ALthough it be beyond all Dispute, that the French King (who not many years ago was very incon­siderable both in Trade and Shipping) is now become so formidable, as to be able to make War with so great a part of Europe, insomuch that very lately he bid fair to be Emperor thereof.

And though the Matter of Fact be clear; yet it is by many made a Question, How so prodigious an Alteration should come to pass in so short a time. For notwithstan­ding it be notorious, that that King's In­terest was very great in the two last Reigns, and thereby he obtain'd many Ad­vantages here, not only Moulds of our best Ships of War, but some Materials for their Building; and had it not been for a great Man now of Their Majesties most Honourable Privy-Council, much of our best Timber had been long since in France: For the Dutchess of Portsmouth having a Grant of Forty thousand Pounds, which was to be raised out of the Tim­ber growing in the New Forrest, and that of Sherwood; his Lordship prevented that Mischief, which had it not been done with great Prudence, it would have been of a had Consequence to England. For which he was suddenly after, and for espousing the Prince of Orange's Interest, condemned in the Court of France, and brought out of Fa­vour here, (to the Honour of that Noble Lord, let it be remembred for the Good of England, against the Designs of France.)

And although it be too true, that the said Dutchess promoted the French Inte­rest here, by which many Advantages were procured thereby from England to France, (which may be elsewhere enlar­ged) yet that was but as Flashes in a Ri­ver, for a Season: But its Trade, that is the main Spring or Fountain that gives Life unto, and that doth maintain, Riches and Strength to any Nation, Kingdom, or People.

And though in Trade it self its gene­rally reported, that France (by way of Barter) got from England upwards of a-Million of Pounds Sterling per Annum, for several Years last past, which is only known by the Entries made in our Cu­stom Hou [...] Books; yet this (to those that know the Intrigues of that People) may not be [...]ne half in value of the Goods imported from France. For that which comes in by Stealth (and of such some Persons are so fond, as to give double if not treble the worth of it only to have the name of French) may be as much in the Sum, if not more than what is tru­ly and really entered, which for the most part are bulky Commodities.

And as our Loss in the Trade with France is about Two Millions per Annum, [Page 4] by the Importation of their Commodities here; so its presumed, (on very good grounds) that the Exportation of our Wool thither, unwrought, enriches France much more than all the Impor­tation of French Goods into England.

So that if France, for upwards of twen­ty Years last past, hath gained only from England more than Four Millions per An­num (besides what that King hath gain'd out of other Countries by his Intrigues,) it is humbly presumed, the Question before stated (viz.) (How France in so short time became so great?) is in a great mea­sure answered.

When on the other Hand, England (if true to its real Interest) might quickly turn the Scales, and beat France without Fighting, though not now. For there are but few Princes or States, that have such means to support their Splendor, as the Kings and Queens of England: Nor few (if any) Countries, such staple Commodi­ties, as this Kingdom hath; yet those Advantages were never as yet improved as they might be: And as to what might have been formerly done of this Nature, Sir Walter Rawleigh propounded to King James the I. that the Native Commodities of England, with other Traffick, might have been then improved Three Millions of Pounds Sterling per Annum, beyond what they then came to, and that the Revenue of the Crown might proportionably increase thereby. If Matters stood thus at that time, woful Experience tells us (as be­fore mentioned) that the Case is now far worse: For instead of increasing, we have lost so many Millions by the In­trigues of France, which will more par­ticularly appear in the sequel of this Dis­course.

The most of the Goods, which are now yearly imported into this King­dom, being to the Value of several Mil­lions of Pounds Sterling per Annum, are no otherwise answered, but by the value of the Commodities which are exported; the Bulk of which consists chiefly in our Woolen Manufacture, as being the great support of our Trade and Shipping. For before King Edward the III. the Burgunder enjoyed that Advantage, in making of a Yard of Cloth, of English Wool cost Eighteen Pence, worth then Ten Shillings, to the enriching of that People, and advan­cing the Revenue of their Princes; which being perceived by the said King Edward, upon a Visit made by himself to the Duke of Burgundy; during his Residence there, he employed such able Agents amongst the Elemish Clothiers, so effectually represen­ting to them the Danger they were in by the Bordering War with France, the pea­ceable Condition of England, and the Free­dom of the People that are Subjects here, that he found them inclinable to accept an Invitation to come over hither, he pro­mising them the same Privileges and Im­munities with his own Subjects; by which Means he prevailed with a great number of them to come into England soon after him, where he most royally performed those Promises: He also called home many of his own Subjects, who had been long set­led in Flanders; and then strictly prohibi­ted the Exportation of Wool.

So the Trade of Cloth was then settled in England; but the Manufacture of Bays, Says, and Perpetuanies, &c. (which is now almost half the Woolen Manufacture of this Kingdom) was not set up here till the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, but was till then wholly carried on in Flanders, with English Wool; so that by these two Princes the Woolen Manufacture came to be settled in England: By which Means, as our Wealth came greatly to encrease, so we became more powerful in Shipping; which Greatness of our Trade, and Strength [Page 5] of our Shipping, founded on that, hath been not only observed, but of late emulated by the French King. And seeing it was clearly discerned, that the chiefest Means for the Maintenance of it proceeded from our Woolen Manufacture, the said French King hath for several Years last past used all Means to get our Wool to France; and then prohibit the said Manufacture, which is of so great Concern to England. For the said Manufacture, being expor­ted together with its Returns, doth pay more than three Fourths of the Customs; and consequently the same in proportion are the Ships and Seamen employed there­by; and it doth not only give Life to all Trade, but a Value to Land; by which Means also all other Branches of the Re­venue of the Crown are proportionably increased. But my Lord Cook saith, that its much more. For, saith he, Di­vide the Exported Native Commodities of this Kingdom into Ten Parts; and what comes from the Sheep's back is in Value Nine Parts; which, as before hinted, the French King hath used all Arts and Means, for above twenty Years, to encourage this Woolen Manufacture in his own Dominions; not only to furnish his own Countrey, but to export it to Foreign Parts, which were for­merly supplied by us; to the increasing of their Riches and Strength by Sea, (now so formidable) and then by so much the less Place or Probability there will be, that we should furnish them or export it into foreign Parts; and then also so much the greater stop must of necessity be put to the vending of our Woolen Manufacture beyond the Seas; because there is a determin'd Quantity thereof consu­med in the Trading World. And is it not as manifest, that by how much our Manufacture decays, our Trade and Wealth must decay; and the Strength of our Shipping mainly depending thereon, must decay also? and consequently the Revenue of the Crown, not only in the Customs, but in all other Branches of the said Revenue that do depend upon Trade.

So that, if it be from our Manufacture that the Riches of this Nation comes, and if it be chiefly from thence that our Shipping is Employed, and our Mari­ners bred; if it be from our Trading alone, and from the Riches which our Trading brings in, that their Majesty's Customs are Raised, and that our Fleets have been hitherto Built and Maintained, and the Dominion of the Seas preserved, then it is and must be from our Manu­factures, that our Trade is increased, and by which the Rents of the Nobility and Gentry have been advanced.

And therefore it may be easily granted, that there is no higher Temporal Interest in the Nation, than that which sustains the Nobility and Gentry's Rents, that which preserves their Majesties Revenues, and increases our Navy and Shipping.

Then in regard our Manufacture doth this, the Encouragement of it must necessa­rily be the greatest Interest of the Nation, to preserve it; but for the want of due care therein, the French have gained so much from us, as before mentioned, which hath so highly contributed to their Riches and Strength at Sea, and consequently to the Impoverishing of us, even the whole King­dom of England: Which Evils I did not only long since foresee, but publickly declare above 20 years ago, and with some warmth too; and also, with no little Importunity, presented the same to King Charles II. and upon several occasions since, renewed the same, (viz.) that France was then Learning to be too hard for us, which is too too true to be denied: And as I did it to those in Authority; so I did it, also, both to the Merchants and Clothiers; and not resting [Page 6] there, I have also spent the greatest part of my small Estate, and [...] (as well as lost a profitable Trade) about it, with the frequent hazard of my Life, to­gether with many and great Indignites, which I have born up under, because my Labour has not been altogether Fruitless: though by my Importunity, I have rendred my self Burdensome to some, a Scorn and Reproach to others, when I have on­ly Reasoned in my Discourse, and pub­lickly declared, what I had too much ground for, (viz.) that the Diligence of the French to enrich themselves upon us, hath so far exceeded our Care to preserve our selves, that it is cometo, if not be­yond, a Question, Who have the greatest benefit of the Manufacture of English Wool, (of so great consequence) They who have no Right unto it, or to whom of right it doth belong (as the very Founda­tion of all our Riches and Strength;) that it is so, is too too obvious, (viz.) that France will be too hard for us by the steps already made therein; desiring a serious consideration, and comparing the Pra­ctice of the French King (assisted by the Counsel and Advice of Monsieur Col­bert, bred a Merchant) with what was done formerly by King Edw. the 3d, that as the said King Edward wisely transacted his Affairs in Flanders, in bringing over hi­ther the Manufacturers to the Wool in England, so the said French King, by his Agents here, is using no less Policy in gaining oar Wool to his Subjects for his own advantage; for without our Wool they could never imitate our Manufacture, all other Wool being insufficient for that use; but having our Wool in such great Quantities, even in the Years 1669, 1670, and 1671, that they gave out, that they could make as good Manufacture as ours; and further added, that they were got into a way of making a low sort of Cloth called Serge De-berry, which comes as cheap as Northern Cloth, but made of English Wool.

After all these Transactions, comes forth an Answer by way of Objection a­gainst what I had done, Entitled, Reasons for a limited Exportation of Wool, pre­tending it was for England's Interest; which came forth in the year 1676. to which I made my Reply, which I shall not here insert, but only crave leave but to abstract the Introduction to that Dis­course, (viz.) I must needs say, that I had no thoughts of appearing in Publick any more, and could not easily have been moved thereunto, (my discouragements ha­ving been so great) had not the importu­nity of some Friends dealing much in that Manufacture, and my Zeal and Affection to the Trade and Commerce of this my Native Country, (which is at present solely maintained by the Woolen Manu­facture of it) raised my fears so far, as to believe a great Prejudice is coming upon us; and so far as to doubt also, that we may be hastning of it by those very Means, we would endeavour to prevent it.

And therefore I cannot, but, like the dumb Child, speak when he saw a Knife at his Fathers Throat; I mean when I con­sider the extremity we are like to be in, from the French Kings Vigilancy, and the endeavours that he hath of late used to acquire the making of the Woolen Ma­nufacture in his own Dominions, and what Artifices, and vast Expence, he doth use and is at, to effect his said Design, both in France, and by his Agents here in England, even at this very day, notwithstanding he is engaged in a War with so great a part of Europe; and if he doth this in the very midst of his Distractions, what will he not do? or, what may we not ex­pect hereafter, when he shall be at Peace with all his Neighbours?

[Page 7] And if the French King he designing by all ways and Means to under mine our Com­merce, and by it prejudice us in our Trade, and Strength by Sea, I may, I hope, be pardoned, if I am more than indiffe­rently concerned, or more than ordina­rily warm, to think, we should endeavour to perfect his Design by delivering up our Wool, the Foundation of so Rich a Ma­nufacture, into his hands; nor can we think hereafter to recover our Woollen Manufacture once lost, or to preserve the King's Customs or the Strength of this Kingdom, without it; for we must be ve­ry short-sighted if we understand not, that, after he hath supplied his own Coun­try, he will also supply other foreign Mar­kets (as already begun, which will appear by the Testimony of another hand which I shall add) to gain an advantage to him­self; for if he may (as he already does) break the Laws of Commerce, and lay what Impositions he pleaseth, upon our Cloth, &c. (yea prohibit the same) while we had a Peace with him, why may he not also lay what Imposition he please upon our Ships that may come near his Territories?

And when our Commerce is lost, and our Manufacture gone, and our Ships im­posed upon that shall pass the Seas, what shall be left to defend our selves from whatsoever he shall (for the Greatness of his Name) think fit to require of us?

Give me now leave to add the Testimo­ny of another person, who wrote upon this Subject about the year, 77, but came lately to my hands, Mr. Andrew Marvell; who observes, That the French, who were not long since at best but the Milliners of Europe, are now become, or pretend to be, the Cape-Mer­chants, and their King gives not only the Mode, but Garment to all Christendom, and the World puts it self into his Livery at their own Expences; well may We therefore com­plain of the Death rather than Deadness of our Manufacture, when from this Cause it receives such an Obstruction even to Suffoca­tion, when we are not only deprived of that general and gainful Vent that we had for­merly in France it self, but in all other places where we Traffick, we meet the French at every Town, and the Foreign Post brings News from all parts, that they come before us, and have undersold us in the same Commo­dities.

And to this Disease so Mortal, and which is beyond any private Men to remedy, we do more particularly contribute by those vast quantities of Wool, which are Transported to France, so that Calice is still no less our Staple, than when it was formerly under the English Dominion.

From the whole matter I then con­clude, (viz.) in the year 1677. That not only the Clothing Trade, but the very Interest of the Nation was at Stake, and in hazard to be utterly lost; which there was just cause to suspect would come to pass, if the same were not with Industry and Diligence prevented; and if this all would not move us, I thought it then im­pertinent to insist on lesser Arguments; upon which consideration I was then, as also before, prompted singly as an English-man, to use my utmost Endeavour and unwearied Diligence, to try what might be done, towards the finding out some Method, that might prevent the threatned Ruin, (by the French King) and that some good part of what is lost may be regain'd (and why not that Kingdom be under the English Government, as well as part of the Tithes of our King.) These endeavours being used in the two late Reigns, in which I drew up the Hill, [Page 8] and strove against the Stream, yet, it's visible, I did many a time stem the Tide, till huge Torrents came down upon me, yet I did nevertheless recover again, though with hard Rowing; and in the very last year of the late King, when Addressing his Majesty with some Clothiers of Exon and Taunton, in behalf of 200, that then kept 100000 poor people at work, com­plaining of the French prohibiting the English Woolen Manufacture; after that Discourse was over, the King then told me, That the French Em­bassador had complain'd, that I had di­sturbed the French King's Fishermen, I did return this Answer, that I owned the Charge, and was glad of the Season (for I had heard before of Complaints of that nature, made at the Treasury, and at the Custom-House, where I made my Defence, and prevented the said De­sign) to give his Majesty an Answer, I did confess, that I had disturbed them, by causing above 20 of them to be taken and condemned to his own use, for that they had broken the Laws, and came on shoar and fetched our Wool, that was the Fish­ing which was disturb'd; which I told his Majesty was the Foundation both of his Riches and Strength: and moreover I added, that had I not been greatly dis­couraged, those Gentlemen then present Addressing his Majesty, would not have had the occasion of giving him that trou­ble; this Relation is nothing but truth, the persons then present being my Witnesses.

I may without offence add, that the Sea­son of this Address was such, that his Maje­sty was then, in a quarter of an hour af­ter we came forth from his Presence, vi­sited by Father Peter, Sir Edward Hales, and Sir John Gage, that came to inter­cede for three persons then Prosecuted for Exporting of Wool to France, one of which was the then Mayor of Galloway, who confest a Judgment of 22000 l. and the Earl of Tyrconel wrote in his behalf, but the said King rejected the Motion; but the Matter was again endeavour'd at the Trea­ry, which I still watched, and put in Ca­veats, and prevented the design of his Discharge.

Now if I did go so far then, against the French Interest, shall I despond now in this Government, when not only Eng­land, but a great part of Europe, is in actual War with them? Now is the Sea­son, in this very thing, to Humble France, which if we let slip, it's very probable, there may never be the like Opportunity.

But after all, I suppose another Que­stion may arise; viz. How this may be done? I answer, though 'tis not in my power to do; yet to propose to such as can, I shall readily, as I have not omit­ted hitherto what lay in my power, in order to the compleating so great an Un­dertaking; but there are many things not so proper to be made publick, that may greatly contribute to the effecting so ne­cessary a Work; which I shall not only offer (with all Submission) when called thereto, but really and indeed put in practice when commanded; and there­fore desire to be excused from offering that to publick View, which may fur­nish French Agents with such Matter, as may render the whole abortive.

[Page 9] For tho' we have seen and too much felt the power of France, and that some persons are very apt to magnifie that Monarch, and yet the poverty of the gene­rality of that People with the Inland Countries being Depo­pulated by which a great scar­city of Corn have been the effect thereof, and the great loss in their Trade at present, ought a little to be considered to bal­lance their greatness.

And tho' we have too much cause to fear (but not despair) that we are in a languishing con­dition, yet when I have consi­dered how near Ireland was lost, I would in my greatest de­spondency entertain some hope for England also: Tho' 'tis the fear of some, and too justly that without more than ordi­nary skill to abate the power of France, all our endeavours to that end will prove Fruitless.

There was a time, and that not long since, when England alone was able to Bridle that Prince and hold the Reins, so as to be able to have turned about that Monarch as it pleased; but now we see that neither England, or Holland, or both with their uni­ted strength at Sea, nor all the Confederates at Land, can as yet give check to the Ambition of that aspiring King.

And altho' in England, we have formerly made several Acts to curb that Prince, and con­tinued two of them lately, which were ready to expire, yet the experience of the time past hath demonstrated that little hath been done, and as little may be ex­pected for the future, till those Acts are put into strict Executi­on, (without which they are dead and useless) which if we design to do, we must reasume that antient and generous Tem­per, that heretofore ran so freely, and did circulate in English Veins, which did preserve the liberty of free born English-Men, and not to suffer our selves to be impo­sed upon, and made Slaves to France, by our own folly, for if we expect to live by our Laws, as a free People, we ought to use the means to support them, by a strict Execution, and that cannot be well done, but by such persons, who will make it their Interest, as well as their duty to Execute the same, and also made capable of it.

And if our Predecessours, that were instrumental in procuring for us some of those great Privi­ledges, which we now enjoy, [Page 10] were short of that experience which we have since attain'd to, it should call upon us to consider what may be expected from us, who have arrived to greater knowledege, and have more and better Laws to assist us, for our preservation, and thereupon we ought to Improve our Pri­viledges as a free People, and to have attained many more and greater advantages, since the Reign of that Famous Queen Elizabeth, whose Ministers a­greed altogether against the common Enemy which was then the Spaniard, and tho' we have to our shame, lost many of those advantages, which was once in our hands, to have kept the French King lower, yet now if we were once true to our reall Interest we might give a great check, if not a turn to that Haugh­ty Prince, but then there must be a great change amongst us, for notwithstanding our present War with France, and the prohibiti­on of French Commodities, yet our general desire is for that which hath the name of France writ upon it (tho' we have al­ready paid and like to pay de­arer yet) wherein I need not descend to particulars; but in­cert one Parragraph out of Mr. James Whiston Discourse of Trade, Printed the last Year, (viz.)

But if there be a necesity that our Luxury must be indulged, there is nothing to that purpose that France could afford, which the Industry of our Friends and Confederates cannot supply us withal; having of late in their several Countries set up some Manufactors, which if the War continues, will be so Established, that neither we nor they shall ever stand in need of being beholding to France for them again, to the utter and Irreparable damage of that Kingdom. And thereby we shall vent greater quantities of our own Commodities in return for what we receive from them; whilst our Trade with France, did no­thing but furnish us with Trifles in lieu of those vast Sums of Ster­ling they have drawn from us. And though we shall in a great measure enrich several of our Con­federate Neighbours, as well as Advantage our selves, yet it will never put them into such a condi­tion of doing us hurt as our Trade with France hath done.

I will add another Parragrah out of the same Author, viz.

Where Trade is, there will be Imployment; where Imployment is, [Page 11] thither People will resort; and where People resort, there will be a Consumption of Commodities, and thereby the Publick Revenue will be raised: So that would we once make Trade flourish we need not doubt but People from all parts of the Glob, would resort hither to enjoy themselves, and improve their Stocks, which for­merly by reason of the Shackles upon Conscience, the continuance of which so long Depopulated this Nation, both by discouraging Inge­nious Persons from repairing hi­ther, and Cramping the Industry of others that remain by rendring them a prey to each other; which deadly wound did not end here, but Debauchery and Prophaness were encreased to such a degree, that the Nation was dissolved in Luxury, and Intemperance, whil'st the French had the wit to take the Advantage of our negligence, by Encouraging Industry and Com­merce; (which all the while we were labouring to overthrow and undervalue,) By which means, chiefly he is become so troublesome to us, and so dreadful to some of our Neighbours.

To stop this humour if we con­sider the many Millions France hath gained this way upon us, (as before alledged) we may observe that as Trade in general is in­troduced by rational Methods, so it ought to be supportod by the same means, and it should be so in this case, that as France hath gained upon us in our Trade, partly by stealth, and openly by imposing upon us, for the time past, so also we ought to consider the same for the future, and put no vallue upon their fancies, but more upon our substantial com­modities which are staple, cea­sing to Imitate their vain and wastful Fashions, for all other ways and means (were there a Peace) will be totally insignifi­cant to us, for that Prince will not be held in by any other ways, unless it be in that wherein his strength lyes, which is Trade, (as before in short hinted) for otherwise (Samson like) he will break all other tyes of humanity, &c. And we at length shall be made both poor and miserable and tho' there is nothing (speak­ing generally) more certain, than that most persons pursue those things wherein they sup­pose their interest doth consist, yet 'tis as true that many times they are apt to mistake the way to that Interest, and if so, its no marvel those measures are [Page 12] taken that tends to their great and inevitable prejudice.

That this is the case of too to many of our English Men in relation to France, woful Experi­ence proves, and nothing is more plain than matter of fact, for as France and England about Forty Years ago had an equal Trade, supposing in vallue two Millions of Pounds per Annum each from other, so it is as true that within those few last years (even before the War) the Trade of the English Woollen Manufactuary was prohibited in France, but the Importation of French Com­modities were rather more in­creased into England, that this is so is not to be denied, but how it is so, I shall endeavour (with submission) to demonstrate, but before I come to speak of that in general, would crave leave to be particular only in the County of Kent, where the great mis­chief is, and where I meet with the greatest opposition, whose People always pleads the loss to them by hindring the Exportation of Wool, I will therefore state the case thus, (viz.) That there was only Kent in England that did produce Wooll, and admit that there grows Yearly 6000 Packs, and admit to be worth 10 l. per Pack, which amounts to 60000 l. and supposing for Arguments sake, that if it were freely ex­ported (as desired by some) it would raise the price. 40 s. per Pack, which amounts to 12000 l. whereas if the said Wool was wholly Prohibited, and fully Manufactured in England, and supposing in Kent, and there ex­ported to France, and the same valued at 579999 l. in the par­ticular sorts (as I have elsewhere more enlarged,) before its put on Board, let us now therefore compare the profit and loss of this County of Kent, (viz.) The Wool with its supposed ad­vance vallued at 72000 l. and Manufactured to be vallued at 579999 l. so that the County of Kent would lose 502999 l. by that Trade: but I would come a little nearer to the Gen­tlemen in Kent, being owners of Wool by the Sea-side, and admitting for arguments sake, that the Land there would ad­vance 10 l. per cent, per Annm more then in other parts, and supposing that one Gentleman had in value two or 300 l. per Annum, by the Sea-side, and the same Gentleman had two or 3000 l. per Annum, in an Inland [Page 13] Country that depends upon Trade, and that for want of Trade those Rents were abated 20 l. per cent, I have no need to ask who was the loser; for what would it signifie to ad­vance 10 l. per cent, per Annum on the Lands by the Sea-side in Kent, in a small Farm, and lose 20 on the Lands in a great one in the Inland Country, but more especially when that loss we in England sustain by it, proves double the advantage to France, our Mortal Enemies Country, for thither principal if not only and to the French Kings Dominions our unwrought Wool is Transported; I would upon this accompt close this Parragraph, with the preamble of that Act made in the 14th Year of King Charles the II. Prohibi­ting the Exportation of Wool: (viz.) In these three respects, First for the setting on Work the Inhabitants of this Realm, Se­condly for the Improving the Na­tive Commodities of this Country, to its best fullest, and utmost use, and Thirdly that the advantage accruing hereby might redound, to the Subjects of this Kingdom, and not to the Subjects of For­reign Realms as hitherto, and as it would and otherwise must do.

Altho' I have formerly oft reflected and sometimes hinted at our mischiefs, for want of consideration, what is the true and real Intrest of England, and the necessity of putting those good Laws in Execution, and also repeated some part of Letters writ from some of our Merchants then living in Flanders; yet I would crave leave at this time, and in this place to in­cert one particular Letter that came to my hands in the Year 1670, Dated at Lile the 6th, of April, 1670. Informing us that they then gave out that they could make as good Manufacturs as ours, and that they were got into away of making a low sort of Cloth called Serge-Deberry, which comes as cheap as Northen Cloth, but made of English Wool, and that they had then made so much as to be able to Cloath a great number of their Army: And in another Letter from the same person, Dated the 5th, of March 1671, writing of the great quantities of Wool Impor­ted into the French Kings Do­minions, he adds unless some were made examples there would be con­tinual abuses; about which time I did prosecute some Offendors, and gave some stop to it as I [Page 14] had done three Years before, which is confir-med in the same Letter, (viz.) There is a City not Five Leagues form this, called Tourney, a place renowed for the making all sorts of Stockings of Wool, its not above Twenty Tears ago that they betook them selves to make the Worsted Hose a Trade, which in my minority was considerable▪ from London, its not above three years ago, that there was a scarcity of Kembed Wool here in this quarter of the Country, and several of those Stocking Merchants came here to buy some, I told them, that such severity was then used in England, as People were mad to adventure (which was the time I first be­gan to prevent it) which put the People of Tourney on a resolution to draw up a request to Monsieur Colbert, that he would make a defence of all English Manufacture, since they in England had put a stop to the Expertation of their Wool, to the great prejudice of the Manufacture of their City, after which those of this Town joyned with them, and so came a stop to the Trade which we enjoyed for some time, so that you can easily see how insensibly those Dover and Canterbury Trans­porters draw the Kingdoms hearts blood from them; I could add much more of the great benefit our Neighbours receive from it which proves an absolute ruine, but I guess you can as easily com­prehend my meaning, as if I had further enlarged: In a word, France rejects our Fabricks at this Day, presuming that they shall never want our Wool to make their own fantastick Fabricks, which are so variable, as puts a great stop to the Currant demand that used to be of our more solid Fabricks, for they will pretend to give the mcde to all the World, and so by this means in time all the World, will be dis­gust with our Fabricks, when by consequence they shall receive the mode from France, consider of this I pray that so there may be some speedy remedy; I shall hear take leave to repeat part of another Letter from the same person a little before mentioned, (viz.) Some of our English Men have the Reputation of betraying their Father for Two-pence, it's no marvel then that they will be­tray their Country; And as this was wrote to me above Twenty years ago, (which I also then Printed) so a late action which I saw my self, confirms the same temper in some English [Page 15] Clothiers, as well as others con­trary to the common Proverb) it's a sory Bird that defiles his own Nest, and being upon re­cord, and my self both an Eye and Ear witness to the main part thereof, I shall venture to relate the matter of Fact, and make some observations thereon, be­ing partly in my Post obliged thereunto: That as I have ob­served the Treachery, and false­ness of some of our English Men for the space of Twenty Years and upward, to contribute so much to the setting up the Wool­len Manufacture in France, by furnishing them with our Wool, so to discover the same Temper, hath visibly appeared, not only in some English Men, but also in Clothiers themselves, by coun­tenancing the Exportation of Fullers-Earth to Holland, to com­pleat their full Improving the Woollen Manufacture in that Country, who appeared, not only as witnesses to prove a Ne­gative (against many positive and substantial Witnesses) but rather acted like Soliciters, and Advocates for Holland, then for Englands Interest, at two several Tryals in the Exchequer, as also at several Committes of the House of Commons, the conse­quence of which must be wholly to destroy the English Woollen Manufacture, and consequently Trade it self, and to promote a Foreign Interest.

It may be looked upon as Monstrous, that any English Clothier should with so much Industry endeavour to ruin their own Trade, either for a Muint gain or private Friendship to any other person, and had not I been both an Eye and Ear Wit­ness, I should not, could not, nor durst I be so bold thus to charge any Man, but am so ten­der of Persons as not to name them, fearing the Poor People might pull down their Houses a­bout their Ears, when their po­verty is so great for want of Work.

Tho' this charge being in ge­neral as to persons, yet I shall adventure to be particular in the matter of Fact. (viz.)

There having been for some Years several parcels of ClayShipt off from England to Holland, in the name of Potters Clay, and some Years past, an Officer of the Customs made a seizure of a Vessel Loaden with it, as belie­ving it to be fulling Clay, but the said Officer being poor was not able to deal with the Pro­prietor, [Page 16] was forced to desist; and so it continued to be Ex­ported, till about the Month of January, 1692, There being three Vessels Loaden with the said Clay, and Ry-ding at Ancor in the River of Thames, and entred in the Custom House of London, to be Exported thence to Holland, as Potters Clay, but some of the Officers being jea­lous that it was Fulling Clay, or scowring Earth, made a stop of it, and it coming to the Ears of the Searcher, whose said Office it is to look after the same, it being as well Fellony in them to suffer it to be Ex­ported (if it were Fulling Clay,) as in the Exporter, which Offi­cers being as well Men of some Reputation as Experience in their Office (before any seizure was made to give the Merchant any needless trouble) caused Ex­periments to be made of the said Clay at several places and times, and found it to be a very good sort of Fulling Clay, upon which Experiments they caused the said Clay to be Landed, and put into their Majesties Seller, or Warehouse, and ordered the same to be laid in three distinct places, and then Exhibited an Information in the Court of Exchequer against the Merchant for one of the said Ships Load­ing, on the Statute of XII. Car. which makes the Forfeiture three Shillings in the Pound, (as it is Fellony by the XIV. of the same King, and the Officer is at Liberty to Prosecute up­on which Statute he pleaseth, but not on both;) and tho' the Forfeitures was so great, yet the Officers were so tender of ruin­ing the Merchant, that in case he would not continue Export­ing of it, they would not take the Advantage of the Forfeit­ures, but he declining that offer the said Officers did prepare for Tryal; and in order to have more Experiments made of it, I was amongst others desired to take a parcel thereof out of the Warehouse, which I did, and kept in my possession until I had made an Experiment of it in the Country, in the presence of about Ten Clothiers and Fullers, and found it to be better Earth for their use than any that those Clothiers or Fullers had used, upon which Experiments the said Officers brought it on to a Tryal in Hillary Term 1692, And notwithstand there were above Twenty Witnesses produced viva voce, and the [Page 17] Clothiers themselves (upon which the Experiments were made) were brought into Court, yet the Jury found it for the De­fendant, the coullor for the Verdict being, that tho' Skow­ring Earth was named in the Title, yet it was not in the body of the Act.

That after this Verdict the Clothiers that were then present Petitioned the Queen in Council to order a Second Tryal, upon another of the Ships Loading, and although there were several other Experiments made not only at the same Mills as be­fore, but also in more remote places, (viz.) In Somerset, Glo­cester, and Worcestershires; from which places Twenty seven Per­sons were then also produced, and the Cloths upon which the Experiments were made, not withstanding which, yet it had the same fate as the other Tryal had, the consequence of which will be very prejudicial not only in its self, but also in the seizures of Wool, and tho' those Officers were able to bear the charge of near three Hundred Pounds, yet its a great questi­on whether any others will be at such vast expence to adventure to run such risks, for uncer­tain gain (tho' it hath been fa­milliar to me) which will be very bad to the Nation in the end.

I shall say the less here upon this head, because I have en­larged upon it elsewhere, wherein also I have in short hinted some of the obstructions and oppositi­ons, I have met withal in this Affair, as those Officers have in this about Earth.

And tho' I am now growing Old, having spent almost Thirty Year, in the prime and strength of my time, (with much hazard cost and pains) and tho' in rea­son, I cannot expect my self to live and see its full effects, yet I hope to dye in the Faith that others may live to see England again flourish, and yet I would not omit any thing worthy of Imitation tho' in an Enemy, and therefore will relate one project of the French King▪ who hath within this Forty Years caused a Nursery of Young Oaks to be raised in a great part of Brittain that are now well grown for a Provision of Shipping against a­nother Generation, which piece of good Husband like policy does both softly call us thither to nip his future Ships in the bud (the same way to beat him at the [Page 18] Sea for hereafter), and loudly upbraids the neligence of us now in England, whose posterity must needs complain of this present Age, that contents its self not with the providence of our Pre­decessours, but are rather in a prodigal and careless way of de­stroying that which they took so much care and pains to E­rect.

And then another Advantage France hath over us is to en­courage Industry, and discourage the contrary (viz.) to pay well, and punish well, when as the contrary is toomuch in use at this time.

I dread to name my fears (if we are yet careless) if England that hath been so famous to all the World, should now be given up to ruin, and be a prey to the French King, and thereby a scorn and a by word to the World, by the Evil practices of its own Natives, whereas were we unanimoufly true to our real English Intrest against the com­mon Enemy, we need not fear all the World. But on the o­ther hand, if we persist in that careless way, (and prefer pri­vate Intrest) so much in use a­mongst us; what misery may be justly expected by us, when we are so insensible of that Train that hath been so long laying by the French King's In­trest, to blow up those good Foundations (which have been long laid by our Noble An­cestors) of all our English Li­berties, and Properties; or to expose us to a lingring Con­sumption, by a long and costly War.

Give me leave here to men­tion what those persons that are chiefly the Instruments of the great misery we are expo­sed unto, which consists of three sorts, (viz.) First, Such as are Pensioners to France; Secondly, Such as that nothing is valu­able with, or pleasing but French Modes (whose number is too great:) and Thirdly, Such who are employed to conveigh those Commodities from France, now at this time to England notwith­standing the War, which are all betrayers of their own Coun­try. And tho' this Treachery be pleasing to, and desirable by our Enemies (for which they may well laugh at us,) yet the parties so doing cannot but ex­pect to be hated by our very Enemies, even the French them­selves, of which we may observe something of the like in former [Page 19] times (viz.) In the Reign of King John: As that King had intrusted the Defence of the Famous Castle called Valle de Royal in France, (then under the English Government) to two of his Nobles, that he thought he had confidence in, yet those persons, when the French King Phillip set down before it, be­fore one Stone of the Castle was shaken, or any of their Men had lost the least hair of their Heads, they Dishonourably Surrendred the Fort; for which Treachery (tho so profitable to the Enemy yet) he commanded them to be Fetter'd in Chains, and basely intreated in close Prisons, till they had dearly redeem'd their Liberty. But on the other hand, in that story, 'tis pitty to omit an Instance of the Loyalty, Fi­delity, and Resolution, of the Lord Delacy, (Governor of ano­ther English Garrison in France) who having received of King John the Custody of that goodly Castle Rock Andley, did bravely bear of the Siege, and power of King Phillip of France, and his Host, almost a whole Year, yet they could never make entry upon them; but were repulsed with slaughter, till his Provision of Victuals being spent, he called his Souldiers together, encourag­ing them, that it was more noble for Souldiers to Dye Fighting than Famishing, and together with their own Lives, to Sacri­fice to their Countries Honor, the blood slaughtred Enemies. Whereupon fiercely Sallying forth with his Resolutes, after a blody shambles, made in the midst of his belegers; he was by Mul­titude over-born and taken. But in regard of his Exemplary Faith and prowess in maintaining his charge, he was by King Phillips express command (tho' an Ene­my) Honourably used, and with­out restraint of a Prison; yet this very King Phillip (just as Lewis now) shortly after used such In­struments to get other places; that he first corrupts them, that they might corrupt others to de­fection, with great rewards, and greater promises, that he might in time obtain the English Diadem from King John; (which was very near obtained at that time) in the mean-time go Roan, and so all Normondy, which had been in the hands of the English Kings, (viz.) King John and his Prede­cessours, about Two hundred Year; and no less Treacherously dealt Phillip the French King with them, when he caught them [Page 20] with the Trap of glossing prof­fers, causing without delay their Cities goodly Walls to be utter­ly demolished, and giving strict charge never to be built again: It may not be amiss to relate the occasion why Normondy was so soon lost to the French (and there­by afterwards Lewis Phillips Son to come here, as by and by more of Lewis) when King John had notice of the French Kings design on Normondy, he prepared a very great Army, and Ships accord­ingly to Transport them, and when ready to Embark, Hubert then Bishop of Canterbury (that he might faciliate the French Kings design) prevented that en­terprise, threatning Excommuni­cation from his Holiness at Rome, if he attemptsd it: The like have been by some others done, by hindring our attempts upon the French, when opportunities have been offered; but to return by King John's being hindred from going to France, and loosing so much expence here, and his In­trest in Normondy; by which means and his adhearing to Rome, the Barons War began, which gave opportunity for the French King Phillip to put in Execution what he did aim at before, (viz.) The Crown of England, and to that end his Son Lewis (being invited) came over with an Army, and after great destruction by that War, as King John was going from Lynn, in Norfolk to give Lewis Battle, as he was passing the washes in Lincoln-shire, with his Army in those Sands, all his Carridges, Treasure, and Pro­vision (himself and his Army hardly escaping) were Irrecover­ably lost; many likewise were the grievances into which the Barons the mean while were plunged, to see their Native Coun­try thus horribly Massacreed, their own Castles, and Possessi­ons ruined by the King, and which bred in them most Anxity their Faithful service (in their Faithless adherance) not so re­spected by Lewis as he and their foreruning hope had promised them, while he conferred only on his French, all such Territories and Castles, as the hand of Victory had lent him, but their distress were yet greater than those their jealousies could com­prehend, till a Noble French Man (Vicont de Modan) a Man of great esteem with Lewis, having his Soul in his Sickness deadly wounded with the Sin of his Health, desired private confer­ence on his Death-bed in London, [Page 21] with those English Barons, to whom Lewis had committed the Custody of that City, to whom he imparted, what lamentable desolations, and unsuspected ruines hung over their Heads; for that Lewis with sixteen other his chief Earls and Barons, where­of himself was one, (avowing it on the Salvation of his now de­parting Soul), had taken an Oath, if ever Englands Crown was set­led on his Head, to Condemn unto perpetual Exile, all such as now adhered to him against King John, as Traytors to their Sove­reign, and all their Kindred in the Land utterly to Extirpate. So Coucelling them timely to pre­vent their misery, which by the sudden Death of King John, and Crowning Henry the Third was accomplished, and then Lewis was forcest to be gone, which had not King John been taken away so soon, great misery had then befaln England.

I would upon this occasion crave leave to look back and con­sider how seasons and opportuni­ties, have been neglected to have given that common Enemy of mankind a very great check, and freed England from those losses, lately in our Turky Fleet, and and fears of more, who knows how things may be for the future, or who may hereafter call any thing their own, things are so uncertain whether we believe it or no; I wish I may be deceived in my fears.

I would upon this occasion (as being not Impertinent) recite a passage that the Turkish History affords us; (viz) That at the taking of Constantinople by Ma­homet the Great, at which time the Riches of the Conquered were no better then poverty, and beauty worse than deformity; but to speak of the hidden Trea­sure there found passeth credit. The Turks themselves wondering thereat, whereof if some part had in time been bestowed up­on the defence of the City, the Turkish King had not so easily taken both it and the City. But every Man (as now here) was careful how to encrease his own private wealth, few or none re­garding the publick state (its still our case) until in fine every Man with his private abundance, was wrapped together with his needy Neighbour, in the self same common misery; yet the security of the Constantinopolitans was such, that tho' being always environed with their Mortal Ene­mies, yet had they no care of [Page 22] Fortifying of so much as their inner Wall of the City, but suffered the Officers which had the charge of it to convert the greatest part of the Money into their own Purses, as appears by one Manuel Geogrius, a little be­fore a very poor Man, and like­wise by Neophilu an Officer, who had in a short time gathered together Seventy Thousand Florens, which becometh a wor­thy prey unto the greedy Turks.

Upon the whole matter I must conclude, that if our Intrest, and the Glory of our Nation be things of value, I humbly sub­mit to better Judgments, whe­ther the things before mentioned duly considered, and timely Im­proved be not the properest way to promote the one, and preserve the other.

If it be granted by the wisest of Lawyers, that a mischief is better than an Inconvenience, some Men ought (if ne­cessity requires it) to suffer, ra­ther than the whole Nation.

Supposing also that our Ma­nufactures, and the encouraging of it, is the main and chief (if not the sole and only Intrest of the Nation) then no Intrest be­sides can, or ought in reason to to stand in composition with it; which if it should, it is simply impossible, that either our Trade, and Navigation should be pre­served, which must and will certainly and effectually bring an utter destruction both to the Commerce, Strength, and Shiping of this Kingdom.

We have small reason to ex­pect our Neighbours (who are now our Rivals) should help us, or pitty us, when we do wilfully contribute to the ruine of our selves, and may (if we will) either prevent it, or easily remedy it.

And indeed if our all being at stake (I mean the very Intrest of the Nation it self) will not move us to alter our general Temper, I think it would be very Impertinent to insist upon lesser Arguments.

And therefore, though it would be for the Interest of the Nation greatly, to arrest this oc­casion (I mean the cheapness of Wool, and War with France) to beat out the French in their Foreign Trade, of our Manu­factures, and by underselling them at least abroad.

And though this might now more easily be done then ever, seeing our Manufacture is Im­proved of late Tears, in the [Page 23] goodness of it; and might soon (if we would not be wanting to our selves) be brought to an ab­solute perfection.

And though it be but equal and and just to forbid the Commodi­ties of France (had we Peace) who did refuse (before the War) to deal with us for our Woollen Manufa­ctures, or by Exorbitant, and Arbi­trary Impositions laid upon them, did in Effect Prohibit them; and though the doing of this, is but agreeable to the Rules of Justice, and to the Laws of Nations, and of Commerce.

Though also it cannot be denied, that it may be consistent with the publick Good of the Nation, to make sumptuary Laws, and to re­strain the Excess that is at present amongst us, yet I most humbly crave leave to say, That this is but like the taking much pains, to stop the Leaks of a Barrel, and let the Liquor run out of the Bung, while we neglect the main Foun­dation, viz, The Publick Interest and Benefit of the Common-Weal in general to promote any single and private Design.