Answer to the Arguments of Profit.

THe profits gained by Forrain Expeditions cannot be any wayes so truly esteemed, Profit of war. Expence of money, Mu­nition and men. as by setting down the expence of Mony, Men, and Munition, by which we have made purchase of them. I will therefore deliver as they fall in sequence all the Impositions, Taxes and Lones, whether by general Grant, or Praerogative power levied of the People; summing after up, as I go along the times of our Princes, the number of Men, Ships, and vast provisions of Victualls raised to supply the necessity & expence of War.

VVIlliam the Conquerour in the entrance of his government took of every Hide­land 12d, A summary of all the exactions upon this State from the Conquest to the end of the late Queen. a due of the Subjects to the Soveraign both before and since the Conquest. to defray such charge as either the defence of the Land from spoile, or the Sea from Piracy, should ex­pose the Prince to. It is called Dane-geld, Gelda Regis, or Hidage, and was sessed by the Hide or Plough-land, like to that Jugatio per jugera taxation by the acre in Rome, yet by no rate de­finite with this as with another Exaction, taken, as the Monk of S. Albans Ex Matth. Paris pag. 8. & 15. saith, sive per fas sive per nefas, by fair means or by foule. He passed over into France, into the list of charge he ranked the Bishops and Abbots, sessing upon them and at their charge a proportion of Soul­diers for his service, exiling many worthy men that opposed this thraldome.

William Rufus anno 7. William Ru­fus. set upon the heads of so many as he mustered up for the French wars 10. shil. a man, and so discharged them. In an. 9. he to the same end spoiled the Churches of their Ornaments and Holy vessels, and levied [Page 28] 4 Hidages of every Plough-land, Ex antiq. legibus An­glioe. Tributis Angliam non modo abradens, sed excorians, not only shaving, but even flaying England with his impositions; so that wearied with warre and expence, ne respirare potuit Anglia sub ipso suffoc [...]ta, England was quite stifled by him, and could not so much as breath.— Silius Ita­licus. Quid jam non Regibus ausum? Aut quid jam Regno restat Scelus?—What durst not Kings then do? What mischief could the Nation suffer more? in this Kings time.

Ex Hist. Gualt. Gisborn. Henry the first anno 5. magnam à Regno exegit Pecuniam, exacted a great summe of his Kingdome, with which the passed into France: and by this means Ex Hist. Mat. Paris. gravabatur terra Angliae oppressionibus multis, England was born down with many oppressions. Ex Hist. Mat. Westm. He took in the 10. year 6. shillings Danegeld. Ex Hist. Hen. Hun­ting. And in the 17. Quod inter eum & Regem Francorū magnū fuit dissidium, Anglia fuit variis depressa Exactionibus, & Bo­nis sine peccato spoliata, by means of the great difference betwixt him and the King of France, England was oppressed with divers exactions, & men spoild of their goods for no offence at all.

Of King Stephen there need no more then the words of the Monk of Gisborn, Stephen. Ex Hist. mon. Gisborn. Post an­num sextum Pax nulla, omnes partes terrebat violenta Praedatio, after the 6. year of his reign there was no quiet, but all parts of the land be­came a prey and spoil to violent men.

Henry the second, Henry 2. alluding not unlike to the Feoda given the Eremitae in the decline of the Empire, as Salaries by which they stood bound to defend the Frontiers against the Incursions of the Barbarous Nations, continued the Policy of his Progenitours, who allotted the land into [Page 29] such and so many equall protions, as might seem competent for supportation of a Knight or man at Armes; from whom (as occasion required) they received either service or contribution. This Tenure, now esteemed a Thraldome, began upon a voluntary and desired submission; for who from his gift would not of the Prince ac­cept land upon the like conditions, so it toucheth not the Soveraign as a wrong to the Subject, but as in right his own? And therefore respect­ing their first immediate dependency upon the Crown, which is a great part of the Kings Ho­nour, their duties and Escheats a great benefit, and their attendance by Tenure in warre at their own charge to the number of 60216 at the least, (for the Knights Fees in England are no lesse) a great ease, strength, and security to his State; for they are totidem Hostagia, so many Hostages, as Bracton saith; it were a thing peril­lous now to alter, after such a current of time & custome. This King to understand the better his own strength, publico praecepti edicto quod qui­libet Praelatus & Baro, quot Milites de eo tene­rent in Capite publicis suis instrumentis signifi­carent, he caused it to be proclaimed that every Prelate and Baron should notify by publick deed how many Knightships they held of him in capite. By this rule of Scutage, constant in the number, he levied alwayes his Subsidies and relief, though divers in the rate. Of the first, which was neare the beginning of his Reign, there is no record. The second Scutage, Ex Gervas. Dorobernen. anno 1159. which was anno 5. amounted to 124 millia li­brarum argenti, thousand pounds of silver; which reduced to the standard of our mony 5 shil. the ounce, whereas that was not five groats, will [Page 30] amount to near 400000l. An. 7. Ex lib. Rub. in Sccrio. Scutagiū fuit assessum ad duas Marcas pro Exercitu Tholosae, a Scutage was assessed 2 Marks for the army at Tholouse; w ^ch if summed up by the received num­ber of Knights Fees, being 60216 in the hands of the Layety onely, of our moneys cannot be lesse then 250000l. The like in the next year. In an. 11 Ex Gervas. Dorobernens. there was an Aid pro servientibus invenien­dis in exerciu, to find men to serve in the wars, of 2 ^d. de unaquaque libra in every pound. And 4. sequentibus annis de singulis libris sin­gulis denariis, in the four following yeares a penny in the pound was taken of all men, the estates of mens Fortunes being delivered upon their Oaths. In the 14. yeare a Scutage was assessed Rub. lib. in Sccrio. ad Marcam unam de singulis Feo­dis, one Mark on every Fee. And anno 18. Ex hist. Ros­sens. Scutagium pro quo libet Feodo, a Scutage for e­very Fee. A Tenth of all moveables was granted in the 35. of his Reign. In which year dying, 900 Ex hist. Mat Paris. millia librarum in auro & argento, prae­ter utensilia & jocalia reliquit, he left in mony 900000 pounds, besides Plate and Jewels.

Rub. liber in Sccrio. Richard the first in the beginning besides Scutagium Wallae assessum, Richard 1. a Scutage assessed upon Wales at 10. shil. levied as in the succour of the Holy Land a Subsidie out of all the Move­ables in the Realm to his own use; Ex hist. min. Math. Paris. Rub. libr. Et elee­mosynae titulo vitium Rapacitatis inclusit, cloa­king his ravenous extortion under the fair name of a pious almes. A contribution there was in the 6. yeare of 150 Ex hist. Walt. Coventr. millia marcarum argenti ad pondus Columniensium, 150000 marks of silver to pay his ransome: as also a Scutage assessed at 20 shil. In the Ex. Rog. Ho­ved. & Walt. Covent. 7. he im­posed for his warrs a contribution called Tene­mentale. [Page 31] Extremity (for by his waste and im­prisonment he had almost exhausted the wealth of the State) invented nova & varia praedandi vocabula, new and sundry words to expresse his exactions, as Tacitus Tacit. an­nal. 4. saith, of Centesima & Quinguage fima, an hundredth part and a fif­tieth part, (names that since have found rece­ption and use with us.) This was 2. shillings of every Plough-land from the Husbandman, and from the Gentry and Nobility the third part of their Military service. He inforced the Cistertian Monks Ex Joan. Eversden. to redeem the same yeare their woolls fine Pecuniaria, at a Fine. For his Army into Normandy Rub. lib. in Sccrio. he took a Scutage as­sessed at 20 shillings. Ex Walt. Coventr. And 4. years after of every Plough-land 5. shillings, and of every Borough and Ex Math. Paris. City duos palfridos & totidem summarios, 2. horses and as many summaryes; and of every Abbot half asmuch. Then loo­sing of purpose his great Seale, proclaimed that Ex charta origin. Omnes Chartae & Confirmationes novi Sigilli impressione roborarentur, all Charters and Assurances should be confirmed by the new Seal. Whereby anew he drew from all men a composition for their Liberties. This fashion was afterwards taken up by some of his Successours; as Ex hist. Mat. Paris pa. 209. of Henry the 3. when all again were enjoyned qui suis volebant liber­tatibus gaudere, as many as would enjoy their Liberties, ut innovarent Chartas suas de novo Regis Sigiilo, to renew their Charters from the Kings new Seal. Some reason Exhist. Rog. Hoveden. Richard had in the end to becoma a gatherer, that had not long before by accompt of Chancellour Hubert then Archbishop, spent infra blennium undecies centena millia Marcarum argenti de Regno [Page 32] Angliae, King John. within less then 2 yeares eleven hundred thousand Marks of silver current English money.

His brother Iohn succeeding Rad. Cog­shall & Rub. lib. in Sccrio. took in the first of his Reign a Scutage assessed at two Marks. Ex Rog. Hoveden. For the two next years 3 shil. of e­very Plough: Ex Math. Paris. and the year following, besides a Scutage as before, the 40. part of the Revenues of the Clergie and Layety. Lib. Rub. in Sccrio. In the 4. year hee took the like Scutage, and the Ex Math. Paris. seventh part of the moveable goods of the Baronage & Clergie. A Scutage assessed at 2 Marks Ex Lib. Rub. Sccrii. in an. 5. Ex Rad. Cogshall. The like in the 6. and 7. years 20 shil. Scutage; and the 13 part of Moveables aswell of the Church as Layety in the year following. In Ex Math. Paris. an. 9. he exacted by redemption of the Concubines of the Clergie a great summe: In the 11. Walt. Co­ventr. & Rad. Cogshall. extor sit tribu­tum grave, scil. 140 millia librarum à viris Ecclesiasticis, he extorted a great tribute, viz. 140000 pounds of the Church-men. And to fur­nish his Army, Ex Math. Paris. Clericorum Horrea invadit, he came upon the Barns of the Clergy. In Ex Rad. Cogshall. the 12. a Scutage assessed at two marks, besides an exa­ction Rub. lib. in Sccrio. of 22000l. from the Cistertians. He took Ex Rad. Cogshall & Rub. lib. in Sccrio. in the 13. year a Scutage assessed at 20 sh. pro excrcitu Walliae, for his Welsh Army; exact­ing Math. Paris hist. min. from the Ministers of the Church in the year following 40000 marks. Rub. lib. in Sccrio. And in the 16. year Scutagium assessum fuit pro exercitu Pictaviae ad 3 Marcas, a Scutage was assessed at 3 Marks so the Army in Poictou. Thus in the space of 17 years the State was delivered but thrice from Impositions.

In the time of Henry the third, Henry 3. Ex Rub. lib. in Sccrio & Joan. Evers­den. upon the Clergie, Nobility and Gentry there was asses­sed 15 Scutages; one at 10 shillings, two at 20, eight at two Marks, and 4. at 40 shillings [Page 33] the Knights Fee. Mat. Paris, & ex Rot. Claus. & fi­nium an. 12, 13, 15, & 19. Hen. 3. & ex lib. Chart. Cantuar. Episc. The land of the inferiour sort twice taxed; first at 2 shillings, after at half a Mark the Plough. Rot. Pat. anno 8. H. 3. And two Tallages upon the land of the Crown. Ex Tho. Walsingham, & Mat. Pa­ris. Claus. anno 19. H. 3. From out of the Lay Subjects moveable goods hath been taken 5 times: as the 40. the 30. 20. and 15. parts, Ex Mat. Westmonast. and once the 16. of the Clergie for this King. Ex statuto anno 4. c. l7. Dors. claus. anno 16. H. 3 & Eversden. A Tenth he 9. times imposed upon the Church: six times for a yeare onely, and by it self; once accompanied with the First-Fruits; once for 3. yeares; and once for 5. Ex lib. Can­tuar. Episc. Besides 2. Aides, the one moderate, the other called Ex Evers­den & Paris. gravis exactio, a heavy exaction, and worthily, if to the 800. Marks imposed upon Ex Mat. Paris & E­versden & Dors. claus. anno 16. H. 3. S. Edmunds Bury all the other Abberes were rated accordingly. Ex Walt. Gisborn. And by the accompt of Willihelmus de Midleton Rad. Ci­strensis, ex E­versden, Paris & lib. Chart. Cant. Archiep. anno 8. H. 6. he received in the time of his government de exitu Iudaismi 4020000l. And as in all the 56. yeares of his reign (excepting five) either the Church or Common-wealth were charged with contribution-money to relieve the expence of war; so were they grieved with other Exa­ctures, either for Cariages, or Victualls, or per­sonall attendance. In the 16. yeare the inha­bitants of Winchelsey were enjoyned Ex Joan. Eversden Pat. an. 3. E. 1. m. 26. ut pro­viderent decem bonus naves & magnas ad trans­fertandum in Pictaviam in servitium Regis, to provide ten good and stout ships for the Kings service in Poictou. Rot. claus. an. 26. Henr. 3. And at another time 20. Dunwich and Ipswich 5. a piece, and the Ports proportionable, all at their own charge. In the same yeare Ex H. Mat. Par. p. 517. and for the same service there was transported 10000 quart. of wheat, 5000 of oates, and many Bacons. The Church not for­born [Page 34] in those charges: For from Winche­ster Ex Rot. lib. anno 26. H. 3. 2000 quarters of Wheat and Oates, and 1000 of Bacons was taken. Ex Hist. Mat. Paris. The other Bi­shops and Clergie bearing their parts of vi­ctualls in the like Exactions, coming— ut unda supervenit undae: ac si esset Anglia puteus inex­haustus, as wave follows wave, as if England were a pit never to be drawn dry. Dors. claus. anno 14. H. 3. n. 8. & claus. 12. He. 3. m. 2. In the 12. and 14. the King levieth Souldiers for his wars beyond Sea, collecting pro Exercitu suo de sin­gulis duabus Hidis cur. upon every two Hides so much for his Army, and to bring secum vi­ctualia victualls with them: and those for whose service the King dispenced, et quos Rex vult remanere in partibus suis, and such as he pleased should continue at home, to contribute victuals to those that went for 40. dayes: commanding the Sheriffs Claus. an. 14 H. 3. n. 7. to sweare all ad Arma qui post eum remanebant in Anglia, in forma qua jurati fuerant tempore Ioannis Pa­tris sui, to Armes, who stayed behind him in England, after the manner they were sworn in the time of King Iohn his father; by which Or­dinance of King Iohn all able Subjects from Youth to decrepite Age were bound to arme themselves, and be in continuall readiness Claus. an. 16 H. 3. m. 11. à sero usque ad mane from night to morning, (for so the Record is) to attend the Kings pleasure. And therefore Henry the third in anno 14. Claus. an. 14. H. 3. m. 9. mandavit Vicecomitibus quod venire faciant ad excercitum Regis homines juratos ad fer­rum, commanded the Sheriffs to send all those to his Army who had been so sworn, bringing with them Loricas, Habergiones, &c. Coats of Maile, Habergeons, &c. And to such as negle­cted this service he sent his Writs, reprehending [Page 35] them at first, Claus. in Dorso, an. 15. Hen. 3. Jurgatorie e quòd, &c. tartly for that, &c. and after fining them according to their abilities and Tenures. Taking Rot. finium 26. H. 3. m. 4. an. 26. of Willihelm. de Umfrevile pro quietatione pas­sagii, for the securing of his passage into Gas­coign 100 Marks; and so in proportion of many others.

Edward the first exacted from the land of his Subjects 4. Edward 1. times Scutage, assessed every time at 40. shillings the Knights Fee. And once an Aide called Auxilium novum, a new Aide, which he farmed out for ready money. Of the Rents of the Clergie he took a Tenth part twice for one yeare, and once for six; and the 20. part twice from both the Provinces, and once for two yeares from Canterbury only.

The possessions of the Priors Aliens he seized once into his own hands, putting the Monks to a bare Pension of 18. pence a week. Of the goods of the Clergie he took the 30. the 15. and the 5. part once, the Moietie three times, and the Tenth seven times; whereof the Grant was first for two yeares, and then for three yeares, and once for six yeares. Rot. Pat. anno 25. E. 1. m. 3. sced. Of the goods of the Commons the 8. the 9. and the 12. part he took once, twice severally the 10. and 11. the Sessors being sworn to levy and rate truly. Three times he had the 15. part, and once the moiety of a 15. From the Clergie and Laietie together the King had granted of their Moveables a 10. a 15. and a 30, part. Of the Cities and Bo­roughs, besides a great Loan, once the 7. and 8. and twice the 6. part. From the Merchants a 20. and a 7. portion once of their Commodities; imposing a new Custome of a Noble upon every Sack of Wooll which he let out to Farm. And [Page 36] under pretence of some breach of Amity with those parts whether his Merchants traded, he seized anno 22. Rot. Vascon. anno 22. E. 1. m. 8. all the Woolls into his hands, and made of them instant Sale to the best value, leaving them upon security to a short price and a long day of payment. He took Ex Rot. Vasco. an. 22. E. 1. m. 17. the same yeare, to the distaste of the Pope and murmure of the Clergie, all the money gathered in sub si­dium Terrae Sanctae, for the succour of the Holy Land, to furnish his Journeyes. Upon the per­sons of his Subjects he imposed one Tallage, Ex Rot. Vas. an. 22. E. 1. sessed either in communi in generall, or per capita by the Poll. And twice the like upon the Iews: whereof the one amounted to 50000 Marks. Neither were his people by continuall payment (for there was but one yeare of inter­mission all his Reign) freed from attendance in their Persons. For in record there appeareth plentifully his writs to the Sheriffes: as Rot. Pat. anno 31. E. 1. an. 31. de poditibus eligendis de tota Anglia, for the chusing of foot-Souldiers throughout all En­gland; and to be found and furnished by their severall Countryes: calling Ex Hist. Joan. Evers­den. his Earls, Barons and Knights to personall service according to their Tenures.

His Son the second Edward assessed upon the lands of his Subjects twice Scutage; Edward 2. once at two Marks, & once at 40. sh. the Knights Fee. From the Revenues of the Clergie rated by the book of Tenths, he at distinct times took 4 ^d. 5 ^d. and 12 ^d. in the Mark; and once the 15. part of the whole. From the goods of the Clergie a Tenth for three yeares. And twice Claus. an 8. E. 2. m. 9. a Loan from the Abbots and Bishops. From the Layetie (besides a Tallage of their Moveables) in Cities and Boroughs once a Tenth, twice a 15. and twice a [Page 37] 20. part of their goods. Besides a Loan from the Commons, and 10. shillings borrowed up­on every Sack of Wooll from Merchant Strangers, and a Noble from others. Claus. 16. E. 2. Claus. anno 12. E. 2. From the Clergy and Layetie together of their goods a Tenth, a 15. and twice an 18. part, besides a Loane. He augmented his fathers new Cu­stome with an Imposition of a Noble more up­on every Sack of Wool. And anno 10. Ex memor. Sccii. an. 10. E. 2. ex parte Rem. Thesaur. quia exitus Regni sui & terrarum, because the profits of his Realm and dominions elsewhere, toge­ther with all the money granted by the Church and Layetie, ad sumptus Belli sufficere noluit, was not enough to defray the charges of his wars, and that he must infinitam pecuniam ef­fundere, spend a vast deal of mony; he sesseth and increaseth an Imposition upon all Commo­dities inward and outward to an extreme Rate; and caused the Commons in every Shire to lay down money in deposito to pay his Souldiers; and took from the Nobility and Gentry a large con­tribution towards his wars; and seized Rot. Vascon. anno 22. E. 2. m. 13. in sced. omnes Lanas & Coria Mercatorum, data securitate Possessoribus derationabili pretio postea solven­do, All the Woolls and Hides of the Merchants, giving security to the Owners that a reasonable price should be paid for them afterwards. He charged the Ports and Sea-Townes 12. severall yeares ad costos suos & sumptibus villarum, at their own costs, and the charge of the Vil­lages about them, (as the Record saith) to set to Sea in his service Ships furnished Armis & victualibus, with Armes and Victualls; some­times for one month, as anno 11. Rot. Scot. anno 11. m. 17 sometimes for 4. as Rot. Scot. anno 12. m. 8. 12. and sometimes for 7. as anno Rot. Pat. anno 4. E. 2. 4. the number of Ships more or lesse as occasion [Page 38] required. In an. 17. Dors. Claus. anno 17. E. 2 m. 11. Southampton was char­ged with six, and 118. Sea-Towns more with rateable proportions for the Kings service. Sometimes, as anno 18. Claus. anno 38. m. 34. embarguing all the Ships in any Port that were of forty Tunnes or upwards, or of 50. Tunnes and upward, as an. 20. Ex Rot. Vas­con. m. 29. contra hostiles aggressus Gallorum, a­gainst the hostile attempts of the French. Cau­sing the town of Southampton anno 6. Claus. an. 6. E. 2. to build a Galley for himself of 120. Oares. Command­ing all the Sheriffes for provision of Victuall, as anno Rot. Scot. anno 1, 2, 3. m. 10. & an. 4 m. 5. & an. 9. & Rot. pat. anno 10. m. 12 1, 2, 3, 4, 9. to provide de Exitibus Co­mitatuum certum pretium, at the charge of the County a certain Rate, to the proportion some­times of 30500 Quarters of Corn and many Bacons, as anno 16. Rot. Pat. an. 16. m. 3. and to send them to the Kings Army. As also Rot. Scotiae anno 8. m. 9. Carrecta & Carra cum Equis & Bobus, Carts and Waggons with Oxen and Horses out of the Countyes severally for the use of war. Sometimes he made the Ports to send provision themselves, as anno 7. Rot. Scot. Dorso, anno 7. m. 8. and not to suffer any Ships with victualls Dorso claus. anno 16. m. 3. ibidem discariari, to be there unladed, but to order them by security for those parts where the Kings Army was lodged.

And not sparing the Church, exacted Rot. Scotiae anno 1, 2, 3. m. 8. his three first yeares Frumenta & alia victualia pro exercitu suo, Corn and other Victualls for his Army from them.

Besides the former Charges, the Persons of Men, aswell of the Nobility as meaner rank, were at their own Charge often enjoyned to serve by reason of the wars. Rot. Scotiae anno 8. E. 2. Dors. claus. anno 9. As in 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. and 16. Claus. an. 16 E. 2. of this King, when they were called singulatim man by man, aswell Wi­dowes as Knights Ex Dors. claus. 7. E. 2 m. 7. and Noblemen, and such as [Page 39] held 40. l. land according to their Tenures, Claus. an. 16. m. 20. sub forisfactura terrarum & Catallorum E­quis & Armis, sumptibus propriis, to appear with Horse and Armes, at their own charge, under penalty of forfeiting their Lands and Chattels; & to provide de hominibus ad Arma ultra famulos suos consuetos, men for the ser­vice besides their ordinary Servants: according to Augustus Ex Pater­culo de Aug. rule, Viri Foeminaeque ex Censu coactae dare Militem, both men and women were forced to find their Souldiers. And of this the Clergie was not exempted Claus. an. 16. m. 11. & cla. an. 15. m. 19. anno 16. of this King. And out of every town one sumptibus propriis, at their own charges, for 40. dayes, as anno 15. 1. or for 60. as anno 9. 1. or pro 7. Se­ptimanis for 7. weeks, as anno 4. Rot. Scotiae anno 3. E. 2. m. 8. Dorso. Sometimes 1000. in one Countrey, as anno 3. Rot. Scotiae an. 11. m. 16. Sometimes an entire Army of 18300. an. 11. and Rot. Pat. an. 15. m. 19. 48800. at the charge of all the Countyes anno 15. Rot. Scotiae anno 12. m. 13 London sumptibus Civitatis at the Cities charge, found 500. men for 40. dayes anno 12. Claus. an. 18 m. 13. and the like anno 18. contra insultus Regis Franciae, against the invasions of the King of France. Rot. Pat. an. 16. m. 27. The King commanded anno the 16. that all of 40. shil. land & upwards should rate­ably send to his service men; Rot. Pat. anno 9. m. 22. Dors. Cla. 10. m. 26. claus. anno 15. m. 13 Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 27 And annis 9. 10, 15, and 16. that all jurati adarma, sworn to Armes, or from 16. to 60. secundum Statu­tum Wincestriae, according to the Statute of Winchester, should attend their Services. Rot. Scotiae anno 13. m. 2. And anno 13. injoined all from 20. to 60. to be armed and victualled at their own charge. Dors claus. anno. 6. m. 28. Rot. Scotiae anno 7. m. 2. claus. anno 8. m. 30. claus. an. 16. m. 12. Rot. Scotiae anno 12. m. 6. Rot. Pat. anno 18. m. 21. And commanded the Sheriffs annis 6. 7. 8. 12. 16. and 18. to see all the able men of En­gland so furnished, that Parati sint & muniti [Page 40] ad veniendum ad Regem quando vocati fuerint, they should be provided and in a readiness to march to the King when he should call them, their weapons to be provided ad sumptus Inco­larum, at the charge of their neighbour dwel­lers; and themselves enjoyned to muster and train every six weeks. If any neglected his ap­pointed service, there was sent ot the Sheriff Rot. claus. anno 15. E. 2. m. 14. Rot. finium: anno 15. m. 16 a writ de habendo illos coram concilio, qui prae­moniti non venerunt in expeditione Regis, to bring them before the Councel, who knowing of it before, refused the expedition, as anno 15. 1. the parties imprisoned, and their goods seized into the Kings hands, as Rot. claus. anno 9. Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 12 anno 9. et 16. or else redemption by fine, as the Rot. claus. anno 15. m. 19 Sheriffes of Buc­kingham and Bedford did their men for 600. Marks anno 15. The owner of 40. shillings land to redeem his first default Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 2. m. 1. cum tertia parte Bonorum, with the 3. part of his Goods; the second, cum tota residua, with the remaining parts; at the third, sint Corpora eorum ad volun­tatem Regis, their Bodies to be at the Kings disposall; and of Knights, qui non fuerunt in exercitu Regis, 20. l. de qualibet Hida, which were not in the Kings Army, 20. l. for every Hide, as Claus. an. 13 m. 20. anno 13.

I have the longer insisted upon this King, that tanquam in speculo, as in a glass we may be­hold the intolerable miseries of the Nobility and Commons inseparably accompanying the times of war.

Edward the third charged Pat. an. 48. E. 3. m. 10. the lands of his Subjects twice 40. Edward 3. shillings of every Knights Fee; and 5. l. 16. shillings of every Parish in the 48. yeare of his Reign. Out of the Goods of the Commons he took once the 9. part, and 15 ^th. [Page 41] of Forest and Wast; twice the tenth, thirteen times a fifteenth for one yeare, and twice for three yeares: and once the 20. part of all move­ables, and 30000. Sacks of Wooll upon con­ditions. Of the Boroughs and Cities, 4. Tenths, and one for three yeares. From the Lords the tenth Sheaf, Lambe, and Fliece: who with the Bishops and Knights grant 20000. Sacks of Wooll for payment of the Kings debts, giving in the interim security themselves by Bond to the Earle of Brittain, to whom their Soveraign stood ingaged. Of the Clergy alone one Tenth for 4. yeares, three for three yeares, and one for one yeare. Besides a Contribution in the 12. of his Reign, seizing in the same yeare all the Goods of the Cluny and Cistertian Monks. Of the Church and Laiety together he received 6. times the 10. of all their Moveables. From the Merchants and State a Subsidy of Wool for 3. yeares. Imposing anno 33. 26. shil. 8 ^d. upon every Sack transported: which doubled the Impositions of his Father and Grandfather. Advancing it after for 6. yeares to 40. shillings; and in an. 38. (being the yeare he resumed his Stile of France,) to 46. shillings 4 ^d. the Sack of Wooll. Taking Poundage 6 ^d. of all Com­modities inward and outward, and enjoyning the Marchants for every Sampler of Wooll transported to return in 40. shillings Bullion to his Minte. Ex Rot. Al­man. an. 12. m. 17. Himself becoming Merchant of all the Tinne in Devonshire and Cornwall anno 12. in auxilium supportationis onerum Belli, to help him bear the burthen of his wars: assessing upon the heads of his Subjects a fine of 4 ^d. severally anno 51. Besides in Claus. an. 20 E. 3. m. 22. in dorso. anno 20. he took a Loane of the Bishops, Abbots, Justices, [Page 42] et aliis potentioribus Regni, de diversis pe­cuniarum Summis inter Summas de 1000. l. & 40. l. and other wealthy men of his Realm, in several summes of mony, betwixt the summes of 1000. l. and 40. l.

In the first of his Reign Claus. an. 1. E. 3. Rot. Sco. anno 1. E. 3. he commandeth all the Sea-towns to attend with Ships his service, sumptibus propriis & duplici Esk [...]ppamento, at their own proper charge, and with double Skippage, and to provide as many as they can of 60. Tun and upwards. And the yeare fol­lowing Claus. an. 2. E. 3. layeth the like charge upon 76. Port-Townes for all Ships of 40. Tunne and more. And anno 10. Claus. an. 10 the like at their own charge, besides a contribution of mony, Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 9. & Rot. Alman. an. 12. m. 12. for payment whereof the Officers are commanded, ut eas per districtiones & alias punitiones prout expe­dire viderint compellent, to force it by distrain­ing, and what other punishments they shall find expedient. Injoyning such Merchants of London, qui ex transmarinis passagiis lucra adquirunt, who had traffick in forreign parts, to furnish Ships for war at their own Charge. Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 3. m. 15. And anno the thirteenth the Cinque-Ports set out to sea 30. Ships, and maintain them during the service, half at their own, half at the Coun­cells charge. Fourscore Ships being furnished & defrayed by the Out-Ports, the Admirall dire­cted to embargue all other Ships for the Kings service. Rot. Scotiae anno 10. E. 3. And although the Subject found this an infinite grievance, yet could he (upon humble complaint in Parliament) receive no further relief, then that the King would not have it otherwise then before. Rot. Alman. anno 1. E. 3. m. 2.

For Provision of his Armes, the King took at one time, and at a rate of losse to the Subject, [Page 43] 19000. quarters of Grain, 2200. Oxen salted, & 3000. Bacons; besides of other Provisions an in­finite quantity. Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 17 The like very frequent all his Reign, pro guerris necessariis, ubi id magis com­mode fieri poterat, for the necessities of his wars, where it could be done with more conveniency.

The Persons of all his meaner Subjects from 16. to 60. he causeth Rot. Scotiae anno 1. m. 2. to be armed in readiness ad praemonitionem 5. dierum, at 5. dayes war­ning; the Decrepite to contribute ad expensa praemissorum, towards the expenses of the rest: and to arrest the Bodies of the disobedient, that de ipsis tanquam de inimicis sumat vindictam, they might be dealt withall as enemies. Rot. Scotiae anno 1. The Gentry and Nobility supplying the King in his wars, and at their own Charge, Parla. an. 13 E. 3. Parla. anno 14. E. 3. sometimes with 7. or 800. men at Armes, and 2. or 3000 Archers, as anno 13. with other proportions at divers yeares following. And the Bishops or­dered Rot. Franc. anno 46. to furnish Armis & Equis competentibus, serviceable Armes and Horses, so many as oc­casion required: and their Persons (together with the Laye Nobility) commanded Claus. an. 1. E. 3. m. 1. quod sint parati Equis & Armis & toto servitio debito, with Horse and Armes and all necessary accoutrements to attend the King in his wars.

These wars (which as Edward the third pro­fesseth himself in Parliament, Parl. an. 22. E. 3. n. 9. could not with­out his great danger and losse of Honour be maintained, unlesse by perpetuall Aide from the Subjects) were so grievous to them, that in anno 22. they complain in Parliament of the miseries they underwent thereby: As of their Aides advanced to 40. shillings Fine, that by law should be but 20. shil. Their setting forth of men, and the Kings taking of their Victualls [Page 44] without payment; The Sea left to the charge of their keeping, and from their woolls by way of Subsidy 60000. l. yearly exacted without Law; besides the lending of 2000. Sacks, and them­selves restrained from transporting any. But such was the Necessity of these times, that nei­ther they had redresse of their Complaint, nor the State one yeare discharged of Contribution all his Reign.

Richard succeeding his Grandfather decla­reth both Parl. an. 2. & 14. Rot. 2. n. 8. anno 2. Richard 2. and 14. that the great Wars he was left in, and the Territories he inherited beyond Sea could not be maintained, except the Subject of this Realm gave supply of means thereto. He therefore of the Clergie and Laiety took once the tenth of all their lands, and thrice of the goods of the Commons the like entirely, and six times the half, twelve times a fifteenth, and six times the Moiety: And had anno 21. granted one Tenth to him, and a 15. and a half of either of them yearly for term of life. From out the Boroughs and Cities thrice a full Tenth, and once a Moiety. Out of the Merchandises he received three years 6 ^d. In the pound, and once twelve pence. And for every Tunne of Wine, and such Commodities, for 2. yeares 6 ^d. doubling it for as many, and trebling it for three yeares after. The Custome of Woolls, &c. by Edward the first rated at a Noble the Sack, and under his son increased as much more, was to this King advanced to 22. shil. 8 ^d. which singly for 8 yeares he had granted unto him, besides once for 3. yeares, and once for 4. having it after im­proved to 34. shil. 4 ^d. and again to 43. shil. 4 ^d. the Sack. The summe of one of these Subsidies in anno 14. amounted to 160000. l. From out [Page 45] of the goods of the Clergie he had 8. Tenths and a half; and one out of those and the Laiety together; besides a Loan anno 5. of 60000. l. By the poll or heads of all his people from a­bove 15. yeares, he collected twice a Contri­bution, assessed proportionall from the Begger to the Duke: Besides in strength of Praerogative only, of every Ship and Fisherman 6 ^d. the Tun: the like of Newcastle Coals, and of every Last of Corn inwards or outwards the like Summe.

To furnish his journey for Ireland he took their Horses, Armour, Cattell. Rot. Pat. anno 2. R. [...]. m. 3. Hinc factus est suis Subditis invisus, Hereupon he came to be hated by his People, saith the Bishop of London. And so it seemed: For at his deposing, it was one of the objected Articles against him.

He the first yeare of his Reign imposed upon his Subjects, as formerly his Ancestours had done, a personall service ab anno primo, That all the Clergy should array Armis & Equis competentibus, with serviceable Horses and Armes, from the age of 16. to 60. et eos in Mil­lenis & Centenis poni faciant, and cause them to be entred into Regiments and Companyes. And two yeares after commanded all accor­ding to their Tenures by service to fit themselves Equis & Armis, with Horse and Armes to at­tend the wars. But these the courses of elder times were about this time much altered, and the King for the most part ever supplied in his wars by contract with the Nobility and Gentry, to serve him with so many men, and so long, and at such a rate as he and they by Indenture accorded; of which there are in the Pell plenty yet remaining. Thus under grievous burdens [Page 46] did the State labour continually all his time; for his Treasury being wastfully emptied, was, as Tacitus saith of Tiberius, Tacit. lib. 2. Scelere replen­dum, to be filled some ill way; by which he meant intolerable racking of the people. Hence was it that often in this Kings time Rot. Parl. annis 3, 4, & 5. R. 2. the Sub­jects humbly beg some ease of the insupportable Tallages.

But he little regarding the tears or groans of his heartlesse People, answered them as an. 4. That their Petition and his Honour could not consist together. Rot. Parl. anno. 1. H. 4. n. 32. They again plead extreme poverty, in barre of further relief; complaining that good mony was transported, and the State enforced to use base; and that the price of Wooll by warrs (to their utter impoverishing) was fallen, and that the Kings want was onely the ill government of his Revenues; and therefore crave to have his present Officers removed: and very hardly would be drawn any more to taxe themselves, but conditionally, and with this Limitation, That their mony should be received, expended, and accompted for to themselves, and by Treasurers of their own election; and are content to lend in the end; loading this poor Kings dejected Fortune with the reproachfull weight of these their many Burthens.

Henry the fourth in 13. Henry 4. yeares out of the land of his people received twice relief; once auxilia de medietate Feodorum, an Aide of the Moiety of the Fees, and again a Noble out of every 20. l. throughout all the Realm. Out of the Goods of the Commons 4 times a Tenth, besides one for 3. yeares, and the like one and a half for 2. By severall grants and yeares five Fifteens, besides one for 2. and one for 3. yeares. Out of Staple [Page 47] Commodities of Wooll, Fells, &c. one Sub­sidy for one yeare, foure for two apiece, and one for 3. yeares. A Poundage at 8 ^d. once, four times 12 ^d. whereof the last was for 2. yeares. The like number and yeares of the Tunnage, the first onely rated at 2. shil. the rest at 3. shil. the Tun. Out of the Moveables of the Clergie thrice a Tenth, and twice a Moiety; as also of every stipendary Minister, Frier, and such man­ner persons 6. shil. 8 ^d. apiece. Besides all these of all he took an. 8. a Hist. Tho. VValsingham Contribution ita gravis, so heavy, that it was granted ea conditione, ne trahatur in Exemplum, & ut Evidentiae post datum Computum cremarentur, upon this con­dition, that it should not be made an Example to following times, and that after the Account the Evidences should be burnt.

Next his succeeded his Son the 5. Henry 5. Henry; in whose 9. yeares Reign I find no charge impo­sed upon the Land of the Subjects. Out of the Goods of the Commons he received 6. times the 10. and the 15. entirely, and once two thirds onely of Staple wares; a Subsidy once for 4. yeares, and after for life: three shillings Tunnage, and 12 ^d. Poundage for the like terms as the former Subsidies. Thrice he had the Tenth of his Clergie. And in the eighth of his Reign, when the Chancellour bewailed to him in Par­liament the Feeblenesse and Poverty of the People by reason of wars and scarcity of mony, he (who of as many attempts as he undertook, totidem fecit Monumenta victoriae, raised him­self so many Monuments of Victory,) yet for redresse and ease of those miseries (as Livy saith of an excellent Souldier) Pacem voluit etiam quia vincere potuit, he preferred Peace [Page 48] because he knew he could overcome. And left in the 9. yeare of his Reign a peaceable succes­sion and Heire, Henry 6. nimium felix malo suo, too happy to his own undoing, as the event proved. For retaining nothing ex paterna Majestate praeter speciem nominis, of his Father's Great­ness more then the specious Name of a Great King, by Fear and Facility he laid the way open to his Factious Ambitious kindred, to work themselves into popular Favour, and himself into Contempt: which was soon done by leading the easy King by Expence into Ex­tremity. For besides the Resumptions he took of his own and Fathers Grants, (which was of purpose plotted to make a consumption of Duty and Affection towards him) he out of the old inheritance of his Subjects exacted 6 ^d. in the pound anno 14. and doubled twice that valua­tion, not onely on all lands purchased from the entrance of Edward the first, but of all Free-hold and Coppy-hold under 200. l. and two in twenty of all above. He further imposed first 6. shil. 8 ^d. and then 20. shil. upon every Knights Fee. Out of the goods of the Commons he had 6. Tenths, whereof one for 3. yeares, besides 3. Moieties, and one third; of fifteens 3. halfs, one third, and eight entire, of which there was of two a 3 yeares grant. Besides these former, out of the woolls he had 37107 l. raised by a Moie­ty of a 10 ^th. and 15 ^th. and again of all goods 6. shil. 8 ^d. in the pound. Of the Merchant of Subsidies rated as in former times, he had then by grant once but for a yeare; trebled for three and a half. This Subsidy advanced to 33. shil. 4 ^d. of Denisons, and 53. shil. 4 ^d. of Aliens. The Sack of Wooll was twice granted for 4. years [Page 49] at a time, and an. 31. for term of the Kings life. Besides a Subsidy alone of Aliens goods, Ton­nage and Poundage improved to six shillings 8 ^d. he took in his 18. yeares. And after the Rates of his Fathers time he had it first thrice by his severall grants and yeares, then as often for two yeares, and again by a new grant for 5. yeares, and in the end for term of his life. Of the Clergy he had besides one half of Dismes, 4. entire Tenths. And by the State in generall anno 31. 2000. Archers maintained for half a yeare at the common Charge. By the Poll he exacted anno 18. of every Merchant Stranger if a householder 16. shillings a piece, if none 6 ^d. And anno 27. 6. shillings 8 ^d. every such stranger, and 20 ^d. of their Clerks. An. 13. he had granted for term of life ten pounds a year of all Inhabitants mere Aliens, and a third lesse of Denizons, and 20 shil. of every Stranger Merchant that came into the land▪ The first Monopolies I find were grounded upon the ex­tremities of these times; Nota First monopolies. for in anno 29. the Spi­nellos, Merchants of Genua, had by grant for 8000. l. the sole Trade of many Staple-Com­modities. As the Merchants of Southampton had all Allome for the like summe. Yet for all the Contributions, Taxes and Shifts, (whereby the impoverished People were enforced to petition redresse; for which a Parliament was anno 10. summoned onely,) the Kings Coffers were so empty, and the yearly Revenues so short, as the Lord Treasurer was constrained Rot. Parl. an. 11. H. 6. an. 11. to complain in Parliament of the one, and decla­red there the other to want 35000. l. of the needfull expence, as the best motive to work a Relief from the Common-wealth: which was [Page 50] by the people in part effected. Rot. Parl. an. 18. Hen. 6. n. 38. But by an. 18. the debts were swoln again so great, that the Parliament was reinforced not onely to see them, but to support and victuall his houshold. Thus was this unhappy Princes Reign all war and waste: and in the end, as one saith of Ex Pater­culo. Lepidus, à Militibus & à fortuna desereba­tur, being forsaken both of Souldiers and For­tune, he was left a while to a disgraced life, spoliata quam tueri non poterat dignitate, and despoiled of that Dignity which he was not able to maintain.

Edward the fourth, Edward 4. Rot. Parl. an. 2, & 8. E. 4. besides two resumptions not only of the Grants of such Kings as he ac­counted de facto, and not de jure to Reign, but also of those made by Placita Co­ronae. himself, and that Sea of profit that by infinite Attaintures flowed daily into his Treasury, took notwithstanding of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall onely a Tenth of their yearly possessions, and of the Commons six Tenths, three quarters; and the like propor­tion of Fifteens: A Benevolence in an. 14. which Chron. Fa­biani. Fabian calleth a new Contribution: And charged them Rot. Parl. anno 12. E. 4. n. 8. anno 12. with wages of his Archers to a Summe of 51117. l. Of the Mer­chant he had Tonnage and Poundage for term of life. Besides of Strangers, as well Denizons as others, a Subsidie the Rot. Parl. 22. yeare of his Reign. Leaving his Kingdome in the next to the few dayes of his son Edward the fifth. Edward 5. For ‘Ostendunt terris hunc tantum Fata, nec ultra’

Esse sinunt.—

The Fates only shewed him to the world, and took him away again.

Richard his Uncle succeeded, Richard 3. homo ingenio­sissime nequam, & facundus malo publico, a man mosting eniously mischievous, and full of [Page 51] Art to beguile the people. He to make a just semblance of his unjust entry, besides his Act of Parliament full of dangerous Untruths, dissem­bled the part of an excellent Prince, making the Commons believe by a Statute, to which he gave first form, as life, discharging them for ever from all exactions called Benevolences, that his opinion was, Ditare majus esse Regium quam ditescere, that it was more Kinglike to enrich his Subjects then to grow rich himself. Whereas he did but lively imitate Nero, that took away the law Manlia de vectigalibus, only ut gratio­sior esset populis, to ingratiate himself the more with the people. And so all his short Reign I find recorded but once any Tax upon the people, and that was Tenths granted by the Clergy of both Provinces.

Henry the seventh succeeding, Henry 7. resumed in the 3. of his Reign most of the grants of Office made by the Usurper his brother, & assessed upon the land onely of his Subjects but one Aide in an. 19. out of their Goods and Lands a tenth peny, and of their Goods onely 3. times the tenth, five Fifteens, besides a Tenth and Fifteenth arising to 120000. l. He took three Subsidies, whereof the last was not above 36000. l. Fabian. and one Benevolence, the proportion of every Alder­man being 300. l. and the entire Summe of the City of London 9688. l. 17. shillings 4 ^d. Of the Clergie he had twice the Tenth, & 25000. l. by way of Subsidie. Ex litera missa Abba­tiss. Barking manu Regis H. 7. And of them and the Commons 2. Loans; the City of London rated at 6000. l. the other not definite in proportion, but so assessed as Commissioners and the Len­ders could agree.

And aswell to ease the expence of wars, as [Page 52] issue of the good money going over to Bullen, Ex litera Ducis Ner­folciae. he stamped an allayed Coyn then usually termed Dandeprats: A course that necessity af­ter enforced his Son and Successors to practice, and is an apparent Symptome of a consumed State. But that whereby he heaped up his masse of Treasure, ( Ex lib. Ac­quit. int. Re­gem & Dud­ly R. C. for he left in Bullion 4. millions and a half, besides his Plate, Jewells, and rich attire of house) was by sale of Offices, redem­ption of Penalties, dispencing with Laws, and such like, to a yearly value of 120000. pounds.

His Successour, Henry 8. reaping the fruit of his Fathers labour, gave ease of burthen to the Subjects his first two years; taking within the compasse of his other 34. three Tenths of the Commons, four Fifteens, 6. Subsidies, whereof that an. 4. amounted to 16000. l. and that an. 7. 110000. l. Tonnage he had and Poundage once for a year, and after for term of Life. Of the Clergy 4. Tenths by one grant, and 3. by severall, every of them not lesse then 25084. l. Of Subsidies he had one of the Province of Canterbury, another of both; the Stipendary Ministers there to be taxed according to the rate of their wages. In an. 22. they granted a Moiety of all their Goods and Lands, payable by equal portion in 5. years, every part arising to 95000. l. to the yearly Revenues of his Crown, by an inhumane spoil of sacred Monuments, and impious ruine of holy Churches, if Gods blessing could have accom­panyed so foul an Act. And as these former Collections he grounded upon Law, so did he many upon Praerogative: As Benevolences and Loans from the Clergy and Commons. Of the first there were two remarkable, that in an. 17. [Page 53] acted by Commissioners, who as themselves were sworn to Secrecy, so were they to swear all those with whom they conferre or contract. The Rates directed by instructions, as the thirds of all Goods, Offices, Land above 20. l. and the 4 ^th. under. And although the Recusants (whether from Disobedience or Inability) are threatned with Convention before the Councell, Impri­sonment, and Confiscation of Goods; yet in the Ex originali signat. manu Regis. Designe Originall under the Kings hand, it hath so fair a name as an Amicable Grant. The other about Ex originali Instructione. an. 36. exacteth out of all Goods, Offices, land from 40. shillings to 20. l. 8 ^d. in the pound, and of all above, 12 ^d. And amongst the many Loans, there is none more notorious then that of an. 14. Ex instruct. originali anno 14. H. 8. which was 10. l. in the hundred of all Goods, Jewels, Utensils, and land from 20. l. to 300. l. and twenty marks of all above, as far as the Subjects For­tune, revealed by the extremity of his own Oath, would extend. And to stop as well in­tentions if any had been, as expectations of re­payment of such Loans, Rot. Parl. an. 21. H. 8. the Parliament in an. 21. acquitteth the King of every Privy Seal or Letter Missive.

Edward the sixth his Son, Edward 6. besides Tonnage and Poundage for life, an. 1. received of his Law-Subjects six Fifteens, and of both three Subsidies, leaving one of the Temporalty unga­thered: which his Sister Mary remitted in an. 1. Q. Mary. of her reign; yet after (incited by the French King succouring her Rebells, and suffering her money adulterated in his Dominions, purposely to be hither transported, as also to side the quar­rell of Philip her husband against him) being drawn into wars, she was inforced to presse up­on [Page 54] her people, and (besides the Loan in an. 1. for term of life granted unto her by Parliament) took five Fifteens of the Commons, and of them and the Clergie three years Subsidies.

Her Sister of happy memory succeeding, Q. Elizabeth besides divers Loans of her people and others in forraign parts, (as anno 5. when William Horle was dispatched into Germany to take up at Interest for 6. years great Summes of money, the like an. 18. from the Merchants of Colen and Hamburgh upon Bond of the City of Lon­don, and again of Spinello and Pallavicini up­on the former security, strengthened with the assurance also of many of her chiefest Councel­lors,) had by grant of her Subjects 38. Fifteens, 20. Subsidies of the Commons, and 18. of the Clergy. All which together rose to a summe of two Millions and 800000. l.

HAving thus far (with as light a hand as I could) drawn down the many and mighty burdens of the Common-wealth, Princes ex­tremities be­yond the ease of their peo­ple by reason of wars. if but with a touch of the Princes Extremities beyond the ease of these former helps I heighten up this draught, Credit of Ks. so much impaired, that they could not borrow but upon surety and extreme interest. it will with much more life and lustre expresse the Figure of wars Misery. Math. Paris. The Credit of Kings it hath brought to so low an ebbe, that when by force of necessity they borrowed money, they could not take it up but by colla­terall security, and extreme Interest. As Ed­ward the 3. in the Patent to Rot. Pat. anno 13. E. 3. m. 13. William de la Poole confesseth, that propter defectum pecuniae negotia sua fuerunt periculo sissime retardata, for want of money his affaires were dange­rously delayed, (they are the words of the record) and the honour of him and his Royall Army [Page 55] magnae fuit depressioni patenter expositus, & progressus non sine dedecore suo perpetuo impe­ditus, he was brought to a manifest low condi­tion, and his proceedings to his great disho­nour had been constantly hindered; if De la Poole had not as well supplied him with the credit of his Security, as with the best ability of his own Purse. For which service he honoured him and his posterity with the degree of Baro­nets, Nota. and 500. l. land of inheritance.

The interest of Henry 3. ad plus quam cen­tum quotidie libras adscenderat, ita ut immine­net tam Clero quam Populo Angliae Deso latio & Ruina, came to more then a hundred pound a day, so that present ruine & desolation hung over the heads as well of the Clergy as the Peo­ple.

Q. Mary Ex Instruct. Thomae Gre­sham, anno 1557. borrowed in Flanders at 14. in the hundred, besides Brocage upon collaterall security.

The late Queene was inforced Ex Instruct. Willielm. Herie 16. August. an. 5. Eliz. Similiter to the like thrice with Strangers upon the City of Londons assurance, as before, and with her Thomae Gre­sham. 1563. & 76. own Sub­jects after upon Mortgage of Land. A course more moderate then either that of the first Wil­liam, that took out of Churches such money as severall men had committed thither for more security: Ex litera Edw. Lee orat. Regis H. 8. in Hisp. anno 28. or that of Charles the fifth, that to repaire the waste of his Italian wars, went in person to Barcilona, to seize into his hands a Masse of money called Depositum Tabulae, which as well Strangers as Subjects had there laid up in Sanctuary. But these are not the conditions of Princes of our times onely: for in the lives of Caligula, Nero, and Vespasian, Suetonius of them severally writeth, Exhaustus [Page 56] & egenus calumniis rapinisque intendit ani­mum, being drawn dry and grown poor, they bent their minds to Calumnies and Rapines. For Perni [...]los [...]res est in imperante tenuitas, Want in a Prince is a dangerous thing; and as Theo­doricus said, Periculosissimum animal est Rex pauper, a Poor King is the most dangerous crea­ture living.

It hath abated the Regalties of Houses; Kings enfor­ced to abate their hospi­talitie. an. 16. of Richard the second, and 18. Ex Rot. Par. 18. H. 6. of Henry 6. when as well from want of means, as the Sub­jects Petitions in Parliament, (for Expeditissi­ma est ratio augendi Census detrahere Sumpti­bus, the readiest way to raise the Revenue is to take down Expenses,) they have much lesse­ned their Hospitality; their Tables being either defrayed by their Subjects, as of Henry the 6. or as Henry the 3. when by necessity Ex hist. ma­jori Math. Paris. ita con­sueta Regaiis Mensae hospitalitas abbreviata fuit, ut (posposita solita verecundia) cum Abbatibus, Clericis, & viris satis humilibus hospitia quaesivit & prandia; the wonted hos­pitality of the Kings Table was sunk so low, that (without farther shame) he many times lodged and dieted with Abbots, Clerks, and very mean Persons.

It hath caused our Kings to sell and alienate the possessions of the Crown: Kings enfor­ced to pawn and sell their Dominions. as Henry the Rot. Pat. anno 51. H. 3. m. 17. 3. who gave to Edward his son Licentiam impi­gnorandi terram Vascon [...]ae, leave to pawn the Dutchie of Gascoign; And caused himself not long after by the like occasions, to sell for 300000. l. (except some pittances reserved) the Ex contract. orig. & Hist. Norman. entire Signiorie of Normandie. What our late Mistris and her Father did, is yet fresh in memory. But this mischief hath trenched deep [Page 57] into the Fortunes and Affections of the Subjects, when Princes to repair the breach of their own Revenues, have often resumed the possessions of their people; as Rot. Vasc 5. E. 2. Rot. finium an. 8. Rot. cui titu­lus, ex tract. de donacionib. c. 9. & 10. E. 2. Edward the second anno 5, Kings enfor­ced to make Resumption of their Lands. 8, & 10. Omnes donationes per Regem factas ad damnum & diminutionem Regis & Coronae suae, all the Grants made by the King to the lessening and prejudicing of the King and his Crown. Rot. Parl. [...]. anno 1. R. 2. Richard the second an. 1▪ did the like of all Grants made to unworthy persons by his Grand­father, and recalled all Patents dated since 40. of Edward 3. Thus did Henry Rot. Parl. anno 1. Hen. 5 n. 12. the 5. an. 1. and Rot. Parl. anno 28. H. 6. & E. 4. Henry the 6. in the 28. of his Reign, Edward the 4. in an. 3. with all Offices of his Crown granted either by the Usurper or his Brother. Neither is this in it self unjust, since as well by reason of State as Rules of best Go­vernment, the Revenues and Profits Ex legibus Theodos. & Valentinian. in Codice. quae ad sacrum Patrimonium Principis pertinent, which belong to the sacred Patrimony of the Prince, should remain firme and un­broken.

But when neither Credit, Ks. enforced to pawn and sell their Jewells. Frugality, or Sale of Lands would stop the gulf of want, our Princes have been so neer beset, as with N [...]rva and Antonius the Emperors to sell and pawn their Jewells. The Archbishop of York had power from Henry 3. an. 26. Rot. Pat. anno 26. H. 3. m. 1. Similiter an. 56. H. 3. in 21. m. (in wars beyond Sea) impignorandi Iocalia Regis ubicunque in Anglia pro pecunia perquirenda, to pawn the Kings Jewells any where in England to raise money. Rot. Pat. Claus. an. 1. E. 1. m. 7. Edward the first sendeth Egidius Andevar ad Iocalia sua impignoranda, to pawn his Jewells. Claus. an. 1. E. 3. Edward the 3. pawneth his Jewells to pay the L. Beaumont and the Strangers their wages in war. The Black [...]he. Wal­singham. Princes [Page 58] was constrained to break his Plate into Money to pay his Souldiers.

Ex originali de anno 6. R. 2. Rot. 17. Richard the second pawned Vasa aurea & diversa Iocalia, vessels of Gold and divers Jewells to Sir Robert Knowles. Pat. anno 3. H. 4. m. 3. Henry the 4. an. 3. to a Merchant for money invadiavit Tabellam & Trisellas suas Argenteas de Hi­spania, ingaged his Tablet and stools of Silver which he had from Spain. Pat. an. 10. Hen. 6. Pat. anno 12. H. 6. m. 13. Henry the 6. ga­geth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester and others an. 10 ^th. 12 ^th. and 29. Pat. an. 29. H. 6. m. 20. many par­cells of his rich Jewells. Kings enfor­lced to pawn their Regal Crown. And the late Queen in the end of her dayes (to ease her Subjects) did the like with many in the Tower.

And Extremity hath yet stretched some of our Kings to so high a stain of Shift, that Edward the third Pat. Pars. 1. an. 17. E. 3. invadiavit magnam Coronam An­gliae, pawned his Imperiall Crown 3. severall times; an. 17. in partibus transmarinis in for­reign parts, and twice to Sir Iohn Wesenham his Merchant, first in the Pat. an. 24. m. 21. 24. and after Claus. an. 30 E. 3. Com. de Ter. Hill. 38. E. 3. ex parte Rem. Regis. an. 30. in whose custody it remained 8. yeares. To Henry Bishop of Winchester Henry the 5. inva­diavit magnam Coronam auream, gaged his imperiall Crown of Gold in the 5. of his Reign. And when Henry the third had laid to gage Pat. anno 5. H. 3. m. 23. & similiter an. 9. Rot. Pat. an. 51. H. 3. m. 17. & 18. omnia Insignia Regalia, all his Robes and Kingly Ornaments, and upon assurance of re­delivery or satisfaction had pawned Aurum & Iocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confessoris, the Gold and Jewells belonging to the Shrine of S. Edward the Confessour, (A course more mo­derate then by force to have taken, as William the Conquerour did the Chalices and Shrines of other Churches, or as Ex historia [...]uicciardini. Glement the 7. who to pay the Souldiers of Charles the fifth melted the [Page 59] Consecrated Vessels) was in the end, when he had neither means of his own left nor reputation with others, constrained to beg relief of his Sub­jects in this low strain, Ex hist. S. Albani. Pauper sum, omni de­stitutus Thesauro; necesse habeo ut me juvetis: nec aliquid exigo nisi per gratiam; I am poor, and have no Treasure left; ye must needs relieve me: neither do I demand any thing but of your mere love and courtesy: And turning to the Abbot of Ramsey, to say, Amice, obnixe sup­plico quatenus me juvas mihi centum libras conferendo, My friend, I beseech thee for Gods sake to help me with 100. pound: adding with­all majorem Eleemosynam fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve, quam alicui ostiatim mendicanti, that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants, then to give to one that begged from door to door. So that of the waste of these times and want of those Princes I may truly with the Satyrist say, ‘Ossa vides Regum vacuis exuta medullis.’ Thou seest the Bones of Kings spoi'ld of their Marrow.

IT now resteth by some few particulars to ob­serve with what Wealth we have returned home, In place of spoile the Souldiers re­turn oppres­sed with ex­treme Beg­gery. loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies; since no motives are so powerful to the Com­mon greedy People as the hopes of gain, which will easily enforce them

[Page 60] In the Expeditions of Henry 3. their pur­chases were so great, that the Math. Paris pag. 580. Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back, then for the expence of their own moneyes: For ‘Cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas,’ When Toil brings Loss, Begg'ry must needs in­crease.

The same King, although called in by the Nobility of France Hist. Mat. Paris p. 1358 in Faction against their Master, returned no better rewarded then Con­sumpta pecunia infinita, & Nobilibus & Mi­litibus innumeralibus vel Morti datis vel infir­mitati, vel fame attenuatis, vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem, with the having spent an infinite deal of money, his Nobles and Soul­diers without number being either slain, or sick­ly, or maimed, or half-starved, or else reduced to extreme poverty.

Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence of Henry the 3. and his people in his Sicilian Ser­vice with no better wages then this Scoffe, That England was Math. Paris pag. 909. Puteus inexhaustus quem nul­lus poterat exsiccare, a Well not to be emptied which no man could draw dry. What the suc­ceeding times afforded may be wed gathered out of the many Petitions in Parliament, 22. Edward 3. 4, and 7. of Richard 2. 8. of Henry 5. and 10. of Henry 6. ever complaining of the extreme Beggery the people brought home, and [...] some [...] Relief.

The Treasue Ex lit. Car­din. Wolsei ad Card. Sodrin. Henry the 8. spent in aide of Munimi [...] recovery of Verona nul­lum alin [...] factu [...] nisi damnum & dedecus pe­perit, [Page 61] brought him nothing else but Loss, and Dishonour. For the Emperour having his turn served, delivered, contrary to Contract, that City to the French, threatning to confederate with them, ni Rex ei continuo per solveret, un­less the King would forthwith pay him down a great summe of money; believing (as the words are) Minis & terrore ab hoc Rege pe­cuniam posse haberi, that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words. For the great Army of this King sent over into France, and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Burbon with in their wars of Millan, his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home, and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad, he was himself at the last of all, (their ends effe­cted) having spent the Treasure of his Father, and the Bounty of his Subjects, forsaken and left as the Pasquill painted him, inter Moysem, Christum & Mahumitem, betwixt Moses, Christ and Mahomet, with this word, Quo me vertam nescio, Which way to turn me I know not. For 2. Millions of Ex Instruct. Rich. Wing­field. Crowns bestowed in purchase of Tournay, not without suite of his own, he delivered it with little or no recom­pence: & rated his potentiall Interest of France at no greater Summe then an Annuity Ex lit. Tho. Wolsey Episc. Lincoln. of 100000. Crowns. What from the 30. of this King untill the last of his son Edward the sixth for Ex compute in Archivis Rob. Com. Salisb. 3173478. l. 15 ^s. 4 ^d. spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars, this State received of inrichment, it seemeth so mean, as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts.

Untill the late Queen was drawn into wars, she had in Treasure 700000. l. but after she [Page 62] was once intangled, it cost her before the 30. of her Reign 1517351. l. at which time she was but entering into the vastness of her future Charge: For the annuall expence of 126000. l. in the Low-Countries, from 1587. untill 1593. the yearly disbursment for Ex tractat. anno 1598. Flushing and the Brill 28482. l. the debts of the States 800000. l. and the Aides of the French King since he at­tained to that Crown to above 401734. l. was after that time. Thus by reason of warre, be­sides Taxes upon her People to the Summe of two Millions, and 800000. l. by Subsidies, Tenths & Fifteens, she hath spent of her Lands, Jewells and Revenues an infinite proportion.

As for the imaginary Profit grown by the many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain, it may be well cast up by two examples of our best Fortunes. The Journey of Cales Ex computo deliberat. Domino The­saur. Bur­leigh. defray­ed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000. l. And our times of most advantage by Prizes be­tween Ex computo Joannis Hawkins Thesaur. Na­viae. anno 30. and 34. of the Queen, where­in we received but 64044. l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy, arising in the same yeares to 275761. l. As to the greatest Losse, ex­pence of Christian Blood, it may well suffice to be moan with Hor. Epo. 7. Horace,

[Page 63] THe last motive from Utility is, Forreign Do­minions al­waies charge, no benefit. increase of Re­venues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions. Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction, as to instance the particular Summes, exhausted in every Age to retain them. Beginning first with the Dutchie or Normandy: Example in Normandy. For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence, (as the Math. Par. Author saith) laden Thesauris innumeris, with un­countable Treasure, exacted sive per fas sive per nefas, in Normanniam transfretavit, gathe­thered together by hook or by crook, wafted over into Normandy. His Son Ex Legibus antiquis. ad retinendam Normanniam, Angliam excoriavit, to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin. The same end by Ex Walt. Gisborn. Henry the first, Anglia fuit bonis spo­liata, England was despoiled of its Goods. His Ex lib. Ru­bro. Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae, a Scutage for his army in Nor­mandy 3. times at a high rate; and was infor­ced then against incursions of the French to build and man Ex lib. Pip­nell. 13 Castles de novo & integro, intirely new.

Richard the first Rad. Cog­geshall. exacted heavily upon his people, ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret, ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur, therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerfull Courtiers of France, so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy.

King Iohn Math. Par. as wearied with the Charge neg­lected it: And his Son Ex Archiv. de redit. Nor­man. tempore H. 3. feeling a burden more then benefit, resigned his interest there for a little Money. When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth, Ex origin Instr. Domini Scrope. the judgement in Councel was, That the keeping of it would be no lesse of ex­pence then to war forth for all France. In the [Page 64] quiet possession of his Son Henry Ex libro Do­mini Carew de anno 1. & 2. H. 6. ( Iohn Duke of Bedford then Regent) this Dutchie cost the Crown of England 10942. l. yearly. In an. 10. it appeareth by the Accompts of the Lord Crom­well Treasurer of England, Ex Rot. Par. de. an. 11. H. 6 that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminister the entertain­ment of the Garrison and Governour was de­frayed, the Rents of the Dutchy not supporting the charge ordinary. Ex lib. ori­ginali Roberti Cotton. When Richard Duke of York was in the 15. year of Henry the 6. Regent, the certain Expence overballanced the Receipt 34008. l. And an. 27. Rot. Parl. an. 27. H. 6. n. 27. the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament, that Normandy was not able to maintain it self. But thus it continued not much longer; for this Crown was both eased of the Dutchy and Charge shortly.

Of the Principality of Aquitain, Aquitain, Gascoign, Guien. the Duchie of Gascoign, Guien and the Members, I find the state thus in record. In the 26. of Henry 3. Rot. liber. anno 26. H. 3. there was issued from the Treasurer & Cham­berlains at Westminster 10000 l. for paiments in Gascoign; besides an infinite proportion of Victualls and Munition thither sent. To retain this Dutchie in Duty and possession, Rot. an. 22. H. 6. this king was inforced to pawn his Jewells, being aere alieno graviter obligatus, Thesauris, Donati­vis, Tallagiis, & extersionibus in Anglia con­sumptis; very much indebted, and having spent all his Treasures, Grants, Tallages, and other Sweepings in England. Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum, forced an ac­knowledgement from him of 40000. Marks. And a Story of that time saith of ann. 38. Math. Paris Pag. 578. Ille per multos labores & expensas inutiliter [Page 65] recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae, with a great deal of toyle and expense, he unprofi­tably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign: Ex Comput. Willielm. de Otterhampton, anno 17. E. 2. of which the Labour was more then ever the Benefit could be.

And thus it appeareth to have continued; for an. 17. of Edward the second, the money dis­bursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595. l. 9. shillings 7 ^d. besides 29660. Q [...]arters of Gram, and of Beeves and Bacons an infinite proportion. In the first of Edward the 3. Pat. an. 1. E. 3. the issues of Gascoign were 10000. l. above the Revenues. The Signiories in Aquitain Ex Comput. Richardi Longley an. 36. E. 3. in The­saur. Regis Westmon. in Rot. Aqui­taniae. cost in 8. years ending 36. of this King, 192599. l. 4. shill. 5 ^d. de receptis forinsicis onely. It was delivered in Parlia­ment, an. 1. Rich. 2. Rot. Parl. anno 1. R. 2. m. 24. that Gascoign, and some few other places that were then held in France, cost yearly this Crown 42000. l. And in the 17 ^th. of this King Rot. Parl. anno 17. R. 2. a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especiall, then to provide money to clear the annuall expences of those parts. The charge of Bordeaux Ex Comput. Walt. de Weston. but one Town, surmounting in half a year all Rents and per­quisites there 2232. l. As Fronsack in A­quita [...]n 5787. l. for double that time; when the intire Dutche exceeded not 820. l. in yearly Revenues.

The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry 4. Ex Comput. Tho. Swin­burn anno 10. H. 4. was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England. By accompt Aquitain (besides Guien 6606. l.) was the Ex Comput. Ioannis Tiptoft an. 1. H. 5. first of Henry the fifth in surplussage of charge 11200. l. & the Town of Ex Comput. Will. Clif­ford & Robert: Holme an. 5. H. 5. Bordeaux the 5. first years of the same King 6815. l. In the 11. of Ex Rot. Par. an. E I. H. 6. Henry the 6. Sir Iohn Radcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from [Page 66] the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis, &c. 2729. l. and for expense in custody of Fron­sack Castle onely he payed 666. l. 13. shill. the profits of the Dutchie no wayes able to cleare the Accompts.

The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britanny, Britanny. may in a few Examples appeare. Ex Math. Paris. Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri, quod jam per triennium compr [...]bavit, that the Treasure of England would not suffice to main­tain Britanny, which he had found to be true upon 3 years tryall: and left in the end tam la­boriosis expensis amplius fatigari, to tire himself farther with such toilsome expenses.

The Town of Brest Brest. Rot. Parl. anno 2. R. 2. Ex Comput. Tho. Parry. Cust. astri de B [...]t, a. 9. R. 2. Callis. cost Richard the se­cond 12000. Marks a year, and it stood him in an. 9. in 13118. l. 18. shillings.

For Callis, I will deliver with as much short­ness as may be, from the first acquisition untill the losse, in every age the Expense (for the most part either out of the Treasury or Cu­stomes of England,) disbursed. Ex comput. Williel. Hor­well in The­saur. Regis. From the 18. of Edward the 3. untill the 21. in which space it was taken, the Charge amounted to 337400. l. 9. shil. 4 ^d. Anno 28. of the same King for little more then a yeare 17847. l. 5. shillings. In an. 29. 30581. l. 18 ^d. for 2. years compleat. Ex comput. Richardi Eccleshall de annis 28, 29, & 30. E. 3. In 30. received by Richard de Eccleshal Trea­su [...]er of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England, 17847. l. Ex Rot. Rar. anno 2. R. 2. And in the yeare following 26355 l. 15. shillings. Ex Comput. Rob. Thorley. In the second of Richard 2. de receptis forinsecis, which was money from the Exchequer at West­minster, 20000 l. for 3 yeares compleat. Ex Comput. Simonis de Burg. Anno 5. 19783. l. For three yeares ending [Page 67] Ex Comput. Rog. de Wald. anno 13. R. 2. & 15. anno 10. 77375. l. For the like term untill ann. 13. 48609. l. 8. shillings. And Ex Comput. Joannis Ber­nam, anno 23. R. 2. for the 4. succeeding yeares 90297. l. 19. shil. And for the last 3 yeares of his Reign, 85643. l.

From the end of Ex Comput. Ro. Thorley. Richard 2. untill the 4 of Henry 4. for 3. yeares Ex Comput. Nich. Vske. 62655. l. 17. shillings. And for one succeeding, 19783. l. The Charge in Victuall and Provision for 2 yeares 5. moneths in this Kings Reign Ex Comput. Rob. Thorley. 46519 l. 15. shillings.

In the first 4. and peaceable yeares of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England Ex Comput▪ Rob. Salvin, de annis 5. H. 5. 86938. l. 10. shil. for this place. And from anno 8. untill the 9. 65363. l. It cost Henry the Rot. Parl. an. 11. H. 6. 6. above all Revenue 9054. l. 5. shillings in an. 11. The Subsidies in England were an. 27. Rot. Parl. anno 27. levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis. And the Rot. Parl. anno 31. 31. of this King there was a Fifteen and 2. shil. of every Sack of Wooll imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end. Rot. Parl. anno 33. And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for dis­charge of wages and expence at Callis: and the like authority directed 4. of Edward the fourth, Rot. Parl. 4. E. 4. that the Souldiers there should receive Vi­ctualls and salary from out of the Subsidies of England. The disbursement thereof one yeare being 12771. l. Ex comput. Majoris Sta­pulae anno 1. R. 3. And in the 16. of the same King for like term there was de Portu London, Hull, Sancti Botolphi, Poole, & Sandwico, by the Ports of London, Hull, Boston, Pool, & Sandwich, 12488. l. paid to the Treasury of Callis. Ex comput. origin. inter Chartas Ro­berti Cotton. And in an. 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290. l. 18. shillings. Ex comput. Domini Lisle. And in 22. 11102. l. And the year follow­ing 10788. l. The setled ordinary wages of [Page 68] the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24. Ex lib. de expens. Bellor. H. 8. & E. 6. in Musaeo Com. Salisbur. Henry 8.8834. l. And about 30 ^th. when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy, 8117. l. And from the 30 ^th. of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428. l. 18. shil. From the first purchase of it by Edward the 3. untill the losse thereof by Queen Mary, it was ever a perpetuall issue of the Treasure of this Land, which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us, then any Fort of Security. For from the waste of money, which is Nervus Reipublicae, the Si­new of a Common-wealth, as Ulpian saith, we may conclude with Tacitus, Dissolutionem Imperii docet, si fructus quibus Respub. sustinetur diminuantur, it foreshews the ruine of an Em­pire, if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth. And there­fore it was not the worst opinion (at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King in­cited Ex litera Archiep. Cant. Card. Wolsey. Henry the 8. to put off that Kingdome, although in the close major pars vicit melio­rem, the greater party out-voted the better,) that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable then profitable, and the keeping more then the enjoying. The issue was in Tour­nay, Bullen, and this Town manifest. Besides the jealousy that Nation ever held over our de­signes and their own liberty. For as Graecia li­bera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Com­pedes tenuit, Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his cu­stody; so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easy descent into, and convenient place to trouble the Country, a Fetter to intangle them, they neither has assurance of their own [Page 69] quiet, nor we of their Amity. And it was not the least Argument from Conveniencie in the de­tention of Callis (after the 8 yeares expired of Re-delivery) used by the Chancellour of France, Ex litera Thomae Smith Secret. anno 1567. 3. Maii. That we should gain much more in assured peace, which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town, then by any bene­fit it did or could yield us. It was never but a Pike and Quarrell between the two Realms: For upon every light displeasure, either Princes would take by and by to Callis, and make war there. God hath made a separation naturall be­twixt both Nations, a sure wall and defence,

That is, the English were divided from all the world.

But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges, it is not amisse to touch (by way of comfort) that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered; and also that other of burthen still, (though much lightened) untill conformity of Affections and designs of Coun­cells shall further effect a Remedie.

The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20. Ex comput. Joannis Tiptoft. Edward. 3. was 3129. l. for three yeares. In the end of Richard 2. & entrance of Henry the 4. Ex comput. Hen. Percy, anno 1. H. 4. 10153. l. And Parl. an. 11. H. 6. 11. of Henry 6. the Custodie of the Marches 4766. l. In the 2. Mariae the annuall Charge of Barwick was 9413. l. Ex musaeo Com. Salis­bury. And in an. 2. Elizabeth 13430. l. And an. 26. 12391. l.

The Kingdome of Ireland, beyond the Re­venues, was 29. E. 3. Ex comput. Williel. de Brumleigh. 2285. Barwick. l. An. 30. Ex comput. Nicol. Episc. Meth, an. 30. Ed. 3. 2880. l. and Ex comput. Tho. Scurla [...] anno 50. E. 3. an. Ireland. 50. 1808. l. All the time of Richard 2. Ex comput. Joan. Spencer, de annis R. 2. it never defrayed the charges; And came short [Page 70] in 11. Henry 6. 4000. Marks Ex Rot. Par. anno 11. H. 6. of annuall issues. The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus & proficuis, in all the rents and profits yearly, by Accompt of Cromwell Lord Treasurer, not above 3040. l. But passing over these elder times; in the Reign of the late Queen, when the yearly Revenue was not 15000. l. the expence for 2. years Ex amotat. Dom. Burleigh ex Musaeo Com. Salis­bury. ending 1571. amounted to 116874. l. In anno 1584. for lesse then 2 yeares came it to 86983. l. Ex comput. Rad. Lane. The charge there in two years of S. Iohn Parrots government ending 1586. was 116368. l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000. l. the issue was 91072. l. And when in 35. Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdome exceeded not 27118. l. the Disbursments in 7 moneths were 171883. l. The Charge 1601. Ex comput. in Musaeo Com. Salis­bury Thesaur. Angliae. for 9 moneths 167987. l. And for the two yeares following accounted by the allayed money 670403. l. And in the first of the King, 84179. l. Whose government al­though it hath blessed both us and that King­dome with the benefit of Peace, yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly ex­pence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure. And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by for­reign Dominions.

As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forreign Territories; Addition of any forreign Title no Ho­nour. it may suffice in answer, That so long as this Crown was actual­ly possessed of any such Signiorie, the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassallage; then which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England (who is Baldus. Monarcha in Regno, & tot & tanta habet [Page 71] Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio, a Mo­narch his Kingdome, and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire,) could be more in blemish or oppo­sition. To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae, To our Lord the King of France, as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usual­ly did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown, can be called no addition of Honour. And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity, as first in putting off the Imperiall Crown, the kneeling low at the foot of that King, and taking an oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France, a liege subject to the Kings of France, &c. we in performing so the duties of a Subject, do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign, is no question of doubt. From these considerations of Reputa­tion and Honour, (the greatest stayes that sup­port Majestie, and retain Obedience) our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories, either avoided or refused the ser­vices. As King Iohn did Normandy; Stile of Nor­mandy and Aquitain, accounted by our Kings a vassalage. and Ed­ward the 2. resigned to his Son the Dutchie of Aquitain, to put off the act of homage from himself, to whom it could not in respect of his Regaltie but be in dishonour. As appeareth in Henry the 2. who having made his Son Con­sortem Imperii, a King of England with him, Homagium à Filio noluit (saith the Record) quia Rex fuit, sed securitatem accepit; would not receive Homage of him, because he was a King, but took his Security. In the 17. of Richard 2. the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France, unlesse the King might not [Page 72] do Homage, they held it so base, supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged. And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territorie those subordinate Dutchies in France added to this Crown.

As for the Kingdome of France, Stile of France re­strained by petition in Parliament. the people of England were so little in love with that Title, as any Honour to them, that by Acts of Parlia­ment 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France, nor the Kingdome of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown.

And so much we have ever been in fear of that place, France pos­sessed would leave us to the misery of a province lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provinciall Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown, answered, that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there, and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State; besides the transport of our Money in the mean time, which would inrich that Countrey, and impoverish the Realm at home, whereby we should justly again say, Tacit. in vita Agricolae. Britannia servitutem suum quotidie emit, quotidie poscit, The Britans are every day begging to be slaves, every day giving money for it.

THe last motive is, To enterprise any war, not so easy. the advantage we now have of greater Facilitie and assurance of Successe in any forreign enterprise, by this happy Union of both Kingdoms, then ever any of our Ancestours had.

[Page 73] To which is answer nothing can be more full, Meanes of successe for­merly. then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts, weigh how they suite these times, and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equall worth and va­luation. The first consideration is in Place, Advantage of Place and Party. the next in Person. Advantage of Place. In the wars of France (whether those for the defence of particular Signiories, or competition of the intite Kingdome) we had ever Ports to land at, & Forts to retire to, which now we have not. The coast of Normandy was our own, by which we might enter the midst of France. And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part, sided with Montfort a­gainst Charles de Bloys, whom he invested with the Dutchie of Britain, that so he might have there an easy footing. Thus by leave of his Confederats in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side, and a sure retreat, when upon any occasion he would come back, as he did to Antwerp. And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent, the greatest difficultie is overcome; for the rest consisteth in Chance, wherein Fortune is ra­ther wont to prevaile then Vertue. But Livy lib. 28. ibi grave est Bellum gerere, ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus, non ager pacatus, non Civitas Socia, non consistendi aut procedendi locus, quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia; There 'tis a hard task to wage war, where there is no Port open for our Navy, the Countrey our enemy, no City our Confederate, no place to make a stand or to march out from, but whithersoever a man looks, he can see nothing but hostile intentions [Page 74] against us. And this must be now our case, which was never our Ancestours.

• Advantage personall was either
  • A Party
    • found
      • made.
    • Confede­rates.

For the Persons considerable, they are the Subjects to our enemies, or our own Confederats. Of the first, our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension mini­stred, or by Pension & Reward either make a fraction in Obedience, or Neutrality in Assistance with the Sub­jects of their Adversary. The Duke of Burgundy, Earls of Britain, Dreux and others in France, offended with their Sovereign, Math. Paris in vita H. 3. Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico & Regi Angliae, became Confederates with Henry Earle of Britain and King of England; and thereupon drew him over into Britain. Math. Par. vita Hen. 3. The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyaltie. Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France, if Froisard. Robert de Ar­toys (displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldome) had not incited and complotted for him, as Godfrey of Harecourt did af­ter. Nor Henry Walsing­ham. T. Livius Foroli­viensis in vita He. 5. 5. if the unsound me­mory of the French King, the jealousy of those Princes & Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune.

THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutuall Aide were of such consequence in all their af­fairs, Confede­rates were the onely ground of all the good successe. [Page 75] that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victo­ries. As the first the 3 ^d. Edwards, the 5 ^th. and 8 ^th. Henries. Whereas Henry the sixth, that was of all the rest left most naked to him­self, although the greatest otherwise in oppor­tunity, lost all the purchase of his Ancestours in the end. It is not amisse in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy, to lay down suc­cessively, first, with whom we tied that knot of love; then, what were the motives or assurances; and lastly, whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no.

Henry the first, A list of all the Confede­rates from Hen. the firsts Reign to the end of the last Queen. Henry 2. but to assure his own posses sions beyond Sea, Ex Contract. orig. in Arch. Thes. West. adscivit in praesidium Comi­tem Britanniae, & Theobaldum Comitem Ble­sensem, called to his aide the Earle of Britain, and Theobald Earle of Bloys.

Henry the second did the like with Ex Radulp. de Diceto. Robert Earle of Flanders. And again Ex orig. signat. à Co­mite & Ca­stellanis, in Thes. West. cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae, Richard 2. Baronibus, Castellanis, & caeteris hominibus Comitis, with Theodoric Earle of Flanders, the Barons, Governours of Castles, and other the Subjects of the said Earle; who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua, sicut Domino, pro feodis quae de ipso te­neant, upon a summons, as well as their own Lord, for the Fees which they held of him.

Baldwin Earle of Flanders contracteth un­der Bond Ex Radulph. de Diceto. mutui subsidii, quod sine Rege Ri­chardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Fran­corum, of mutuall aide, that he would not come to agreement with the French King with­out Richard King of England. And the Math. Paris 184. Bri­tains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo ad­haeserunt, [Page 76] forsaking the King of France, did joyn with King Richard.

Between King Iohn In dorso Cla. an. 1. Joannis. and the Earle of Flan­ders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum, K [...]ng John. of mutuall assistance against the French King. Ex orig. in Thes. Westm. The like with the City of Doway and Earle of Holland.

Henry 3. Henry 3. an. 11. drew Dors. Pat. 11. H. 3. m. 11. Peter Duke of Bri­tany into Confederacy against the French; and Fernand Earle of Flanders with a Pension annuall of 500. Ma [...]ks. Rot. lib. an. 14. H. 3. m. 7. ex originali. And anno 38. Alfon­sus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes hom [...]nes in mundo, against all the men in the World. To whom he re­mained so constant, that an. 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King, but ad preces & instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England.

Edward 1. Edward 1. an. 13. Claus. an. 13. Edw. 1. by a pretence of inter-marriage d [...]ew Florence Earle of Holland from the French to his party: Ex origin. in Thesaur. and the yeare follow­ing, by mediation of the Lord of Black-mont, the Earle of Flanders, who is Rot. Vascon. an. 20. m. 19. an. [...]0. assisted him in the wars of Gascoign. Rot. Alman. de annis 22. & 31. m. 13. In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans, and the Earle of Gueldres; tying the Nobility of Burgund [...]e with a yearly donative of 30000. l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Franciae, against the French King. Ex origin. sub. sigillo in Thes. Westm. He had Guido Earle of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000. l. Turonensium in pay against the French King, an. 24, 25, and 31. of his Reign; Rot. Alman. an. 31. m. 14. retaining the Earle of Gueldres by pay of 1000000. l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000. l. Dors. Rot. Alman. 18. the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000. l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300. l. Tu­ronen­sium [Page 77] in his service the same yeare. Rot. Pat. an. 34. m. 24. And in an. 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Be­liardi & alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae, Reginald Earle of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France.

Edward 2. Edward 2. had Rot. Vasco. an. 9. & 11. auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoensibus, assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses. Dors. Claus▪ an. 18. m. 7. And in an. 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders, Iohn Protectour of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus & peditibus, & Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot, and 10000 other armed men.

Edward the 3. Froisard. had by the Marriage of Phi­lip, Edward 3. the Earle of Henault & Holland her Father assured to him; and retained Iohn of Henault and his Followers, Rot. libera 2. m. 6. qui venerunt in auxilium adrogatum Regis, who came to assist the King at his call, with a Salary of 14000. l. yearly. Before he adventured to avow and maintain his Chal­lenge to the Kingdome of France, Rot. Alman. anno 11. he made up to his partie Lodowick the Emperour, (who the better to countenance his enterprise, elected him Vicarium Imperii, Vicar of the Empire.) Rot. Antwer. anno 12. Reginald Earle of Geldres, Lewis Marquesse of Brandenburg, Conrade Lord of Hard, who ser­ved him with 50. men at Armes, the Cardinall of Genoa and his Nephew, who aided him with Galleys, the Magistrates of Colen, Bruxells, Lorrain and Mechlin, and Froisard. Iaques de Arte­vile head of the Gantois Faction; who having quitted all duty to the banished Earle, submitted themselves and most of Flanders to the service and protection of Edward 3. who to free them [Page 78] of two Millions of Crowns, wherein, as a Cau­tion of obedience to the Crown of France, Ex Rot. Ant­werp. an. 12. they stood bound as well by Oath as Obligation, took upon him the Title of King of France, and imployed Iohn Duke of Brabant and Lorrain, William Marquesse of Iuliers, and the Earle of Henault and Holland, his assured Friends, Pro­curatores suos ad vend candum Regnum Fran­ciae, his Procurators to claim the Crown of France, Rot. Parl. anno 14. n. 8. These his Allyes nor long after meet­ing him at Tournay with 100000. men, as Robert de Artoys did with 50000. at S. Omers against the French King. And thus he attired and furnished his first enterprise, weaving into his Faction and support more and more, as of­ten as either pretence or just occasions would give him leave. By claus. an. 18. m. 25. colour of Marriage he drew in the King of Sicilie in the 18 ^th. year, the Duke of Millain, and the King of Castile for mutuall aide; and Dors. claus. an. 18. m. 20. Simon But angre Duke of Genoa, and his Subjects for hire and reward. In the 19. yeare Dors. calus. an. 19. m. 14. the questionable Title of the Dutchie of Britain assured him of Iohn de Montford; against whom the Froisard. French King maintained Charles de Bloys for that Dutchie. In an. 24. Rot. Pat. an. 24. n. 8. he renewed the Contract with the Genoeses; and in 30. made a convention of Peace, & mutul auxilii cum Rege Navarrae, and of mutuall aide, with the King of Navarre. In Ex orininali de anno 37. in lib. Ro. Cotton. the 37. with Peter King of Castile: and in that and 41. Ex orig. in Thes. West. de annis 37. & 41. an alliance of Aide and Amity. he entred with the Duke of Britain: and an. 45. Ex orig. sub sigillo. again with the Genoeses and Lewis Earle of Flanders and Duke of Brabant: Ex Contract. origin, in Archiv. Thes. Westm. and an. 46. with Ferdinand King of Portugall.

Richard the second rene weth Claus. an. I. R. 2. in an, Richard 2. I. the [Page 79] confederation that his Grandfather had with the Duke of Britain; and with whom anno 3. he contracted anew, as he had done anno 2. with Lewis Rot. Franc. anno 2. Earle of Flanders. In the 6. Ex orig. in Thes. yeare he combineth with the Flemings Rot. Parl. anno 6. n. 11. contra int­micos communes, against the enemies of them both; with Ex Contract. in the lib. Italico Rob. Cotton. the Kings of Naples, Sicille, Na­varre and Arragon, de mutuis auxiliis, for mutual ai [...]e; Rot. Franciae anno 6. m. 28. & with Wenceslaus the Emperour contra Carclum Regem Franciae & Robertum Regem Scotiae, against Charles King of France, and Robert King of Scotland. In an. 8. Rot. Franc. anno 12. m. 16 & anno 18. & 19. with the Kings of Ierusalem, Sicilie, & Portugall. In the 10. with Portugall, who at his own charges aided this King with 10. Galleys. And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis, for mutual1 aide. And an. 12. Rot. Franc. an. 12. m. 16. & anno 18. & 19. 18. and 19. with Albert Duke of. Bavaria. Rot. Franc. anno 20. m. 2. And an. 20. with the Earle of Ostrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae, against the King of France. And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhene an. 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King.

Henry 4. entred alliance Rot. claus. an. 2. Hen. 4. & Rot. Fran. anno 2. & 3. H. 4. m. 6. Henry 4. of mutuall aid in 2. yeares with William Duke of Gueldres and Mons. Rot. Franc. anno 12. H. 4. m. 21. Henry. 5. In the 12 ^th. with Sigismond King of Hungaria. Tho. Wal­singham. And in the 13. by fiding with the Factions of the Dukes of Berry and Orleans, layed the basis upon which his Son that suc­ceeded reared the Trophies of his Renown.

For Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered, strengthened himself anno 4. Ex Rot. Parl. anno 4. by a League perpetuall with Sigismond the Emperour; renewing that of Richard the 2. Ex orig. in Thes, Westm. with Iohn King of Portugall, as his Father had done. He entred a contract [Page 80] with the Duke of Britain, and with the Queen of Ierusalem and Lewis her Son for the Dutchie of Anlou and Mayn; and with the King of Portugall and Duke of Bavaria for supplie of men & Munition by them performed. Ex chron. Rogeri Wall. in vita H. 5. anno 5. & 8. And the yeare before the battle of Agincourt sendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Burgundie Ex Instruct. orig. 31. Aug. 5. H. 5. & his Retinue for Wages in servi­tio suo in Regno Franciae vel Ducatu Aquitaniae, in his service in the Kingdome of France, or the Dutchy of Aquitain; esteeming the alliance of that house the rea [...]iest means the attaine his end.

Henry 6. Henry. 6. Ex Contract. originali. so long as he held the Amity of Britain (for which he contracted) and the confederacy of Burgundy, his friend or eldest assurance and best advantage, which he did to the 16 ^th. yeare of his government, there was no great decline of his Fortune in France. But when Burgundy Ex Tractat. Alrabatensi. brake the bond of our assurance, & betook him to the Amity of France, and dealt with this Crown but as a Merchant by way of intercourse, first at the Treaty of Ex tractat. Brugens. 1442 Bruges 1442. then at Ex tractat. Callisiae 1445. Ex tractat. Bruxellensi 1446. Callis 1446. the reputation and inte­rest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son, then ever it increased in the rising of the Father.

And Edward the fourth who succeeded, sen­sible of this losse, woed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to winne again the house of Burgundy, Parl. an. 7. E. 4. n. 28. Edward 4. which in an. 7. he did, to joyn for the recovery of his right in France. Rot. Franc. anno 8. m. 22. & ex contract. originali. And drew in the yeare following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy. In the Rot. Franc. an. 11. E. 4. m. 7. 11. yeare he renewed with Charles of Burgundie. the bond of mutuall Aide; and contracted the next Rot. Franc. an. 12. m. 22. & ex orig. in. Thes. Westm. yeare the like with the King of Portugal. [Page 81] And in an. 14. pro recuperatione Regni Francae, contra Ludovicum Usurpantem, for the re­covery of the Kingdome of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper, ( Rot. Fran. anno 14. m. 18. & 19. as the Record is) entered a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain; Ex Contr. de anno 1487. pro solutione 50000 scuto­rum ad 100. annos. And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money, though he could not any portion of land

Henry the 7. Henry 7. Rot. Fran. anno 5. & 6. Hen. 7. & Contract. origin. an. 8. H. 7. an. 5. Henry 8. & 6. entertaineth an Alliance with Spain against the French King. The like in the 8. with the King of Portugall: and in the 10. Ex magno Intercusu de an. 1495. with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutuall Aide.

Henry the 8. in an. 4. Ex tract. original. de dat. 1513. reneweth the Amity of Portugal; and the next yeare combineth with the Emperour Maximilian against Lewis the French King, who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with 4000. horse and 6000.foot; whereupon he winneth Tournay, Ex litera Max. Imp. Card. Ebor. dat. 15. Consilo, Au­xilio, & favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris, with the advice, assistance, and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian. In anno 7. Rot. Fran. anno 7. H. 8. to weaken the French King, he entreth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace; and with Ex tract. Bruxellensi 1515. Charles of Spain for Amity and mutuall Aide: into which Maximilian the Emperour and Ioane of Spain Ex originali subscript. card. Sedu­nensi de dat. 1516. were received the yeare following Ex tract. Callis. anno 1521. In an. 12. with the Emperour Charles and Ex tract. orig. subscript. manu Card. Ebor. & Margar. Regent. 24. August. 1521. Margaret Regentesse of Burgundy the maketh a Confe­deration against Francis the French King, as the common enemy: & quia Rex Angliae non­possit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum nu­merum congerere, the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own [Page 82] Subjects, as was mentioned in the contract, the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany. And the Pope in furtherance of this intendment interdicteth the French territories, calleth in aide Brachii Se­cularis, of the Secular power, Ex tract. Winsor. 1522. those two Princes; appointeth the Emperour Protectorem & advocatum Ecclesiae, the Churches Advocate and Protectour; & stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio, holy expedition. Ex tract. Cambrens. 1529. And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next yeare confirmed and explained. Renewing in the years Ex tract. ultrajectensi. 21. 35, and 38. the association, and bond of mutuall aide with the same Princes, and against the French King, if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk.

And although Ex tract. de anno 1543. Ex originali dat. ultimo Janu. 1547. Edward the 6. in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Bur­gundy perpetuall; Ex instruct. Rich. Morison Edward 6. yet forbore he to aide the Emperour in the wars of France, disabled (as he pretended) by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him; Ex litera Ducis Somers. Magist. Pag. 1549. And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperiall protection.

During the Reign of Queen Mary, there was no other but that Ex contract. Matrimoniali 1554. of Marriage, Aide and Entercourse with the Emperor, Spain and Burgundy; Extract. Matr. 1559. Queen Mary, and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality.

Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde Ex artic. subscript. à Vidame de Chartres 1562. Elizabeth. about New-haven, and Ex s [...]der. Trecensi. 1564 with Charles the 9. 1564. & at Ex tract. [...]l [...]sensi. Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the acces­sion of the Crown of France to him, and after Britain, and lastly by the Duke of Bullen [Page 83] Ex tract. Londim. 1596. in 96. And with the States of the Nether­lands in the yeares 85. Ex tract. cum ordin. Belgiae de annis 1585. & 1598. and 98. divers Trea­ties of Amity, Confederats of most benefit to England. Confederation and Assistance.

By all these passages, (being all that well either our Story or Records can discover) it ap­peareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken, or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterprize without a party and con­federate. Amongst which by situation, those of best advantage to us have been the Dukes of Britain, Lords of the Netherlands, the City of Genoa, the kings of Portugall and Spain, & the Empire, since knit into the house of Burgundy

As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany, Princes whose Confedera­tion are of least benefit. the Kings of Denmark, Poland and Sweden, (so farre removed) I have seldome ob­served that this Crown hath with them contra­cted any League of Assistance or Confederacy, but of Amity and Entercourse onely.

IT remaineth to observe a little, Bonds of Confedera­tion cannot be the same they were before. As with the State of Genoa. what were the reasons that first induced, and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these severall Nations respectively to this Crown. The assu­rance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffique here. All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of them­selves without any jealousy of Surprize. But as soon as Vicinum Incendium, the fire began in Millain, they put themselves into the protection of Spain, foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to stand Neutrall, accor­ding to Aristhenus counsell to the Aetolians, Livy Dec. 4. l. 2. Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus? What else will become [Page 84] of us, being in firm friendship with neither side, then to be made a prey to the Conquerour? Since which time Spain by estating Doria, Grimaldi, and the Spinellos, chief Families of that City, with great Patrimonies in Naples, retaining their Gallies in his perpetuall service and salary, the Inhabitants of all sorts in bene­ficiall Trade, and (no lesse in Policy to ingage that City, then to supply his own Wants) con­tinually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summes of money, as the Interest of late exceeded In Relatione de Statu Ge­noae an. 1595. 25. Millions; he hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party, then if it were com­manded by a Cittadell; so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown.

Navarre and Britain (while States of them­selves) were so long firm to our Confederacy, Navarre, Britain. as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity, occasioned by that power, which in­corporating lately the one by Descent, the o­ther by Contract, is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii, more potent now then ever it hath been under the House of Capet.

Burgundie was so long our friend, Burgundie. as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commo­dities, or had protection of our Swords against France, who not only claimed Soveraignty o­ver most, but a proprietary interest in part; and therefore had reason to give aide and Armes to such a Confederate as did by a diversive war secure, and by particular Immunities inrich that State. But now growing into Spain, they need no such assurance in the one; and we al­most undone by their draping of our wooll, (which is happily called home,) not able to re­turn them the benefit of the other, cannot pre­sume [Page 85] upon any such assurance of their aide as heretofore.

Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast Confederate for 2. Spain. respects. First, for that he is absolute, and that we be equally devoid of demand, neither having against the other any Titles. Next, for that the entercourse of Trade is more reciprocall between us then France, and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood. To this may be made a two-fold answer, from the change of their Dispositions: First, for that they never assist any now, but to make themselves Master of their State. Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Por­tugall. And when they were called into Na­ples by the Queen against the French, they com­bined with her Adversary, and divided the Kingdome. And after upon the River of Ga­rillon, under their Leader Gonsalves, taking an advantage, they defeated the whole Army of the French, holding ever since that entire King­dome themselves. For Spain will admit neither Equallity nor Felowship, since upon Union of so many Kingdomes, and famous Discoveries, they begun to affect a fifth Monarchie. The O­ther; that the late hostilitie between them and us hath drawn so much blood, as all formes of ancient Amity are quite washt away: and as Paterculus Paterculus. saith of Carthage to Rome, so may we of Spain to England, Adeo odium Certa­minibus ortum ultra metam durat, ut ne in vi­ctis quidem deponitur, neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse desut: The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly, that the very conquered party cannot forget it; & in such a case the very places must cease to be, be­fore [Page 86] the hatred and envy towards it can cease.

BEsides these locall considerations, there will 2. other Dangers now fallout from any Con­tract of mutuall aide: The one from diversity of Intention, Dangers in Confederacy by diversity of Ends. Examples, that ends served, Confederates quit all bonds of Combination and the other of Religion. In the one, when either the Confederate hath safely attain­ed his own secret End,(whatsoever he pretend­ed in the entrance,) he leaveth the other to work out his own designes. Thus was Hen. 3. served, called over by the Earls of Tholouse and March; they in the mean time having made their Peace with France: Matth Paris 1242. Et expertus jam infidem, imo perfidiam Pictavensium, tur­piter recessit, & festinans non pepercit Calca­ribus, in so much that having found the treache­ry and perfidiousness of the Poictovins, he was forced dishonourably to retreat, and for haste to spurre away; the perill the poore King was left in being so great. He was handled like to this by Pope Alexander the fourth, who having drawn him into the warres of Apulia against Manfred, in the end, depauperato Regno Angliae & undique bonis suis spoliato, his Kingdome of England being impoverished, and wholly despoiled of its Goods, left him to his own shift. The King of Navarre calling in the aide of Edward 3. Rot. Parl. anno 29. E. 3. n. 6. against France, and appointing the Isle of Gersey the Rendezvous of their forces, revolteth to the French, after he had by countenance of that preparation wrought his Peace. Maximilian the Empe­rour to induce Henry 8. not onely contracteth to aid him in person to recover the Crown of France, & pro tyrannico Rege repellendo, and [Page 87] to remove the tyrannicall King, (they are the words of the League;) but conferreth upon him in the same Coronam Imperialem & Impe­rium Romanum, the Imperiall Crown and the Roman Empire in reversion; and estateth the Dutchie of Millain after recovery upon his person, & suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum, modo feodorum Imperialium, and his heires male lawfully begotten, to hold in Fee of the Empire: yet in the close left the King to his own fortune, his turn for Millain and Ve­rona, served. Charles the fifth when by the in­cuision of the French he saw his portion in Italy distressed, in safety whereof consisted the whole Pulse of the Spanish,(as he used himself to say,) for it supplied his Army with great Le­vies, and was fitly seated for a fifth Monarchy; he then ingaged Hen. 8. in the wars of France, and bound himself (as Bourbon his Confederate) that he would assist him to the full Conquest of that Kingdome, and the other should become Homager to Hen. 8. as to his Soveraign. But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and distressed the French King, he in his answer to Master Pace the Kings Ambassador refused that assurance of duty, and gave a just suspition, that he by help of his Party intended to usurp upon that State himself, which the Emperour never meant to the King of England; least by such footing in France, Suspecting that an Allie may grow too great, dissolveth alliance he might grow so great as to give law to his neighbours. And to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable, howsoever the bonds of Alliance were. Thus did Hen. 8. as often change his hand of help, as either Princes of Spain & France got ground of the other. And the Spaniard now, to keep the [Page 88] States in Italie disunited, compoundeth diffe­rences at his pleasure, or taketh part with the weaker, not suffering any, though his own de­pendant, to grow too strong: which was lately seen in patronizing the D. of Mantua against Savoy, according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy, Liv. lib. 34. Non tantum interest Aetolorū opes minui, it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the Aetolians, (yet they were enemies,) quantum, non supra modum Philip­pum crescere, as it doth to see that Philip grow not too potent, who was their friend.

The difference in Religion may bring likewise a twofold danger. The one with our Confede­rates, the other with the Subjects of this Crown.

For whensoever we shall attempt upon a Catholick Prince, as France, where we have the fairest pretences, for with any other we are like to have no question; then is all Con­tract of mutuall aide left to the election of our

• Danger by dif­ference in Reli­gion, in respect of the
  • Confederates, who
  • Subjects.
    • May break by dis­pensation, though both Catho­licks.
    • ought to break out of the Rom. doctri­ne, one accoun­ted he­retick.

Confederate, who may with all easiness procure from the See of Rome a discharge of all Contracts, although they were by Oath. For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholicks, as that between Edward 3. and Iohn King of France, & that between Iohn of Caunt and the King of Ca­st [...]le; they ever out of such su­spect inserted this Clause, That neither side should procure dis­pensationem, &c. either per Ec­ctesiam Romanam, vel per a­liquam aliam, a Dispensation [Page 89] either by the Church of Rome, or any other way, to do contra formam Tracta­tus, contrary to the form of Agreement: how much more must their jealousie be to us? And therefore in a Consul­tation in Henry the 8 ^s. time, Ex original. in manu Do­mini Cromwell. whether with best security we should confederate with France or Spain, it was re­solved that either of them may slip off their advantage by colour of our Separation from the Church of Rome, if there be no better hold in their Honesties then in their Bonds. For it will be held not onely worthy dispensa­tion, but merit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church, by the Doctrine of that See; which teacheth all Contracts with any Ca­tholick Prince to be instanti dissolved, Doctrine of the See of Rome touch­ing leagues with Here­ticks. because we are by them ranked in the list of Hereticks: which holds pro­portion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by Ex Bulla origin. sub sigillo vrbani 6. an. pont.4. Bull to Wen­ceslaus King of Bohemia, and Charles then Emperor, (before the Councill of Constance,) declaring all Confederations, Leagues and [Page 90] Conventions to be Lege Di­vina temerariae, illicitae, & ipso jure nullae, etiam­si forent fide data firma­tae aut Confirmatione Apo­stolica roboratae, to be by the Law of God invalid, void, and in law null, although confirmed by the plight­ing of faith, nay though strengthened by confirma­tion Apostolicall, if the par­ties were separatae ab Unitate sanctae, Ecclesae, separate from the Unity of Holy Church, when the league was made; or si postea sint effecti, if they become so after. What assurance can there then be, either with France, who is received? by his Rebenedi­ction, into the Bosome of the Church, and his sonne made Adoptivus Filius Ec­clesiae, an adopted Son of the Church; or against him with Spain, who being Pro­tector and Champion of that See Apostolick, submitteth himself (as he hath ever done) to the Popes pleasure and designe, and must not onely forsake? but aide a­gainst us in any warre we should there undertake?

[Page 91] Besides it is considerable, Subjects obe­dient to the Popes Cen­sure a dange­rous Party. how­soever all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mu­tuall aide; whether they will so in a forrain Invasion; (especially when the party assailed shall be of their own Religion.) For when the Interdiction of the Pope could draw against Iohn King of En­gland & Ex Eulogio Hist. Lewis the 12. a side of their own Subjects, (as it did after in the same Kingdome against Hen. 3. though all 3. conformable in points of Religion to that See;) how much more will it work with the people devoted to their opini­ons in a State divided from their obedience? For amongst us the Catholick Church hath many Ie­suites to raise Faction, and divert people from duty; the Recusants many, and Malecontents not few; all which with warre will discover themselves, but now by this happy calm unassured of assi­stance, lock up their riches in secu­rity, & their hearts in silence. And therefore by any enterprize, it is not with the rule of Seneca safe, concutere felicem statum. For provoking of some adversary in respect of Papall protection, they pick advantage to ground a quar­rel of Religion: & then the sancta Expeditio, the holy expedition a­gainst Lewis, will be made Bellū Sacrum, a holy Warre against us.

[Page 92] But admitting no lesse then in former times an easiness to attempt; it is not a meditation un­necessary to think in generall of the dangers and impossibilities to retain. For first we must more then transgresse Limites quos posuerunt Pa­tres, the Bounds which our Fathers owned;

And Britans from the world wholy divided; and relinquish that defence of Nature, where­with she hath incirculed, divided, and secured us from the whole world;

and commit our Frontiers (had we never so much upon the next Continent) to the protection of an Army, Danger of large Fron­tiers. which besides the continuall Charge, if we give Ambitious and able Commanders, (as unable for our Interest we will not,) how ready shall it be in such a Leader, and backt, if he please, to give Law to his own countrey? For Trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by Power; And whensoe­ver means and Ambition leads any to trouble the State, he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest Titles. Salust. in Bello Catil. Alli, sicuti Iura populi defen­derent Pars, quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret, bonum publicum simulantes: some decla­ring to maintain the rights of the People, others to uphold the authority of the Senate, all pretend­ing to act for the publick good. Hence was it that Augustus Suetonius in vita Au­gusti. refused to add any more of the Barbarous Nations to the body of his Empire, which with great facility he might have done; Dion Cassius and to restrain that infinite and unsafe desire of [Page 93] enlarging, left in Charge to his Successors that especiall point of advice, Tacitus. coercendi intra Ter­minos Imperii, to keep the Empire within due & fitting bounds. The like moderation from the same ground was in the late Queen, who refused the soveraignty of the Netherlands, Ex proposit. Statuum de anno 1585. so often and earnestly offered to her, fore-seeing well, that as her State should grow more respective by ad­dition of People, and augmentation of Territory; so Factions and Discontents (a common acci­dent in worldly affaires) would arise from super­fluity. Besides, What State may best ad­mit addition. the State that may best admit in­crease is that, unto which addition may be on every part indifferently. Such was the advantage of Rome, by being situate in the middest of Eu­rope: whereas we are thrust out of the world; to which we have no other contiguity, then an un­sure element of fluxible foundation, the Sea, sub­ject to tempest, contrariety of wind, and more commodious for a potent enemy to intercept, then our selves to secure. For how large soever any Kingdome is, all great directions move from one place, commonly from one man, as the Heart in the Body. It is therefore necessary that the seat be so placed, that as well Intelligence as Dispatch may safely passe with indifferency and assured Speed: And those Forms are most quick and easy in motion, whole extremes are all equally distant from the Centre; for the more different from the Circle, the more slow and hard. Rome may sufficiently example this: For so long as the Orbe of that Empire so moved about her, all things kept on their course with order, and ease; but after the Seate was by Zozimus in vita Con­stantini. Constantine removed to an extremity of the Circle, it stood a while still, and in the end dissolved. For either through the [Page 94] masse of Business, the limitedness of any mans sufficiency, or impossibility to consider all due Circumstances but in re praesenti, there must fall out infinite defects in the directions. Or if none, either by reason of Distance they come too late, or if not, by reason of Remoteness, he who is to exe­cute will be bolder with his Instructions then is fit for a Minister to be. How dangerous is it then by addition of Territories for our Master, Velleius Pa­terc. de Ex­peditione Cae­saris. Al­terum pene Imperio nostro & suo quaerenti Or­bem, whilest he is seekng to joyn another world, in a manner, to his and our Empire, to al­ter either the setled order of directions, or walls of our securitie. Besides, as in the Frames of Nature Anima rationalis, the rationall soul cannot in­formare, give life, sense, or discourse to the mat­ter of an Elephant or a Fly; (or any other body disproportionable to a Form so qualified:) so is there as well a bound of amplitude and structness wherein the soul of Government is comprised; Bodin. de Repub. lib. 6. Between which extremes there are many de­grees of Latitude, some approaching to the greatest (that nature seldome or never produceth) some to the least, and some to the mean; beyond which proportions respectively though some may have a will to effect they never can have a power to attaine. And this we may see in the former acces­sion of so much to us in France, which we could never either with Profit or Assurance retain? be­ing gotten by Conquest, and but tacked to by Garrison, contrary to the nature of Hereditary Monarchies. For some Kingdomes (in which number this may be accounted) are of the same condition that Demosthenes Ex orat. Demosth. ad Athenienses. maketh the Athe­nians: Non ea vestra ingenia sunt, ut ipsi aliis vi oppressis Imperiateneatis; sed in eo magnae [Page 95] sunt vires vestrae, ut alium potiri principatu prohibeat is; aut potitum exturbetis; It is not your way, violently to oppresse other States and seize the Government; but in this is your strength manifest, that you can hinder another from pos­sessing the Government, or when he is possessed of it, throw him out again. Since then by Situa­tion and Power we are the fittest, either to combine or keep severall the most potent and warlike Na­tions of the West, it is the best for Safety, and the most for Honour, to remain as we were, Arbi­ters of Europe, and so by Neutralitie sway still the Ballance of our mightiest Neighbours: Safetie in Neutralitie. which by holding of our hands, and onely looking on, we shall easily do, since Spain and France hang so indifferently, that a little weight will cast the Beam; imploying ours, as Claudius did his For­ces in Tacitus & Dion Cassius. Germanie, ut subsidio victis Victoribus terrori essent, ne forte elati Pacem turbarent, to assist the Conquered party, and to over-awe the Victor, lest he should be puffed up with pride, and disturb our peace. Thus did Hen. 8. with the French and Spanish Princes, using as his Motto of Honour and Power this. Cui adhaereo praest, He rules whom I stick to. And the late Queen studied rather how to guard her Allies, then to inlarge her Dominions, multiplying her Leagues more by giving then receiving gratui­ties; winking at her own wrongs, rather then willing to revenge. And (as the great Mistris of the world once) did what rather became her Greatness, then what severity of Armes required. Hence were her Seas for the most part freed from Pirates, and her Land here cleared of Enemies. For according to Micipsae's counsell to Ju­gurth, Non exercitus, neque Thesauri praesidia [Page 96] Regni sunt; Neither Armyes nor Treasure are the safety of a Kingdome: but such Allies as neither Armes constrain, nor monyes purchase, sed of­ficio & fide pariuntur. And since by fortune of the times succeeding, this State hath grown more upon Opinion then Deed, and that we know Magis fama quam vi stare res nostras, that our affairs stand rather by Fame then Force; Honour at­tained by Neutrality, in being the Arbiter of all differences between the might est Nieighbours. it is most safe, neither to discover weak­ness, nor hazzard losse by any attempt. Besides, standing as we do no waies obnoxious by Site to any of our neighbours, they will alwaies be ready to referre the judgement & order of their differences to us. As the Froisard. Brabanters and He­nowayes to the Arbitrement of Edward the third: and Ex Regist & libris Tra­ctatuum. Charles the fifth and Francis the French King the decision of their quarrel to Henry the eighth. Thus every pare shall woe us, all Princes by their Oratours shall resort unto us, as to the Common Consistorie of judgement in their de­bates, and thereby add more to our Reputation then any power of our own. For as well in States as in Persons, Suitours are an infallible to­ken of Greatness; which Demost henes Ex Demost. 4 Philip. told the Athenians they had lost, since none resorted to their Curia or Praetorium. By this way shall we gain the Seat of Honour, Riches, and Safety; and in all other but endlesse Expence, Trouble and Danger.