or becoming Christians to do so against a Tyrant, acting Tyrannically, and onely by the violence of his own exorbitant pas­sions, without any order or co­lour of Law, and as no just Prince ought to govern, how much less [Page 371] would they have thought it lawful, and how little would they approve it to be done against such Princes, as govern legally, and do nothing, concerning Religion or otherwise, but according as the Laws and and publike Constitutions, of their several Kingdoms do direct and in­able them to do. He that proclay­med the Prerogative of Kings in these terms Ʋos Estis Dii, I have said, Yee are Gods, surely intended to teach the world rather a lesson of obedience then rebellion. And there is no Prince or State in the world, Let them countenance what Sect, or Profession of Religion so­ever, they please, but shall finde it, at one time or another, a neces­sary Bulwark for them to retreat unto against the inundations of po­pular fury. Who doth deny, but that it is necessary, that the go­vernments of all Princes whatso­ever should be regulated and mode­rated by Laws? and that all per­sons in Authority do observe all rules whatsoever, that are proper [Page 372] for them, or prescribed to them, by those to whom that power be­longeth. We pretend not, to en­haunce the Authority of Princes so far, as to exempt them from the rule of Law, or to make them Ar­bitrary in their government; but this we say, Ʋos Esi is Dii, in rela­tion unto Princes, and all Persons established in Supream Authority justly, that is, by the will of Di­vine Providence, and consent of the people, is a great exemption of them from any popular Cogni­zance. For what does it intimate, but that Egodixi. Allmighty God himself hath made them Gods unto the peo­ple, that is to say, persons of Knowledge, Experience, Foresight, Care, Providence, and other abili­ties Intellectual (which are the na­tural and genuine principles of go­vernment) competent and sufficient for the government of people, (who are not otherwise, generally speak­ing Et pro majori parte, able to go­vern themselves in civil society,) and for their preservation in peace [Page 373] and quietness, which is the end of Government. We think, it is most proper for God onely to say Transferam Regna de gente in gentem. Revolutions of Governments and Translating of one Kingdom to another are the Extraordinary Dispensations of Divine Provi­dence, and for reasons onely known unto his supream and secret wis­dom. Which although they be acted, that is, brought to pass by the hands of men, yea through their infirmities and many times blamable passions, as experience often sheweth, and as in the case of King Rehoboam, the Son of Solo­mon, (1 Reg. 12.16.) may seem plain; yet are not the common people licensed hereby to run up­on any irregular designs of their own head, and to renounce their Governors headily and hastily of themselves, for every lght grei­vance and misgovernment, that may seem to afflict them. To re­move Tyrants and oppression from a people is the work of Divine Mer­cy, [Page 374] as it is of his justice, to permit them to oppress; and from him only must they expect deliverance, abiding in the mean while with patience, until his Divine hand shall appear, leading them to such means, as they may with justice and good order use to the procu­ring of their liberty.

1 HItherto we have insisted onely upon the Do­ctrines and practises of those, who call them­selves Reformed Chur­ches, or Protestants, in the charge of Rebellion and Tumult against the Civil Magistrate; by which, how tolerable and quiet they are in any Kingdom or State, whose [Page 376] Religion is not framed according to their Mode, the indifferent Rea­der will judge. It remaineth now, that we make good the contrary, concerning our selves, and shew, that those vertues, (which we pre­tend to be the true and proper Characters of our Religion) viz. Humility, Devotion, Obedience, Order, Patience, &c. are more ge­nerally and more constantly exer­cised by Catholikes, in times of Tryal, then by any other Sect or Sort of people whatsoever. This we intend to do, but not so much Theoretically, or by way of any long and speculative discourse, as Practically, Historically, and by way of instance, shewing what the behavior and practise of Catho­likes have been in this case, upon occasions given. Neither shall we range far abroad into the world, because that would be less perti­nent to our main purpose, (which is onely to justifie our selves in this point, so far as reason and truth will give us leave,) and enlarge [Page 377] our discourse beyond its intended bounds: But we shall content our selves onely with domestick exam­ples, and that experience, which the Catholikes of this Nation have given of themselves, from time to time in this kinde.

2 What kinde of people they were anciently in this Land, in the time of King Lucius and the Brittons, I shall not need to relate, but refer you to the Ecclesiasticall Histories of those times; the rather because the Centurists of Magdeburgh, and Master Fox in his Acts and Monu­ments will have these Catholikes to be Protestants and of their Church: which, (though it be ve­ry false, yet) I may not ingage for the cleering of that point now. Nor shall I insist any longer upon those times of the Saxons, after they were converted to Christiani­ty, to shew their vertues and sin­gular devotion towards God: and how happily, by means thereof, the Church and Common-wealth did grow up together unto that [Page 378] perfection of Spiritual and Tem­poral glory, which they injoyed under that Blessed Prince and Saint, King Edward the Confessor. I shall not tell you, how highly the good Prelates of the Church were then reverenced by the people, nor how much their holy Counsels and Au­thority did conduce to the happy government of the State. It suf­ficeth, Lamb. Ar­chaion. Camden. Spelm. Concil. that many old Saxon Laws and other Monuments yet upon record, Venerable Bede, and the Stories, of those times, with o­ther Modern Authors are witnesses of it beyond all exception. From King Edward the Confessor down­wards to King Henry the Eighth, there is no man of judgement will affirm, or thinketh, that any other Religion was known in England, but the Roman-Catholike, that is, the same, that had been long be­fore planted here by Saint Austin and those Good men his followers, who were sent hither to convert the English Saxons, by Saint Gregory the Great, Bishop of Rome: for which [Page 379] charity towards our Nation Do­ctor Whitaker giveth him thanks, and professeth, it was a great Bene­fit, and for ever most gratefully to be remembred. In all which time al­though the Clergy made Canons, and managed all things pertaining to Religion, by an Authority of their own, that is to say, given them by God, and derived to them from an other origin, then that of the State or Supream Magistrate Temporal; yet never did the Kings of this Realm finde them general­ly otherwise then obedient unto their Government, and ready to serve them, in such capacity, as the Laws and duties of their functi­on permitted, and to contribute their best assistance to the support of the Estate Royal, and of the Kingdom wherein they lived. It is true, through the malice of the Devil and Instigation of some Ene­mies of the Church, some of them, for the asserting of their legal Im­munities, and to preserve the Li­berty of their spiritual Jurisdiction [Page 380] entirely Free, as it ought, they were dirven now and then, (yet very sel­dom, in comparison of such a long tract of time, as we instance in,) unto some vehement and earnest contesta­tion with their Princes, and though much further then was pleasing to them, yet, I suppose, not beyond terms of due respect, and the Au­thority of their Function: much less did they endeavor to stir up rebelli­on, or instigate the people to sedition and commotions against their Prin­ces; nor did they ever, upon their own account solely, concur in any thing of that nature.

3 The first King, that ever gave cause in this Kingdom, effectually and in the face of the world, to trie the admirable patience, obedi­ence, and loyalty of Catholikcs, was King Henry the Eighth, Flagel­lum Dei, that scourge of God, to the Church of England, and all good Catholikes therein; yet out­wardly professing the same Religi­on in most things with Catholikes. This he did first by a pretended [Page 381] Accusation of the Clergy, to be fallen in a Praemunire, because (Scil) they did that, which all their pre­decessors the Bishops and Clergy of England, for many Hundreds of years confessedly, had done without any exception taken, viz. for acknowledging the power Le­gantine of Cardinal W [...]lsey; which yet the King himself for his own ends, and in his own case, had first of all procured. 2. upon the Statute of supremacy. And 3. by suppression of the Abbies. These were his Three first breaches, by which the Foun­dation, strength, and glory of the Catholike Church in England be­came afterwards utterly ruinated. By the first his way was levelled to the Second; and the Second ob­tained, gave him power and au­thority to compass the Third. By the First indeed onely the Clergy smarted in a fine of an Hundred thousand pound; The second lay heavy upon the Clergy and Tem­poralty both. But by the Third, viz. the suppression of the Abbies [Page 382] and Religious houses, if we consi­der the infinite prejudice, which the poor Commonalty suffered thereby, both in point of spiritual and temporal interest, the whole Kingdom might be said, to be worse then conquered by him, that is, Robbed, Spoiled, Enslaved to the exorbitancy of his sole Will, Prodigality, Lust, and Tyranny. And all this done to be revenged on the Pope, who condescended not to humor him in the business of his marriage. Therefore, and to ad­vance his own power and great­ness, That Authority and Juris­diction, which had alway been ac­knowledged, as sacred, by the English, ever since the English were Christians, must in a moment be abandoned, disclaimed, abjured; himself by an unheard of and fa­tal Ambition instead thereof, made Head of the Church: and all persons who out of scruple of Conscience, refused to conform to such grand, sudden, and sacrilegious Innovati­ons, and to swear they knew not [Page 383] what, were cut shorter by the head, executed at Tyborn, imprisoned, banished, and put into such condi­tion, as he was sure, they should not oppose him.

4 The ground of the Praemunire was at first onely a quarrel, which he pick't against the Cardinal Wol­sey, but afterwards stretched it up­on the Tenters, and made it reach the whole Clergy, who be­ing thereupon Summoned into the Kings Bench, the business was so aggravated there by the Lawyers, The Kings Learned Counsel, that in the Convocation house, they present­ly concluded to submit themselves to the King, and offer him no less sum then One hundred thousand pound for their pardon. This was look't upon by the Christian world as a Prodigy, That so many Shep­herds should be afraid of one Wolfe: And though it becomes us not hear to censure, whether they did as they ought, yet certainly this weakness of the Pastors boded no good to the Flock; and it is [Page 384] observed, that neither, themselves, nor the Church, nor Religion e­ver prospered in England after­wards. However the King accepts of th [...]ir off [...]r, and signs their Par­don; but with a fetch far worse then the first. For und [...]r a pr [...]e [...]ce of procuring this Pardon to be confirmed to them in Parliament, he draws th [...]m in there (how wil­lingly or unwillingly, let the world judge,) to acknowledge him Supream Head of the Church. It was a course, even at that time, not thought agreeable to Justice or Honor. For, as we said, the Cardinal Wolsey had the Kings Li­cense for the exercise of his Legan­tine power, both under the Kings hand, and the Great Seal of Eng­land; and was employed by the Kings particular Mandate and pleasure, in the quality of Legat to sit with the other Legat, Cardinal Campegius, and examine the business of his marriage. And could the Divorce have been granted accord­ing to the Kings minde, it is easily [Page 385] conjectured the Cardinal had never been questioned for his Legat-ship. Touching the Se­cond of Supremacy, All the Sub­jects of England ever acknow­ledged that the Crown and State of England, quoad Tempo­ralia, in Temporal affairs and matters is independent of any o­ther power, but of that Transcen­dent Majestie, which saith, Per me reges regnant; and this to the in­tent, that Kings and all Governors, considering, who will one day take their Audit, may be more careful to rule with Justice and common equity, without partia­lity, passion, prejudice against any mans person, further then his crimes against Publike Order, Common Right, and the Peace of the State shall make him obnoxious: and by so doing may keep their ac­counts streight, against the day of Account. And on the other side that Subjects remembring their du­ty, and who it is, that layeth this jugum suave, the sweet Yoke of good [Page 386] Government upon their Shoulders, might be induced to obey with more fidelity, and prompt affecti­on. But the Question, which King Henry (the first of all Kings, Princes or States of Christendom) pro­pounded to his Clergy and People in Parliament, concerned matters purely Spiritual, and wherein, not himself onely and his Subjects at home, but all Christian Kings, Prin­ces, States, and people in the world, were concerned. And therefore required far greater deliberation, I say not, then was used, (for in truth that was little or none at all; the Kings pleasure and resolution was known, and that, as the world went then, was sufficient:) but, I say, then could poss [...]bly be used in England; which was then but one single Kingdom, and a small Pro­vince of Christendom.

5 And for the suppression of the Abbeys and Religious houses, by that Act and this other of Supre­macy together, the Clergy of Eng­land were brought absolutely into [Page 387] Captivity, and stood meerly (as they have done ever since) at the pleasure of the King, and of the State. Their Possessions (the great­est part of them) were seized, their Goods forfeited, their Churches profaned and sacked, and upon the spoils thereof, together with the sale of the Vestments, Chalices, Bells, and other the Moveables and Ornaments belonging to them, the Augmentation Court was erected. For the King seeing this extraordinary passiveness and submission of the Clergy, could never think he had power sufficient, till he had more then enough; and therefore having already discharged his conscience from all Bonds, but such onely as himself should think good to tie, he took liberty to commit such outrages and violence upon Sacred things, as no age before him, nor since can parallel. For first, viz. Anno 27. of His Reign he appoints the Secretary Cromwel, and Doctor Leigh (as his Commissioners) to visit the Abbyes; and they, by [Page 388] vertue of their said Commission, first take out all the Plate, cheifest Jewels and Reliques belonging to those houses, and seize them to the Kings use: Then they dismiss all such persons Religious, as were under the age of Four and twenty years, and had a desire to be at li­berty in the world, Anno 28. All the smaller Religious houses, of the value of Two hundred pounds per annum and under, were given to the King by Parliament with all their Lands and Hereditaments; and of these the number was not less then Three hundred seventy and six, who were able to dispend per annum to the benefit of the poor and service of the Publike, not less then Three thousand two hundred pounds of old Rents of Assize, b [...] ­side their Moveables: Which b [...] ­ing undervalued and sold at mean rates, yet amounted to above One hundred thousand pounds. The Religious themselves, and all peo­ple depending on them, (which were not a few,) were on a sudden [Page 389] outed, and left unprovided even of Habitation; above Ten thousand persons, for no particular crimes charged or proved against them, turned out of their own doors, and driven to seek their fortune, where they could. A thing which com­passionated the very common peo­ple themselves, (though not a lit­tle alienated in their affections at that time, towards Monasticks, more then they were wont to be;) to see so many persons compelled to Beg and live by Almes, who by their bountiful and constant Hos­pitality had formerly releived ma­ny.

Anno 30. of His Reign some of the greater Abbies, viz. Battle-Ab­by and the Abby of Lewis in Sussex, Martin Abby in Surry, Stratford in Essex were suppressed, and all things belonging to them convert­ed to the Kings use. For indeed they were forced in some sort to proceed thus politickly in their work of desolation, and to carry it on by degrees, by reason of the Com­monalty; [Page 390] who, though they stir­red not, yet they stood amazed, as it were, murmuring as lowd as they durst, and were not a little unsatisfied at such doings. But in the years 32. and 33. generally all the Monasteries of England, of what value soever, went to wrack, and were destroyed; The Lands belonging to Saint John's of Jeru­salem were likewise given to the King, and the Corporation of those Knights quite dissolved: Though to turn out these with some kinde of contentment, there was, as some say, certain Pensi­ons during life distributed among them, to the value of Two thou­sand eight hundred and seventy pounds. In Anno 37. was the last sweep, which King Harry made. For then all the Chauntries in any part of the Kingdom (which were many and numerous,) All Churches and places Collegiate, yea the very Hospitals (which were built and endowed by their seve­ral Founders, onely, and expresly [Page 391] for the relief of the poor,) were yet given to the King, and permit­ted wholly to his order and dispo­sing. The value of Church Lands in England at this time amounted to above Three hundred and twen­ty thousand one hundred and eighty pounds per annum; and of it the King took into his own pos­session, and apropriated to the Crown to the value of One hun­dred sixty one thousand one hun­dred pounds yearly rent: The rest, it seems, was sold, or exchanged, or distributed among Favourites. Lastly, to abuse the poor Com­mons perfectly, and more easily to wipe them of those great and constant advantages, as well Tem­poral as Spiritual, which they re­ceived from these Religious places while they stood, a proposition is made in Parliament by the Pro­jectors and Sharers in this worke, and 'tis given out also to the peo­ple abroad, That out of the Re­venues of these Lands thus given to the King, a standing Army, for [Page 392] defence of the Kingdom and all o­ther Military occasions of State should be maintained, of no less then Forty thousand men, besides Forty Earls, Sixty Barons, and Three thousand Knights for the Command and Conduct of this Army, where need should be: So that the Commons of England, by this means, should never, heare of Tax or Subsidy any more. This indeed was as pleasing a bait for the people, as could be devised, and it took accordingly: They bit willingly at it; But the Hook sticks in their jaws to this day. Such a motion as this (to note in a word by the way) was made in that Parliament of Henry the fourth which they called the Lay-mens Parliament, by those which coun­tenanced Wicleff, and loved the Lands, far better then they did the Religion of the Church: But their designs at that time were defeated by the Stout and Religious oppo­sition of Thomas Arundel Arch-Bi­shop of Canterbury, and other Pre­lates [Page 393] joyning with him. Though now there were an unfortunate and unworthy Thomas found, (yet sit­ing in that Seat of Canterbury) rea­dy to side with them for his own carnal ends, and to countenance the Wicleffists of these times, that is, those Lutheran and malicious Spirits, who by their Libels, ( The supplication of Beggars well answer­ed by Sir Thomas Moores Supplica­tion of Souls) and other wicked practises, went about to destroy the Church, and extripate true Re­ligion.

7 Adde here unto the Kings natu­ral Inclination to vain glory; which was very great, and begat those prodigal expences, which he used towards his Favorites and Flatter­ers: And these could not be long maintained but by extraordinary support; which being not to be had in any way of Legality and Justice, Avarice at last, and many other vices, which he was fallen to, prompted him to fall upon the Church. The Lords and Courtiers [Page 394] could not dislike the motion, know­ing what a rich Prey would fall to be divided among them. Especial­ly this pleased the principal Secre­tary of State (afterward Lord Pri­vy Seal, Lord High Chamberlain of England, and Earl of Essex) who being a man of great experience, and of a deep reach in worldly policies, knew full well, that such a confused Innovation as this, and so full of Spoyle, would be infinite­ly advantagious to him, and a Ladder, to clime at ease unto what Wealth or Honor he could wish. He therefore instigates the King with all might and main to go through with the Action, and to stand stoutly to his Prerogative and profit, knowing his conscience was already buried in Anne Bolens Tombe. To this end, and the better to pave the way to his evil designs, (Sacriledge and Blood not seldom going along together,) Three of the principal Abbots of the Kingdom, and Barons of Parlia­ment, viz. the Abbots of Glastenbury, [Page 395] Reading, and Bury, Stout, Vertu­ous, and Religious men, and like­liest to oppose such practises, were taken away before hand, being con­demned and executed upon the Statute of Supremacy; as well to prevent the Bishops mediating for them, as to terrifie the other Re­lig [...]ous of the Kingdom from oppo­sing the Kings designs.

But may we ask, quo jure, quo ti­tulo, by what colour of Law or Right was this suppression of the Abbies made and done? I cannot tell, what it may do now, but cer­tainly to have mov'd such a questi­on then, it would have cost a man his head. It is certain, these Ab­bies held their Lands in Frank Al­moigne, and in Fee, They were qui­etly possessed of them by the Dona­tions and Guifts of many Saxon, English, Norman Kings, Princes and other Subjects, who were their Founders; continued legal­ly by prescription in them; admit­ted, acknowledged and established by all Laws; beside the accessory [Page 396] Charters of many succeeding Prin­ces, who confirmed them, and most commonly added to them. They held all their Lands, Immu­nities and Estates by the same Laws, Authority, and Right, by which the Temporal Lords held their Ba­ronies, as Magna Charta 9. of Hen. 3. and the confirmation thereof 28. Ed. 1. do abundantly testifie: where it is granted, that the Church of England shall be Free, and have all her Liberties preserved to her in­violable. Chap. 2. any Judgement given against them is declared to be Null and Void. And chap. 4. The Bishops are ordered to Exco­municate all such, as shall seek to infring those Charters; as also they did 30. Ed. 1. including all those, that should either make, or procure to be made any Statutes contrary to those Liberties. Whence we may note Two things, The First, that as Excommunication is the highest punishment, which can be inflicted upon a man Spiritually; so the State cannot declare its de­testation [Page 397] and dislike of any crime more then by requiring or order­ing such a punishment for it. The Second, That as by one and the same Charter, both the Church and the Temporalty held their Li­berties; so that which gave, or pretended to give, the King power to abrogate and destroy the one, could not, in point of reason or justice, but make the other obnoxi­ous. In the Leidger-book of Pe­terborrough are to be seen all King Johns Grants and Confirmations more fully and at large, then they are set forth in any Printed Book. Let any man but read them serious­ly and with attention, and he will wonder at the proceedings of later times. What need I remember that same Law called Sententia la­ta super confirmatione Chartarum by Ed. 1. or th [...] 42. of Ed. 3. chap. 8. where it is declared that any Sta­tute whatsoever made contrary to Magna Charta, shall be void. or the confirmation of all these in 1, 6, 7, 8. of Rich. 2. and in 4. of Hen. 4. [Page 398] All which good Laws were intend­ed surely to prevent Sacriledge and Tyranny in succeeding times, and to secure both Church and peo­ple from the encroachments of in­justice.

The King knew very well he had no Title to any of these things, but by colour and concession of Parliament; (and how far a Par­liament hath power to give away the Lands or Interests of a Third Person, neither heard nor convict­ed orderly of any offence, that should deserve such sentence, is a thing to be considered: Surely, is it not?) Therefore to make his Ti­tle appear stronger in the eye of the World, Anno 31. of his Reign, he procureth an Act to be made in Parliament, expr [...]ssing, how that since the Act of Anno 27. the Re­ligious Houses themselves had vo­luntarity, and of their own good wills, without constraint, in due course of Law, and by writings of Record under their Covent-Seals, giv [...]n and confirmed to the King, their [Page 399] Lands, Houses, Rents, Revenues, and all Rights whatsoever; yea, to this Statute they are said to con­sent, as to an Act of their own seek­ing and suit; and you may see a­mong the Records of the Augmenta­tion Court, a great Chest full of parti­cular Surrenders, made by the Ab­bots and Covents under their hands & seals to this purpose. But is it not a likely tale, that out of their bounty and good will, they would re­nounce their Livings, and become beggars? Indeed unto so gracious a Prince, as he was become towards them at that time, it was [...]he less marvail. I my self did once deli­ver my purse upon Salisbury-plains; and though I could not commend the honesty of those that took it, yet was I fain for a while to com­plement their humanity towards me, that they used me no worse. You will say, how then came it to be done? why would the Abbots, and other Religious give away their Lands, if they were not wil­ling? I answer, because they could [Page 400] hold them no longer: They saw themselves generally deserted and forsaken by the Commons, and knew very well what the King was resolved to do, by that which he had done already. And therefore to make some petty accommodati­ons for themselves, perhaps by granting or renewing of Leases, or otherwise, (w [...]ch the King for his own ends, viz. [...] the work more plausible and [...], was con­tent to connive at, and which, we may be sure, came not to much) they thought best to give that which they were otherwise sure to lose. And by doing so, rather then by using any kinde of contestation, they shewed the simplicity of their obedience to be such, as became their Holy Profession; and the King shewed, how little he feared God, or regarded his Honour in the cen­sure of the World. Whosoever therefore considers the business im­partially, shall finde this great con­quest of Religious Persons to de­serve little Triumph; and that the [Page 401] augmentation of Revenue and Treasure by it, being so palpably Sacrilegious, and contrary to all acknowledged Law, Divine and Humane, proved to be Aurum Tho­losanum, a curse to him that took it, and upon which the judgement of God hath visibly attended ever since.

10 Nor is it strange, that it should; for first, what saith the Scripture? Is it not a curse to him that devoureth sacred things, Prov. 20.25. and after vows to make enquiry? And what saith History, and the experience of all Ages? Did ever Sacrilege go unpunished? Marcus Crassus robbed the Temple at Hierusalem, but is not his sad and disastrous end noted by Josephus? Lib. 18. C. 8. Herod likewise opened the Sepul­cher of King David, and took thence much spoil; but into what great miseries and misfortunes he fell afterwards, Lib. 16. C. 11. the same Josephus relateth. Ʋrraca, a Gothish King, going to rob but one Chappel of St. Isidore in Spain, and that in a case of necessity too, as might be [Page 402] pretended, viz. to defray the charge of war, and to pay his Army; yet his very guts burst out of his belly in the Church-porch, Histor. gen. of Spain. as the Histo­ry saith. Leo the Fourth, Emperor, taking a precious Gem out of the Coronet of St. Sophia at Constanti­nople, which had been dedicated to it, died himself not long after of a Carbuncle. Sigon. de regn. I­taliae, Lib. 1. So Gondericus King of the Vandals, when he took Sivill, took also the spoils of the Church­es, and seized upon all their riches; but, to revenge it, the Devil seized and possessed him. Tarapha. in Ho­norio. What need I alledge more? Julian the Apostate was also a Church-robber, Tripart. Histor. lib. 6. c. 31. most tyrannical and notorious, but his end is well known. And so it is, what misery befell Heliodorus, the Treasurer of King Selencus, for the like crimes, though but attempted, against the Sanctuary at Hierusalem, 2 Maccab. chap. 3. Nicephorus Phocas the Em­peror was the neerest parallel to King Henry that we meet with in [Page 403] all the Ecclesiastical Story. For he resumed all donations that had been made unto Monasteries and Churches in his time; but such af­flictions and furies haunted him for it ever after, that his Successor Ba­silius (though himself none of the best Emperors that have reigned) was yet careful to abrogate those Lawes of Phocas, among the first Acts which he did, and as the root of all publike calamities of those times.

11 Nor did indeed King Henry him­self finde any better success to at­tend his impieties. Did he not, (like that sacrilegious Herod men­tioned before) live jealous of his Wives, and not confident, even of those his Friends, which he had so much enriched with the spoils of the Church? His exorbitant lusts, which were the original cause of all the mischief, became at last his tor­ments. For after his Divorce from his first and lawful Queen Katha­rine, no wife could please him long; few of them could get protection [Page 404] for their heads, and none of them all live long either secure or joyful. Beside, did his Exchequer thrive a­ny better for the Augmentations? Was his Treasury any whit better furnisht, then his Predecessors before him, Catholike Princes, and Fa­vorers of the Church? Nay, was there ever King of England more necessitated then he was in point of Treasure, and that immediatly as it were, and in very few years after those great spoils? Did ever King of England before him lye more heavy upon his subjects in matter of Taxes, Subsidies, Loanes, then he did after that? Did ever any of them use more ignoble and un­princely wayes to raise money then he? Our own Chronicles, and the much base money which he coined, doe sufficiently shew how things went with him in that regard. But that which may seem most of all to be noted, as an argument of Gods displeasure against him, was the frustrating of that, which was pre­tended to be his chief project and [Page 405] design in all those frequent marry­ings and unmarryings, viz. Succes­sion and Issue. All his hopefull Stem and Branches have been taken away one after another without Is­sue; and some of them but unhap­pily too: And his Crown and Scepter translated, much contrary to his intentions, unto another Name and Nation, God suffering him, as a blinde man, to erre in his ends, and wander in all his courses. Yea all that great Trea­sure, which he raked together upon the ruins of the Church; how was it employed? How spent, but in the excess of vanity and e­vil? Neither to any honour of the Realm, nor to the ease of his sub­jects, nor to the maintenance of souldiers, nor to the relief of the poor, (all which were pretended mainly when the business was to be done) but in Tiltings, Triumphs, Mummeries, Masquings, in pleas­ing and enriching his Mistresses, and to satisfie the greedy appetites and expectations of those sollici­tors [Page 406] of his Lusts. In a word, Bo­len, and Prodigality consumed all. And touching those who were thought to be the occasion and chief instruments of these disor­ders, that is to say, Cardinal Wol­sey, and the Lord Gromwel, when they had served his turn sufficient­ly, and were grown rich, they were themselves, upon pretended, and but light occasions, taken, with disgrace and misfortune turn­ed out of the World, leaving their Estates at his mercy. And for him­self, when he had wearied his sub­jects with a long, chargeable, and ingloricus Reign, and that he found his soul, as much oppressed with the guilt of innumerable hei­nous sins, as his body was become unweildy and troublesome to o­thers, through his excessive intem­perance, he died, as some good Authors say, Thuan. desirous to repent, and to be reconciled to the Church; but what effect his desires had, (which we wish might be to the sa­ving of his soul) is only known to God.

12 But what course think we would the Lutherans of Germany, the C [...]n­s [...]storians of Genevah and France, the Brethren of Scotland, have taken in this case? What would they have done, should they have found themselves at any time oppressed, a­bused, robbed of their Rights and Interests, and harrassed with inju­ries, as the Catholikes of England were, by such a Tyrant as this? Yet the Catholikes took all pati­ently, made no mutinies, raised no tumults, no insurrections that were considerable, or generally owned. It is acknowledged even by our ad­versaries, that these Abbyes and their Dependants were almost the third part of the Realm, men of understanding, power and interest, their Revenues great, their Tenants many and rich; They were not a little favored also by the people, for their constant Hospitalities and good House-keeping among them, well esteemed likewise generally a­mongst the Nobility and Gentry. Besides, the Knights of St. Johns of [Page 408] Jerusalem (who found themselves in the same predicament with the rest) by their Fraternities and Inter­ests abroad, might have procured great troubles to the King, especi­ally by the Pope and Emperors as­sistance; yet to shew the world what they were, to give an example of the patience of true Israelites, and due obedience of good Subjects; yea, to imitate, in some sort, the Divine pattern of their Masters meekness, they resolved rather to endure Gods just punishment upon them, in the Kings great injustice, then to Arm themselves into the Field, like so many Lutherans, Cal­vinists, or Geuses, against their law­ful Sovereign, having no lawful or­der or authority so to do. The Arms they took up, were not Zuin­glius his Sword, nor Beza's Pistols, but the ancient, and most proper Arms of true Christians, Prayers and Tears, Submission, Resignati­on, Patience under the rod of God, and of a wicked King. I shall add this onely Argument more, of the [Page 409] inconveniences which followed up­on these proceedings of the King, and of the provocation which Ca­tholike people had under him, if it had been possible to be put into disorder, viz. That although the number of Gentry were somewhat encreased by the suppression of Ab­byes, and alienation of Church Lands, yet the Rents of Lands were presently, and very much enhaunc­ed thereupon, Inclosures were set on foot, Depopulations generally made, the price of all things raised, to the extreme detriment of the poorer sort of people ever since, as the Protestants themselves com­plained; Ascham. Epist. ad. Protect. and the Yeomanry infi­nitely decayed, who before this were accounted, and found to be upon all occasions, the Honor and Strength of the Nation.

Titulus Secundus.

1 HItherto Schisme, and Sacri­ledge annexed to it, chief­ly reigned; but the second plague was the utter ruin and ex­tinction of Religion. For by abuse of the name and authority of King Edward, the very Church it self was entirely subverted, Religion absolutely changed, Heresie intro­duced, and established in the full, open, and publike profession there­of: And we might say, the craft and malice of the Devil, whose work it is to corrupt true Religion, & confound States, herein most per­fectly appeared. For though indeed the way to Heresie, and all publike disorder, were sufficiently levelled and made plain by King Henry the Eighth, (who onely, by reason of his greatness, and imperious cruel­ty, was fit to begin such a work) [Page 411] yet Religion it self was suffered to stand a while longer, at least in the general and more visible parts of it; he knowing well, that all could not be effected at once, and that it was necessary for him to se­duce States, as he doth souls, grada­tìm, by degrees, opportunity, and succession of time: And being also confident, that if those forts of Pi­ety, and true Christian-Catholike Devo [...]on, that is, the Religious Houses, were once-razed, the Church in England brought under a Lay head, and by consequence the sheep made Governors of their Shepherds, he should easily upon a second attempt there, and by some other hand, overthrow Religion it self.

2 King Henry at his death had ap­pointed by will sixteen Executors, who, during the minority of his Son, King Edward, should be, as it were, his Guardians and Counsel­lors, for the better governing of the Realm. Among these, one, (who made himself afterward Prin­cipal) [Page 412] was the Lord Edward Sey­mour, Earl of Hartford: who being the Kings Uncle by the Mother-side, procured himself in a short time to be made Protector; and by that means gat, as he thought, a dispensation from his Joynt Ex­ecutorship with the others, and de­meaned himself now in all things concerning the Affaires of the Realm, as their Superior. A thing which King Henry least of all inten­ded, rather he had provided, with as much caution as was possible, a­gainst the encroaching of any one upon the rest, under any title or pretence soever. But this was the way to bring about some furth [...] designes, intended by that Party, which advanced the Protector to that dignity, and which the other, and more honest part of the Coun­cel, did not, either so providently foresee, or so faithfully resist, as they ought to have done. One of the first things which the Protector set on foot, after the Protectorship was secured to him, was Innovati­on [Page 413] of Religion, abolishing the Old Catholike, and introducing a New, under the title of Reformation: Not so much out of any great pre­ciseness that was ever observed in him, or devotion that he was thought to have, more one way then another, but because he was thirsty, and desired to drink to the bottom of the Cup, which in King Harries time it seems he had but onely tasted. There was yet some Game in his eye, which he intend-to bring into Toyls, viz. some few remains of Church-Lands, Colle­giate-Lands, and Hospitals, which he could not compass, or draw into possession, by any Engine better then that pretence of reforming Religion. Cranmer, that unwor­thy Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, was his Right Hand, and chief Assistant in the work, although but a few months before he was of King Har­ries Religion, yea, a Patron and Prosecutor of the Six Articles. To this end, viz. the more to amuze the people, and, as they [Page 414] thought, to give some strength and countenance to what they meant to set up, a couple of strangers, Re­ligious men indeed by profession, but such as were long since run from their Orders, that is, Peter Martyr, and Bucer must be sent for as far as Germany, and placed in the Divinity Chairs at Cambridge and Oxford: That the world might see, how contrary, not onely the Pa­stors of the Church and Clergy, but even all the learned men in both the Universities, and of the whole Kingdom generally, were to his proceedings. By these two Apostate Friers, together with Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, and some others, was a new Liturgie fram­ed, and the old abolished, together with that Religion, which had been so many hundreds of years observed in this Nation with great happiness and honour. The Pro­tector, though powerful of him­self, by abuse and pretence of the Kings name, in all things which he did, (although the King were [Page 415] but a Child of nine years old, was yet well seconded by the Duke of Northumberland, and by the Admi­ral his onely Brother, by the Mar­quis of Northampton, &c. all of them persons (seemingly at least) much inclined to Reformation, and by them he overbore all the rest that opposed him, or were any thing contrary to his designs: As there were many, both eminent and wise men, and equally intrusted in the publike affairs with himself, could things have been carried rightly; In particular, the Lord Privy Seal, the Lord St. John of Basing, Bishop Tonstall, Sir Anthony Brown, and that wise Secretary Sir William Paget; but most especially, the Noble Chancellor, the Lord Wriothsley, a man of singular expe­rience, knowledge, prudence, and who deserveth to be a Pattern to his Posterity, far to be preferred before any new Guides. But being made Earl of Southampton, though it neither won him to the Faction, nor contented, nor secured him, [Page 416] yet he stood th [...] more quiet, and made no great opposition to their doings.

3 All things now grew to confu­sion, there remained no face, nor scarce the name of Catholike Church in England; and though there were great multitudes of men well affected to the old Religion, and discontented, that the Church should be thus driven into the Wilderness, and forced to lurk in Corners: Yet did they shew loy­alty, obedience, and love to the publike Peace notwithstanding. They took up no Arms, they raised no Rebellion, not so much as against the shadow of a King, or the usur­per of his Royal name. The Pro­tector in the mean time goeth on with his work, which is princi­pally to enrich himself with the Remains of the Church, having long before, as 'tis said, tasted the sweetness of such Morsels in the Priory of Aumesbury. He now seizeth two Bishops houses in the Strand, and of them buildeth Som­merset [Page 417] house, which, as the world saw, quickly reverted and slipt out of his hands. After this he pro­cureth an Act to be made, whereby all Colledges remaining, all Chan­tries, Free Chappels and Fraterni­ties were suppressed and given to the King. And how greedily he entered into the Bishop of Bath and Wells his Houses and Manors, that Church will never be able to for­get; Notwithstanding that Bishop Bourn afterward by his industry recovered something, but nothing to the spoiles and wast, which was made. Nor was he satisfied with this; For shortly after contrary to all Law, to King Henries will, and against his own Covenants; (those I mean, which he entred to his Advancers, when they made him Protector,) He committed the Lord Chancellor Wriothsley to the Tower, deposed Bishop Tonstal both from the Counsel & from his Bishoprick, viz. of Durham, as thinking it a seig­nory too Stately for a man of Reli­gion. And therefore he dissolved [Page 418] it, and brought it within the Sur­vey of the Exchequer, that is, in­to his own power; but, as it was observed, he never prospered after. However the Act it self was most inexcusably unjust and tyrannical, being so directly contrary to Law; as appeared, beside what hath been alledged before, by 1. Ed. 3. chap. 2. where the King d [...]clareth, That the Lands of Bishops ought not to be seized into the Kings hands, and that what had been done in that kinde in his Fathers days, was by advise of evil Counsel, and hereafter should not be so. But his sins now grew to­wards ripeness. Therfore having also deprived and committed Do­ctor Gardiner the Bishop of Win­chester, dissolved the Colledge of Stoke, fleeced all the Cathedral Churches in England, and added unto the guilt of Sacriledge many other outrages, oppressions, and crimes, under the Nonage of a Pu­pil King, without any check or opposition, save onely in the busi­ness of the Earldom of Oxford, [Page 419] which he was not able to devour, as he desired; at last, in the midst of his carriere, and after he had sentenced and put to death his own and onely Brother, the Lord Admi­ral, chiefly (as 'tis supposed) upon the instigations of an ambitious or malicious Wife, he was himself ar­raigned for High Treason, and ill governing of the Realm, (as may be seen by the Articles of his At­tainder in Stow) and thereupon condemned and executed on the twenty second day of January, in the year of our Lord, 1552.

4 When the Brothers were gone, viz. the Protector, and Admiral, Dudley, Duke of Northumberland comes upon the Stage; a man, whose ambition and policy, though unperceived, had ruined both of them, but especially the Protector, whose chief Adversary he was, and the principal contriver of the Charge against him, which in brief referred unto these Heads. 1. That he had subverted all Laws. 2. That he had broke the orders appointed by [Page 420] King Henry the Eighth for his Sons good. 3. That he held a Cabinet-Councel: and by it transacted the pub­like and chief Affairs of State, with­out the advice of his Fellow-Counsel­lors. 4. Lastly, That he observed not the Conditions upon which he was made Protector, which were, to do no­thing in the Kings Affairs without consent of the rest of the Executors. Upon these Rocks the Protector perished, not without the manifest judgement of God, for much inju­stice, which he had committed in the time of his Government, espe­cially in the business of Religion, and of the Church: and Northum­berland for a while prevailed. This man (though he were all otherwise in his heart, yet) thought fitting to seem a little more precisely religi­ous, then the Protector, intend­ing thereby to assure himself of the affections of such people, as were more Zealously affected to new Religion. The Protector, looking onely at present proffit, ca [...]d to humor them in that point [Page 421] no further [...]en might serve his own turn: But Northumberland had other designs in his head, which were no less, then to advance his own Family to the Crown, and to ruin the right Heirs. And therefore to ingratiate himself more with the Common people, in the year 1552. he causeth the Liturgy or book of Common prayer to be the second time Reformed, and Purged of certain ceremonies and orders, offensive to that sort of people, which he desired to please; and so to be published. This pro­ject stood him in much stead: a­mong others of the Nobility it gained him the Duke of Suffolk, who from henceforward seemed wholly to be at Northumberlands Devotion, and to steer his course after the others compass: Being a Potent man, and the greatest Precisian of those times; unless perhaps they dissembled (both of them) upon the same account. But because the Lord Treasurer Paulet, Marquis of Winchester, was more [Page 422] like to cross, the [...] [...]mply with them, therefore it is resolved to remove him out of the way. And to that end Northumberland obser­ving, that it was the Treasurers custom, sitting at the Counsel Table, if at any tim [...] he were sud­denly called up to the King, to make such hast, th [...]t he commonly left his Spectacles behind [...] him, he procured them once to be so sweet­ly anoint [...]d and perfumed before his return, that at his next putting them on, they cost him his Nose, and scaped very narrowly with his Life; which yet with much adoe was saved, and the Treasurer liv­ed to make the Duke his good friend, some part of requital, as the event shewed.

5 Not long after this King Edward falleth sick, whereupon (designes growing now to maturity) the Duke procures his Son Guildford Dudly to be married to the Lady Jane Grey Daughter to the Dutchess of Suffolk, one who had a re­mote title to the Crown: But [Page 423] they meant to advance it by their power, The Lady her self being also studiously affected to the Pro­testant Religion; and for that re­spect they doubted not to finde favors and assistants enough: But therein their count failed them. At the same time th [...] Earl of Pembrokes Son was married to the Lady Ka­tharine, another Daughter of the Duke of Suffolk; And the Earl of Huntingdons Son to one of Nor­thumberlands own Daughters: All which marriages were solemnized upon one day at Durham House in the Strand; And after them King Edward lived not long. It is said that the Apothecary who poisoned him, for the horror of the offence and disquietness of his Conscience, drowned himself; and that he Laundress, which washed his Shirt, lost the Skin of her Fingers: But this is certain, th [...]re are some yet living in Court, who can tell, how many weeping Eyes they have seen for the untimely and Treacherous loss of such a Prince. See Hey­ward. Hist. Edw. 6. But the pre­tence [Page 424] and zeale of Religion, which these men shewed, did so oversha­dow all things for a time, that not many could discern their impiety. The Oration which Nort [...]umber­land made to the Lords in the Tower, when he was upon his de­parture for Cambridge, to proclaim his Daughter in Law Lady Jane Queen, doth shew, what a Fox he was, and how far he could both descend and dissemble to compass his ends. Goodw. Annals. Howbeit in his way the Justice of God met him. For the people (the Suffolk men especially) sticking faithfully to the right Heir, and their lawful Sovereign Queen Mary, he was quickly deserted by all men, apprehended, and received at Tower-hil the due reward of his Treason, and other sins, with the loss of his head. And so we see those two Lords of Misrule, or Reformation, if it must be called so, that is to say, the Protector Duke of Sommerset, and this man Duke of Northumberland, Born (both of them) for the Scourge and [Page 425] ruin of the Catholike Church in England, by a just vengance of Hea­ven, proved at last, as it were Butchers and Executioners of one another, undid their several Fa­milies, and endangered the whole Realm: The ones Ambition, The others Avarice destroying him. Yet of the two the calamity of the Pro­tector must, in all humane judge­ment, seem most disastrous. For 'tis certain, through his own weak­ness and the importune instigati­ons of his Wife, he was compelled to serve the designs of his greatest Adversary in the world, by put­ting his own brother to death. And after that living to see Bologne lost, and the Crown, through his Misgovernment engaged in many debts, wants, and trouble, he last of all ended his days fatally, and without any shew of repentance for those sins, which brought, him to that end. Whereas in this respect Northumberland was far more hap­py. For having in all humble and penitent maner acknowledged his [Page 426] offences to the Bishop of Worcester Doctor Heath, his Ghostly Father, and thereby reconciled himself to God, and to the Communion of his Church, at the place of Execu­tion, (not out of design, or hopes of life, as some would malitiously asperse the action, but willingly, freely, of his own accord, and out of conscience, as himself protesteth at his death) he made another most Christian and publike acknowledg­ment of his Faults, especially those which concerned Heresie, Sacriledge and Treason: in all which he con­fessed himself to be most guilty. And thereupon used much and vehe­ment exhortation to the people, to be­ware of those Preachers of New Do­ctrine, who had f [...] ed the Kingdom with so many false Opinions and much trouble: Assuring them plainly and openly concerning himself, that what­soever he had professed or done in that kinde, proceeded wholly from Cove­tousness, Ambition, and other evil Motives not worthy to be named, and not from any perswasion of Judgment [Page 427] or Conscience, which he ever had that way. And therefore adminished them, that they should willingly re­turn to the Communion of Gods Church, and keep themselves constant in the Catholike Faith, and true Religion. Which for Conscience sake, saith he, I onely tell you, and that I may thereby, in some sort acquit me of my duty, and save my soul, and not for any humane or temporal motive, expectation, or hope what­soever. And so died. The Oration it self, out of which this is extract­ed, may be seen at large in Schardus, Sim. Schard. Memor. Histor. in Maxi­mil. 2. a Protestant chronicler of note, in his historical collections; and elsewhere, I suppose, without much difficulty.

6 Thus lived, and thus died, as we have said, the two grand ad­versaries of Gods Church, and subverters of Catholike Religion in England: after so many disor­ders committed (as God was pleas­ed to suffer) by their power and procurement, and that they had sufficiently scourged and afflicted [Page 428] those, whose sins well deserved such punishment, they were (both of them taken away by the hand of Justice, and met with their deserts Temporally; and things were re­stored to some better pass. But what did the Catholikes all this while? How did they behave them­selves? What Rebellions did they raise? what commotions or tu­mults of the people did they pro­cure? I mean the more civil, religi­ous, and ingenuous amongst them. 'Tis true, some Risings there were in Devonshire, and the Western parts, of the rude multitude, exasperated especially upon some temporal grievances, oppressions, and wants, which followed the misgovernment of those times; Religion was either not at all, or least of all pretended by them: They were vexed indeed to see the encroachments, which the Protector and others made dayly upon the Kings and Peoples Inte­rest; They were sensible of the Scarcity and Dearth of all kinde of necessary commodities for life, [Page 429] which came suddenly upon them, and was far greater then it used to be; They could not endure well to be abridged, by Inclosures, of some other Liberties which they pretended to; In brief, They were sensible of all such inconveniences in the Government of the State, as concerned the Outward Man; but for Religion, further then it served to ease their Spleen, that is, to cla­mor, to asperse and rail upon those, whom they conceived the Authors of their other, and more resented grievances, I conceive they minded it not: and that there is scarce any good ground why a man should think them, in that respect, more Catholikes then Protestants. And if a Priest, or some Ecclesiastical person were found amongst them, (as it were strange if there should be none, considering how many there were then in the kingdom, ab­solutely destitute, and discontent­ed) yet certainly, they were not many, nor in any other quality [Page 430] considerable. Whereas 'tis certain, that Kets camp in Norfolk, (a busi­ness of far greater consequence and difficulty) were all of them such as were fallen with the State from the profession of Catho­like Religion, and become Prote­stants. And this I would generally premise, desiring the Reader to observe it, that where I affirm of Catholikes, that they did not con­spire against their Princes, nor raise any tumults in the kingdom, for matter of Religion, I mean such on­ly as were Catholikes indeed, and stood firm in their Holy Recusancy, not complying in any sortwith those alterations, which Henry the 8th. Edward the 6th. or Queen Eliza­beth, in their several times procured to be made, contrary to the inte­grity of Christian Religion. For such as complied were not to be counted Catholikes any longer, but Heretikes, Schismaticks, Hypocrites, &c. And for such people, having corrupted their faith to God, I [Page 431] would not be taken to apologize in any other point of duty. For 'tis very possible they might still re­tain some notions of Catholike Religion in their minds, which, af­terward, and upon other occasions, running into terms of disloyalty, they might pretend as matter of complaint against their Prince, though themselves were neither Catholike; nor That, nor any o­ther matter purely Spiritual, the true original cause of their Disorder; but onely those Temporal Grie­vances by which they smarted (as is abovesaid) and which they saw well enough to procceed, either wholly, or in part, from the several alterations made.

There were the like in Lincoln­shire, which our English Chronicles pass not over in silence. But it sufficeth, that for the generality of Catholikes, (I mean still those of more ingenuous, civil, and better quality) notwithstanding so great and violent provocations, as were [Page 432] used towards them; their patience and submissive demeanor towards the State and civil Government was most exemplary to the World: Neither Prelates, nor Priests, nor Lay-people making any resistance against those unworthy men, who so much oppressed them under the Kings usurped Authority and Name, making such havock in the Church, and spoil of all things consecrate to the Service of God, and exercise of their True, Ancient, Christian-Catholike Religion, as this Nation never saw the like, since it had [...]he happiness to be called Christian. It seemed, they had been bred in a better School of Vertue, then that which Calvin o­pened at Genevah, and had learnt to bear the cross of their Saviour, that is to say, these temporal af­flictions, calamities, and injuries, with more Patience; and that the glory of Martyrdom in sufferance was accounted far more honorable with them, and more becomming [Page 433] good Christians, then the Sword and Fortune of a Conqueror in comanding. In which most Chri­stian posture I leave them to pro­ceed.

Titulus Tertius.

1 THe last and greatest tempest against poor English Catho­likes was raised by Queen Elizabeth. This not onely shook the foundations of the Church, which had been so lately repaired by the most Catholike Princess Queen Mary, but proceeded, so far as humane policy and power could, to extirpate the very name and memory of Catholike Religi­on in England. Camd. in Elizab. And this, as it were, in an instant, and without noise. For, as her own Historian, Camdeu, reporteth, it was done, Sine sanguine & sudore, No man (unless perhaps it were Master Se­cretary Cecil) did so much as sweat [Page 435] in the bringing in of New Religi­on; nor was any mans blood, I mean at the first beginning, drawn about it. The Christian world stood amazed at the first news of such a sudden alteration: Both be­cause Religion had been so lately, and so solemnly restored by Par­liament; as also because the Queen her self (that now was) always professed her self so much Ca­tholike, during the Reign of her Sister. She constantly every day heared Mass, saith the same Camden, and beside that, ad Romanae Reli­gionis normam soepius confiteretur, went often to Confession, as other Roman Catholikes did. Yea, saith Sir Francis Ingleseild, when she was upon other matters sometimes examined by Commissioners from the Queen, she would her self take occasion to complain, that the Queen her Sister should see me to have any doubt of her Religion, and would thereupon make Protestati­on, and Swear that she was a Ca­tholike. The Duke of Feria's [Page 436] Letter to King Philip is yet extant to be seen; wherein is certified, that the Queen had given him such assurance of her beleefe, and in particular concerning the point of Real Presence, that for his part he could not beleeve, she intended any great Alteration in Religion. The same profession also she made to Monsieur Lansack, as many Ho­norable Persons have testified; and at her Coronation she was Conse­crated in all points according to the Catholike maner, and anointed at Mass by the Bishop of Carlile, taking the same Oath to maintain Catholike Religion, the Church, and Liberties thereof, as all other her Catholike Predecessors, Kings and Queens of England, had ever done.

2 Concerning the grounds, which moved her to make this Alteration, so much contrary to the expectati­on and judgement of Christendom, we shall speak in due place. This was manifest, that the long sickness of Queen Mary gave her great ad­vantage [Page 437] & time, both to deliberate and draw all platforms into de­bate, to prepare instruments in readiness for all designs, and to make choise of the fittest and surest Counsellors, such as were most likely to advance her ends. Neither did she seem to value her Honor overmuch, in order to the bringing about of her chief design. For in open Parliament, after her inten­tions for a change began, to be dis­covered, she protested, that no trouble should arise to the Roman Catholikes, Horas Preface of Queen Elizab. for any difference in Religion: Which did much abate the opposition, which otherwise might probably have been made by the Catholike party, and put the Clergy themselves in some hopes of Fair quarter under her Government. She knew full well, that a Prince alone, how Sovereign soever, could not establish a new Religions in his Kingdom; but that it must be the work of a Parli­ament to give Authority and Countenance to a business of that [Page 438] nature. Therefore to win the Bishops, and the rest of the Catho­likes in Parliament to silence at least, she was content to use policy with them, and promise them fair; as Monsieur Mauvissieir hath well observed, Les me­moir de Mons. Mich. Castelnau. who was a long time Embassador heer from the French King, and curiously noted the pas­sages of those times. Add hereunto, That when the Act for Supremacy was revived (which was always the great Wheel of these Motions,) whereas by King Henry's Law both Bishops and Barons stood in danger thereof (as the examples of Sir Thomas Moor Lord Chancellor of England, and Doctor Fisher Bishop of Rochester had shewen) in this Parliament the Queen was content to exempt the Lords and Barons absolutely from the Oath, (as they in King Edward the Sixths time had exempted themselves,) and to leave the Rigor of it onely upon the Clergy and Commons. She also thought good to qualifie the Stile somewhat, viz. from Supream Head, [Page 439] changing it into Supream Governor; which, though it altered not the sence, yet it abused some into a beleef, that the Queen pretended not unto so much in matters Ec­clesiastical, as the King her Father had done. Beside we are to re­member, that King Henry, by pul­ling he Abbyes, had much weak­ned the power of the Clergy in Parliament, having deprived them of the Votes of no less then Five and twenty Abbots, who constantly sat in Parliament in the quality of Barons. And lastly, it is well known, The Lower House of Par­liament it self (as they call it,) was so calmly spirited in those times, that they used not much to oppose, what their good Lords of the upper House liked.

3 All which things considered, and that too many of the Catholikes, both Lords and others, thinking it better wisdom to purchase their future security by present silence, then to expose themselves to trou­ble and vexation afterward, by op­posing [Page 440] that, which they feared, they should not be able to hinder; therefore either but faintly resist, or quietly absent themselves, who can wonder, if the whole business were carried with ease, upon such promises of the Queen, and by the industry and craft of Sinon (ali­as, Secretary Cecil,) who had the chief Management of it in his hands. By his advise it was thought fitting, that the Noble. Earl of Arundel should, for a time, be a­bused with some hopes of marrying the Queen; who thereupon, by the interest which he had in the house of Peers, ingrosed into his own hands the Proxies or voices of so many of them (who thought good to be absent,) as when time came, served the Queens turn exceedingly well. The duke of Norfolk, Son in law to Arundel, but now a Wi­dower, was already exasperated against the Pope, because he might not have dispensation to marry his Kins-woman; and therefore it was no hard matter to joyn him [Page 441] with Arundel. The Queen had also against this time, either made, or advanced in dignity, and con­sequently in interest, certain new Lords, whom she knew to be fa­vorers of her design, viz. William Lord Parr was made Marquis of Northampton, a good Speaker and a Politick man, Edward Seymour Son to the late Duke of Sommerset, was made Viscount Beauchamp and Earl of Hartford, Sir Thomas Ho­ward was made Viscount Bindon, Sir Oliver Saint John Lord St. John of Bletso, Sir Henry Cary Lord Huns­don. She had also as much weak­ened the Catholikes party, by dis­charging from the Counsel-Table many of the old Counsellors, such as she thought would oppose them­selves, viz. the Lord Chancellor Heath Arch-Bishop of York, the Lord Paget, Lord Privy Seal, the Secretary Boxhal, Sir Francis Ingle­feild and others; in whose rooms were placed Sir Nicholas Baecon, The new Marquis of Northampton, The Earl of Bedford, Sir Anthony Cave, [Page 442] Sir Francis Knolls, Rogers, Parry, and Secretary Cecil. She depo [...]ed ma­ny of the old Judges, made new Justices of the Peace; and lastly, concerning the Election of Knights and Burgesses for the Parliament ensuing, she took such order, by the great diligence and cunning of her Instruments in all the Coun­ties, that she wanted not a compe­tent party, ready to close with her design in that House. Besides this, to remove all scruples, as much as might be, out of the peoples heads, and to make them think, that the same Religion and Service continued still, which was so late­ly before reestablished by Parlia­ment, and that all the alteration made, was but onely the turning of the Leiturgy out of Latine into English for their better understand­ing, she provided, that in the Common-prayer-book there should be some part of the old frame still upheld, some Collects, Prayers and Anthemes of the old Missal, some of the ancient Ecclesiastical [Page 443] Habits for Divine Service, as Copes, Surplices, &c. some Ceremonies, as the Sign of the Cross, Adoration and Bowing at the name of Jesus: The Organs also and ancient man­ner of Singing their Matins and Even song was retained, especially in her own Chappels, and in most of the Cathedral and Collegiate Churches of the Kingdom. The Title, Authority, and Jurisdiction of Bishops was also preserved with some considerable Grace and Dig­nity in the State, together with most part of the Revenues, of which at that present the Cathedral Chur­ches were seized. By which dex­terous management of affairs, the Common people were instantly luld asleep, and complyed to eve­ry thing; and it became not so hard a matter for the Queen to ex­cuse her self, even to those forreign Princes, who expected otherwise at her hands: As she did particu­larly to the Secretary D' Assonville, who was sent by King Philip out of Flanders to Congratulate [Page 444] her advancement to the Crown.

4 By this time the Common-Pray­er-Book was framed according to the Queens appointment, by certain Commi [...]oners authorised for that purpose; The principal whereof were Doctor Matthew Parker, after advanced to the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury, having been former­ly, as some say Chaplain to Her Highness: Edmund Grindal after­wards Bishop of London, Horn of Win­chester, Whitehead, May, Bill, and Sir Thomas Smith Dr. of the Civil Law. The Liturgy was framed according to the Model of that, which the En­glish strangers had used at Franck­ford in the year 1554. and varied not much from that which Northumber­land had caused to be published to­wards the latter end of King Edward the Sixth. By the Nobility that were meerly English Protestants, as the Marquis of Northampton, Earl of Bedford, Lord Gray of Pytgo, Se­cretary Cecil, and others, it was well approved, and the estabishing thereof by Parliament very much urged: But those, who had tasted [Page 445] of Genevah, and were more affected with Calvins Model, both disliked and opposed it, either not know­ing, or not regarding the Queens reasons of State, in the business. Sir William Cecil, as we said, was now Secretary of State, a Politick man, and one that knew well enough, how much this alteration would advance him; his industry car­ried all before him. Howbeit his fortunes were yet but low, having onely the Parsonage of Wimbledon, and some few Lands about Stam­ford to subsist upon. Therefore in his Letter to the Lord Marquis of Nort­hampton, who was his Mecaen [...]s, in the year 1560. upon the birht of his son Sir Robert Cecil, he desires the Mar­quis (being the Lord Treasurer) to move the Queen in his behalf for some means and maintenance for his G. C. (as he calld them) who were so likely to be famous in England afterward. Sir Nicholas Bacon was his Brother in Law, and another chief Engin of State; a man of somewhat a deeper judgement in the knowledge of the Laws, and a [Page 446] more plausible Orator. I must not forget, in this Catalogue of State-Engins, the Lord Robori (afterwards famously known by the name of Leicester) who, to possess the Queens favor solely, had already discard­ed Sir William Pickening, though formerly, ( viz. in meaner fortune) a favorite, and no uncourtly Gen­tleman. Nor yet Sir Nicholas Throg­morton, nor Sir Francis Walsingham, nor Sir Thomas Smith, who were all, with the rest, prime instru­ments of this Action, intimate Counsellors in the business, and posse [...] ng wholly the ears and grace of the Queen, sate as chief Pilots at the Stor [...], guiding the the course both of Church and Common-wealth at their pleasure. All of them at this instant big with hopes of Preferm [...]nt, Honor, and great Offices, which they were sure to loose, who held them under Queen Mary; Though many men wondered how Master S [...]cretary Cecil could so easily forget his Beads, and his Breviary, where­with [Page 447] with he so exquisitely counterfeit­ed a Catholik in Queen Maries time, that Cardinal Poole himself was deceived by him, so far as to do him many friendly Offices to­wards her Majestie, which, as by the event appeared, he did not much deserve.

5 Their great, and indeed onely, pretence or reason for the Change was Reason of State, The Queens safety, Scilicet. This they had all of them, but especially Secretary Cecil wrought strongly into her Majesties apprehension, Camd. in Elizab. Actum esse de eâ, si Pontificiam Authoritatem in quâcunque re agnosceret, she was but a lost Princess, say they, if she ac­knowledged the Popes authority in any thing. For, Duo Pontifices; Two several Popes already had pro­nounced her Mothers marriage with the King to be unlawfull and Null. It may be thought, her Mothers Con­science did likewise pronounce the same sentence in her own Brest; otherwise why did she, being ready to go to the place of Execution; [Page 448] so solemnly entreat and charge the Lady Kingst n, Speed. Chron. to go to the Prin­cess Mary, and upon her knees in her name to ask pardon of her, for all the wrongs, she had done her, protesting, that until this were done, she could not dye in peace? But upon this ground the States­men of those times conclude it ne­cessary, that the Queen should al­ter Religion, Invest her self with the Sovereignty of all Power, and banish that Authority out of the Realm, which had presumed to declare her Majestie Illegitimate. This Counsel, how prosperous soever it proved in the event, (through Gods permission,) and how speciously politick soever it might be made to seem, by the Ar­guments and Rhetorick of those men, who for their own ends and interests desired a change, yet Really it could not but be full o [...] d [...]nger, both to th [...] Queen and th [...] Realm; but esp [...]cially to the Queen: who, if she had pleas [...]d, might have se­cured her self of her own particu­lar [Page 449] fears by some better way. For hereby, the Sentence of Excomu­nication in some sort necessarily issuing upon her proceedings, she was not onely left destitute of all her Allies and Confederates, and driven as it were, to stand solely upon her own guard, against France, who was already an Ene­my; and against Spain, who was a friend not very well satisfied. But she was forced, even at first, and at the entrance of her Reign, to run upon a Rock; which might have Shipwrackt her whole State; which was to assist the Rebells in Scotland against their lawful Sove­reign, under a pretence of expel­ling the French, who were brought in thither by Authority of the Queen, onely to maintain the Go­vernment established. This might have taught her own people a bad lesson at home, a man would think; though it did not, as it proved. And being thus engaged in Scot­land, she was obliged in pursuance of her design, to succor the Admi­ral [Page 450] and those Rebellious Hugonots of France; by whose perswasion she invaded Normandy, took posses­sion of the Towns of Newhaven, Diep, and some other places deli­vered to her by the Vidame of Charteres. But the disgrace in ill-defending and loosing of them, es­pecially of Newhaven, was one of the greatest blemishes that ever the English, before that time, received upon French ground; and far greater then it was Honor, to have them delivered, upon such occasi­on, into the Queens possession. For certainly had either the cause been just, or prudently managed, they might upon that advantage, have easily brought home Calice again, or lockt up the Gates of Roan and Paris. But they did nei­ther, nor brought home any thing, but a great Plague after them; in most mens judgement, a scourge to the Realm for that offence. Af­ter this upon the like necessity of self-preservation, and upon the Rea­son of State, which Polybius prescrib­eth, [Page 451] Vicini nim [...]ùm crescenti [...] potentia quâcunque ex causâ deprimenda, By all meanes keep thy Neighbor from growing too great, she made no scru­ple to impede and give obstruction to the affairs of King Philip in the Netherlands, who was her Neigh­bor, her Ally, her Confederate, yea upon more occasions then one, and in matters of no small exi­gence, the best friend which she had in the world. Yet by reason of those pernicious Counsels con­cerning Religio [...], which she was fallen upon, she was, as it were, compelled to disown his just interest, and profess her self Un­grateful in the face of the world. Thereupon Orange and the States are assisted against their lawful So­vereign King Philip. I must not deny, but even in doing this, she pretended respect unto the Kings interest, professing in her Declara­tion concerning that business, Stow. That what she did, was to preserve the An­cient Amity and Leagues betwixt the Crown of England, and the House of [Page 452] Burgundy, and to prevent the loss and utter revolt of those Countries from the Kings obedience, which she knew otherwise the States and Orange would deliver up to some other Prince more professedly his Enemy. So true it is, that which Machiavel obser­ved, I suppose, much about those times, viz. That wise Princes seldom or never want pretences for their Acti­ons. What a fair colour is here given to a foul Cause? But where is Conscience, Christianity and Truth, in the mean time? The world could see well enough through the Vizard; and knew, at what mark both the Queen and the States aimed.

6 But most Sage, sure, and worthy of so great a Commander and wise man, as himself was, is that of Thucydides, Nullus Princeps a suis subditis justè puniendis arcendus est, &c, No Prince, saith he, ought to be hindred from punishing his Subjects according to the Laws; and whosoever goeth about to do so, by his evil ex­ample parem in se legem Statuit, &c. [Page 453] he makes a Law against himself, and inables his own Subjects, in like case, to seek forreign protection against his jus [...]ice. And this the Queen, with the whole Nation, might have found true by sad experience, if that either Henry the Second, or Francis the Second, Kings of France had lived; or that her own Sub­jects, I mean those, whom she had not a little injured and alienated by her Misgovernment, had not been more loyally respective of her dig­nity, and more inclined to obedi­ence, and sufferance for a good cause, then many other people in the world were. But Divine Pro­vidence having decreed, for our much unworthiness and many sins, to remove the Candlestick of this Na­tion, that is, to deprive us of the Light of the true saving Faith, and of all publike and free exercise of true Christian Religion, and to deliver us up to the darkness and many old delusions of Heresie, and to follow our own ways in those things, wherein it most of all concerned us [Page 454] to have been ruled by good Autho­rity, (which is the greatest judge­ment, that can befall a Nation, or any people in this wo [...]ld) all things cooperated to the accomplishment of his just displeasure against us; And the Queen with he [...] party, were perm [...]tted to go on with their work, without any interruption; Even before her Coronation, or that any debate or resolution had been taken in Parliament de novo concerning Religion, she, being her self but a Sheep of the Flock (as Con­stantine, Thedosius, and many others her Christian Predecessors in Princely Dignity have not blushed to acknowledge) yet presumed to put all the Shepheards of the King­dom to silence; commanding, that none of the Bishops or other Pre­lates should preach, till her pleasure was further known. And after the Parliament all of them, that refused the new revived Oath of Supremacy, were deprived of all Honors, Dig­nities; and Employments which [Page 455] they had in Church or Common­wealth; and committed to several Prisons. Of this sort there are reckoned no less then Fourteen Bi­shops of England, all Vertuous and Learned Prelates, that were in­stantly deposed, and Ten of Ireland, Twelve Deans, Fifteen Heads or Ma­sters of Colledges, Six Abbots, be­sides inferior dignitaries of the cler­gy, viz. Arch-Deacons, and other Priests without number, together with Master Shelley, Prior of Saint Johns of Jerusalem. All these as to their demeanor towards the Queen were blameless; there was not the least exception taken against them in that respect. The Bishops them­selves were all sitting in Parlia­ment at the time of Queen Maries death, and acknowledged by di­verse Proclamations Queen Eliza­beths Right and Title to the Crown. The Arch-Bishop of York, Doctor Heath, was then Chancellor of England, and labor­ed by all means possible to do her Majestie service, and to settle the [Page 456] Hearts of her people in obedience and loyalty towards her, as to their natural and lawful Sove­reign; especially in that grave Oration, which he made to the Nobility and Commons of Parlia­ment, upon the first report of Queen Maries death. The Bishops joyntly did their Homage and Fealty to her in all dutiful maner; and though they were not without some suspicion, that she intended to change Religion, yet did they practise neither Scotizing nor Ge­nevating towards her: Never did they incense the people against her, though they were generally Ca­tholik, and they might (proba­bly) have done it, to her no little trouble. No, they never attempted any kinde, or any shew of violent resistance at all, either by Dome­stick or Forreign help; but al­ways, from first to last, most sub­missively behaved themselves to­wards her, tendring her safety and the Peace of the Realm, far above their own Lives, Liberties, and E­states. [Page 457] 'Tis true, it was once de­bated among them, whither they ought not to proceed to Excommu­nication against her, both for the preservation of Catholikes, and discharge of their Office: Yet con­sidering the great trouble and in­conveniences that might arise there­by, both to her Majestie and the State, in case the people should fall into any disorders thereupon, or take Arms in defence of Religion, They concluded (notwithstand­ing her case and proceedings were very much liable to censure) yet, for their parts to leave her to Gods Judgement, and referred the whole business to his Holiness.

7 And herein also the Favor and Interest of King Philip, (as they had always done) did stand her in no small stead. For he, knowing the practises of France upon this occa­sion, and how much they labored at Rome, that sentence of Excom­munication might pass against Queen Elizabeth; onely out of design, and hoping to invest them­selves [Page 458] of England thereupon, under the Title and pretensions of Queen Mary of Scotland, who was the next Heir, and at that time married to their King; Was the more willing to hinder it: least by this means, England and Ireland both, together with Scotland, should come to be Incorporate, as it were, into the Crown of France, and so become an enemy too potent for him to deal with; out of which respect also, even in Queen Maries time, more then once he had kept of proceed­ings against her, which otherwise would have concerned her very neerly. Therefore so long as there was any hope, that the Queen might be capable of better Coun­sels, he ceased not by his Ministers to do all good Offices here betwixt the Queen and the Clergy; and at Rome, hindered the passing of the censures for no small time, not­withstanding all the indeavors and instances thereunto made by the French. But the Prelates all this while, as I said, chose rather a [Page 459] Durate then Armate, ever professing with their mouths, and making it good, no less with their examples and practises, that Preces and La­chrimae indeed, Prayers and Tears were the onely weapons which they had, to fight against the Queen. Though the world knows, how little these prevailed with her; whose severity towards them con­tinued, in the same extremity from first to last, not relenting, nor af­fording the least remission, in any degree of Liberty or Estate, unto their dying day. Doctor Scot Bi­shop of Chester died at Lovain in Exile, Goldwel of Asaph died at Rome, Pate Bishop of Worcester was indeed at the Councel of Trent, and subscribed there for the Clergy of England, but never returned. Do­ctor Oglethorpe Bishop of Carlile, who had Crowned the Queen, was yet deprived with the rest, dying suddenly, and very shortly after; so did also Doctor Tonstal, that Learned and Famous Prelate, Bi­shop of Durham, while he was Priso­ner [Page 460] at Lambeth: Yet not before he had personally given the Queen a sound and Godly Admonition, concerning her strange proceed­ings, with that liberty and free­dom of zeal, which became so ve­nerable a Prelate, and true Pastor of Gods Church, as he was, and (as some have said) Godfather to the Queen. Bourn Bishop of Bath and Wells was prisoner to Cary, Dean of the Chappel, and there dyed. Doctor Thirlby, Bishop of Ely, was first committed to the Tower; afterwards He and Secre­tary Boxhal were sent to Lambeth, and there ended their days. Bi­shop Bonner of London, Watson of Lincoln with the Abbot of Westmin­ster, Fecknam, died all prisoners, and, as some say, in the Marshal­sey. Prior Shelly was banished, and died in Exile.

8 This was the the very Sad, yet (as by their Patience, Submission, and Sufferance appeared) very Christian Catastrophe of so many grave, religious, and good Prelates [Page 461] of England; chief Pastors of the Church of God in our nation. Thus was a third, and the most venera­ble State of the Realm, who, like the Cedars of Li [...]anus, ever since King Etheldreds time, for so many years together had stood, flourish­ing in great Dignity and Power in this Land, on a sudden cast down, disgraced, put in prison, or bani­shed the Realm. The chief and immediate cause of which hard procedings against them was the refusing the Oath of Supremacy; for no other crime, no other fault could be charged upon them. This indeed they refused, as a thing which concerned their Conscience very much. And although, per­haps, some of the Prelates now li­ving, had either for fear, or upon surprizal, in the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, (when it was first enacted) given more consent, or connivence to it, then became Pre­lates of the Church to do; yet they had now better considered them­selves, and resolved to be constant, [Page 462] not onely to the Doctrine of Ca­tholike Faith in that point, but also to the judgement of the whole Kingdom, which so lately in full Parliament had desired the Abro­gation of that Law: and acknow­ledged the Supremacy of Ecclesi­astical Authority to be, where Christ placed it, viz. in the Sea Apostolike. Nor did the English Prelates refusing to acknowledge the Queen Head of the Church, any thing more, then what the Pro­testants themselves, at least no mean ones among them, would likewise do. For 'tis manifest, that setting aside some few English at home, they do generally abroad dislike the Princes Supremacy in Ecclesiastical causes, as much as any. Not to mention Gilby, who in his Book called Admonitio ad Anglos calls King Henry the Eighth reproachfully Monstrum Libidino­sum & Aprum, qui Christi locum in­vasit, &c. A libidinous Monster, a Wilde Bore broken into Christs Vine­yard, and making himself Head of [Page 463] the Church, which belongs onely to Christ. Calvin himself in his Com­mentary upon O see is very angry at those, who attribute so much to Secular Princes, as to give them such absolute power in the affairs of Religion; and in plain terms confesseth, Qui initio tantoperè ex­tulerunt Henricum Regem Angliae, certè fuerunt inconsiderati homines, &c. They, saith he, who first advan­ced the Authority of King Henry of England to such a height, did not well consider, what they did, when they gave him that Supream Power in all Causes: it was a matter, which al­ways greeved me very much, saith he, For indeed they did no less then blas­pheme, when they called him Supream Head of the Church under Christ. Sir Thomas Moor, Bishop Fisher, Abbot Whiteing of Glastenbury and those many other Holy Abbots and Re­ligious men of all sorts, who suf­fe [...]ed in the case of Supremacy un­der Henry the Eighth, never said more. And Luther himself saith no less, but more scurrilously, as [Page 464] his humor was. Quid ad nos Man­datum Electoris Saxoniae? What hath the Prince Elector of Saxony to do to command me? Let him look to his Sword, and see, how well he manageth that; and leave matters of Preaching to the Clergy, such as himself was. Scilicet, Tom. 2. Fol. 259. and Tom. 1. Lat. Fol. 540. he tells them plainly, Non est regum aut Principum, &c. It belongs not to Kings and Prin­ces to take upon them, to establish Doctrine, no not the true Doctrine; but to be subject and obedient them­selves in that case. And Chemnitius in his Epistle to the Elector of Bran­denburgh, speaking of Queen Eli­zabeth, after he had taxed her suf­ficiently in other particulars, he fals at last upon her Title of Supre­macy in these words, Et quòd foe­mineo, & a saeculis inaudito fastu se Papissam, & caput Ecclesiae facit, say­ing, by a strange Womanish and un­heard of kinde of Arrogance, she makes her self, as it were, a She-Pope in her own dominions, & Head of the Church. What the doctrin & practise of those [Page 465] in Scotland is, and hath ever bin since their pretended Reformation, is too well known, to be disputed. Cart­wright teacheth the same in all his Books, but especially in his last: And so do all the Presbyterians general­ly both here and beyond Seas. They of Amsterdam in their Confess. Fid. 1607. go somewhat further, Pag. 50. Art. 2. when they resolve, That Vnicui (que) Ecclesiae particulari est par & plenum jus &c. That every particular Church hath ful and equal power, (with any other Church or Churches) to use exercise and enjoy, whats [...]ever ordinances of Perpetuity Christ hath committed to his Church; & therefore it is cleer, up­on that supposition, That no one Person is left Supream Governor over many. Dr. Whitacre in his answer to Reinolds speaking upon this subject, Pag. 4. hath a passage not easie to be un­derstood. The Title, saith he, of Su­pream Head of the Church hath been disliked by diverse Godly Learned men, and of right it belongeth to the Son of God▪ and therefore, saith he, never did our Church give that Title [Page 466] unto the Prince, nor did the Prince ever challenge it. By saying that many Godly Learned men disliked it, meaning Calvin, Gilby, Knox, Luther, &c. mentioned before; and upon this ground, viz. that of right it be­longeth to the Son of God, he sheweth sufficiently, what his own judge­ment therein is. But when he saith, never did our Church give the Title of Supream Head of the Church to the Prince, nor the Prince chal­lenge it, who can tell, what he meaneth? For admit, that what was done by King Henry the Eighth were not rightly said to be done by their Church; yet I hope they will own the Church in King Edward the Sixths time, who challenged the Supremacy notoriously enough; as appeareth in the first Parliament which he held, wherein it was En­acted, That whosoever, after the Fifth of March nex ensuing, should deny, that the Kings Heirs and Successors were not, or ought not to be, Supream Head in Earth of the Church of England and Ireland immediately under [Page 467] God, for the third assertion, should be guilty of Treason. And that Queen Elizabeth after him declined the Title, and chose rather to be called Supream Governess, mended the mat­ter not a whit. For it was not the Title onely, but the power pre­tended unto, and exercised by and under that Title, at which men made scruple; and that power Queen Elizabeth claimed and exer­cised all her Reign, as much as ever King Edward her Brother had done. So that the refusing of this Oath be­ing the onely or chief matter al­ledged for the deprivation of the Catholike Bishops, seeing Prote­stants themselves were no better agreed about it, they might in all reason, have expected, if not a mil­der sentence, yet at least a more favorable Execution thereof, from the Queen; whom they had so late­ly and so unanimously acknow­ledged, and no less willingly then any other persons of the Realm. Who always bear themselves ob­sequiously towards her in temporal [Page 468] matters; never made complaint, never writ Libels, Invectives, or Books against her, as the Reformers in other parts perpetually did a­gainst their Princes, and as too many of her Subjects at home, that is to say, Ministers of her own making, and others, in short time set themselves to do. No Homi­lies of sedition were dispersed a­mong the people; No Wyat, No Oldcastle appeared in the Field by their instigation, notwithstanding all the Adversity, Disgrace, Wants, which they suffered. In a word, such was their behavior constant­ly towards her, even to the very last of their lives, that noe indiffe­rent man will attribute it to any thing else, but to the most excel­lent and right Christian resolution of those worthy men, to suffer per­fectly for such a good cause; and unto that Patience, Humility, O­bedience, Aequanimity, and Re­signed Temper of Spirit, which, (as it was exemplary in them) so, is it indeed Innate, (as I may say,) [Page 469] and most natural unto all Vertuous and Religious men, that are truely Catholike.

9 And such in truth (though envy frown, when we speak it) is the general Inclination and Temper of all English Catholikes, towards their Sovereign Prince, both with­in and without the Realm; as the experience of their quiet behavior, for so many years together of hard times, have cleerly shewen. When I speak of Catholikes within the Realm, I mean, Recusants in gene­ral, (as we are called) men and women of all Estates and Condi­tions; who have had our shares, and tasted of the Cup of affliction, (as God was pleased to administer it unto us,) at this present not much less then a Hundred of years. When I speak of those without the Realm, I mean the Seminaries of Priests, Religious Persons and Stu­dents that be Catholike beyond the Seas. Concerning which Semina­ries we are to know, that when the old Clergy of England, Bishops [Page 470] and Priests, were some languishing in Prison, other in Exile, many dead, and all in disfavor. The Se­cretary and such other Politick Protestants as then sate at the Stearn of Government in England, did confidently imagin, that in a short time both Priest and Priesthood would be worn out and extingish­ed in this Nation. And truely it was observed, that about the year 1576. there were not above Thirty of the old Priests remaining in the Realm. Hereupon Doctor Allen, a man even raised by God to do his Country good in a time of greatest necessity, together with some others of the English Clergy, begun the Seminary at Doway, a­bout the year 1569. meerly out of spiritual charity towards their poor Country, and a Christian Providence to prevent the utter de­cay of Religious Professors, Priests and others: who might serve in time to come, to uphold true Re­ligion in England, and to preserve a Continuation of the Catho­like [Page 471] Church there, (as it had ever been from the Apostles times to that present) unto succeeding Ge­nerations: And as by the great blessing of God we see, their pious Counsels have had an happy effect unto this day; notwithstanding the many oppositions, adversities and difficulties, which they have met with, as well from England, as from other places. They inten­ded also the Instruction and train­ing up of yong Scholars, viz. of the Catholike Nobility, Gentry and others of our Nation in the studies of Learning, Vertue, and all kinde of honest and christian Education; which, as the case stood, they could not possibly have in their own Country, without Ship-wracking of their consciences, and great pe­ril of their souls. This, I say, was the first and onely design of the Seminaries, viz. to be a Nursery of young and tender plants, as should be committed to them, to be fit­ted for the Service of God, and the leading of a true Christian, Vertu­ous [Page 472] life afterward; and not to be Seedplots or Forges of Treason, and seditious practises against their Country, as their Adversaries cease not to accuse them. That's a calumny black and palpable, as shall appear more hereafter. At present I shall onely take notice of what that great Protonotary of England brings in charge against them, in his Book called Justitia Britannica, which are three things. First, That they are a company of base fugitive persons. Secondly, that they corrupt the Land with false Doctrine: and Thirdly, That they practise with forreign States to di­sturb the Kingdom, raise rebellion, and withdraw Subjects from their obedience. As touching the First I am very well assured that there be Gentlemen of our Nation at Doway, both in the Colledge and Mona­steries, of as good Families, as well Bred, and as Eminent Scholars, as any I have known of all these sorts in the Universities of England, wherein I am not altogether a [Page 473] stranger. I will not make Com­parisons, for that were but to make them more odious; neither am I willing to detract any thing from the honor of our English Acade­mies, which I am bound to main­tain. It must be confessed, there be many excellent wits, and men of great learning bred in them; yet this I may truly say, That those beyond Sea are of no base quality: neither is their education in those places such, as should render them liable to that Character in time to come. Yea rather they are so or­derly governed, and their times of study, devotion, exercise both Scholastical and Spiritual, recrea­tion, yea even of their most neces­sary repast and rest, are all so ex­actly measured out to them, all oc­casions of idleness, excess, and ill company, so prudently and care­fully prevented, that it is indeed no wonder, they appear so civil, so devout, so religious, temperate, sober and well governed, in all outward deportment, as, through [Page 474] the grace of God, they do. They are, as I said, by their Superiors strictly kept to their tasks; yet ra­ther won, then forced unto good. They are bridled with a hard bit, but it is carried with such a gentle hand, as it doth not pinch, but guide them: So that, as their stu­dies, blessed be God, are not alto­gether unhappy; so neither is their life unpleasant, but sweet, agreable to vertuous mindes, and full of the Noblest contents. And that they should be counted Fugitives is most injurious. For do they live there as Outlaws in a forreign Province? have they fled for any crime? doth Justice enquire after them, or wait for them in their own Country? what Felonies, what Treasons have driven them thence? but such as a very few years before, were, not onely in the same place, where they are now so hardly censured, but in all places of Christendom, and by all people of sound judgement, counted the greatest vertues? A­gain, they live not there out of [Page 475] any factiousness of spirit, or ill af­fection towards his Majestie or the State of England, but for consci­ence sake onely, and to avoid the se­verity of Laws enacted here against Catholikes and the profession of Catholike Religion. It is neces­sity that compels them to take this course. In England Catholikes have no Churches, wherein to serve God publickly, nor liberty to serve him privately any where else. The Sacraments are never, or but very seldom Administred to them, in comparison of what they should be. They can have no priviledge, or benefit of the Universities for education and study, without Oaths, going to Church, and hear­ing and doing many other things, contrary to a good conscience. Be­side all this, did not Barty, Knolls, and Hales, did not Jewel, Horn, Cox, Pilkington, Poynet and many others in Queen Maries time, take the same course, for conscience as they pretended? They would not willingly have been called Fugi­tives, [Page 476] when they were abroad. Why then should those Gentlemen at Doway, Saint Omars, and else­where, Exil'd, as it were, at present from their native Country upon the same common pretence and reason, viz. reason of conscience, be called Fugitives, or stigmatized with any such Characters of igno­miny? Let those Laws be repealed first, which threaten present death to them upon their return, and which were all procured against them, unduly, and by misprizion, viz. of their supposed practisings against the State, which (as they complain) were never proved, nor are true. Let it be permitted to them to enjoy Liberty of Consci­ence, and to serve God, as all good Catholikes and Christians ought to do, without molestation and danger to their persons, pre­judice to their estates, further then they shall give just offence to the State, and the world would quick­ly see, where their truest affections lay: Neither Doway, nor St. Omars, [Page 477] nor Rhemes, nor Rome it self would hold them, from returning with all thankfulness and speed, to express their humblest obedience to his Majestie, and fidelity to their native Country. And as for their Parents Kinsfolks and Friends, from whom they are now unhappily se­parated (and from many of them, perhaps, against their wills,) they should plainly finde, that natural affection was not extinguished in them, neither would kindness creep, where it might safely go.

10 The Second objection is, They corrupt the Land with false Doctrine. This objection supposeth, that Calvinism, and the present Religion by Law established in England, is the true; which England it self denied but a few years since: and the whole Christian world doth at this day. I do not except the Prote­sttants themselves. For there is not any one of their pretended Churches abroad, that agreeth with this present Church of England in [Page 478] all points of Doctrine and Disci­pline established. But to wave that qu [...]stion at present, as no part of my undertaking, it must be consi­dered, there are learned and ver­tuous men on both sides, one where­of will not, it seems, vaile Bonnet to the other, in point of understand­ing the Scriptures. How then should the diff [...]r [...]nce be decided (even in reason) but by some Au­thority distinct from them both, yet indifferent and superior to both? which can be no other but the judgement and tradition of the Catholike Church precedent unto both. Besides this, the Bishops in the first Parliament offered to de­fend their Religion by disputation, which the Protestants would not accept, but upon an unequal con­dition, that is, (as Master Camden himself reporteth) Nisi Baconus in studiis Theologicis parùm Ʋersatus, &c. Ʋnless Sir Nicholas Bacon might be President and Moderator of the business, who was a man, neither of competent Dignity to preside in [Page 479] such an action (tho [...]gh he were new­ly put into an high office) nor yet of suffici [...]nt abilities to judge of such matters, being a man of the other Robe, but a Serjeant at law a few days before; and beside all this a Partialist, and open favorer of the Adversaries of the Church. There­fore the Bishops refused him, as an incompetent person; as well they might, Though for doing so they endured a great deal of calumny. But indifferent men will judge best. And certainly had the Queen at all desired the Disputation, as some pretend, or that it should have had any just and fair issue, she would have provided Judges (as easily she might,) more agreeable to the Dignity of the action, and the Qualities of the Disputants, both for Ability, Indifferency, and Ho­nor. Since their time F. Robte Par­sons, Campian, and diverse others have made the same request to the State, being desirous to bring truth to the Tryal and Touchstone in some publike maner: which can­not [Page 480] but be some argument, that at least they do beleeve, in sincerity and good conscience, that them­selves are in the right; and there­fore sh [...]uld not be so hastily con­demn [...]d, or prejudg [...]d of their cause. If it be said, that such de­mands as these have been answe­red, disputations have been per­mitt [...]d, as for example, that of Doctor Reinolds with Master Hart, that of Doctor Goad with F. Cam­pian; and that in both these and some other, truth hath appeared so manifestly on the Prot [...]stants side, that both Catholikes and Priests ought to be convinced: I reply, There was not faire play used in those actions? it was iniquissima conditio, the most une­qual dealing that ever was used; for a man armed to set upon a Cap­tive, a man at Liberty upon one in Fetters, d [...]stitute of Books, having no warning, nor liberty given him to prepare him self; but which is wo [...]st of all, and the greatest inhu­manity that ever was heard of,) in [Page 481] the sight and view of the rack, whereon he had, a very little while before, been posed with most cru­el questions: which was the case of that excellent and blessed man F. Edmund Campian, afterwards Martyr. And as for Doctor Rei­nolds (although he pretends some­thing to the contrary, yet) it is certain, he framed that Combat, which he published between him­self and Master Hart, at his own pleasure. Lastly the Clergy, and other Priests of the Catholike Church in England do pretend, and have not seldom offered to prove, that the chief Basis of Pro­testant Doctrine in general is either Fallacy or Forgery; and that the chief builders of this Babel, by name Bp. Jewel (the grand Apologist of the English Church, Luther him­self, Calvin, Melancthon, Du Ples­sis, the Hugonots, Saint Augustine in France, Doctor Morton their Achil­les in England, both the Whites, not excepting Laud himself the late Patriarke of English Protestants, [Page 482] nor Andrewes, nor Mountague, but generally all other Proctors of that cause, do defend th [...]msel [...], and endeavor to bear down Ca­tholikes, not with sincere and plain dealing becoming Christi­ans, but with calumny and fal [...] ­hood; that is to say, by false Quo­tations, Corruptions, Falsifying, and misreciting of Authors, untrue reporting of Doctrines, false and unjust criminations of m [...]ns per­sons, and of whole Orders of men, and by many other indirect ways, unseemly and unworthy of the cause of truth. They humbly there­fore implore and hope from the justice of his Maj [...]stie and the State, that they shall not be condemned without hearing: But as the char­ges, which they bring against their Adversaries, are of a foul nature, tending much to the dishonor of God, and disparagement of Chri­stian faith, which God will not have to be upheld by ungodly and evil m [...]ans; so they shall before sentence be permitted to plead fo [...] [Page 483] themselves, and to prove the charge against their Adversaries: for whom it is not to purpose to re­criminate in the business, and say that Catholikes are guilty of the same faults. For we maintain the contrary. And desire to know, what one Doctrine it is that we charge them with, as odious and offensive to Christian eares, but the Reader, if he please, may finde it expressly and undeniably verified upon them by our Authors, and perticularly in that exact Treatise of the Bishop of Chalcedon, called Collatio doctrinae Protestantium, &c. extant both in Latine and English. what crime do we lay to their charge, but we prove it by Authors and Testimonies of good credit, and most commonly from among themselves? What do we bring out of Antiquity in behalf of Catholike Religion, or against them, which they themselves confess not upon some other occasion? The Prote­stants Apology is a Magazine of Evidences in this kinde. And as [Page 484] concerning the Index Expurgatori­us, whereby they pretend, that we Corrupt Authors, it is onely a spe­cious calumny to catch those, who are willing to be deceived. For first the very maner of proceeding doth exempt it from all imputa­tion and suspicion of Fraud with indifferent men; it being ab origi­ne a thing intended and made for publike view, and to be openly exposed and avowed to the world, as it was: which matters of Fraud Forgery and false play use not to be. Secondly, the Expurgators, appointed to the oversight of that business, meant not to corrupt Au­thors, but to correct former and less perfect Editions by better Copies and more exactly compared; espe­cially such Editions, as they found corruptly and partially published by Hereticks. And where they observed, that any late writer had been bold by way of Annotations, or otherwise, to deliver any thing, out of his private judgement, less consonant unto Catholike Doctrin [Page 485] or Truth, then was requisite, they spared not to admonish the Reader of it by their censure. In all which doing, what is there, we pray, that can be blamed? Yea suppose it should happen, that the reasons, which moved them to Correct in this or that place, and to vary from some other reading, were not suf­ficient; and that they inserted their Delea [...]ur and other censures, where they ought not; yet, I say, the Index of their Expurgations being faithfully published to the world, and so easily procureable by all men, it was impossible, that any prejudice should arise to truth by it; every man being left free either to follow or refuse the said corrected Reading, as he judged best. Beside when we say, Catho­likes are not guilty of misalledging Authors, or of any other abuse of that nature, we would be under­stood to speak, not onely of wilful and culpable misalledging, (of which onely we accuse our Adver­saries) but also of such writers es­pecially, [Page 486] as being themselves pub­likly Authorized to handle the con­troversies of Religion in the Schools, Their works are after­ward, upon mature examination, published to the view and judge­ment of the world; or else of such Prelates and Persons of Dignity in the Church, as have had leisure, and set themselves to combat the Heresies of the time. For otherwise, as we do not charge them here with any mistakes of Amès, Bucanus, Da­neus, or any other of those Niblers at Bellarmine (as Master Normington of Cambridge once called them in a Sermon at Saint Maries) much less with the impudencies of the Minister Crashaw, nor with the mi­stakes of Chark, Fenner, Beard, Burton, or any other Triobolary Controvertists at home, either of former or present times, but, as you see, onely with faults of their Prime Leaders, Classicall men, Prelates and Dignitaries of their Church; so, if it should happen, that any private man of our own, [Page 487] writing onely by private Authority and judgement, should either through oversight, or indiligence be found chargeable with some kinde of mistake, we would not have it stood upon, as if it were the common practise of all to write so negligently; or that the defence of Catholike Religion did any wit depend upon such mistakes: As we say the defence of Protestancy doth very much upon those mistakes, which we are ready to bring in charge against them, and without which there were not half the co­lour for defence of it.

11 Concerning the third point, viz. That the Priests and Students in the English Seminaries beyond Sea are Practicers against the State, and do stir, or endeavor to stir the People to Rebellion, it is indeed an odious and heavy charge, which the Book called, The execution of Justice, &c. layeth roundly upon them; and is seconded therein by a Proclamati­on in the year 1580. which doth directly charge those Priests and [Page 488] others, as Accessories, and privy to the Counsels of Philip King of Spain, the Pope, and some other Catholike Princes, which (as 'tis said,) had combined together a­bout that time to invade England, to depose the Queen, and subdue the Nation to the Spaniard. But for answer I say, that jealousie is a kinde of Argus, (full of eyes; (and so she is painted,) but they are all purblinde: which is the cause, that she mistakes so oft, starts at her own shadow, and is always trembling, and doubting the worst of every body. We cannot deny, but there were great States-men, that governed England in those days under the Queen; yet how­soever it happened, with all their Opticks they seemed not to have any particular foresight of the dan­gers which threatned them, till they were at their doors: yea having by error of Government provoked and drawn them upon themselves, yet they took a course more pro­per to kindle the flame, then to [Page 489] quench the fire. But this is not a business to be discussed now. That which we are to do is to justifie the Priests and other Good men of the Seminaries, that they are not Trai­tors, are not Enemies of the State, do not practise, consult, cooperate, where they live, to any thing pre­judicial to their Prince and Coun­try. First, if any such Confedera­tion had been betwixt his Holiness, the King of Spain, and other Prin­ces against England, as is pretended, but was never yet proved; (and 'tis well known, that what the Catholike King did afterward, as it was upon great provocations given, so was it also upon his own score onely; and with no other assistance, but what was his own, and ordinary in such cases.) Yet, I say, suppose there had been such Confederation or League betwixt them, is it probable, that so great and wise Princes, as they were, would acquaint a few poor Con­templative men, Students at Rhemes and Doway, with their designs? [Page 490] Men so inconsiderable every way in relation to such service, so use­less, and unable, in respect of their maner, condition and place of li­ving, to contribute any thing to the work? Is it credible, they would manage such high matters, and of so great importance, so weakly? Let no man say, That Priests might serve them by pre­paring a party here, and by their reconciling of men to the Pope. For it is not the Priests work to reconcile men to the Pope, but unto God, and to the Communion of the true Ca­tholike Church: whereof, although the Pope, as successor to Saint Peter, be Supream and chief Pastor; yet Catholikes, by returning to the Church, and consequently ac­knowledging that Supremacy of Spiritual Authority in his Holiness, are not obliged so much as to take notice of any Temporal de­signs that he hath; no, though they were, perhaps, for advancement of Religion: much less to consent, concur, or cooperate with them [Page 491] contrary to the Law of nature, their Duty of Allegience, and the interest of their native Country. Secondly, among so many Priests, as by that time there were, both in England and beyond the Seas, and in so long a time, that this preten­ded Confederacy was in framing, when Spies and Intelligencers were many, and well paid by the State, was there so much as one Priest no­minated or accused to have been so corrupted, or induced any way by those Princes, or their Ministers, to practise ought to the prejudice of their Country? was there ever any one apprehended or convicted of such a trea [...]on? was there ever any Subject of England called in question, for entertaining Priests, that were sought after upon that account? In a word, when the Spanish Armado was under Sail for England, was there so much as one Priest, or Seminary-man found or known to be in it? or at any time since discovered to have been used, or imployed in that service? 'Tis [Page 492] confessed, the Proclamation spoken of before, being framed on purpose to put people into a fright, and to make honest men odious, doth traduce them sufficiently, as per­sons suborned to prepare the way, and procure safe landing for the Navy. But Si accusasse sufficit, quis erit innocens? Such general charges prove nothing but passion, or some undue, byassed, and distempered judgement. They that know such men well, know it to be a business far out of their way, to spie Coun­tries, to observe, how Ports are gar­ded, and what Havens lie upon the Goast. However it is evidence of fact, and the conviction, at least questioning of some one person for such crime, that would be given in the case: Which seeing there never was, Indifferent men cannot but think such Accusations to have been very injurious; and that the great fears and jealousies shewen, had more of the Chimaera and fiction in them, then of real danger. It was otherwise with the poor English [Page 493] themselves in Spain not long after, both Religious and others. For when the English Armado, in the year 1589. made an attempt upon Lisbon, and invaded some parts of Portugal, the King of Spain took them to be so little either his Friends, or Enemies to their Prince and Country, as they are traduced, that he laid them all fast by the Heeles, and kept them close pri­soners, (during the whole time, that the Action lasted,) as many of them, as were found at Val [...]adolid, Burgos, and some other places in Spain. Nor was there in those many Actual attempts of Treason, sup­posed to be made against Queen Elizabeth, so much as one Priest, Monk or Friar ever attainted or impeached about them; Nor in the whole Five and forty years of her Reign any more then two secular Priests attainted, or convinced of Actual Treason against her Maje­stie, viz. Ballard for knowing, and yet concealing the attempts of Ba­bington in the business of the Queen [Page 494] of Scots; and old Parson Plomtree of the North, who said Mass once at a rising in those parts. And yet how greevously are they charged with such crimes, all along the Queens Reign? And how much was the people incensed against them upon that perswasion? What Sermons, Proclamations, Lawes, were made in Thunder, and Lightening, and Blood against these poor men, Souldiers of our Savi­our Christ, and fighting onely with Spiritual Arms under his Banner, The Cross, in that part of the Ca­tholike Church, which is Militant in England? What calamities, af­flictions, miseries have they not en­dured, by persecution hereupon? The onely Colledges of Rhemes and Doway, beside other Religious Orders from other places, have sent out into our Lords Harvest no less then One hundred persons, who have all suffered for Things purely Spiritual, that is, either for being Priests, or for doing the Of­fice of Priesthood, viz. Saying Mass, [Page 495] Reconciling of Sinners unto God, &c.

12 In the year 25. of Queen Eliza­beth it was made Felony to harbor a Priest; and to be a Priest, Treason. And the Act looked so cruelly back to primo Elizab. that whoso­ever was made Priest since that time might very easily be drawn within compass of the charge. The Law was made upon occasion of those Treasons of Parry, Francis Throg­morton, Anthony Babington, and his complices; as also upon occasion of F. Campian, and those Priests ar­raigned with him. For a general apprehension was taken, that these had combined with some forreign Princes, and other persons of pow­er within England, to restore Reli­gion, and deliver the Queen of Scots out of prison; which was a busi­ness then fresh in memory. Here­upon the Priests in England frame a supplication by common consent, and finde means to present the same to the Queen at Greenwich, by the hands of Master Shelley. Wherein, [Page 496] after they have first condemned and renounced the practises of Parry, &c. They profess and declare their own judgement in these words. First, we utterly deny that the Pope hath power to command or give License to any man to consent un­to Mortal sin, or to commit, or in­tend to commit any thing contrary to the Law of God. Secondly, whatsoever person he be, that maintaineth such opinion, we re­nounce him, and his opinion as devilish and abominable. Third­ly, we protest before God, That all Priests, who ever conversed with us, have acknowledged your Majestie their lawful Queen, tam de jure, quam de facto, as well of right, as for your actual possession of the Crown; that they pray for you, and exhort your Subjects to obey you. Fourthly, and lastly, they profess, that it is heresie, and con­trary to Cotholike faith to think, that any man may lift up his hand against Gods Anointed. Tis true, the Petition had no other success [Page 497] with her Majestie then this, viz. that Master Shelley, who presumed to commit such a Treason, as to pre­sent it, was suffered to be sent to the Marshalsea, by order of Secre­tary Walsingham, and there to be kept prisoner to his dying day; onely upon this pretence, Scilicet, because the Councel had not been first acquainted with the business. Howbeit, by this supplication the world may cleerly see, They an­swer the Six Articles, which in those times used to be so commonly and captiously propounded to such men, framed by Doctor Hammon, viz. Whither the Queen were law­ful Queen, notwithstanding the sentence Decleratory of Pope Pius Quintus against her? whither that sen­tence were to be obeyed in althings? Whither the Pope by such sentence could give her Subjects any law­ful Authority to rebel, or depose her, &c. For if she be their lawful Sovereign, notwithstanding that sentence; and that obedience and loyalty be due unto all lawful [Page 498] Princes by the Law of God, and of nature, it is easie to see, what must be said to such questions. Accor­ding also as Bishop Watson, Abbot Fecknam, Doctor John Harpsfeild, Doctor Nicholas Harpsfeild, with others, (who were very often and rigidly examined upon them, yet) professed perpetually obedience to her Majestie, tanquam verae Reginae, as unto their true and lawful Sove­reign. Yea saith Doctor Nicholas Harpsfeild (reported by Goldastus a Protestant) Ego regalem ejus Autho­ritatem, Goldast. de Monar. Sac. Imp. Rom. &c. I do acknowledge, saith he, her Royal Authority in all Tempo­ral and Civil affair without excep­tion. They presented the like hum­ble supplication to his Majestie that now reigneth, some while after the discovery of that wicked and des­perate Plot of the Gun-powder-treason; another to the Parlia­ment then sitting; and another to the Earl of Salisbury: in all of them professing the same things. And though it hindred not the pas­sing of some severe Acts against Ca­tholikes [Page 499] in that Parliament, occa­sioned (as I suppose) by that foul and horrid attempt, yet the King himself in his Proclamation pub­lished upon that subject, gratious­ly professeth his opinion of the ge­nerality of his Catholike Subjects, viz. That they did abhor such a de­testable Conspiracy, no less then him­self. True it is, F. Garnet suffered for concealing that Treason; and Sir Everard Digby, for contribut­ing in some sort to the security, or rather flight of some of the Con­spirators. But as the one, viz. Sir Everard Digby, much lamented his ill fortune, that he should leave behinde him the memory of so great a stain; protesting always, that he was never made privy to their design and drift: So the o­ther, viz. F. Garnet, knowing it onely (as he did) in the way of confession; and the Seal of that Sacrament (which is Secrecy,) be­ing, by the Doctrine of Catholike Religion, and that not without most just and necessary cause, estee­med [Page 500] so inviolable, it may abate something, even in the judgement of man, of that Heynousness of guilt and blame, whereof all good Christians otherwise must necessa­rily condemn him. In a word how much Catholikes in general, and especially Priests do detest rebelli­on and Treason, even in times of greatest affliction and pressure; and what Religious observers they are of all just loyalty and obedience to their lawful Princes, appears cleer­ly, not onely by a book written in those times by the learned Bishop of Chichester, Doctor Christopherson against rebellion; but also by the Annotations of the Divines at Rhemes upon the New Testament; where Pag. 301. we read thus. Sub­jects, saie they, are bound in Tempo­ral things to obey even the Heathen, being their lawful Kings, and to be subject to them for Conscience, to ob­serve their Temporal Laws, to pay them Tribute, to pray for them, and to perform, all other duties of Natural Allegiance. Doctor Kellison in his [Page 501] Survey goeth further, giving the reason of this. Because, saith he, Faith is not necessarily required to ju­risdiction, neither is any Authority lost by the loss of Faith. Which is al­so the Doctrine of Saint Thomas, who in his Book, Cap. 6. de Regim. Princip. denieth utterly Posse Tyrannum a quoquam, &c. That a Prince, though Tyrant, can be put to death by any pri­vate Authority. And at a Councel held at Oxford under Steven Langton Arch-Bishop of Canterbury about the year 1228. Excommunication is decreed against all such as violate the Kings Peace, or disturb the State of the Kingdom. Yea the Councel of Constance Sess 15. de­clares it to be an error in Faith to hold otherwise. Nuper accepit sancta synodus, &c. This Holy Synod, saie the Fathers of it, hath been lately informed, that certain erroni­ous opinions are holden, contrary to Peace and good Estate of the Common­wealth, viz. That a Tyrant may be lawfully and meritoriously taken away and killed by any Subject or Vassal of [Page 502] his, &c. Non obs [...]ante quocunque ju­ramento, &c. Notwithstanding what­soever Oath of Fidelity or Allegiance, that he hath made to him. Such Do­ctrine, saith the Councel, is contra­ry both to Faith and Manners, and whosoever shall hold it pertina­ciously, are Hereticks, and as such to be proceeded against, according to the Canons.

13 What can be said, or desired more? upon the Parricide of Hen­ry the Fourth, King of France, the Parliament of Paris, a Court ever most studious of their Princes safe­ty, and extreamly vigilant against the encroaching of any forreign power contrary to his just Autho­rity in Temporal causes, yet thought it sufficient to publish this decree of the Church against the Assassinates of Princes, both to shew the heinousness of the crime, as also, how much the Catholike Doctrine doth condemn such pra­ctises. So that hereby, as in a Glass, the world might see the integrity of Catholike Loyalty; if [Page 503] men would judge of them, not by the private, and perhaps misinter­pret [...]table assertions of some par­ticular Doctors, but by these pub­like and avowed principles of their beleef. This is the Basis on which they build, the rule by which they walk and govern themselves, in point of obedience towards their Sovereign Princes. Or if they would judge of them by their proceedings and addresses to their Superiors, their frequent petitions, professions, protestations of all just obedience, will sufficiently cleer them; If by their practice and manner of life; their quiet deportment, their peaceable manner of living and conversing with all men, yea their prayers (which they daily make unto Allmighty God in the behalf of their Prince, and for the happi­ness of their Country) do shew, how innocent they are, and how little they deserve those black as­persions and calumnies of Treason, Rebellion, Disloyalty, Et quid non? which some men are so diligent to [Page 504] cast upon them. Yea, (to speak with no greater confidence, then we justly may) they shew, how much more secure Princes may be, and how much better Tye and as­surance they have of Catholikes Loyalty, then either of Lutherans or Calvinists. For although Pro­testants do seem sometimes to teach obedience to the Civil Magistrate very freely, and that it is sin for private Subjects to resist them; as for Example Melancthon in his Epitome of Moral Philosophy makes it Peccatum Mortale, No less matter then Mortal Sin, (I use his own words,) To violate the Temp [...] ­ral Laws of the Magistrates: Yet is their Doctrine so clogged with ex­ceptions, so many limitations and Proviso's, as it were, are common­ly added to it, that Princes, espe­cially such as differ from them in Religion, cannot finde, (I say not full and plenary, but not so much as) probable or competent security from them. Melancthon, in the place before mentioned, limiteth him­self [Page 505] thus, Debet autem haec sententia, &c. But this which I have delivered, saith he, concerning obedience to the Civil Magistrates must be rightly un­derstood, viz. of such Magistrates as command nothing contrary to the Law of God; as all Catholike Princes do in his opinion. What security therefore have they from his Do­ctrine? Lib. de Consens. Evang. Beside we have shewen before according to his doctrine, the people or inferior Magistrates may reform Re­ligion, and overthrow Idolatry, as they call it, without any publike Authority or Commission. So that if the Justices of the Peace in some County, or but the Petty Constables in Towns, do beleeve the Religion professed by the Prince, or State to be Idolatrous, and not according to Gods word, they are discharged of obedience by Melancthon, and may fall to reforming solely of themselves. And what his Master Luthers opini­ons were concerning this matter, hath been sufficiently shewen al­ready; there need be no repetition of them here. Danaeus teacheth the same [Page 506] or worse. Lib. 6. Polit. c. 3. So doth Peter Martyr on Judges Cap. 11. and in his Common places. And Althusius Politic. Cap. 35. P. 37. where among other causes of a Just War maintained by Subjects against their Sovereigns, Purae Reli­gionis defensio, defence of True Religion hath the Second place. Yea it is wel known, that Sureau a Protestant Minister in France, otherwise cal­led Ros [...]eres, wrote a Book expresly on this subject, That it was lawful to kill Charls the Ninth, Belfor. lib. 6. cap. 103. his natu­ral Sovereign, and the Queen-Mo­ther, if they would not obey the Gos­pel. But to conclude with one instance for all. The Hugonots of France having in the Nine and thirtieth Article of their Confession professed▪ That men ought to be obedi­ent to the Laws, to pay Tributes, and to bear the Yoke of subjection quietly, even under unbeleeving Magistrates, They adde a limitation, which corrupts and nullifies all that they had said, viz. Dummodo Dei sum­mum imperium integrum maneat, So long onely as Gods Supream Au­thority [Page 507] is entirely acknowledged; which under the Government of an Infidel Magistrate, cannot be easily conceived. Therefore upon the matter they profess nothing, but abuse their Prince and the world with bare words; as it is usuall with them to do. Which is yet more evident, by the Declaration, which their Synod at Bearn in the year 1572. purposely made of this Article and of the Limitation of it. Dei imperium dicitur manere illiba­tum, Poplon. nier. lib. 34. cum Rex exterminatâ Catholicâ Religione, &c. Gods Sovereign Au­thority, say they, is then understood to be entirely acknowledged, when the King abolishing or rooting out Catho­like Religion, shall set himself to ad­vance onely the true and pure worship of God, that is to say, that which is so in their sense and opinion. But to do this is it a thing to be sup­posed of an Infidel Prince, to whom they pretend to profess subjection? or is it to be expected of a Catho­like? Therefore I say, they contra­dict themselves apparenly in their [Page 508] profession and do indeed profess no­thing really, but that they are Impo­stors; and deserve to be branded with Characters of jealousie and distrust by all the Princes & States of Chri­stendom. The book called Comment. de Statu Relig. [...]c. a Protestant piece, is ful of such stuff, but especially, P [...]. 2. Lib. 12. Cap. 1. where he affirmeth expressly, That in all Oaths of Al­legiance and Duty there is this con­dition always implyed at least, and necessarily to be understood, viz. we shall obey, so long as you g [...]vern law­fully, and not longer. And hence it was, that the Prince of Conde protested, Anno 1577. that the oath which some Hugon [...]ts had taken not to bear arms or fight against their King anymore, &c. was factum contra Deum & bonos mores, Poplon­neir. lib. 41. contrary to the law of God, and their duty, and therefore could not oblige any. He had it from Cal­vin, who Lib. 4. Institut. c. 13. Sect. 21. teacheth, Quibuscun (que) hujus Evangeliis lux affulget, &c. When men come once to be Illuminated with the light of his Gospel, they are pre­sently [Page 509] absolved from all former Snares and Oaths whatsoever, that should entangle their Conscience, that is ob­lige them to the performance of any good work, or duty, more, then they have a minde to. Sic dixit Cal­vinus.

14 But I confess, there are some few particular, or rather personal ob­jections made from some pretend­ed matter of fact, against that which hath been said of Catholikes Loyalty, wherein tis necessary, that the Reader should have some reasonable satisfaction. This done, the conclusion will be cleer, which at first I undertook to declare, viz. That there is nothing in Catholike Religion inconsistent with Loyalty; and that Catho­likes are de facto, in the truth of their practice, better Subjects, ge­nerally speaking, then Protestants have shewen themselves to be, or indeed can well be, standing to their principles. These objections are but few, and therefore I shall dispatch them breifly. The first is [Page 510] brought against Doctor Allen, for teaching to murther Princes, in a certain Apology, which he wrote of the Seminaries, & citing Num. 25. to that purpose. I answer, The mistake is very great; it was not Doctor Allen, but Doctor Goodman (if we may call him so) that citeth that Text of Numbers to that pur­pose. Goodm. Obedien. His words are these. Fa­ctum illud quod memoratur Num. 25. perpetuumest exemplum in omnem aeter­nitatem, &c. That which is reported, saith he, in Num. 25. viz. of taking the Heads of the people that had committed Idolatry, and hanging them up before the Lord, is an ex­ample upon record to all posterity, and a duty for ever lying upon the people, that in the like case they deal with their Governors in like maner, that is, that they take them and Hang them up against the Sun, when they withdraw the people from the true wor­ship of God. And although, saith he, it may seem a great disorder, that Common people should take so much Authority upon them, yet when the [Page 511] inferior Magistrate neglecteth his of­fice, the Common people must be lookt upon, as having no Magistrate at all to direct them: and in such case God puts the Sword immediately into their hand [...], and is their Captain and guide in the work. This I say, is all Goodmans Doctrine, and not Doctor Allens; into wh [...]se thoughts it never came to conceive, much less to publish such Paradoxes of sedi­tion. All that he teacheth tends rather to the contrary, viz. to keep people in their due bounds, and to exhort them not to be transported by any unadvised or evil passions against their governors under a pretence of zeal. He confesseth indeed, 'tis a thing commendable, when men are zealous for true Re­ligion; but he adviseth, that they act modo & Tempore, in due manner, that is, no otherwise then lawful­ly they may, and with regard un­to all other acknowledged rules of a good conscience; and in due sea­son, that is, not untill they be cal­led thereto by lawful Authority: [Page 512] as in the case of the Idolatrous Is­raelites: Num. 25.45. and the place alledged is plain; The people acted nothing but by command of Moses, who was Supream Magistrate: Neither did he command any thing to be done, but from the mouth of God, and according to the express Law, Deut. 13. This is not to put the Sword into the peoples hand, and to permit them to execute their fiery zeal upon whom they please, under a pretence of punishing Ido­latry, and rooting out Superstiti­on; especially such, as no man judgeth to be so but themselves. The Second objection is made by Doctor Sutcliff in his Turcopapis­mus against Father Parsons, viz. that he suborned or hired Roderick Lo­pez, a Portughess, and some others to kill the Queen: Which Treason, saith he, was discovered by the Earl of Essex. I answer, it is like the Tale of Peter Panny, that was re­ported to be hired by Mavaraeus a Doctor of Doway and Provincial of the Jesuites, to kill Count Maurice; [Page 513] which upon examination proved but a Fable, and so will this. For first, was there any person named in that Action but Lopez and his Countrimen, that is, some Portu­ghesses and Spaniards? I have seen and read all the Examinations tak­en in that business, wherein all the circumstances thereof are de­clared, The Ayders, Movers, Actors, all nominated: There is not the least mention of Father Parsons in the whole business, from first to last. Secondly, when Master E­gerton at Guild-hall so largely and eloquently urged all he could, did he so much as once name Father Parsons? Or was he a man likely to forget him, if he had found or thought him any way Accessory? Beside all this, F. Parsons himself was known to be a man not of that weakness (whatsoever men will think of his honesty) as to venture his reputation, life, interest and all so unadvisedly in a forreign bot­tom, and subject to so many leaks, as that was. This therefore may [Page 514] pass for a scandalous Fiction and Hear-say, but no more. A Third objection is made against Parry, and sounded aloud in all mens eares, as a reproach and stain in­delible to Catholike Religion. The sum of the charge is, that Par­ry was incited by the Popes Letters to kill the Queen. I answer, The Acts or process it self of his Exami­nation and Tryal do shew, that hav­ing conference with Master Wats a Seminary Priest about this business, the said Master Wats disliked both his motion and attempt, and told him, that it was a thing unlawful that he went about: As likewise did some other Priests also, when they un­derstood the business. Secondly, at Lyons coming to F. Creighton a Jesuite, and after Confession dis­covering his intention to him, out of some Confidence, it seems, that the good man would bite at such a bait, he found himself as much mistaken here, as before. For the Father resolves him, That it was utterly unlawful, and useth diverse [Page 515] reasons to diswade him from any further proceeding, as Parry him­self confesseth to the Queen, and Holinshead in his Chronicle doth acknowledge: So that already both the Priest and Jesuites are acquit­ted. There remains onely the Letter of Cardinal Como to be con­sidered. Touching which we are to know, this Parry had lived in Italy, as a Spy, a long time, and being upon his return, was desirous to furnish himself with a project, that might serve his turn in Eng­land both ways, that is, both to abuse Catholikes, (as he did, by pretence of the Popes Letters,) and to deceive the Queen. Therefore having found so little encourage­ment at Lyons, as we have said, he travels to Paris, and endeavors to insinuate himself with Father Par­sons, (who was there at that time, with the Lord Paget) but with no better success to his designs, then he had found before with F. Creigh­ton and Master Wats. Howbeit by some means he procured himself [Page 516] access to the Popes Nuncio then resident in the City, to whom he presents a Letter written in Italian by himself, which he desires might be recommended by the said Nun­cio to his Holiness; which was done. In this Letter he confesseth first, what great wrongs he had done to the English Catho­likes in former time; but was now returning into England, intending to make them some satisfaction by his service there: And to that end desired the Approbation and Bene­diction of his Holiness; not spe­cifying any thing in particular, what he intended; as may be seen by his Letter, which is upon Re­cord. To this Letter of Parry, Cardinal Como answereth in the Popes name, in such manner as e­very man knows. For the Cardi­nals Letter is common to be seen. Let any man read and examine it, if there be any particular service intimated, or any Treasonable or seditious directions given; but onely a general encouragement [Page 517] to a good work (as least that might be presumed so by those who wrote, knowing nothing to the contrary) which was onely in ge­neral offered. And what reason­able man can think, that his Ho­liness could do less in such a case, then he did, viz. then to command a Complement to be returned un­to a kindness, which for ought appeared, was offered onely in Complement? To have denied that, His Holiness must have seem'd to slight too much the opinion of his Nuncio; by whose recommen­dation the Letter of Parry was pre­sented at Rome: And who indeed (if any) was the man surprized in the business, by giving so much credit to a person not sufficiently known to him. The truth is, Par­ry's designs were malicious every way; both in respect of the Catho­likes, with whom he intended, by means of the said Letters, to insi­nuate himself so far (if he could) and to gain such confidence with them, as to be able at least, when [Page 518] time should be, to do some of them mischief: and in respect of the Queen, whom he abused along time, pretending, by colour of the self same Letters, that he was really suborned and sent by the Pope to attempt some violence up­on her Majestie. Being therefore furnished some thing to his minde, (as abovesaid) he departeth pri­vately from Paris, without so much as taking leave of F. Parsons, as by whom he found neither himself nor his business to be much regarded) and procures a Pass to be sent him from the Lord Burleigh to come in­to England, upon pretence that he had some great matters to impart to the Queen. So he came; the Queen heard him: and he infor­med, That the Jesuites had moved him to kill her. But not being able to name any in England, he was dismissed, on purpose to be a Spy here at home, and to discover such Catholikes to the Counsel, as per­haps, might be found less affectio­nate towards her person. And to [Page 519] gain him the better credit with them, viz. the Catholikes, it was ordered so, that he was once very formally convented in Parliament, where he so boldly defended Ca­tholike Religion, and the Catho­likes of England; that the Parlia­ment it self, not knowing, that all was but out of design by the Queen and her Counsel, committed him to the Tower: Which did indeed very much encrease his reputation with the Priests and Fathers here. But his liberty was soon procured, and himself had such continual access to the Queen, such favor with the Treasurer and others, that once he had no small hopes to have been made Master of Saint Ka­tharines. Howbeit the Counsel perceiving him but to faulter, and fail in the main business, viz. of be­traying Catholikes, and especially in the business of the Lord Latimor, (whom the Treasurer would fain have caught in Parries net) himself at last became suspected, and en­tangled by degrees in such Snares, [Page 520] as he could never winde himself out, but perished in that manner, which he had justly deserved, and for which no man lamented him.

15 A Fourth objection is against F. [...]ichard Walpoole of the Society; who was accused by one Squire upon the Rack, to have encouraged him to poyson the Queen. The Story is thus. The said Squire, and one Rolls, being in a Pinnace of Sir Francis Drakes in the year 1596. were taken by Don Pe [...]o Tellio, and brought prisoners to Sivil: where F. Parsons, (happening to be there at that time) procured for them liberty, and also necessary apparel, and so sent them home. At Saint Lucars, through their own indiscretion, they fall into the In­quisition, and are thereupon re­manded back again to Sivil; where this said Father Walpoole then being, was as ready to do them charita­ble offices in their necessity, as Fa­ther Parsons had been before. So he procured them liberty the Se­cond [Page 521] time, not indeed to depart without leave, but to be forthcom­ing, when they should be called to appear: and to this he engaged his credit, having first made provision of necessary subsistance for Rolls in the Jesuites Colledge, and for Squire in a Monastery. But they both fled away secretly, and left Father Walpoole in the Lurch to answer for them: yet afterwards sending him Letters to excuse their suddain departure; which he also produced for his discharge. So they came into England. And as it happens sometimes with Tra­vellers, especially of such quality as they were, to talk of much more then is true, and to pretend ac­quaintance abroad with those, which perhaps they scarce ever saw; so it seems this Squire in his dis­courses of the intimacy and fami­liarity which he had with Jesuites, and such men abroad, did overshoot himself so far, as to let fall some­thing capable of misconstruction, and which an Adversary of his, [Page 522] one Stallenge, catching up at the second hand, made shift to improve [...]nto an accusation of Treason a­gainst the said Squire, viz. That he had been Counselled by a Jesuite to poyson the Queen, and con­cealed it. But let the Reader con­sider circumstances well, and then weigh the Endictment. Squire is accused, that Father Walpoole mo­ved and instructed him to poyson the Queen, and preached to him at his departure to that pur­pose. Is this probable? For first they fled both of them away secret­ly from Sivil, Squire and Rolls to­gether, without Father Walpooles knowledge, and as 'tis generally known to be true. Secondly, Squire was a man, that always professed himself a Protestant, in Spain as well as in England; and so died. Who can dream that Father Walpoole knowing this, as well as himself, should make such a proposition to him? Thirdly, both at his arraignment and death he constantly denied any such mat­ter [Page 523] to have been propounded to him by any person on earth. And though having bin upon the Rack no less then five times, the torture made him at last to speak some­thing against himself, yet he af­terwards constantly denied it, even to his death. And all men know, an argument from the Rack, es­pecially when 'tis afterwards dis­avowed, is reckoned elsewhere but a mean evidence or proof. Fourth­ly he was a man that had a Wife and Children in England, and therefore not likely to be drawn into such a plot, but upon some great and present temptation; which how unable a man Father Walpoole was to undertake, the world knows being only a Priest of the Society, a poor Religious man, and under superiors. Fifthly, Rolls, his companion, wh [...] came along with him, never heard of any such thing, nor was ever que­stioned about it. Lastly, the de­vice it self was as ridiculous and improbable, as any thing could [Page 524] be. It was to be done ( Scilicet this Treason) by poysoning the Queens Saddle. But how is it possible to imagine such a thing should be done by a stranger, and neither the Groomes of the Stable, nor the Querries (which are continually attending upon the Queens Horse) discover the business; none of which were ever questioned about it. Ma­riana's Problematicall opinion is a Fifth objection; as it happens. But I shall not stand long about it. First, because it was but a private opinion, not any general Doctrine of Catholikes. Secondly because it was onely propounded by him problematically, viz. in way of dis­putation, not positively taught, as his own words shew. Thirdly, because his whole Order disavow­ed it, viz. in a Congregation held at Pari [...] Anno 1606. confirmed by their General Claudius Aquaviva. Cardinal Tolet Categorically de­termineth the contrary, Summa. Lib. 5. Cap. 6. as likewise doth Gregor. Valent. Part. 2. Q. 64. Card. [Page 525] Bellarm. Apolog. Cap. 13. Salmeron in Cap. 13. ad Rom. Less. de Justit. & Ju [...]e, Lib. 2. Cap. 9. Dub. 4. Serrar. in Cap. 13. Judic. Azorius Institut. Moral. Becanus ad Aphorism. 9. Gretser in his Vespertilio, or Here­tico-Politicus. Richeome in his Apolo­gy. Lastly, the Doctors of the Sor­bor, as they had done formerly, viz. Anno 1413. so now again Anno 1606 they declare it to be an unlawful and wicked P sition. As for Siman­ch, he may seem rather a Lawyer then a Divine, and must be under­stood to speak according to parti­cular Laws or Constitutions of some Nations, and Kingdoms; and whosoever will but read Heisius his Respons. ad Aphorismos, especially Pag. 85. & 91. shall easily perceive, that neither Simancha nor Becanus were guilty of that error. Master Cuthbert Mayn's bringing of a Bull, or Breve of the Pope into England is a Sixth. And for such a pretend­ed Treason he was executed at Launston, upon Saint Andrews day, 1577. as Stow saith in his Chroni­cles, [Page 526] for preferring of Roman power. His Indictment was for bringing in the said Bull; and for reconci­ling of Master Tregion. But as for Master Tregion it is answered alrea­dy, That he was reconciled unto God and to the Communion of his Church; and not obliged to any particular service in behalf of the Pope in one kinde or other. And concerning the Bull, whereas the Law intends it in cleer words, that the party accused should procure it immediately from Rome, it was answered in behalf of Master Mayne, that he never sought nor procured any Bull from Rome. That which he had was onely the Copy of a Bull printed, which he bought at Doway, onely to peruse and see the manner of it; neither was it a Bull for reconciling any man, or for doing any thing prejudicial to the Queen, or State; but onely a Bull of the Jubily that was passed. Which as it is a thing granted of course by the Pope every Five and twenty years, and not at the Suit [Page 527] or instance of any particular per­son; so was it also out of date and force when he bought it, being ex­pired with the year 1575. and so upon the matter was no more then a Scroll, or an Almanack of the last year. And yet notwithstand­ing, because such a Paper as this was found about him, and that he refused to come to Church, Judge Manwood told the Jury, That where manifest proofs could not be had, pre­sumptions must be allowed: So the Jury quickly found him guilty up­on such direction, and he suffered. Master Tregion lay a long time in prison among Felons, and in a Dungeon most noysome, fed with bread and water; although he were a Gentleman of One thousand pound per annum of old Rent: But being condemned in a Premunire, for harbouring a Priest, his Lands were seized by Writ into the Exche­quer; and though they were En­tailed, yet could the Knight Mar­shal finde means to avoid that, and so begd them of the Queen. Lastly, [Page 528] the whole business rested upon the accusation of one Twiggs, a Parish Clerk; which was also false; for he deposed against Master Mayne for Christmass 1575. when it was cer­tainly known, that he was at that time at Doway.

16 The Rising in the North, and the Attempts of Babington in the business of the Queen of Scots, were mixt Actions, not for Reli­gion onely, nor State onely; but for both: Nor were they procured by the suit or sollicitation of Priests or Religious men, but out of their own zeal who were engaged in those Attempts. And. Phi­lop. The first, as some have said, was but the effect of a resolution, which many of the Lords of the Councel had taken to pull down Cecil, who, being but Secretary, and a very new man at Court, over-acted his part, and had given no small matter of of­fence to some of the greatest Lords; but by a timely submission he made means to qualifie them: and so the business was not owned, so far as [Page 529] otherwise it might have been. The other, viz. of Babington and his Associates, was onely to deliver out of an unjust prison, the person of an absolute Princess, and one who was no way a subject of England, further, say they, then she was by fraud procured so to be; nor an enemy, further then she was forced by injuries, and a desire to see her self at liberty. Howbeit for this rsspect they are not within compass of my undertaking. Nor am I to say any more concerning the Sen­tence Declaratory of Pius Quintus against the Queen. The grounds and reasons thereof are alledged in the Bull it self; to which may be added many unseemly and scanda­lous provocations dayly given by the New Ministers out of the Pul­pits, calling him Antichrist, the Man of Sin, the Son of Perdition, and what not? which the Queen and State were content publikely to connive at, and countenance. O­thers attribute it to mis-informati­on, and that his Holiness was not [Page 530] made rightly to understand the Queenes case, and of the Catho­likes of England. And this is cer­tain, that many godly, wise, and judicious Catholikes, both of the Clergy and others, were not a lit­tle grieved at the manner of pro­ceeding, and wish'd rather (Car­dinal Allen hims [...]lf, Bishop Watson, and others) that it had been wholly left to the judgement of God; As we see well enough, it had been in o­ther cases of this Nature; Neither in King Edward the Sixths time, nor against the Kings of Scotland, Denmark, Sweden, Duke of Saxony, Marquis of Brandenburgh, or any other Protestant Prince, was there ever any such sentence issued to this day. Whereupon Father P [...]rsons, and Father Campian procured some kinde of mitigation concern­ing it, presently after the publish­ing; and Pope Gregory following declared, That the Subjects of En­gland ought to perform all duties to Queen Elizabeth, notwithstanding the censures. So little reason is there [Page 531] in truth, that Protestants should clamour so loud as they do, and cry out nothing but Treason, Trea­son, against religious and good men; who, as they have no other business, so come they hither for no other end, but to do them good, and, so far as lieth in their power and office, to save their souls. They tell the world, that no less then two hundred Priests have been ex­ecuted in England for Treason, since the times of Reformation; which is certainly a very heavy report, and sufficient to make them odious to all the world, if it were true, or that there were any thing in it but fallacie and aequivocation of words; whiles they call that Trea­son in England, which in all parts of Christendome besides is both cal­led and counted Religion and the highest Vertue. For we beseech them to tell us of what Treason do they convict us at any time, but the Treason of being a Priest? the Treason to say Mass? the Treason to refuse the Oath? the Treason to [Page 532] absolve Penitents confessing their sins? the Treason to restore men to the Communion of the Church? the Trea­son to Preach and Administer Christs Sacraments? the Treason to be bred up in the Seminaries, that is, in such places, where onely, (as things now stand in England) th [...]y can be Catholikely bred, and fitted for such Christian imployment? What actual and real. Treason is in En­gland, according to the true s [...]nse and notion of that crime ( [...]dious both to God and man) the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. will inform us better then any other, being enacted when the whole Kingdom was of one mind and of one judgement (as all Chri­stian Kingdoms and Societies ought to be) not rent, nor overborn by factions and parties, undermining and supplanting one another by in­direct and undue meanes, as it was when these new Statutes of Trea­son were made. By that Statute, and by the opinions of the most learned Judges in England, Ploydon, Stamford, &c. Treason must al­wayes [Page 533] be some Action, or Intenti­on actually discovered; not an o­pinion onely, or a profession of Religion. And this is the reason why Sir John Oldcastle, Stow. (one of Mr. Fox his Martyrs, in the Reign of Henry the Fifth mentioned before) though he were both Traytor and Heretike; yet for his Treason he was condemned in one Court, and for his Heresie in another: as also were Cranmer and Ridley in Queen Maries time. Secondly, it must be some Act, or Intention discovered of a subject prejudicial to his So­vereign, or to the State where he lives. But what hurt had ever (I say not Queen Mary, Henry the Eighth (while he stood right) Hen­ry the Seventh, or any other Catho­like Prince, but even) Queen E­lizabeth her self, King James, or any other Protestant Prince, by a Priests saying Mass, absolving of Penitents, preaching of sound Do­ctrine to them, and particularly of all due and just obedience to Civil Magistrates, as they have ever con­stantly [Page 534] done? Therefore by the common Laws of England, and in it self it is not, it cannot be Trea­son or criminous to be a Priest, to say Mass, Absolve, &c. But onely by Statute Laws it is made so upon temporary and present occasions, and for certain politick ends, which men have projected of themselves, and which they are resolved to fol­low. And therefore also it is by the very Statutes themselves provi­ded 22. and 27. Elizab. That if a Priest conforms, be content to go to Church, to renounce the Pope or his Orders, &c. he becomes ipso facto without more ado, Rectus in Curia, and is actually discharged of all imputation of Treason; no further proceedings lie against him. Yea even at the very place of Exe­cution, and when the instruments of death are upon him, yet still 'tis in his own power, if he please, in three words to pardon himself, and frustrate the expectation of so ma­ny eyes, as are commonly waiting to see his last Exit. Let him but, [Page 535] say, I will conform, or I will swear, &c. Ther's no man living dares meddle with him further. Which is far otherwise where the offence is judged to be Tre [...]son indeed, and really prejudicial to the Prince or State. But the fatal resolution be­ing taken to change Relig [...]on, upon a principle or pretended reason of State, as false as the Counsel it self was evil, vi [...]. That otherwise the Queen could not be secure either of her Kingdom or Life, it was necessary to take a severe course with those men, whose Function obliged them to maintain True Religion, and to endeavour to reduce things again into the old State. From this root also sprang their extream jealousie and hatred of the Queen of Scots. For she being Heir Apparent to the Crown after Queen Elizabeth, and a Princess zealously affected unto Catholike Religion, and so strong­ly Allied in France, Those States­men, who had contrived and wrought all the alterations here, could never think themselves se­cure, [Page 536] so long as her head stood up­on her shoulders. Therefore was she first invited into England, upon pretence of Friendship, and for Safety: But when she was here used with so much unkindness, and kept under restraint for little less then twenty years together, that at last, in order to procure her Liberty, she was indeed provoked to doe something, which it was easie for them who loved her not, to inter­pret to be Treason: and so they cut off her head. From hence al­so sprung those continual injuries and practises of much ingratitude against the King of Spain, The in­tercepting of his Treasure, The holding of his Towns, The ayd­ing of Orange and the States, as hath been said. Lastly, from this onely Source and Fountain of un­just Policie sprung all those laws of severity and bloud against Recu­sants, as we are commonly called, viz. of Twenty pound a moneth, of Two third parts of Estate, against Hearing Mass, against Harbouring a [Page 537] Priest, against Being reconciled, &c. It is well known, the Recusants of England, against whom those Laws were made, were generally persons, in all degrees, of the Noblest qua­lity in this Nation, Vertuous, Grave, Wise, Charitable, Just, and Good men, of fair and friendly Conversation towards all: I shall not say, Loyal to their Prince, be­cause the contrary is so commonly beleeved; Stow. yet our own Chronicles will not altogether deny them right in that regard, while they testifi [...] how diligent and forward they were to offer their service to the Queen and State, even in that great Action of Eighty eight. Nei­ther were they altogether refused by her Majesty. They were also generally men of plentiful For­tunes and good Estates; and are so still, except such as the Lawes and hard times have impoverished. Yet because for Conscience sake they refuse to hear Common-prayer and Sermons, to receive the Commu­nion according to the new order of [Page 538] the Church of England, they stand by Law, as it were, marked out for destruction, and branded with all the Characters of ignominy, suspition, and prejudice, which the people of any State, even for the greatest crimes actually commit­ed, Sir. Edw. Cook. can justly suffer. It is reported by a great Lawyer of this Nation, that from primo Elizab. till the Bull of Pius Quintus was published, which was about half a score or a dozen years after, No person in En­gland refused to come to Church; as if perchance that Bull had be [...] the sole occasion which Catholikes took to disobey the Queens Injun­ctions. But it is a great error. For not to speak any thing of Puritans (many of whom before that time refused the Church-Service) how many Bishops and Priests were there in England, known and professed Recusants from the first beginning? How many Noblemen and Gentle­men of account did openly and ab­solutely refuse to joyn with their New Church? It is true, and to [Page 539] be lamented, The revolt of the English under Queen Elizabeth from the true Catholike Religion, so lately restored, was too general; and too many there were, who suf­fered themselves to be carried away with the stream of Authority, and with the evill example of their Neighbors, and especially of Great Ones. But what is this but a ge­neral infirmity and weakness com­monly observed in the people? What Form soever of Religious Profession a State sets up, it proves an Idol to them, and they are apt to fall down before it; yea, though the Figure, which they worship, (as it happens sometimes) hath much more of the Calf, then of the Man in it. And for this respect it cannot but be matter of much con­sideration to all wise States-men, and States, to be well advised how far they proceed in this kinde, viz. of establishing or setting up any outward form or profession of Re­ligion whatsoever, especially by a­ny compulsory Acts or Penalties; [Page 540] lest the bloud of Souls lye upon their account another day. As most cer­tainly it shall, whensoever people are misled into any corrupt way of Religion, meerly upon the Autho­rity and Resolution of the State. And yet notwithstanding there were in many places of the King­dom, not a few of worthy and constant Catholikes, who never bowed theer knees unto Baal, that is, never consented, nor made profes­sion of Heresie one way or other; as Lanhearne, Ashby de la Zouch, Grafton, Dingley, Cowdrey, and ma­ny other places can witness: by whose integrity the Catholike Church in England, (viz. that Remnant according to the election of Grace, which God was pleased to preserve here from the general con­tagion, to glorifie his name by suffering, and to give Testimony unto Truth) have subsisted and stood by the great mercy of God, unto this day; though indeed suf­fering grievously for their Consci­ence, (as God was pleased from [Page 541] time to time to exercise them) by confiscation of their Estates, vexa­tions by Pursivants and Promo­ters, restraint and imprisonment of their persons, at Wisbich, Ely, Ban­bury, York, Ludlow, Bury, the Fleet, Gatehouse, &c. Not to speak any thing of the spoil of their Woods, leasing their Lands, exaction of Fines, nor yet of their disarming by Law; because this last, (though it were as unjust and undeserved as the rest, yet) it had more of dis­grace and ignominy in it, then of real damage; arguing onely sus­pition or jealousie, which the State would seem to have of them, and nothing more. But the Twenty pounds a moneth was a burden in­supportable, especially to the meaner sort: Although it must be confessed, the rigour and extremity thereof was many times moderated by the Lord Treasurer Burleigh.

17 Now to compare these men with the Recusant Puritans in England, (for such, we must know, there are, more then a good many in all [Page 542] Countries: All Recusants are not Popish) if it were not too odious, it might be very necessary; and the world could not but see much better, and acknowledge the pati­ence, humility, and obsequious de­portment of Catholikes, compared with the others insolency and stout­ness. For tis very well seen alrea­dy, that this growing Sect of Pro­testant Recusants are not men like­ly to bear such burdens, should the State finde it necessary to impose them. They discover a far different Spirit, even now, while they are but in their shell, as we may say, and without any visible power or inte­rest within the Nation, save that of their number. Compare them with the Recusant F [...]ugonots of France (who are Brethren, and of the same principles with [...]urs in England) you would think our Catholike Gentle­men here to be all Priests, in respect of their sober, humble, and Christi­an carriage of themselves, whenso­ever they fall under question for Re­ligion; Their very Ministers there, [Page 543] you would take to be all Sword­men, Captains, Sons of Mars, so much fury & rage breaths out in e­very word or action of theirs, which relates to the publike. Catholikes here are persons of all other most unwilling to offend; Recusants there most unwilling to obey. These defend their Religion with their Swords, and by resistance of the Civil Magistrate; ours onely with their Pen and with their pray­ers. Ours endure, and à Scio cui cre­didi with St. Paul, is all their com­fort: These endure nothing, wil trust no body with their cause, but them­selves and their Cautionary towns; They have their Bezas, Their Marlo­rates, Chamiers, and other Boutefeux swarming thick in all parts of the Kingdom, ready to incense and set on fire the distempered multitude against their lawful governors; they have their Montaubans, their Rochels, Saumurs, Montpelliers, places of refuge and retreat, strong and well fortified to shelter themselves, when they cannot make good their [Page 544] designs in the field. Catholikes here have none of all these; They have no Preachers, but Preachers of Pennance and Mortification: They hear no Sermons at any time, but such as teach them Obedience, Patience, Resignation to the will of God, and to be willing to suf­fer whatsoever the will of God is, They have no places of security but their own unarmed houses; which if they change, it is always for the Fleet, Gatehouse, Newgate or som other prison and place of restraint. Much talk there is a­mong Protestants, of the Inquisi­tion, its severity, cruelty, partia­lity (and what not?) to make it odious and terrible to the people; but verily if a man do well consider it, in comparison of the troubles, vexation, and manifold danger both for life, liberty and estate, whereto the Catholikes of England, Priests and Religious persons espe­cially, are subject, it may seem rather a Scare-crow, then any thing else. Charls the Fifth Em­peror [Page 545] in the year 1521. at Worms decreed onely Exile against Luther, notwithstanding his obstinacy, and all the mischief, which he had brought upon Germany; and that his Books should be burned. In the year 1526. at Machlin he enacted a Penalty against Hereticks, and all such as disputed the Controversies of Religion Heretically, or that kept prohibited Books, viz. for the first offence Forty shillings, for the Second Four pound, for the Third Eight pound, and Banish­ment; as the best remedy he could think of to preserve others from in­fection. In the year 1529. if they repented not of their error, he ad­judged Viris ignem, Mulieribus fos­sam, That men should be burned, and women buried alive; which was no more then anciently the Laws prescribed, nor then what Calvin himself exercised upon Ser­vetus at Genevah. In the year 1531. he confirmed these former Acts, with something additional against such as pulled down Images, or [Page 546] defaced them with any malitious intention, viz. that such persons should loose their goods. This is the sum of all those Laws of the Emperor Charl [...] the Fifth, concer­ning Religion, so much complain­ed of in the Low-Countries: and concerning the Execution whereof there were also many exceptions, qualifications and limitations pro­cured by the Regent in the year 1555. upon advise of Viglius Pre­sident of the Counsel at Brussels; and to take away all occasions that might po [...]bly hinder Traffick, or be a means of oppression to inno­cent and quiet people. And for King Philip, he always professed (particularly in his answer to Mon­tigny in Spain) that he intended no addition of severity to his Fathers Laws, nor to create any new offen­ces, but onely to punish those, which were of old censured for of­fences both by the Church and State. Let us look then upon Eng­land, and consider, if the penalties upon Catholikes here be not far [Page 547] more in number, and much more severe. To acknowledge the Popes Supremacy in Spiritualibus is Treason; To be reconcil [...]d is Treason; To refuse the Oath, upon the first offence is a Praemunire, the second Treason. For Priests to come over into England is Treason; if any that were made Priests since Primo Elizab. shall stay Forty days in England after the Parliament 1585. 'tis Treason. To Harbor a Priest is Felony and Death. If yong Students beyond Sea return not, and abjure their Religion it is Treason. To bring in an Agnus Dei, Beads, or Crosses is a Praemu­nire; To bring a Bull, or any Sentence of Excommunication from Rome, that may concern the Queen is Treason. To absolve or reconcile a man is Treason; Not coming to Church was at first Twelve pence every Sunday, and to be liable to further censure; af­terwards, viz. Twenty seven Elizab. it was made Twenty pound a moneth, where it could be had: [Page 548] otherwise their bodies were to fine for it in prison. To depart out of the Realm without License, and not to return within Six moneths after the Proclamation is a forfei­ture of all Goods and Lands du­ring life. To hear Mass is an of­fence fined at One hundred Marks. If a mans Son or Servant (not Mer­chant) goeth beyond Sea with his consent, he forfeits One hundred pounds. I speak nothing of their loss of goods, imprisonments, re­proaches, chains, fetters, which up­on many other pretended and feig­ned occasions they are frequently made subject unto: nor of banish­ment; which would be counted many times matter of great favor. Nor yet of the rigorous and vexa­tious Execution of all these Laws; which makes the Tower full of such Patients, and new prisons to be erected for the entertainment of them: nor of the hard usage, which they frequently find in those prisons. The sad examples of Ma­ster Tregion at Launston, of Master [Page 549] Rigby, of Master Christopher Watson, (who perished at Yo [...]k, with Eigh­teen persons more, in the year 1581. with the very infection of the pri­son) do shew sufficiently what they suffer. Adde hereunto the strict examination of the Justices, the proceedings of the High-Commis­sion against them, (that inquisition of England not altogether untruly so called) the multitude of Promo­ters in all the Temporal Courts of the Kingdom informing against them, of Pursuivants searching and rifling their houses upon every light suspicion, and not seldom without any at all, but onely to make them Fine, and to purchase their quiet with money. Lastly, the Racks and Torturings, which Father Campian, Father Southwel, with many others tasted in their times, how can they be forgotten? concerning whose case, (I mean of Father Campian and his Associates especially) beside that the whole matter of their Accusation seemed upon Tryal rather to be grounded [Page 550] upon words and some verbal dis­course, then upon any Actual de­sign or attempt really projected a­gainst the Queen or the State; and beside, that at the time of their Tryal (as I have been credibly in­formed) there were persons of very Honest Quality, who offered to depose, that sundry of the Parties accu [...]ed were, at the times specified in their several charges, many hundreds of miles distant, from the places, where their supposed Trea­sons and Conspiracies were said to be: I say, b [...]side all this, the Queens unwillingness to have them dye, (testifi [...]d by her own Historian) is argument sufficient with indifferent m [...]n, what great Traytors she conceived them to be. For their Arraignment and Try­al having been in November 1581. Stow. they suffered not till the first of September 1582. and then it was aegrè consentiente Reginâ, as Camden himself conf [...]sseth. They who sought their lives, had much ado to procure the Queens consent, that [Page 551] the Sentence of death should be ex­ecuted upon them. Surely there is no man so extreamly partial or purblinde but will easily observe, how much greater affliction and pressures the Catholikes of England have endured by the Laws of this Realm, then the Geuses of Holland ever did, or could do by the in­quisition among them. And how much more their state and conditi­on might be justly commiserated; especially, when not onely Ana­baptists, and those other more inno­cent and harmless Sects, but Puri­tans, great and stubborn enemies of the State, Arians, Socinians, yea even Professed Atheists, and men of far more violent passions and destructive principles, then Catholikes can with any reason be supposed to hold, are scarce search­ed after, or punished. And yet not­withstanding all this, to preserve the Queens reputation for Huma­nity and fair dealing with her Subjects, the Book called the Exe­cution of English Justice will make [Page 552] the world beleeve, That no man in England is punished for Religion, no mans Conscience is medled with­all, no man is examined upon mat­ters of Faith. But is it possible that such a pretence should be sust [...]ined by man, so notoriously contrary to truth, so easily, so manifestly disprovable even by sight, and the evidence of their own dayly pro­ceedings? In the year 1581. there was a general Pardon granted by the Queen, but with a strict Cau­tion and Proviso, That no person in Prison, nor Recusant for Religion, should have benefit thereby; which Malefactors of all sorts had. Was this no punishment? The Recu­sants pay Twenty pound a moneth for their Recusancy? is this no pu­nishment? The Turk himself layeth not any greater upon the Christi­ans under him. All, or most of the old Catholike Bishops and Clergy of England died in prisons, Antipath. of Prelat. (as Master Prinn himself confesseth of the chiefest of them) am [...]ng Rogues, Murtherers and Felons in the [Page 553] Marshalsea; The rest in Exile for Religion; is this no punishment? Or was there any other Crime laid to their charge, but onely matter of Religion? Not to speak of many others, Master William Anderson in 45. Elizab. was executed upon no other charge, but that he was a Priest, and then found to be in England; so was Master Barckworth in the year 1600. was this no pu­nishment? Anno 35. Elizab. Ma­ster Barwis a Citizen of London was executed, for being reconciled to to the Church: and Master Pormort attainted (at least) for reconciling him; was this no punishment? In the year 1575. (as Holinshead him­self recordeth it for a matter to be noted) The Lady Morley, the Lady Brown, the Lady Guildford were committed all of them to prison, onely for hearing Mass, and Leas­es presently made of two Third parts of their Lands; was this no punishment? I might be infinite in examples of this kinde, but it is needless; The case is manifest, and [Page 554] the sense of the whole Kingdom proclaimes the contrary, to what that Author pretendeth, convinc­ing his assertion of not a little im­posture and calumny.

18 To conclude then, the loyalty and obedience of these Gentlemen, and other people of all sorts (which are commonly called Recusants) towards their King and the State, appears undeniably in all things: not only by their humble petitions to his Majesty that now is, in the year 1604. and at sundry times since; but by their constant and general conformity unto the tem­poral Government in all Queen Elizabeths Reign; by their Prote­station made at Ely in the year 1588. where a great many of them were prisoners; by some other of­fers which they made to the Lord North, the Queens Lieutenant there, and by their justification of them afterwards; by their subm [...]ssions sent up to the Lords of the Privy Councel, and their profession of all due acknowledgement towards her [Page 555] Majesty, notwithstanding the sen­tence of Excommunication; by their readiness to serve her Majesty & the State even in that Action of 88. for which they are so calumniated; Last­ly, by the very Irish Recusants joyn­ing their Forces with the Queens at Kinsale, in the year 1600. All which Arguments do indeed shew them to be [...]ubjects absolutè, and not ex condi­tione, or by leave of some other, as their adversaries pretend. Let the Read [...]r ther [...]fore now judge, if he please, by what hath been said, whether to be a Protestant and a loyal [...]ubject, or a Catholike and a loyal subject, be more incompatible things. This was the question pro­pounded in the beginning to be declared; and it hath been declar­ed, I suppose, at large, both from their doctrinal assertions, and con­stant practises in all parts of Ger­many, France, Holland, Scotland, Ge­nevah, and many other Countries of Christendom, what kinde of peo­ple both Lutherans, Calvinist, and o­ther sectaries generally are towards [Page 556] their Sovereign Princes. It hath bin shewn, that the chief scope and end of their endeavours, where they come, is to set up their several pro­fessions by the Sword, and viol [...]nt resistance of the Civil Magistrate, doing but his Office in restraining them according to Law; yea with the ruin of the Church and State (both) that shall oppose them. This, I say, both the Lutheran s n Germany, the Hugonets of France, the G [...]uses of H [...]l [...]and, the Prote­stants and Puritans in all other places where they could, have so apparently done, or attempted to doe, that there is neither colour of excuse for it, nor liberty to deny it. The World knoweth what was endeavored in Germany against the Emperor; in France how long continued they in Armes against their Sovereign Prince? viz. till they had by force (not to say con­trary to his Oath) extorted from him such Edicts of Pacification, as themselves liked. And that in Hol­land and Scotland (where they had [Page 557] the fortune to become Masters) they renounced and deposed their Prin­ces absolutely. On the other side let us consider, how far it is from being true, that wherewith so ma­ny Books in England have abused the people, viz. That to be a Priest, or a Roman Catholike, and a good Subject withall, is impossible: They are things inconsistent with one ano­ther. For if we look back to for­mer times, we shall easily finde, that from the Saxons to King Henry the Eighth, it was never made so much as a qu [...]stion; To be a Ca­tholike was never held any bar to Loyalty; and yet the Princes had their differences somtimes with the Pope, even then. And in the grounds of Catholike Faith there is certain­ly nothing contrary unto civil obe­dience, and duty towards the tem­poral Magistrate. Witness the Government of the Sacred Roman Empire, of the Kingdoms of Spain, France, Poland, and many other Christian Principalities and States; All which differing in their several [Page 558] constitutions, or particular formes of Governing, yet doe generally and unanimously account him the b [...]st Subject, and least dangerous to the State, who is most of all devo­ted to Catholike Religion. It is not therefore malum in se & simpliciter, whatsoever Doctor Morton, or Par­son White say, it is not an evil in­trinsecal to Priesthood, nor essenti­ally follo [...]ing the profession of Catholike Religion to be an evil subject. If it happens to prove so at any time, it is ex accidente, and from the voluntary wickedness of particular men; if not (as too often it doth) from some evil con­stitution of State, in which the profession of Catholike Religion hath been unduly subverted, and is as unjustly prohibited and pu­nished. Neither can it be verified of Catholike Religion [...], or universally, as sedition and troubling the Civil Government is apparently chargeable upon Calvi­nism, and the other several professi­ons of Protestancy. Therefore [Page 559] surely it was an errour both uncivil and indiscreet in those Doctors, to frame their proposition so general, onely to make us odious and sus­pected with his Majestie, who yet, we hope, understands us better then so, and knows, that the im­putation is groundless and meerly passionate. We deal not so with them. We are ready to acknow­ledge, that, as to particular per­sons, there are many, especially among the Protestants of England, of more calm and moderate dispo­sitions, of no such fiery zeal, as works in many other of their Brethren a­broad; Boni viri, boni cives, such as we confess to be both good men, and good Subjects, of sociable na­ture, obsequious, not inclined to Sedition, nor desirous to persecute. And the like good Testimony doth even the Author of the Execution of English Justice give unto Catho­likes, acknowledging their obedi­ence and loyalty towards the late Queen, and that in a time, when they wanted not matter of com­plaint, [Page 560] for the manifold oppres­sions and afflictions, which were heavy upon them. Tis true; eve­ry man may be supposed to wish the advancement of his own Reli­gion, as beleeving it to be right, or the best: neither are Catholikes to be excepted in that point: They must be permitted to desire at least, and wish for the restoring of Ca­tholike Religion, as it ought to be. But surely as to the means whereby they procure it, and the course and manner of their pro­ceeding that seek and endeavor it, This treatise hath already shewen, what great odds and difference there is betwixt the proceedings of Catholikes, and that of Protestants. And that what the one, viz. Ca­tholikes, seek [...]ely by way of Pe­tition, Supplication, Prayer, and humble Remonstrating of their Sufferances; The other, viz. Pro­testants, seek chiefly by fire and Sword and Cannon Bullet, and by Thundring of Ordnances, rather then Apologies, in their Princes [Page 561] ears. Beside, (to proceed a little further in this Parallel) the Catho­likes generally, and for a long time, both in Germany and France were Passive, as in England they are still to this day; The Protestants were A [...]tive, and the offendors. Catho­likes onely defend their own, maintain the possession of that, which they have quietly held, out of all memory of Men and Ages; Protestants invade, and usurp by force. Priests desire onely to keep that which they once de jure had; Ministers seek to get that which they had not. Catholikes obey ex conscien­tiâ, out of an inflexible principle of Conscience, and absolutely sub­mit unto all lawful and established Government; Protestants general­ly speaking but upon condition, and with such limitations and re­strictions of their obedience, as they themselves think good to prescribe. Priests are punished, not for any formal wickedness, or that which is a crime in its own nature, but for something that is so, onely by in­terpretation, [Page 562] or in the judgement of the present State; which per­haps a few days agoe did not judge so, but the quite contrary. Cal­vinists, when they suffer, suffer for real and foule crimes; for Sedition, Rebellion, Murther, Treason, not imputative onely, fictitious, or made such of late by the prevailing of some particular faction in the State, but truly and properly so, and ad­judged for such by all Laws Di­vine and Humane, of their own Countries and of all Christendom beside, long before they or their Grandsires were born. Witness the examples of this last year in France, of Lescun, President of the Assemblies at Rochel, Haute-Foun­tain, Chamier, P. Gomboult and some others, who all suffered for real and actual Treasons; and by vertue of such Laws, not as the Parliament at Paris, or some party there had procured to be enacted a few years, or a few moneths before, on purpose to entrap them; but by the anc [...]nt known Law [...] of [...]ranc [...], b wh ch [Page 563] they themselves knew the Kingdom was governed, and had been ever governed time out of minde: and therefore could not in any reason but expect the execution of them upon themselves, in case they would persist to offend. Witness the Treasons of their Brother Bis­charcy in Poland, who attempted to kill the King; and did indeed wound him very dangerously, as he was going to Church. They object to us the positions of some private and disavowed persons, and words onely: We object to them the resolutions of whole general Assemblies held by them, and those rebellions, which have followed thereupon, not in word onely, but in deed and in act, their real and actual Conspiracies, their many Battles really and actually fought in the Field, without lawful Au­thority, or any publike Call, a­gainst their Sovereign Princes; with other manifold iniuries and inso­lencies committed. Lastly, Pro­testants reform commonly per popu­lum, [Page 564] and by Tumults; Catholikes do nothing of this kinde but by Law, Order, and their proper Su­periors. So that the difference betwixt them is manif [...]st; and the integrity of the professions of Ca­tholike, in point of obedience and loyalty towards their Prince, be­yond that of Calvinists, or Prote­stants, generally speaking, is visi­ble to every eye.

19 Why may they not then, under the Favor of the State, enjoy like Liberty of Conscience, Person, and Estates, with other good Subjects; notwithstanding that they differ in Judgement from the profession of the State? Why may not a Catho­like be tolerated to live, and in­joy without molestation, that which God, Nature, and the Laws of the Land do give him, as well as a Calvinist? Why should the Laws of England be fettered with so ma­ny Shacles of Interpretative, and Temporary Treason, to the pre­judice of many innocent persons, and to the scandal of the Govern­ment? [Page 565] Admit, that for some world­ly respect they were indeed n [...]ces­sary, in State-policy, for the times wherein they were enacted; yet the times changing so much as th [...]y have done, and those causes entirely ceasing, which made them seem necessary then, it may be thought now, not onely safe, (as undoubtedly it is) but honorable and just to repeal them. May it not with great reason be wondered at, that a Nation so Just, so Hono­rable, so Wise, as this of England hath ever been acknowledged by the Nations abroad; and settled by Extraordinary Dispensations of Divine Provid [...]nce upon such Equi­table, fair and just principles of government, as be constantly held forth by the Supream Authority of the Nation, should permit any thing to be counted Treason by an Act of Parliament, which is so ge­nerally over all Christendom at this day, and hath been so ancient­ly, and even till of late times in this our own Nation, so much [Page 566] honored, maintained, and reve­renced by all men; especially I say, when there is no cause of sus­picion remaining, when there is no cause nor colour of jealousie from any persons, that desire this liberty: at least none, but what may be easily removed by the wis­dom of the State; and plenary satisfaction given in that behalf, both to themselves and to all the good people of the Nation. How much Religious men and persons Ecclesiastical (now called Tray­tors by the Law) were wont to be esteemed in this Nation, is not necessary now to speak; our own Chronicles and the Constitutions of our very Laws themselves do abundantly declare it. If a bond­man entred a Cloysture, he could not be commanded out by any power whatsoever; The Law it self anciently holding it more rea­sonable, that even the King should loose his interest in such a body, then that he should be taken out from the Order, which he had [Page 567] chosen. The like was judged, if the Kings Wards entred Religion. An Alien by Law can hold no Lands in England; yet if he be a Priest, he may by Law be a Bishop here, and enjoy his Temporalties, as Lanfranck, Anselme, and some others did, who were never Deni­zens. It is well known, The Six Clearks of the Chancery were an­ciently Clearks of the Church. The Master of the Rolls, Master of Requests, Lord Privy Seal, yea the Lord Chancellors and Treasur­ers of the Realm not onely com­monly, but in a manner constant­ly, till of late times, were Bishops & Clergy-men. How strange therefore may it seem, that the Laws of Eng­land should make a Function so an­cient and honorable in England to be Treason? which certainly is the same function now, that it was then, when it was most honored; and hath suffered no more change, from what it first was, then Saint Pauls Church hath suffered change, since the time it was first built by King [Page 568] Ethelbert; that is, it is grown old indeed, and by the iniquity of the times, hath lost some part of that outward Glory, Magnificence, and Splendor, which it once had. And for Papists, if men goe about to make them a Sect, and endeavor to suppress them under that noti­on, truly we shall be found a very ancient Sect; and I b [...]leeve it will trouble the best Doctor in En [...]land, to assign us any other Sect-Master, any other Author and Founder of our profession, then our Saviour Christ, and Sain [...] P ter. But most men know, 'tis to lit [...]le purpose to attempt any thing against us that way. All other Sects have their particular Authors, and many o­ther circumstances of their begin­ing a [...]gnable, easily, cleerly, noto­riously: I mean, not onely Luthe­rans, Calvinists, Anabaptists, and such others of yesterday, but those more ancient, Arians, Eunomians, Pelagi­ans, Nestorians, Manichees, &c. on­ly Catholikes have not; nor can any man shew when their profession [Page 569] began, or from whom it came, but from our Saviour and his Apostles. What therefore should hinder a re­conciliation, and a re-admission of this Ancient and Universal professi­on of Christianity into England a­gain? I mean, unto such an equal and avowed liberty of private ex­ercise, as other people of the Na­tion doe enjoy in the profession of theirs. On his Majesties part, I humbly suppose there can be little d [...]ubt made, who hath been ever of himself▪ constantly inclined to shew mercy, if there had been no crooked and unhappy instruments about him to hinder it. My minde, saith the King, was ever free from persecution, or thralling my Subjects in matters of Conscience; And again, Fateor me non libenter suspendere Presbyterum, &c. I confess, saith he, it g eth much against my minde, to put a Priest to death onely for his Religi­on, or for saying of Mass. He who judged, that it could no way be­come him, though a Prince of so great Learning and Judgement, to [Page 570] pronounce sentence lightly in so old a controversie, what Priest or Religious man can appeal to a bet­ter Judge? or from whom should they expect a sentence of more fa­vourable compassion? He who sent into France to mediate for the peace of Strangers, what man can doubt, but of his own Royal inclinati­on he is as willing to shew fa­vour to his Subjects at home? Though we differ in Religion, yet in obedience to our Prince, and the State that protects us, we agree; neither will we be preceded in this part of our duty by any profession under Heaven. Our bodies are at the Kings service, and at the States to command; may they be pleased to leave our souls to God. Let our actions be tried; and if they finde not cause, let them not trust us. It hath bin long since observed by wise men, That too much severity doth but make men desperate; and it is an ancient Aphorism of State puni­re rarò. What an honourable ad­dition was it to Augustus Caesar his [Page 571] other Titles, that of the Historian, Sueton. Nunquam civ [...]lem sanguinem fudisse, That never any subject suffered by him in cold bloud: And it is as infallibly true in all generous Spi­rits, fidelem, si putaveris, facies, that confidence gains much security from them; as counting it the greatest of disgraces to be distrusted. Malus custos diuturn [...]tatis metus. Fear is not always the best Guardi­an. Seneca, who lived under a Tyrant, and knew what tyranny was, giveth this counsel, Ʋl [...]ima supplicia suppliciis ultimis ponat. Let, saith he, a Prince alwayes observe this rule in the administration of justice, viz. That capital punish­ments be the last punishments which he inflicteth, and never used, but where no other remedy will serve. And Tacitus observes it among other marks of Tiberius his cruelty, De­latorum Authoritas magna, frequens accusatio, & in quovis crimine ad­juncta de laesâ Majestate Principis, That Sycophants, Informers, and such fellows were the onely men a­bout [Page 572] him, and every offence was made Treason. And certainly there can be no greater Symptome, that Government declines to ty­ranny, then the multitude of such people attending the Courts; and that such proceedings are used. I confess the Law was once strict at Rome, Deos peregrinos ne colunto. Yet Marcus Aurelius, a wise and gallant Emperor, tolerated the Christians; yea, Theodosius, and Grat an, Empe­rors, though most most Christian and Catholike themselves, yet for some time were contented to tole­rate the Arians, enemies of Christ. The Venetians, and many other Christian States permit the Jewes to live among them; as Spain did the Moores, till necessity at last forced the King to expel them.

20 It is a false and uncharitable As­sertion, savouring too much of gall and spleen, to say (as some do) that Catholikes are unsociable, they cannot live with Protestants in one Common-wealth without jars and tumults. For is there any [Page 573] thing more visible, and in your eyes every day, then that the contrary is true? Doe we not live among you here in England? Have we not ever done so since the first unhappy difference and change made, peace­ably, neighbourly, friendly? Doe me not buy and sell with you, and you with us? are we not ready to perform all offices of civility and good neighbourhood, where we live? Doe we refuse any kinde of temporal duties or payments? E­ven of our Tiths to the Ministers, which yet are in themselves a kinde of religious Salary; and if in any, surely we should boggle and shew unwillingness in them? Besides, it is a false surmise, that we hold all Protestants generally for Here­tikes, and Excommunicate persons; (as some spare not to urge both in the pulpit and press, to make us odious) or that thereby we should think our selves at liberty, when we have opportunity, to deal less faith­fully, justly, and truly with them, then becommeth honest men, and [Page 574] Christians. For that they are not Excommunicate, I mean specially, by name, or by any such sentence of the Judge Ecclesiastical, as doth relax or debar either all or any civil duty towards them, is out of question. And to make a man Heretike, for­mally speaking and in the proper notion of that crime, obstinacie in opinion is by all confess d to be requisite, and that he persisteth de­liberately therein, notwithstanding that he knoweth the opinion which he holdeth, to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Catholike Church, and to the general, unanimous, or known consent of those Pastors, which as Saint Paul teacheth us, ought to have the oversight and go­vernment of him in our Lord: Acts 20.28, Heb. 13.7.17. Tit. 3.10. which, I su [...]po [...]e, cannot be the case of all the Protestants in England. Indeed of th [...] Doctrine of Protestancy, as 'tis consider'd in it self, abstract [...]d­ly from the persons that profess it we say, 'tis Heresie, that is to say, [...] false Doctrine, a condemned Doctrine, a Doctrine, (so far as Do­ctrin [Page 575] can barely be) not only of dan­gerous, but of damnable malignity, being contrary to the Doctrine and Institutions of true Christian Re­ligion, which our Saviour by his A­postles left unto the Church, to be profess [...]d and observed for ever; and therfore in it self of such nature, that it ought to be deposed by all men, who desire to be saved; and in pro­fession whereof no man living may securely rest. This we say of their Doctrine. But as to the persons of Protestants them [...]elves, viz. how far their personal errour in the pro­fession thereof is voluntary and af­fectate; what means of better in­formation they do neglect; against how much light, that is, inward knowledge and perswasion of minde, that Catholike Religion is true, they doe sin; or what secret doubtings they have that it may be true; what inward stirrings and checks of conscience they doe stifle in themselves, and persist in a way which their own hearts suspect, meerly for temporal ends, and be­cause [Page 576] it stands better with their de­signs of this world, that is, the present interests of their honou [...]s, reputation, ease, pleasure, profit, &c. or lastly, how far their igno­rance of the truth may be, perhaps invinc ble; (which where it is so, excuseth much) of all this we say nothing. God onely knoweth how things are with them in these respects, not man; no, not the men themselves: and therefore, as con­cerning their persons, to his judge­m [...]nt onely we must leave them. This business therefore, viz. of Protestants being counted Here­tikes by us, is but a Bug-bear, a Scar-crow set up on purpose by those our Adversaries, who would have the difference and aversions which they have bred betwixt us, to be immortal. Rather it were to be wished by all honest men, of what perswasion soever, that a just and equitable liberty in matters of conscience were granted unto all, if but for this onely respect, viz. That so by a free, confident, and [Page 577] friendly conversing one with ano­ther, void of suspition, void of jealousie, fear, danger to one par­ty or other, and by amicable dis­course and debating of things, truth might come to be more cleerly dis­coverded, and we might be able, through Gods grace, mutually to give and receive good one of ano­ther. But this is a work, which hath so much of God and good­ness in it, that we cannot but ex­pect many adversaries should ap­pear against it. However, those Doctors Boutefeux should doe well to remember, if they pleas'd, that even by the Law of Seniority Ca­tholikes might expect some little favour. For we beseech them to tell us, upon what Patrimony doe themselves and families now live, but that which the right Heirs of the Church, dis-inherited indeed, or disseized by the power of the State, have left them? What Pri­viledges, Immunities, Honours have they, but what the old Church gave them? What Churches have [Page 578] they, either Cathedral, Collegiate, or Parochial, which She built not? What Colledges which She found­ed or endowed not; Nay, whence have they their Bible, the Creed, the Ceremonies, or any thing else that is good and commendable a­mong them, but from Her? If She had not preserved them faithfully to their hands, they had never found them. Shall Charity then be for ever so buried in England, that the posterity of those, from whom they must confess to have received these great advantages, shall never be remembred by them? never be used with equity and com­mon justice? It were too great a shame, surely, to lye long upon such a Nation as this; and a defect of Government, which all N [...]tions about us would observe. Beside, let our Adversaries remember what the French commonly say, Chacum á son tour; and we in England, A dog hath a day. Religion here with us, since King Henry the Eighth wore the Crown, hath had many [Page 579] changes and exchanges, as the world knoweth: and the prin­ciples, on which it now standeth, are not thought to be so fixed and unmoveable, but that it may take one turn more. All things are in the hands of God; and whatsoe­ver he hath determined in the Counsel of his Divine wisdom must stand, and take effect in its ap­pointed due time: say we, or do we to the contrary, what we can. And therefore let our hot Brethren the Calvinists, who can themselves so little endure the severity of Bi­shops, let them not further promote, nor hold up persecution against a­ny body else; least in an howre when they think lest of it, the mis­chief, which they wish to others, fall upon their own heads; and that they finde themselves, not onely out of the Saddle (where they would be) but in the Mire, under the Horse belly, and so obnoxious, as they may have need of favor themselves. They desire nothing more then Liberty of Conscience in [Page 580] their own way, fulness of liberty to themselves; let them be per­swaded also to grant the same unto others. That this is but equal, reason it self will tell us: And that persecution for matter of Re­ligion is not always the best means to advance religion, is the judge­ment of as wise and learned men, even of their own profession, as any they can shew for the contrary. What Luthers opinion was in the point I value no much, because the world did not take him for a man very learned or very wise; although, by Gods permission, he did much mischief in it for his time: as a simple Conjurer, though he be neither Mathematician, nor Philo­sopher himself, yet, by the help of the Devil, may raise a storm able to confound all the Sciences. Ne­vertheless what he thought appears in his Assertions, Art. 33. de non comburendis Haereticis. Ʋrbanus Rhegius, Wolfgangus Musculus, fa­mous men and Protestants, both of them in their Common places [Page 581] are much against persecution for Religion. So is Osiander, Epitom. Centur. 7. Chytraeus in Chron. 1593. Castalio, and others. But above all Acontius in his Book de Stratagemat. Satan. is most earnest. Dominus non permittit haereticorum supplicium, imò definitè declaravit, & interdixit, &c. God, saith he, doth not permit nor allow, that Hereticks should be thus punished; yea he hath expresly de­clared his minde to the contrary, and forbidden the Magistrate to ex­ercise any such Authority upon them. Calvin once, that is, till he had setled himself in power at Ge­nevah, held the same opinion, and was much for Liberty of Conscience, Hen. 2. when Annas Burges died for Heresie in France. Of the same judgement also is Monsieur Lanou in his Dis­courses. Sturmius in his Epistles, B [...]lloy, Melancthon, and many other professed and earnest Protestants. Not to mention Erasmus, Cassander, Grotius, or any other of that mid­dle temper. And as for matter of example, or practise, do not the [Page 582] Cantons in Switzerland agree well enough in Temporal things, not­withstanding their difference in Religion? is mutual Toleration of one another in their several judgements that way, any preju­dice to the publike peace? Are there any people under Heaven, more happy and free then they? or more likely to continue such, so long as they keep under some few fiery zealots, that would still be blowing the coals of dissention a­mong them? Not to speak of Swe­den, Denmark, &c. doth not that famous Kingdom of Poland Tole­rate diversity of Religions? doth not the great Emperor of Mosko the same? and is not the general Uni­ty of their Subiects, which ariseth thereupon, and would certainly be otherwise, if the Government were otherwise, is it not a Wall of Brass to both of them against their great enemy the Turk? Let Germany al­so be our example, that vast Nati­on, and people no less Magnani­mous and Stout; is not Toleration [Page 583] judged expedient among them? could any thing else cure their troubles? Let us consider, how peacably and happily Catholikes and Lutherans have conversed and lived there together, for no less then an Hundred years and up­wards, without any dissention, without any trouble upon the ac­count of Religion; save onely what Ambition, and the factious Spiritedness of some particular Princes have bred, and brought upon the Country, much against the will of the people, under that pretence? No man doubteth, but Charls the Fifth, Emperor, and Ferdinand his Brother were in their times great and wise Princes; yet found they no better means to re­dress the troubles of State, then by commanding, Ʋt utra (que) pars caveret, &c. That special care should be had on both sides to compel no man, to make profession of Religion, otherwise then in his own Conscience he should be per­swaded was best: As Dresserus a Protestant relates it, rejecting with [Page 584] much disdain the contrary opinion of some, who, as he saith, would have but one Religion onely professed in the Empire. And for France the case and condition of affairs there is notorious to all the world. Nor could that Kingdom ever be brought to quiet, till the Calvi­nists therein were brought upon their knees, that is, to such pass, as to be glad of, and to b [...]gge for that favorable Toleration of their profession from the King, which themselves in no parts of the world beside will grant to others. What reason can be given by indifferent men, why the policy of England should be so singular, and so dif­fering from that of all other Chri­stian Kingdoms and Nations about her? Why should our Government be more severe in this point, and more Sanguinary then that of our Neighbors? It may seem to reflect something upon the honor of our Nation, to mention the Turk in this case: Yet certainly it cannot be denied, but that Christians live [Page 585] quietly in his Dominions; and up­on conditions so easie, that I am perswaded, the Catholikes of Eng­land would be well contented with the like. If onely it be determin­ed, that we must purchase that with our money, which all other our fellow-subjects the people of this Nation, do enjoy freely, and count it their natural right. In a word therefore to conclude, seeing that both in the judgement of Pro­testant Divines, and in the practice of Protestant Princes, and States, Toleration of diverse Religions is held neither unlawful, nor unex­pedient in Government; and seeing, that for so long a time of afflictions, persecution of our Priests, and o­ther manifold pressures upon us for matters of Conscience, Catholikes have yet, through the grace of God, demeaned themselves so loyally and obsequiously in all points, as they have not done, or attempted to do, upon their own account, or for the interest and advancment of their own profession, any thing of­fensive [Page 585] to the State, or prejudici­al to the publike peace: seeing that nothing can be fastned upon them in that kinde with any colour of truth, but onely the business of the Gun-Powder-Treason; and see­ing that was a devise, though acted by the hands of some desperate and wicked Catholikes, yet contrived rather by the Devil, and some crafty Enemies which we had in the State, (to make us eternally odious and suspected in the Nation and to disoblige some great person of his promises in favor of us;) as it may be justly thought, consi­dering, what kinde of States-men sate at the Helme in those times, what knowing men, D' Ossat. Lettres. liur. 2. ep. 43. Pryns. Antip. of Prelat. P. 151. strangers a­broad, have writ, and what Pro­testants themselves at home have discovered since upon that subject. Seeing that Catholikes always wished well to his Majesties Title, and prayed for his happy succession to these Kingdoms; seeing we were not of Counsel with those, who sent Beal into forreign parts [Page 586] to promote the Titie of Suffolk; nor that set Hales on work at home, as he did, with law and little art to make it good; nor that procured Sir N. B. to make a nest for the Phaenix, by such a great volum, as he wrote to that purpose: Seeing that we were ever Champi­ons to his Majesties just claim; Especially Sir Anthony Brown, that wise and noble Author of the Book against Leicester; and that Aiax of the Law, (whom no man ever durst encounter in this cause) Ma­ster Pl [...]ydon: We hope so long and so try'd fidelity will, by the Kings gracious favor, procure us at last some liberty and refreshment; and that our humble supplication shall be considered, wherein casting our selves down at the feet of our So­vereign, and of the State, we beg onely of them in those words of the Poet.

Let our souls be left free unto [Page 588] God: and as for our Bodies or E­states, take them, dispose of them freely, (as Justice requireth, and in due proportion with our Neigh­bors, and other the good people of the Nation) for the service of the Kingdom, and of the publike.