I Happened to come into the House of Lords at the time when your Lordships were Hearing Council against the Bill, for the Prohibiting the Exportati­on of Woollen Manufactures from Ireland to For­reign Parts; and altho' I was of the Opinion, that the Interest of England was fo nearly concern'd in that Matter, as that it would appear at first sight to all dis­interessed Persons, that there was an absolute Necessity of putting a stop to the growth of such a Manufactury there, which must in its Natural Consequences ravish from us our Principal Trade, anticipate and divert the Source of our Wealth and Power, and by easie and (at first) imperceptible degrees, exhaust the very Life and Soul of England, by drawing away the Working People and Trading Stock: Yet when I came to Observe, that even the Committing the Bill did admit of a long argu­ing in your Honourable House, and was not carried with­out much Opposition, it brought me to Consider, that how clear soever it may seem to Men that have been con­versant in the Practice of Trade, yet it must be a Matter of great Difficulty for your Lordships to determine in such things, where the Judgment is directed from Informati­on [Page 2] only, since those Informations are generally given with the greatest partiality: And I know by my own Ex­perience, that any Impressions receiv'd from Persons for whom we have some Favour or Compassion, are apt to create so strong a prejudging of the Case, that we can­not so easily discern the reasonableness of the contrary Arguments, or suffer our selves to be Convinc'd without the clearest Demonstrations possible. 'Tis therefore, be­cause I have thought the Well-being of my Countrey to depend very much upon this Case, and that I believe it capable of so plain a Demonstration, that I have thought it my Duty to endeavour to set this Controversie in so true a Light, as that it might not be difficult for your Lordships to make a right Judgment therein.

I have indeed been so far from concerning my self in this Matter hitherto, as that I have not so much as seen the Bill, and therefore I shall not pretend to meddle with the Methods taken therein; my Design being only to shew the Necessity there is upon us to stop the progress of such Manufacturys in Ireland, which directly interfere with those of England; to evince which, I shall offer a few Propositions, which I take to be so evident, as that they will admit of no Controversie.

1. That England hath no other means of procuring Rich­es, than by vending a greater Value of her Commodities in Forreign Markets, than what she expends in Merchandiz­es imported from abroad.

2. That the far greater Value of the Exportations of England arises from her Woollen Manufactures.

3. That England hath always been able to send as much of her Woollen Manufacturies abroad, as could be vended in Forreign Markets.

4. That whatsoever Countrey can afford their Manu­facturies cheapest, must infallibly gain the Trade from that Countrey that cannot work so cheap.

5. That Ireland is able to make many of the same kinds of Woollen Manufactures cheaper than England, and there­fore will never want a Vent for them in Forreign Markets.

6. That the whole Quantity of such Manufactures which Ireland shall supply in Forreign Markets, will hin­der the Sale of so much from England, and consequently the whole Value thereof will be so much clear Loss to England.

7. That whatsoever Number of People shall be employ­ed in this Trade in Ireland, the same Number of our Ma­nufacturers must sit still in England.

8. That such People to avoid starving at home, will go to Ireland for Work, by which Means the Woollen Ma­nufactury in Ireland may soon come to be greater than that in England, and in time the whole Trade would most probably be Establisht there, and lost here.

The fatal Consequences that flow from these Premises, are too obvious to need further Illustration here; but the matter will yet appear more plain, when I come to answer the Arguments which have been offered against the Bill; To which I proceed,

1st. That the Government of England have at several times given Encouragement to the settling a Woolen Manuf [...] ­ry in Ireland, and therefore 'twould be very unreasonable, af­ter they have with great Charge and Difficulty brought the same to some Perfection, to destroy it at once, and ruine the Ʋndertakers.

I answer, That (supposing this to be true) former times might not see through all the Inconveniencies that might accrew to England by settling a Woollen Manufactury in Ire­land, or perhaps they intended that encouragement only to capacitate them to make Clothing for themselves, but not to enable them to interfere with England in its Forreign Trade; for certainly our Ancestors who prohibited the sending their Woolls to Forreign Parts, never intended to ena­ble [Page 4] them to send the Manufactures made thereof, which would do us a far greater Damage. But as England hath always shewn her Parental Care over all her Colonies, in being ready to give them all the Encouragement necessary to their Well Being; so She ought also to Exert her Power in restraining them, when She finds them Enterprizing any thing that may prove Injurious to her self; and in this She is justifi'd as well by Reason, as by the Practice of all Nations that have Planted Colonies. As to the Underta­kers, the least Compassion possible is due to them, because (as they are thought to be English-men) they ought not to have designed their own Interest, so much to the detri­ment of England, and they may find out ways enough to employ their Stocks, without iniuring the Publick.

2. That 'tis the Interest of England to Encourage the increase of Riches in Ireland, that it may be in the better Condition to contribute to its own Support upon any Exe­gencies, and lessen the Charge of England.

This is a very true Argument, and will run on all four when rightly apply'd; but there is an unhappy Di­stinction that makes it downright Lame in this Case; for there is a vast Difference between Ireland's gaining wealth, by any way of Industry peculiar to themselves and inoffensive to England; and their incroaching upon that Trade, which is the only way by which England can attract Riches; for 'tis plain that all they shall gain thereby, will be a clear Loss to us, and that 'twere better for us to Maintain them in sitting still, than to suffer them to work in such a way as must nndo us. This would disable us to give them the necessary Suc­cours in time of need, and they would hereby cut the Prop that Supports them.

3. That by putting down this Manufactury, the Poor of Ireland will be Destitute of Work, many Familys would be [Page 5] Ruined, and an unreasonable Hardship put upon a Counsry, but just recovering it self after a Destructive War.

'Tis Answer enough, since this is but the Beginning of a new Business, to ask how they lived before? But 'tis certain, that the Poor of Ireland do subsist very easily: Lands are very Cheap (per­haps not one A Gentleman who liv'd in the County of Kerry, told me, that for about 13. l. per Annum, Rack-Rent, he had Land enough to keep 50 Head of Black Cattle, and breed more Corn than his Family could spend. eighth part of the Value of ours, generally speaking) and Provisions of all Kinds in great plenty. A Cow or two of ten Shillings Price, and a Potatoe Garden, will Support a Family, meaning of such as are next to Poverty; but he that can Rent ten Pound Per Annum, may keep two Dishes of Meat at his Table the Year round; so that no Body can want a livelyhood there, that will but exert the least Industry; whereas in England, the Working People are very numerous, Land and Provi­sions extreamly dearer: Many thousands Depend who­ly on the Manufacturies, and cannot live of themselves when they are not employ'd. This Manufactury, (mean­ing that for Transportation) is yet but growing in Ireland, and few Hands (in Comparison to the multi­tude that live by it in England) are yet employed in it; so that the Disappointment cannot at this time be great to them; but if we should Suffer it to con­tinue longer, the great Encouragement will make it grow so considerably, as that the effects will soon be­come so visible in England, that necessity will compel us to put a stop to it, and then the Hardship will seem so much the more to the People of Ireland; by how much the greater numbers have brought them­selves to Depend upon that way of Living. 'Tis true indeed, that the People of Ireland have endured great Hardships by the War; but 'tis as certain, that [Page 6] they have been reestablisht in the quiet enjoyment of their Lands and Possessions, at a great Expence of the Blood and Treasure of England; and I believe, if those very Gen­tlemen of Ireland, that are now so zealous in solliciting a­gainst this Bill, had been told, when they were under the extremity of the War, that there would be a necessity upon us, for the securing that Trade from whence we deriv'd our principal Subsistence, and the Capacity to help them in time of need, to Prohibit their Interfereing with us in our Wool­len Manufactures; they would then have assented to the rea­sonableness of it, as a Respect justly due to their Protectors.

4. That the quantities they make are so inconsiderable, as that it cannot hurt England; that there is no Probability of their increasing the Trade to any great Degree, and that a great part of the Workmanship there is so dear, as that they cannot make their Goods much cheaper there than in England.

Every one knows that the greatest Undertakings pro­ceed from small Beginnings, but that when the first Diffi­culties are overcome they easily go on, and increase in a much greater Proportion than the first appearance. Before the War, they came in four Years, to export in the last Year 11360 pieces, and since the Reduction of Ireland they are in four Years come to above 4000 pieces, notwithstanding the Hindrances of the War; and it may be remarkt, that they advanced from 2000 and upward in the Year 1695. to above 4000 in 1696. Thus much they acknowledge; and these are not short Steps. They can never want a ready Sale for all they can make, because they Sell cheaper than we; Plenty of Work will attract Plenty of Workmen, these will take as many Apprentices as they can Employ; in seven Years the Apprentices will become Masters, and in three Years more even their Apprentices will become able Work­men; who can doubt but by that time (or a little longer) their increase (with those also that come to them from England) will be enough to Manufacture all the Woolls [Page 7] of Ireland. But I'll suppose for Argument sake, that they make but to the value of One Hundred Thou­sand Pounds yearly, and that they would not Sell for more than Ten Pounds Per Cent. cheaper rhan England usually doth: Supposing also, that England sends abroad the value but of one Million yearly, of Goods of the like Kinde; 'twill be easily granted me, that if any one Offers his Goods cheaper than the usual Price, that will then become the Market-Price, and every one else must Sell at the same or Keep his Goods: By this 'tis plain, that England must abate 100000 l. out of the the former value of her Million, for the sake of Ire­land's 100000 l. and then she looses another 100000 l. by Ireland's taking that Money in the Markets, which England should otherwise solely Furnish: So that 'tis clear from this Consideration, if no more were to be said to it; That 'twere more advantagious to England by the one half, to Buy these Goods and Throw them into the Sea, than to Suffer Ireland to Sell cheaper than we can in Forreign Markets. But the arguing, that Weaving and some other Parts of the Workman­ship is as dear as in England, is a perfect Fallacy; for besides that, they only Suggest it without Proof, yet if it were so at the first attempting such a Ma­nufactury, that could only be occasioned through the scarcity of Workmen, but would every Year grow cheaper as those Workmen should encrease, and enough is said above, to shew that that will be the Infallible Consequences of an Encouraging Trade; and since I may modestly affirm that Provisions are not (gene­rally speaking) at above half the Price there, to what they are in England, and labour holding always in Propor­tion thereto, 'tis not unreasonable to expect that they will in time come to work at least one third cheaper than we can, and if they should make as much as they can then [Page 8] Sell for 200000 l, that will be equal in Quantity to our 300000 l. and abate so much out of the Sale of our Million, and then by the Fall in Price, the remaining 700000 l. would yield but 466666⅔ l. So that 'tis plain, that if Ireland gains Riches by this Trade, 'twill be at the Expence of impoverishing England. I cannot but Remark here, that the main Body of the Sollici­tors against this Bill, consisted in Gentlemen, Possessors of Lands in Ireland, who though they may be excused from having any nice Understanding in a matter of Trade (as this properly is) yet it seems they have ea­sily learnt, that the flourishing of their new Manufac­tury, would cause the Lands of Ireland to rise, to which without Doubt, 'tis their Interest to have more reguard, than to the keeping up the value of the Lands of England, which by this Method of inticeing away its Mouths, would certainly Fall in value as fast as those in Ireland should rise.

5. That the high Duties payable upon all Woollen Manu­factures brought into England, amount to a prohibition of the Irish; and that if it were intended that theirs should be brought hither, the Dutises ought to be moderated so, as to bear but a just proportion to what they can work cheaper.

I will be so free as to acknowledge, that I beleive the House of Commons intended no less by this Bill, than the suppressing all Exporation of Woollen Manu­factures from Ireland, and the utter discouraging the Pro­gress of that Trade there; but to lay such a Duty as might at present seem equal to the difference of Workman­ship, would utterly defeat that intent: For, as I have noted before, they may soon come to work so much lower than they now do, as that they may be able to bring their Goods into England at so small a Duty, and be encourag'd to keep on their Manufactury there, which though by this means it may not so much prejudice our [Page 9] Forreign Trade, by beating down the Prices; yet it will have its full effect in taking away the Employ­ment of our Manufacturers, and drawing them into Ire­land; and, as was truly said by their own Council, would indeed lower the value of the Woollen Goods on the Makers here: Though by the way, I think that could be no argument in their Favour. Moreover, what assu­rance can we have, but that if they are suffered to make such Goods there, they may ship them for For­reign Parts by stealth, without paying any Duty at all? The Manufacture being of much less bulk than the Wools, which they tell us plainly, will be apt to be sent for France, if they be debarr'd from working it up there; though I doubt not but that if our Legislature will exert its Power, it may be smart enough with them to pre­vent both.

6. That their Ʋndertaking doth not interfere with the main Branch of our Manufactuary, the Cloathing-Trade, but that they do yet continue to buy great Quantities of Cloth from us.

This indeed is true at present, but when they shall have considerably encreas'd the number of their Work­men, and brought their People into the way of work­ing their Wools, who can doubt but that they will be at that also? their Contest indeed now is only in rela­tion to what we commonly call the New Drapery, con­sisting of Bays, Serges and Stuffs, which makes up a mighty part of our Exportations, and the Injury they will come to do us therein cannot be less than what I have before noted; to which I might add, that Ireland affords us great Quantities of that sort we call long Wool for Combing, of which those Goods are made, and if they shall work it up themselves, the wanting of that Supply will be very sensible to us.

These are the most mateaial Objections against the [Page 10] Bill that occur to my Memory, and I hope I have fairly answer'd them: But that I may give a full View of the whole Controversie in its true shape, I will (after the old way of arguing) represent it by a Simile.

A good old Gentleman, Possessor of great Tracts of Land abounding in plenty of all things fit for life, but especially in the greatest Quantity of Sheep of any in his whole Country, happily fell into the way of Ma­nusacturing his Wools, in which he became so success­ful as to be able to out do all other People, and furnish all his Neighbours with the greatest part of what they us'd; by which means he was not only capacitated to support a very numerous Family, but also attracted to himself great Riches, and became equal in Power to most of his Neighbours; he had setled his eldest Son in a very considerable part of his Estate at a distance from him, which he had formerly gain'd by Conquest, giving him the full Liberty of enjoying all the Product of an abundant Soyl, only reserving this advantage to him­self, that what Wool the Son should have to spare a­bove the Quantity which he should need for the cloath­ing his own Family, he should be oblig'd to sell to the Father, and not to any other Person, because that would extreamly injure him in his Woollen Manufactury Business, which was the main Support of his Estate. The Son liv'd plentifully, and flourisht greatly, only the ancient Possessors of the Estate (who were a very numerous Fa­mily) being compell'd by the Power of the Father to live in subjection under him, were apt to take frequent oc­casions to give him great disturbance, and by reason of their numbers sometimes prevail'd against him; yet he was always readily assisted by the Father, who never fail'd by the strength of his Purse and Power, to sub­due his Enemies, and to resettle him in the quiet Enjoy­ment of his Estate. The last Insurrection they made [Page 11] was by far the greatest, because they were assisted by a very potent Neighbour, and it cost the Father a mighty Sum to quell it. But the Son was no sooner settled in quiet, but he sets his People to work upon making the same kinds of Woollen Manufacturies which was the Father's Trade, and sends them to the same Markets for Sale; the Father is justly offended at this, and foreseeing the great Injury which the Son's going on in such a Trade would prove to him, resolves to put a stop to it; the Son complains mightily against this; alledging, that 'tis unreasonable to deprive him of such means to enrich himself, and that if he be denied this way, 'twould become a Temptation to his Tenants and People to sell the Wools to others; upon which the Father bespeaks him after this man­ner, Son, Thou knowest well that my Charge and Expence is very great, having many other Children to provide for besides thy self, and that it hath cost me vast Summs to protect thee in the Possession of the Estate which I have given thee, which is sufficient to give thee a very abundant Subsistence without thy interfe­ring with me in my peculiar Trade, which thou seest is the only way I have to gain Wealth, and to enable me to support all my Children, of which thou hast al­ways been the most chargeable to me, and yet thou hast often been ready to make use of the advantages which thy profitable Portion hath given thee to encroach upon me, not only in my Woollen, but also in some o­ther parts of my Trade, which I could not spare thee; and therefore if thou wilt not have a due Sence of my Interest, and consider how much thy own is concern'd in it, assure thy self that I will take that care of my own Affairs, as to use my paternal Power to restrain thee in all such matters of Trade, which I shall find in­consistent with my well-being. And although I shall [Page 12] always be willing to encourage thee in any thing that tends not to my own hurt; yet if thou shalt not desist from sending thy Woollen Goods to the Markets, which I have of long time been us'd to furnish, I will by my Authority take from thee all thy Woool combers, and prohibit that any such Trade shall be exercis'd in thy Family for the future, thereby to incapacitate thee from making those Commodities, with which thou canst do me so much hurt: And if thou shalt not be careful to keep thy People from selling their Wool to Strangers, I will send Officers to keep an Exact Registry of all thy Sheep, and secure thy Wool in Ware-houses as it is shorn, that it may not be in thy Power to deal fra­dulently by me in an Affair which so nearly concerns me.

I am yet no Enemy to the People of Ireland, and wish them all the Prosperity that can Consist with the Well Being of England: I own 'tis our Interest, that they should grow Rich, but not by such Means as will sooner Impoverish us than Advance them. I be­lieve it would be a useful Policy, and worth the Care of England, to Promote any such Manufacturies in Ireland as may not Jar with ours, whereby the People there may not only Gain Wealth, but even the multitude of Irish be drawn into a more civilized way of Liveing, which would tame them faster than any Severities we can use; for a People brought into a settled and profitable way of Living, would soon come to a better Understanding, than to be apt to quit their Ease and Profit at every Call of the Turblent Gentry and their Priests. The Country is every way sit for a Linnen Manufactury, and wants nothing but a Stock to establish it: Private Undertakers are com­monly too weak to strugle with the Difficulties that attend the Beginnings of great Undertakings, but the [Page 13] mighty Publick would easily go through with it: It would be Money well employed, if the Government of England lent them 100,000 l. to establish it, and though we may not be in a Condition to do it at pre­sent, yet I hope such a thought may not be forgotten when we can better spare it. The Objection, that our Neighbour Nations of whom we now buy our Linnen would be offended at it, and refuse to take our Manu­factures, I take to be a wrong Notion: The Alterations and Charges of Trade are not uncommon, and move by degrees not soon to be observ'd: If we again buy Lin­nen in France as before the War, Germany must take less of our Money, yet, as many other Nations deal with them for it, their Trade will go on, and the many distant Coun­tries from whence 'tis brought to the Markets at Hamburgh and Bremen, if they are sensible of some lessening of their Vent, will scarce reflect directly upon the Cause, or if they should, such Resentments are not apt to be of any consequence; the People must have Woollen Cloaths, and no Body can furnish them with our sorts upon equal Terms with us, if we do but manage our Trade as we are able; and 'tis evident that People will not easily be diverted from what they have been us'd to and like, witness our continuing in the full use of French Goods before the War, when they had as it were prohibited ours. And though this Caution hath been often urg'd in Discourses of Trade, yet I never knew one instance of any Nations being piqued at another to such a degree, as to break off their Commerce; though I have known several instances of such Occasions given. Some prevail­ing reguard, either to the Benefit of the Customs, the Profit of the Merchants, or the like, is always had; so that Governments seem to be steer'd by this Principle, That if they cannot Vend in Trade as much as they would, they will yet continue to sell what they can, and [Page 14] acquiesce with the Shop-keepers Rule, That Custom is no Inheritance, if they loose one Chap man, they get another, and measure not their Trade by Particulars, but in the general. I have enlarg'd upon this point even to a Digression, because I was willing to take this Opportunity to offer my Sentiments upon it, for that I have upon divers occasions thought that Argument to have been us'd rather to serve a turn, than for any real Weight there was in it, and that I think we ough [...] not to have any consideration of it, in taking the measures which seem otherwise to be convenient for us.

My Lord,

Your Lordship's extraordinary Understanding in the right Notions of the Trade of England, your Readiness at all times to espouse its Interest, and the Condescen­tions which you have upon some former Occasions shewn, in deigning to receive Information in things of this nature from a Person as inconsiderable as I am, hath given me the Confidence to suggest my Thoughts in this important Business to your Lordship, and I assure my self that your Lordship will have so much regard to the Sincerity of my Intentions, as to excuse the Imperfections of the Performance, and pardon the Boldness of this Address, from

I Had written the foregoing Papers in the Country, and coming to Town to put them in the Press, I met with a Book, Entituled, Some Thoughts on a Bill depending before the Honourable House of Lords, &c. And although I am cut short in time, yet I will bestow a few Remarks upon it; notwithstanding that I think the main points in Controversie, are sufficiently argu'd in the fore-going Discourse. I will acknowledge that the Author hath a pretty insinuating way of Writing and a good turn of Thought, but his Skill seems ill bestow'd upon so wrong a Subject, it looks like fine drawing upon a Thred-bare Coat, the Wool is worn off and the Rent won't be covered.

If the Nobility and Gentry of Ireland spend good part of their Estates in England tis their own choice, and the Product of their Butter, Leather, Raw-hides, Tallow, &c. which they send to the Neighbouring Countries of Europe, and of the vast Quantities of Provisions sent to the Plantations, their Wool, Flax, Skins, &c. to Eng­land is sufficient, to bear that Expence, and moreover to pay for all the mighty value of Commodities which he says they buy from us; and this is largely prov'd by the current of Exchange between us, a Guinea passes [Page 16] there for 26 s. which is near 20 per Cent. difference in the par of the Money; but as the Proemio of the Ex­change hath of late been under, that shews that the Ballance of the Trade must be in their Favour. If much of their Trade be carried on by English Stocks, yet the People are paid for their Commodities, and the Profit they receive thereby may be Encouragement enough for them, if they can be content when they are well.

His Computation of the great profit they are to Eng­land, is at random, do we not deserve the utmost pro­fit they can yield? and all too little in consideration of the vast charge we have been at to protect them in the possession of such mighty Landed Estates which they enjoy.

God be thanked, that the Kingdom of Ireland is [...] ­petently replenisht with English Inhabitants, and they are again in a flourishing Condition, notwithstanding the Desolations of the late War; but to perswade us to encourage the sending of more numbers of People thi­ther than we can well spare, will scarce take with us; for if their Strengthning that Country would be of ad­vantage to them, their remaining here is much more so to us, and 'tis better for us to have People to spare to send to their Assistance upon Occasion, than for us to need help from them. As for their leaving the Coun­try, if we shall lay difficulties upon them, (as he calls it) or of their joining with any other Interest than that of Eng­land; how extravagant is it to imagine, that those People should be so easily picqu'd into a leaving their Settlements there? when 'tis certain that he that hath 100 l. per Annum there, can live more plentifully than upon 500 l. per Annum in England, and yet his 100 l. per Annum would yield him but 1000 l. in Money, and that will buy him but 50 l. per Annum in England, a fine Exchange: Such [Page 17] another 'twould be, to quit the Government of England to put themselves under that of France, (for no Body else can protect them). But these Thoughts are abo­minable, and the insinuation is a Crime against, and a most unreasonably Reflection upon the worthy English Gentlemen of Ireland, for whom 'twould be impossible to degenerate into so much Irish Understanding, and so little love to their Mother Country: But 'tis a sufficient indication of a hard cause when Men are put to their Shifts for Arguments, and forc't to hall them in by the Neck and Shoulders, as hath been this Gentleman's case in almost all he hath us'd.

They are not contending for Power or great Riches, they neither trade to East Indies, Turky or Africa, they have neither Hamborough, Hudsons Bay, Greenland or Rus­sia Company; very fine, and have not the Subjects of England been debarr'd from the same Trades, except they would buy Stocks in the Companies? and might not the People of Ireland if they had Money to spare, come in upon the same Terms? Let them say no more of this, their Merchants are no way restrain'd more than the People of England, they may send Ships from thence to all parts of the World, or concern themselves in any Adventures in Trade with as much freedom as our selves, they cannot indeed bring some kinds of Merchan­dize directly for Ireland no more can we.

They have no Fleets or Plantations: What Colonys ever had? What an Exclamation follows next? as if they were forbid the Benefit of Earth and Air, and the Libertys allow'd by the Law of Nature, which have ne­ver been denyed by the greatest Conquerors: Do they not freely enjoy Earth and Air? have th [...] not liberty to send abroad their Native Commodities? May they not Manufacture what they have Occasion for of their own Product? yet because they must not bring their [Page 18] Cattel or Provisions to England, (though they may send as much as they can spare to our Plantations) and undersell the Staple Commodities of England in Forreign Markets, they are undone. 'Tis evident that England hath been sufficiently put to it to support her Govern­ment, and not Withstanding all the Advantages she can raise by her Trade and otherwise, she is involv'd in a very great Debt; and for her to suffer Ireland to ru­ine the Trade of her Manufactures, would indeed be the ready way to undoe her.

His distinction of Colonies for Trade and Colonies for Empire, is contriv'd on purpose to fit Ireland; but by his good leave, are not all Colonies upon the same foot of keeping the Natives in Subjection, where there are any under their Jurisdiction? to say nothing of ours on the Continent of America, where altho' we treat the Indians more civilly than as a conquer'd People, yet there's reason enough to say that we are oblig'd to keep them in Subjection; the Dutch have many Colonies in India, where they keep the Incolae in Subjection, and yet they don't give them Liberty to send their Spices and other natural Product to what Markets they please, but they do restrain their whole Trade to their Mother Country, and not only they, but all other Countries that have had Colonies (since the Encrease and Under­standing of Trade) do (as far as I have ever heard) in Fact contradict this Assertion of his, and I beleive Ire­land hath the greatest Liberty in that respect of any Colony in the World.

He insinuates, that if Ireland should be debarr'd from making Woollen Manufactures, yet England must not expect to reap the whole Benefit, Holland, Scotland, Ve­nice, Germany and France, pretend also to the Woollen Manufacture and will vye with us. I say these Coun­tries do not interfere with us any thing considerably in the [Page 19] greatest part of our sorts of Goods, and if we do but come to so good a management of our Trade as we are capable, we shall be able to maintain it beyond them, and none but Ireland, by her having Wools and Work cheaper, can spoil us. But I wonder the Gentleman hath never heard of any Nations besides Spain and Portugal, with whom Ireland hath dealt for Manufactures; it seems as if neither himself, nor those that instructed him, were acquainted with the practice of Trade; for 'tis certain that Ireland sends more Woollen Goods to Hol­land and Flanders, than to any other Countries.

In all that he says, to cloud the Business of their Work­ing cheaper, he is as ill employ'd as if he were blow­ing Feathers against the Wind, his Arguments flye back in his Face. 'Tis not worth my while to trace his long Insinuations, I have said enough to that Point in the former Discourse; if he Disputes against Principles, I have done with him: Nothing less can be offer'd in this Case, than to prove, that Provisions are not cheap­er in Ireland than in England; that plenty of Work, and good Pay in one Countrey, will not draw Work-men from a Neighbour Countrey where they are very plenty, and Work is scarce, that those very Work men will ne­ver be perswaded to abate of the high Wages which was at first given them, although their Numbers should increase to ever so many, and Provissons be so cheap, that they could live very well at Half Wages. But be­yond all, to Clench it, he ought to demonstrate to us plainly, that 'tis not because Ireland sells cheaper than England, that Merchants leave us, and come to them to buy other Woollen Goods besides their Stockings, Stuffs and Frizes, but 'tis for some pretty charm which they have to attract them, though the incident Charges be a little higher there than here. But who can forbear [Page 20] his pretty comparison of the Labour of the Blacks and the Artificers in the West-Indies? can the Labour of a Slave bear any proportion but to that of another Slave, but he may be assured that the proportion between the Labour of the common Labourer, that is a Freeman, and the Artificer, is much the same in the West-Indies as it is in other Countries.

To tell us of driving away the People from Ireland is but a Bugbear, the very profits of the Lands in Ire­land is Encouragement enough, not only to keep the People that are there, but to draw more to them; and where's a Tradesman to be found in Ireland, who after he hath rais'd any Stock to spare, doth not fall to buying or renting Lands, in which they find their Improvements as easie as in other ways?

We need not be scar'd from making such Laws as we think requisite for restraining Ireland in matters of Trade, for fear of their Remissness to execute them, or their smuggling with France and Scotland, as he suggests; but he might have let that alone, if we can't enforce the Execution of our own Laws, or make what further Laws they may give us occasion, for the keeping Ire­land in a due Decorum, 'tis our own Faults. And for their agreeing to spend none but their own Manufactures at home; we know they are a very Genteel People, and perhaps can't hold long in so moody a Temper, but if they should, that were a Trifle in comparison, to their spoiling our whole Trade with the rest of the World; neither could they do even that, if we should in a so­lemn manner tell them and the whole World, that they shall not Manufacture any of their own Product. ('tis his own Words) And his suggesting that we may be as ready to dash the Linnen-Manufacture, or any other Improvements which they may bring to perfection, is a Reflection which England doth not deserve from them, [Page 21] for though she must always retain her Authority, to deal with her Colonies in all such matters as her own Pru­dence shall direct; yet she hath always had an easie Rein upon them, and given such Liberties which ought not to be sleighted to the degree this Gentleman does; and may be a sufficient assurance to them, that so kind a Mother will never put any unnecessary difficulties upon them, but will always promote them in every thing that is not unreasonably injurious to her self; especially since 'tis her Interest as well as Delight, to see them flourish under her Care and Protection. His gentle way of destroying their Manufactures by secret Dis­couragements, and to let it decline by degrees, &c. looks more like a Wheedle than a practical Project.

After all I must acknowledge, that the Author hath shewn abundance of Ingenuity in the penning those Pa­pers, and whosoever shall observe how he hath manag'd so bad a Subject to the highest advantage, it was capa­ble of, will believe that in this I don't flatter him; and if he should think fit to employ his Ability in framing some practicable Scheme, for the incorporating, Ireland, (and if he could take in Scotland also) with England, so as that the whole Empire might as far as possible, be conjoin'd in one entire Interest, and be steer'd by one United Grand-Council; I believe his performance therein would be much more agreeable. And when he shall have considered that matter throughly, I doubt not but that he may come to be of the same Opinion with me, that even under such an Union, the well-being of the whole could not be conserv'd, without the laying some neces­sary Restrictions upon the Parts, according to his own Instance of Kent and Sussex, where he acknowledges that 'tis the Interest of the whole Kingdom besides, to pro­hibit their Wool from going to France.

To Conclude, as this Gentleman hath given us his Definition and Distinction of Colonies, I'll take the Freedom to offer my Opinion, under what predicaments all Colonies whatsoever, without any distinction, are to be considered; which if it may be admitted, will perpetually determine this Controversie in the Judg­ment of all reasonable Men.

First, That the planting of all Colonies is by per­mission, and in subservience to the Conveniencies of the Mother Countrey.

Secondly, That all the free Planters go by their own Consent, and must be subject to the Conditions of their Settlement, as long as they remain in the Colo­ny, but that themselves or their Posterity may return at their pleasure, and enjoy all the Priviledges of their Native Countrey.

Thirdly, That for their Encogragement, Lands and Priviledges are granted them upon very easie terms, whereby they may be enabled to subsist more comfor­tably than their Circumstances could admit them in their own Country.

Fourthly, That their proper Business is to cultivate the Lands, and raise the Product which that Country will yield.

Fifthly, That no permission is granted them for For­reign Trade, but such as their Mother Country shall from time to time see fit, because as the Care and Charge of protecting them in the Enjoyment of their Possessions, is always incumbent upon her, 'tis not rea­sonable that she should divest her self from the Privi­ledge of reaping such advantages by them therein, as their Condition can afford.

Sixthly, That they may never look upon themselves to be out of the Power of the Legislature of their Mo­ther Country, but that they ought to pay an entire Obedience to all such Laws as she shall make respect­ing them.

'Tis for want of these Considerations, that Men take the Liberty to argue so passionately (not to say inde­cently) upon the Case now depending; but if it will not be granted, that it must always be of the Essence of a Colony, to be under such Regulations, I see no room to distinguish between the Mother Country and its Colony, which were absurd to think. And since I see they are so apt to be forgetful of their Duty upon all such Occasions, I could wish our Government would think fit, In perpetuam rei memoriam, to ordain, that an Inscription of the purport following, should be always set up in the Parliament House in Ireland, and in the Houses of Assembly in all our other Colonies, to be read the first thing every Day of their Sessions: