SECT. I.

MY first Business then must be to Expostulate with those worthy Friends and Admirers of the Author, whe­ther they have not a Commonwealth de­sign in Publishing these venerable Remains of his, and do not give more than secret intimation thereof in their Preface, &c. yet I cannot believe they are any other­wise his Friends, than agreeing in the [Page 8] same Notions of Commonwealthism, where­of they esteemed him a doughty Patron; for 'tis generally presum'd the last of his Acquaintance and Confidents was S—by B—el, with whom those many Reams of Paper, he had, whilst grumbling in Swisserland, emptied his gall into, were entrusted: and report speaks that he was trick'd of them by a Republican confident who best understood to make the best of them, as well for the Good Old Cause, as his own Advantage; which 'tis further said the churlish Nabal was very angry at, and would have resented accordingly, had not Death interpos'd, and put an end to that Dispute. The Ʋsurper of the Copy, having now got quiet, and sole Possession, consulted, more than once, the whole Calves-head Fraternity, not without some Representatives, as to the most creditable way of Publishing; where in conclusion, it was resolv'd to cut off the superfluities of that slovenly Swiss dress 'twas left in, and notwithstanding the Books, and their many Prejudices a­gainst France, send it forth in that Alla­mode way of Memoirs. For what reason they affected so much Ʋmbrage as to date their Preface from Bern, and suppose the Impression at Vevay, I shall not con­cern my self; had they said at Darby it [Page 9] had been nigher home, and nigher truth too; nay certainly so, by a little quibling transition from Place to Person.

To come to their Preface, which good Books as little want, as good Wine a Bush, they begin with a stale Common-place flourish of the Reception the other Volumes have found in most Parts of Europe, and the incessant Inquiries of divers Persons of Worth and Honour concerning these Re­mains, &c. What reception they met A­broad I have not heard, to be sure they are not yet translated into any Foreign Language, and dare engage they never will: But that the Publisher hath had a very good Market at home shall be rea­dily granted, as well for what was for­merly observ'd, that this Age's vitiated Palate relish nothing more than such crude unhealthy stuff, as feed the Dis­ease, rather than nourish the Body; as likewise all Men of sence, and sober un­derstanding were oblig'd to look into them, the better to refell those many Cavills and Conceits wherewith every superficial Reader is not more easily im­pos'd upon, than forward to impose upon others. And really the only good I can possibly hope for, from the many for­ward Abettors of such desperate all-de­stroying Innovations, is that by degrees [Page 10] it may awaken such as apprehend much better, would they exert their Parts, into a due consideration of the Insolence and Ar­bitrariness of this Faction when in Power, and that the same Evil Spirit possessing us once again, it would be more than seven times worse than at first.

One thing I must take notice of by way of Preliminary, as very artfully ma­nag'd, by all the Modern Writers upon this Subject, they bend their whole force against Sir Robert Filmer, who writing at the beginning, or besore the Wars, for so his Patriarcha was, proceeded upon one grand Postulatum, which the inno­cence and simplicity of those quiet times assented to for undoubted truth, and up­on the acknowledgment of Revealed Re­ligion, with the History of the Creation, only from thence discover'd may indeed be cavill'd at, but not disprov'd; the Postulatum is this, That as God is Sove­raign Lord of the V;niverse, so here upon our little Spot, (this Ant-hill, as Lucian terms it, where Men creep up and down, and quarrel each other for every despi­cable clod) he delegated to Mankind a Superiority over all descended from him; by which means as they are not free to choose whatever Governors, or Forms of Government they please, so is there not [Page 11] the least danger of thraldom, or ill usage, under so natural, and indulgent an Oeco­nomy; for the treatment of Children is quite different from that of Servants or Slaves; which our Republicans would most illogically inferr, and make much clamour about, vet nevertheless if the former the Children be untractable, de­fective in their duty, and bounden re­spect; 'tis most incongruous to suppose, even from the dictates of common reason, they that gave them Being, should be without a Power of Restraint, and Con­troll. This Sir Robert lays down as the Basis, the Foundation of all Regiment, from whence, as Mankind multiply'd, it grew up from Paternal, to Monarchical, where the People too much resembling Children, of a froppish, unmanageable disposition, 'tis equally reasonable their Common Parent should here likewise have a judgment of discretion, to counte­nance, or chastise according to their diffe­rent deportments: Now as this is the Origin from whence that worthy Gentle­man deduceth all Government, so is it less liable to Exception, Oppression, &c. than any of those popular Models this uneasie Age is so fruitful of, and troublesom with; but how readily any one may pervert anothers meaning, the common [Page 12] course of Controversie unhappily disco­vers, where each one dresses up his Ad­versary, as the Heathens did the Primi­tive Christians, in the Skins of Wild Beasts, or some such like terrible shape, and then loo the Reader to fall upon, and devour them: whereas the foremention'd Hypo­thesis, taken in a candid and true sence, as it gives no more Power to the Prince, than a Father hath over his Children, so is it most forward to grant all those Rights and Privileges, these busy Men make such a noise and clamour about; only designs to give them a true Notion of the thing according to its Original, its Divine Institution; that so they might thankfully, and respectively enjoy them, without offending God, and disturbing, or subverting the Peace, and Welfare, of that Community wherein they live. Yet at the foremention'd severe rate is Sir Ro­bert treated, in the former of those Two Treatises of Government; as if he design'd nothing but Slavery, and Oppression, to all Mankind, and that nothing less could be deduc'd from the Principles upon which he proceeds. And that Folio of Discourses written upon the same Subject, By the Honourable Embassador of the Com­monwealth of England, (a commendable Character for a Person of an Ancient, and [Page 13] Noble Family, to be Minister to such a pack of R—) useth him in the like mistaken, ill-bred manner.

And here I cannot but propound one thing which must be acknowledged rea­sonable, that since there are a new Set of Men so earnest to revive that old Con­troversie of Commonwealthism, they would act so squarely, be so ingenuous, as to make an Universal Search into the mat­ter, consider those many Enlargements others have made upon the foremention'd Premisses; for Sir Robert Filmer only brake the ice, was indeed the first who dar'd to Remonstrate the cursed Conse­quences, and horrid Impieties of that Rebellion they were run into; but, as already mention'd, writ only in general, according to the universally received Maxims of precedent Times, till the Je­suit, and Calvinist, set up, the one for the Pope, the other for the People; and so turn'd all things topsy turvy. I say therefore, it were more generous, and to the purpose, would they take notice, and reply to what hath been further on, with greater particularity, and exactness written upon this occasion: for the Pen­quarrel went on with that of the Sword, and was much more successful in every Engagement; it would be therefore no [Page 14] little satisfaction to all impartial Enqui­rers, could these bold Ʋndertakers be pre­vail'd upon, in a full reply, to answer what that Prodigy of all Reading, the most Reverend and Learned Usher, writ, during the Rebellion, tho' since Printed; Of the Power communicated by God to the Prince, and the Obedience required of the Subject. And his worthy Successor the great Bramhall, did in the heat of the War write the Serpent Salve, in Answer to a Virulent Libel, which contain'd all those popular Delusions, the Rebels then made use of to impose upon, and betray the Nation. An ingenious young Gentle­man, Mr. Dudly Diggs, did likewise at the same time write of The Ʋnlawfulness of Subjects taking up Arms against their King: with many other unanswerable Pieces of that Nature, which these great Sticklers, for their Sovereign Lords the People, or rather their own Maggots, and wild Projects, never did, nor never will take notice of. What Dr. Taylor hath likewise written of the Supreme Power in his Cases of Conscience, is too clearly sta­ted for them ever to meddle with. And to come to what hath pass'd since the Restauration in 60; when Charles the Second's unaccountable Remissness gave their Demagogueships an opportunity of [Page 15] fermenting the People, to very nigh their 41 infatuations; among others, a very learned, and most accomplish'd Gentle­man, Sir George Mackenzie, writ a little Tract, call'd, Jus Regium, or the Just and Solid Foundations of Monarchy in Gene­ral, &c. which tho' calculated more im­mediately for the Meridian of his own Country, yet may it indifferently serve for the whole Island, with any other Part of the Civiliz'd World; this Piece more especially is what I would provoke the whole Set of our reviv'd Rota Club to take notice of, and reply to, if they can; for 'tis writ both like a Divine, and a Lawyer, so concise, and yet withall so full upon each account, as nothing can be more exactly or clearly express'd: He there makes it appear how impossible it is, that all the People in any Nation should be brought to Consult of their Publick concerns; yet every private Man and Woman, according to these pretended Laws of Nature, this Popular Birth▪right, have an equal claim with the most Prag­matical Pretender, and potior est conditio negantis: Observing further, that such plausible Intrigues have been the com­mon wheadle of insolent, factious Spirits, to delude, and engage the Rabbles assi­stance in subverting the present Establish­ment, [Page 16] and if the attempt succeed, become P. 64. really those Grievances to the People, falsly suggested in the former, yet the ball being once set a running, the breach made, it can end in nothing but confu­sion; for they that have subverted one Government may justly expect a Reta­liation, and so the freak continu'd, or pursu'd, by one Bautefeu after another, without the least prospect of redress. All which must be an undoubted consequence of what Mr. Sidney so positively lays down in those Rhapsodies of his, Sect. 4. Part 3. That the People for whom the Ma­gistrate is created, can only judge whether he rightly perform his Office, or not; ex­cellent Judges without doubt, and very steady in their Resolves: Altho' Tacitus who hath hitherto pass'd for a judicious Historian, was of a quite different Per­swasion, in that he saith, Plebi non judi­cium, non veritas: And Tully, thought no mean Statesman in the Roman Repub­lick, Pro Planc. passes the same censure, Non est Con­silium in vulgo, non Ratio, non Discrimen, non Diligentia,—Ex opinione plurima, ex veritate pauca judicat: But our Mo­dern Politico's understand better, or ra­ther design otherwise, to be the Grac­chi, the Marij of our times, nothing more satisfactory to their turbulent Spi­rits, [Page 17] and bloody Minds, than Proscription, and Slaughter.

But to urge this a little further, how shall the People judge or determine when these their admired Patriots or Ring-lea­ders fall in pieces? what a nonplus were they put to upon the Conservators of their Liberties, as they were held in hand, the Presbyterians and Independents being divided, whilst the Army interpos'd to make the lesser part the whole; the Peoples judgment was then much regar­ded and their Rights maintain'd, their Purse, and Persons altogether free, that was to be dispos'd of by their mercenary Mamalucks not themselves; till thus by incessant, and unsufferable Impositions, that oppression, which according to Solo­mon, makes wise men mad, made these fools sober, in which sensible Mood, as the discreet Athenian foresaw in the like case, they were for tearing in pieces all that occasion'd their mistakes and mischiefs. I had not mention'd the precedent per­nicious Maxim of the Peoples being the venerable Judges of their Superiors actions, but for that it exactly agrees with what Ludlow more than once inveighs against, in the then Lord Chief Baron Sir Orlando Bridgman, because, sitting Chief Commis­sioner at the Tryal of the Regicides, he had [Page 18] the assurance to tell the Jury, That no Authority, no single Person, nor Commu­nity of persons, not the people Collectively or Representative, have any coercive Power over the King of England: great assurance this, yet is it much greater in the Pub­lisher, since all the Books in his Shop, and Warehouse too, will scarce be able to fee any one Lawyer of Sense and Reputation throughout the several Inns of Court, to averr the contrary, deny under his hand, that 'tis not one main Fundamental of our Ancient Monarchy, and upon which the whole Government depends: is not then the Printing thereof, to be aiding and assisting in something, which hath in for­mer days been termed Treason, and would not have pass'd without a due resentment, of what kind soever the Monarchy were? Yet however forward they are to abridge others, Mr. Sidney lays it down as essen­tially necessary in his Model, that the Le­gislative Power should be always Arbitrary, and so it hath been, and ever will in such hands as theirs; for what he adds, not to be trusted in the hands of any, who are not bound to obey the Laws they make, is trifling, and depends solely upon their own choice; neither will a partial respect to each o­ther, ever suffer it to take place: where­upon 'tis grown to a Proverb in the Low [Page 19] Countries, He that goes to Law with any in the Government is either Fool, or Mad­man; and here at home we may have observ'd, such as most vigorously oppos'd Prerogative, have stood as earnestly up­on, and been very forward to stretch their own Privileges; and yet we must not say, Quis tulerit Gracchos? or think the People little Redress'd, if both those Buckets be not equally pois'd. This to be sure is a well known Passage, that tho' the Law took hold of Munson, and Harry Marten, during Cromwell's Ʋsur­pation, for their just Debts, yet when sent for out of Gaol to make a Quorum of Rumpers, 'tis scarce a Question whe­ther they paid so much as their Fees, and would not have had a revenge upon their Creditors for committing them, had their Tyranny continu'd, for so it really was, and hath ever been, since Athens try'd the Experiment of 30 for one.

However in this we will join Issue with them, that the Supreme Power in what hand soever it is, must be Arbi­trary, and Ʋncontrollable; and this hath been with great reason brought an Ar­gument for Monarchy, as better in one, than many hands, especially according to our Establishment, where, tho' the Prince is Free, his Ministers are liable, and have [Page 20] been frequently call'd to an account for whatever infractions, or violations they made upon the Laws; an excellent Tempe­rament this, could it have been prosecuted with temper; but that being a main De­sideratum among us, especially in the pre­sent case, hath too often turn'd the Re­medy into a Disease, to say no more in so nice a Point.

But to return to our Editors of this Third Volume, it will be requisite to take notice of those particular Instructions in their Preface, which they think, if not mistaken, may prove serviceable to the World. The first whereof is, That tho' the most violent Animosity and Desire of Revenge had so possess'd the English Court against those who had any part in the Death of Charles I. &c. Whereto I reply, that ▪tis scarce possible to suppose there should be any Extream in the Prosecution of those who had any part in the Death of Charles I. It was so Horrid so Execrable a Fact as deserves all those Curses of the 109 Psalm, for tho' literally Penn'd upon that unnatural Rebellion of Absolom, and Achitophel, with their Complices; yet was it prophetically fulfill'd in Judas, and the Jewish Sanhedrim, who betray'd and Cru­cify'd the Son of God: and may from thence be transferr'd to our Sanhedrim [Page 21] at Westminster, who seem'd studiously to Copy that Hellish Original, and would have done the same by Christ had he stood as much in their way. Neither yet was the English Court so violent as here repre­sented, but quite on the contrary gave frequent checks, by Messages, and other­wise, to those just Resentments both Lords and Commons were often about, who look'd upon themselves as oblig'd both in Honour and Conscience, to make some expiation for that innocent Blood, these Sons of Wickedness had shed like water on every side: and this Ludlow owns, the Lords were inclin'd to revenge their own Order on the Persons of some in the High Court of Justice, and to except one of the Judges for every Lord they had put to Death, p. 34. and if true, as he relates, that a certain Lord diverted it by naming one already dead, it cannot seem strange, considering how far himself was engag'd in the Re­bellion: Nevertheless such little tempo­rary Evasions had taken no effect, but that the Court in [...]erest constantly thwart­ed whatever look'd like Severity, tho' never so just. From whence likewise the Act of Indempnity was most earnestly press'd, and at length pass'd in so free a manner, as most men of thought fore­saw, and foretold, it would have little [Page 22] other effect, than to incourage the like Villainies for the time to come, since after Twenty Years unparallel'd Violations of all things Sacred and Civil, of God and his Church, the King, and his People, their Laws and Liberties, with whatever else tended to the Peace, and Happiness of a Nation, all should be pass'd by and pardon'd, without any exemplary Pu­nishment, more than a Dozen, or Four­teen such hardned Wretches as would not own their Regicidie to be a Crime, or that the Rebellion was not justifiable in the whole course thereof: all the rest of what Sect or Faction soever, by the Magick of the foremention'd Act were transform'd into as honest, faithfull, Loyal Subjects as ever wore Sword, none so fit for busi­ness, or worthy to be trusted as they, nay, 'twas made actionable to say they had been Rebels; altho' with Aesop's Cat there were daily discoveries, how much was retain'd of their pristine Nature, and con­sequently how little they would act to the reputation, or interest of those, so earnest for, and affected with the Meta­morphosis.

A late Minister of State, in a Neigh­bour Kingdom, perhaps as great that way as this, or any other age hath produc'd, when dead, left by way of Testament, [Page 23] or Legacy to his Royal Master, several Dis­courses equally relating to the past and future management of Affairs: Among others, there is one of Rewards and Punish­ments, upon which Topick he makes it appear, that next God's Blessing, they are the main support of a Monarch, or any other Government whatsoever; and if so, it need not be further enquired, how, and by what defects, we have continu'd all along in so tottering a condition. I shall not much insist upon Henry VIII's. procedure against the Northern Rebels in his time, because it may be, not without something of truth, term'd Cru­elty; but must observe that his Daughter Queen Elizabeth, who is own'd on most hands, for Wise, and Good, and advis'd by those that were so, upon that little Insurrection of the two Earls, Northum­berland and Westmorland, with their Com­plices, had no less than Seventy Executed, and some Hundreds beside punish'd in Estate, and Family; by which means she never met the least Disturbance of that kind, the long remaining part of her Reign. But in the present case, it was usual with them to object, and take hold of the King's Declaration from Breda, which as it clear'd him from all designs of Revenge, so they should have further [Page 24] consider'd, that he left all Matters of Pu­nishment, for a free Parliament to re­solve what might be most proper in that way; and was better than his word, to that ungrateful Party, earnestly pressing both Houses, to hasten that too general Amnesty, who otherwise, had not the Royal importunity interpos'd, were very much inclin'd, as aforesaid, to make full expiation for that Rebellion and Bloodshed, for which, upon their default, 'tis to be fear'd, Almighty God continues to take his own Satisfaction. In short, as the King of Heaven must be own'd on all hands the best Precedent for any earthly Potentate to imitate, so more especially in acts of Justice, and Mercy, who tho' he abounds in the latter, yet forgives no otherwise than upon Repentance, and Amendment, with some signal instances thereof; which had it been observ'd in the case before us, might have conduc'd very much, to securing the Nations Peace, and saving the Rebels Souls.

But perhaps these Friends of the Au­thor will restrain this desire of Revenge in the English Court, to a design of As­sassinating such of the Regicides as had escap'd Abroad, about which they make a very false and insolent Harangue, that they thought the most base, and treacherous [Page 25] ways of compassing their Ends not to be re­jected, whereas from his own relation the many attempts design'd upon his precious Life, might in a great measure proceed from the fears of his guilty Mind, for doubtless Cain's curse was upon him to an high degree, otherwise he might have suppos'd Swisserland to be a Recep­tacle for other Out-Laws, beside him and his Party, and not have suspected, that Du Pre, and Rouz had a design to add their Murther, to what they had already committed, but get a Protection in the same manner with those Royal Murtherers, from their Swiss Excellencies; and as they were all Foreigners, which he mentions to be at, or hover about Vevay, so he doth not make it appear, in the least, that they had any thing of correspondence with the English Court, much less sup­ply'd with Treasure from thence; tho' that and the infamy is most impudently charg'd in the Preface. In like manner the countenance they pretended to from the Dutchess of Orleans might be forg'd by them, or him, for they are equally creditable, and 'tis not likely, were such a thing design'd, they would imploy in­struments, who dar'd not show their heads in France. Neither, till Lisle was cut off, do I find they suspected any [Page 26] thing of that kind, but to be seiz'd upon, and carried over the Lake into Savoy, and so convey'd for Justice into England, as their friends Okey, and the rest were; for which he inveighs most bitterly a­gainst the Dutch, as fearing it might be a leading case to himself.

As for that one, the only person, they say, who fell the object of the English Courts fury, neither Ludlow nor his friends do make it any way appear they had en­couragement from thence, but did it ra­ther to gain an interest there, wherein too their expectations were much dis­appointed. To give the true matter of fact it stands thus; three or four Irish who had been in the French Service, whether Discharg'd, or otherwise desi­rous to get home, thought to signalize themselves by this bloody Attempt, and find the more welcom reception, which was accordingly accomplish'd, and vari­ously discours'd of here in England when done; where the most, tho' they de­tested Lisle, and all his Works, were not satisfy'd with the way of taking him off; nor car'd to converse with the Persons who did it; some of their own Country▪men seem'd indeed to think otherwise, cry'd it up for an Heroick Act, and never wanting assurance at Court Solicitations, [Page 27] press'd earnestly to have them consider'd, whereby somewhat was done for them, mostly in Military Commands, during the Dutch War, and afterwards as occa­sion serv'd; to be sure as they were not put upon their first attempt, so never more imploy'd in any thing of that kind, whatever Ludlow prates of that pitiful Stocking mender Car: One of those Irish may be yet, I am sure was very lately, Living upon his paternal Estate, by vir­tue of the Limerick Articles, in his own Country.

In the mean while commend me to these Prefacers, who can insult so boldly that their Hero liv'd to see that Tyranny brought to the last degree of contempt, which had taken such pains to destroy him; his Life doubtless according to his own rela­tion must be very uneasie, from the many, whether real, or imaginary fears he con­tinually lay under; but then it must be the extremity of Vexation, that they who alter'd the Tyranny (as their Worships are pleas'd to phrase it) would not let this Monster of a Regicide continue among them, but forc'd him back with as great remorse as the bad Angels fell from on high; and in all probability hastned his descent unto them. And I fansie 'tis with no little regret to these his survi­ving [Page 28] Friends, that there is any thing of that Tyranny still continu'd among us, for the extirpation whereof they so much applaud their Author.

2. For the next thing they think not unserviceable to the World, is That the Tragical end of the King's Judges, may instruct those who shall in future time ap­pear in Defence of Liberty, &c, where first 'tis a bold stroke to call them Judges, Murderers had been properer, but not so agreeable to the concern they seem all along to express for their miscarriage, and the hopes they have of its being un­dertaken again with wiser management, and consequently better success. Whereas I dare confidently averr, that as the Na­tion may be so far infatuated to let such Pretenders to Liberty once more act their Parts, so in conclusion they will un­doubtedly bring them to the like Tragi­cal end.

3. A further Lesson we are to learn of these Commonwealth Sages, is from the Cromwellian Tyranny, (which neverthe­less carries with it an underhand stroak at Monarchy in general) that Liberty, and a mercenary Standing Army are incom­patible, and really I think so too, and yet withall am very much afraid, as their Wisdoms have manag'd Matters, no Li­berty [Page 29] can be preserv'd without one: For Pol. lib. 4. c. 13. as Aristotle observes in reference to his precedent times, That the first Common­wealth among the Greeks was made by the Soldiers after the failing of Monarchy: So upon an impartial Retrospection into the Transactions of the Northern Parts of Eu­rope these two last Centuries, it will ap­pear that Commonwealthism, and Standing Armies began together, and occasion'd one the other; for when the People were put upon Rebelling for Religion, preten­ded Liberty of Conscience to Controul the Magistrates just Rights, carrying all­things by a Mob Reformation; that Chri­stian Simplicity, and Reverential Obedi­ence, by which our forefathers had been taught submit not only for Wrath, but Conscience sake, was altogether Superse­ded, and the Civil Power oblig'd to arm its self against this Spiritual V;surpation, which made every Consistory a Conclave, a Commonwealth of Popes, who perswaded their Votaries, that to rebell against their Prince, was to fight the Lord's Battle, and that the appointed time was now come for bringing into Subjection all the Kingdoms of Darkness; the Sword being now drawn, upon this contradictory ac­count to promote the Gospel of Peace, according to the usual event of War, [Page 30] met with different Success, in some places the People prevail'd, and thereupon Voted themselves a Free State: in others the Prince, and made the People sensible he beareth not the Sword in vain: tho' it often happen'd that growing weary on either side, they breath'd in a Truce or Peace, till the one or other found a more convenient opportunity to revive the Quarrel. Thus it was in France; thus in the Netherlands, and several Parts of Ger­many; and thus at last it came to be in England: Now of all these different Suc­cesses, I find each of them centre in this one fatal Event; they that became a Free State are forc'd to keep a Standing Army, to maintain their imaginary Liberty, and the People, tax'd and poll'd, ten times more than before, in order thereunto, and where the Prince prevail'd, he is likewise forc'd upon a Guard to prevent his Libertine Subjects from running into their former Lunacies, and cannot be blam'd for making them bear the Charge. And where there was Cessations, or Trea­ties, the Soveraign Power, what with art, and force, is become more Absolute than ever, and repays, with denying all Liberty, their at first unreasonable de­mands of too much. And now, to come home to our selves, as this Spiritual freak [Page 31] began last among us, so cannot the wisest of men foresee, where, or when it will end, a good one none can expect; which too must render us the more stupidly senseless, for that we ran wilfully upon the same Rock, many of our Neighbours had Shipwrack'd on before our eyes; made the like noise about Religion, Liberty, Conscience, &c. till the Mob was rais'd to force away the King, and then an Army rais'd to bring him back, which Army having after a bloody Contest, ruin'd the King, and all his Loyal Adherents, fell upon their Masters, turn'd out the Pres­byterian to gratifie the Independent, and turn'd out the Independent, to gratifie their General; by which means that cun­ning toty-nos'd fellow set up his Tyranny indeed, and made them all sneak to it most Submissively. Now from these Pre­misses it clearly appears, that as our Com­monwealth Reformers rais'd the Army, so the Army rid the Commonwealth, which they have never fail'd to do at all times, and will continue the like course for the future, let them take what care they can. For these our Prefacers discover themselves to be but Owl-ey'd Judges of Light, to say, 'Tis as clear as the Sun at Noon day that the Parliament by neglecting to put a Period to the exorbitant Greatness [Page 32] of Oliver Cromwell immediately after the Battle at Worcester, drew Destruction upon themselves and the whole Commonwealth, &c. Cromwell▪ and his Creatures, wherewith he had fill'd the Army, was long before to them as the Tartar to the Scotchman, would neither go as they would have him, nor let them go but as he pleas'd, altho' that last was a finishing stroke. But suppose the Army had been Disbanded, that little Nest of Cockatrices, would have been as much in danger from several other hands; the Cavalier Party, tho' kept desperately down, was not in any manner dis-spirited; and the main Body of the Nation was so exasperated at their insolent carriage, and abominable Ex­actions, besides the contempt they had of their Number, Persons, and Manners, that not one single Order of theirs would have been obey'd, without a Company of Ja­nizaries to inforce it; nor they permitted to sit three days, or walk the Streets with respect and security, as at last it happen'd; for the Nation, no longer able to bear their Insolencies and Tyranny, dis­patch'd them and then the Army; and a happy Riddance it was of both.

After all therefore, upon a Prospect of the whole, these unweildy Projectors have brought the Nation into so many odd [Page 33] Dilemma's as a Standing Army among us, is like to be as the Mathematici, Astro­logers, or Figure-flingers with the Romans, Genus hominum quod semper vetabitur, & semper retinebitur; if we have a Common­wealth they must have an Army to support them, ruin the Church, crush the Nobi­lity, keep down the Gentry, with what else they please when they once get the Power: and if we have a Monarchy there must be somewhat of an Army, by way of Security from the continu'd Under­minings of such unquiet Spirits as under­stand nothing of true Government, yet think it cannot be well unless in their hands, according to their maggotty fancies, and humorsome Capricio's; this, I say, is the condition their Wisdoms have brought us into; an Army we can hardly be with­out, and yet how faithfull that Army will be to any but themselves, that is their continuance, and perpetuity, we have more than once seen, on each side, and are in a likely way to see more than once again.

This Monstrous Tyranny of Cromwell's Ʋsurpation is represented with one fur­ther aggravation of his Basha's under the name of Majors General, which were indeed sufficiently Grievous, tho' a just return upon such as had groul'd and cla­mour'd [Page 34] at the mildest administration of their Rightful Prince's undoubted Prero­gative; yet after all 'tis a Clodius Moechos for the Commonwealth Party to charge Cromwell with that, or any other such barbarous Impositions, since he did but transcribe the Copy they had set him; particularly his Majors General were but a single Person to their Committees, and nothing nigh so insolent as that under­hand Commonwealth of Basha's, plac'd by them in all Counties throughout the King­dom, to Sequester every man's Estate, and Imprison his Person, whom they suspe­cted to dislike their Proceedings, or un­easie to pay their most intolerable Ex­actions. Take one Specimen thereof from that Hogon-Mogon Committee at Goldsmiths-Hall, from this following Order,

Was there ever any thing so Arbitrary and imposing upon a Free People, and too by a Set of Men who had the Impudence with the same Breath, to hold the People in hand they stood up for their Freedom? yet of such Committees, as there were several in London, so did they proceed to Establish them in the Associated Coun­ties, and with the cursed prevalence of their Power the whole Kingdom thorough, where every honest, loyal Gentleman was forc'd to appear a Delinquent, and be us'd at pleasure, as you see in the fore­mention'd [Page 36] Order. And this I cannot but further Observe as an unreasonable and most wilfull Partiality, in our Prefacers, and indeed all their Adherents, that eve­ry thing from a Single Person, is right down Tyranny, and what all people who regard their Liberty may stand up against, and justly defend themselves from; but these Commonwealth Scorpions must not be complain'd of, tho' their little fingers were all along thicker than the others Loins, every Ordinance from them as Absolve, and as severely Executed as the Grand Seignior's Bow-string.

What they further add, that Cromwell's, and his Basha's Tyranny compelled the People to suffer the return of Charles II. is altogether false, for tho' they were not pleas'd in the least with his many perfi­dious Enterprizes, which were all un­mask'd in assuming the Supreme Power; yet was it thought easier, than the fordid Impositions of the fag end, the worst part of a Parliament, which had done so much Mischief to the Nation, and from whose many Corruptions that glaring Meteor a­rose, with so fatal an Aspect in our Ho­rizon. Besides, he manag'd his Ʋsurpa­tion with so much Art, and Treachery, as there was little hopes of the King's return during his Life, tho' frequent Plots [Page 37] about it, and some worthy Loyal Gentle-Men cut off upon that account; indeed the Plots were thought most of his ma­king, the Common Stratagem of all usurp'd Powers. But when he was gone to his proper place, and his Sons half-witted ma­nagement, made way for the Rump's once more treading the Stage; the Southern Sun's approach is not more certainly ex­pected in the Spring, than every one seem'd to be of our Old Establishments, that Legal Monarchy, and Rightful Suc­cession, which with so much Madness, and Folly, such a prodigious expence of Blood, and Treasure, had by several violent Fa­ctions been 20 Years oppos'd, and it hap­pen'd accordingly, notwithstanding the divided Parties endeavour'd a Coalition, and otherwise most indefatigably apply'd their last efforts to save themselves from the Gallows, which their own Consciences could inform them how justly deserv'd, and 'tis a thousand pities, they were more afraid, than hurt.

The last Inference these Friends of the Author thought fit to raise, is as ground­less, and false, as any of the former, charging Charles II. of Ingratitude to the Presbyterians, who had so well deserv'd of him, by betraying all into his hands, &c. whereas they never deserv'd well of [Page 38] him; nor did him any good they could prevent.

1. They never deserv'd well from him, but on the contrary, were the original Promoters, and chief Managers, for the Six first Years, of all our National Mise­ries and Confusions: 'twas from their in­ducement the Scots began to disturb the happy Quiet and Repose both Kingdoms were in; lay'd the Ground-work of our Rebellion by theirs, paid them for it in a most profuse manner, and thereby en­gag'd them to assist at a dead lift; which wholly unking'd their Sovereign, and made him become a prey to the Avarice of the one, and Arrogance of the other, which too shamefully appear'd by their inso­lent Rudeness, and scandalous Restraint at Holmby; and how far further they would have proceeded, had not the Army taken him out of their hands, may be well suppos'd from the continu'd course of that stubborn Crew; for tho' (their Janizaries having given them an Essay what they must expect, by Excluding the most leading Members, and threatening the rest) a Treaty, was condescended to in the Isle of Wight, yet were the Preli­minaries so Innovating, and Dethroning, so destructive to all Fundamentals in Church, and State; and therein so grating [Page 39] upon His Majesty's Honour, and Consci­ence, that he thought Death more eligible than such unreasonable Concessions; which too their Dilatory Proceedings, till the Army had suppress'd the last Efforts of Loyalty, to rescue their Sovereign, very much conduc'd to, and might by a just, and Honourable compliance, have other­wise prevented. This no man can deny to be a true, tho' brief account of the Old King's treatment from that haughty, self­will'd Set of Men.

And that they would have been as im­posing upon his Son, could they have carried matters according to their own Minds, is as little to be doubted, what­ever these men prate of betraying all into his hands. The Comedian representing the Beggars at the choice of their King, (for it seems that Kingdom is Elective, and such are always beggarly, or thereby made so) when voted, brings in one of his ragged retinue, haranguing him, among others, with this Expression, Now thou art King, who would not have thee so; which was constantly apply'd by the old Cavalier Party, to those empty Shews of Respect, and hollow Acclamations of Praise, wherewith they who forc'd, and kept him out, were most clamorous at his Re­stauration; would have none thought so [Page 40] loyal, faithfull, and true as themselves: Among the rest, the Presbyterian, indeed was most assuming, for having the twelve years last past been kept, with very great regret, from doing any considerable Mis­chief, by those viperous Sects which crawl'd forth of their own Bowels; and upon this account, out of Revenge rather than any good Principle, held a corre­spondence with the King, and his Adhe­rents in Exile; at the Restauration step'd before all the Loyal Sufferers which had constantly adher'd to the true interest of Church and Crown, highly advanc'd in Honour, Place, and Profit; so that quite contrary to these Prefacers impertinent Suggestions, instead of the Presbyterians betraying all into the King's hands, he betray'd himself and his Cause into theirs, and as soon as opportunity serv'd, they made several attempts to use him accor­dingly, but the People were grown too much Libertines for their Rigours, and the Monarchy was not so soon to have their Covenant Shackels forc'd upon it, al­though they indeavoured most earnestly at the Restauration to have it upon the Isle of Wight Articles, which their Cloak­men incessantly bellow'd for, and their chiefs underhand strenuously indeavour'd the same; among others, this Passage is [Page 41] a clear Proof; the hot Lord Hollis, from the beginning a most violent Biggot in that Cause, would, to his dying day, among his Confidents, with great earnestness of Passion, call Monk that Rogue, because giving him and his Party a meeting at the Earl of Northumberland's, he promis'd to bring in the King upon the Isle of Wight terms, and basely fail'd them: Now as I believe on the one hand he never inten­ded to gratify them, if such a Promise was made, so could he not, tho' really intended, have brought it about; for whatever his design was at first, and his close deportment conduc'd not a little to what he accomplish'd, the incessant Peti­tions he met with from every corner of the Kingdom for a Free Parliament gave him full information, how the Nations Pulse beat, and what alone would satisfie them, that is without regarding Parties, and Factions, to be as we were before fallen in pieces; and therefore to set the Saddle upon the right Horse, the preten­ded Severity these Men charge the King withall, was really in the Parliament, the Majority whereof were a Set of as wor­thy understanding Gentlemen as ever as­sembled upon that account, who resolv'd to go upon the old Principle, to re-establish the Nation upon those well-pois'd, long ex­perienc'd [Page 42] Constitutions which faction and folly had so fatally perverted: 'twas they were uneasie at so general an Indemnity, thinking such as had been accustomed so long in Mischief, could not leave off play­ing the old game, without some further Security; 'twas they press'd, and brought on the Act of Ʋniformity, how little to the Satisfaction of a too prevalent Party at Court, appear'd in that the Winter following an attempt was made to Super­sede it by a Toleration: In fine, what­ever the Good old King would have had from a Parliament, during his Reign to make us the happiest People upon Earth, this would have most readily establish'd; but the Papist, and Presbyterian rendred all Abortive.

Thus have I run over and made some Remarks upon such Instructions as our Prefacers thought fit to observe from this third Volume; not but they grant it doth afford many other more useful Reflections, which is the truest word hath come from them, and therefore having their leave, or at least acknowledgment, I shall pre­sume to cull out two or three, perhaps as serviceable to this World of ours, as any we have had from them.

1. The Fanatick, the Commonwealth Party, were never without some Plot or [Page 43] other, both at home and abroad against the Ancient Establish'd Government, this Monarchy, this Tyranny of ours, as upon all occasions they term it, since the Re­stauration. And this I fansie hath disco­ver'd a very blind side in the Author's Friends to make so Publick a Declaration, of what hitherto was kept a Secret: for till now all Plots were laid at the Papists door, they alone must be thought the continu'd Underminers of our Peace and Welfare, and accordingly we have had several Prosecutions against them, ay, and Executions too, upon the Evidence and Oaths of such profligate Wretches, as ought not to have pass'd for the hang­ing a Dog: but such a thing as a Pro­testant Plot, was not to be thought of among the holy Brotherhood, and Godly Party; they Diffented indeed as to Forms of Religious Worship, and tho' a King in our Israel, must have Liberty to do what seemeth right in their own eyes, and this is the utmost of their demand, a little Schism they must have, but for Sedition, being dissatisfy'd with the Government, giving any disturbance to the Civil Power, was never admitted into their thoughts, they were as innocent, as free from that, as so many two year old Devils: and tho' the▪ Assassination at the Rye was own'd by [Page 44] the very Partisans engag'd, and their many Consults in order to other Distur­bances fully made appear, yet not taking effect, must not be believ'd, such good People cannot be suspected of any mis­chievous Design, unless accomplish'd, and then 'tis God's cause and their glory: whereas this Author is very frank, and deals plainly in the matter; for tho' he had not fix'd his correspondence in Sixty One, and will scarce credit that for which Overton, Desborough, &c. were secur'd, because his Excellency was not consulted in the Matter. Neither doth he mention what Blood told him was design'd in Ire­land, because that Fellow's reaching head discover'd how little he had of what his Party cry'd him up for; altho' it was about that time he tells, p. 118. Ʋpon the Prodigality of the English Court, &c. his Friends in all parts began to entertain hopes, that they might again be imploy'd to rescue their Country from Servitude. In which posture of Affairs, Col. Algernon Sidney, who since Monk acted his treache­rous part, had resided at Rome, and other parts of Italy, thought convenient to draw nearer home, that if opportunity offer'd, he might not be wanting to his Duty and Publick Service; a very commendable Duty, and laudable Service to embroil [Page 45] his Country in continu'd Confusions, which till brought to the Block, we find this Colonel incessantly engag'd in, and very earnest with Ludlow to set forward with him, and put to his helping hand: espe­cially upon the first Dutch War, when his Generalship was accosted on every side, and by every Party, French, Dutch, the Devil and all: then it was the foremention'd Person of Honour press'd him to declare his concurrence, p. 165. and his Brother Regicide Say, tells him from Amsterdam, The ruin of the present Government in England is certainly intended, and that he had cause to believe would be effected, p. 168. for that a considerable number in England, Scotland, and Ireland, will ap­pear for us, &c. Afterward De Witt, and Newport courted him at an high degree; and his Friend Sidney invited him to meet at Basle, that they might go together to Paris, the better to carry on the Ʋnderta­king: Say and Brisco, add moreover, that if he will resolve to come, all the Exiles would accompany him, otherwise not a man stir, p. 188. That great obstacle likewise of his three Friends, Okey, &c. was set in a true light, not so foul as represented; with full assurance to his Worthy self, and Party, of an Honourable Reception, and secure abode with them. Notwith­standing [Page 46] all which fair Proffers, this cun­ning old Fox would not stir out of his Swiss Den; and had reason, for tho' we grant his Brutish Courage fear'd a Sword as little as his Fellows, yet a Gibbet he could not digest: And further to recom­mend his Prudence, in this his cautious deportment, he tells us, as the War was ended without the least advantage to his Friends, or Cause; so he foresaw it all along, that the Dutch were a mercenary People, and having secured their Trade, and other Advantages, made a Peace, so far from doing them any good, as on the contrary they promis'd to deliver up those call'd Regicides into the hands of the King's Ministers; and deal with all Persons, who should be declared Fugitives, or Rebels, in the same manner. A sad Disappointment this: may such ever attend them.

2. My next observation is an Appen­dix of very nigh affinity to the former, viz. That men of Fanatick Commonwealth Principles, will never live quietly under any Monarchy whatsoever; let it be of God, or Men, nay, from their very selves, 'tis all one, they will submit no longer than needs must, and be very uneasie whilst compell'd thereto; of all which the fore­mention'd Characters, as well as Practices, which Ludlow and his Prefacers bestows [Page 47] upon it, are an abundant confirmation, for they vouchfafe it no other appellation than Tyranny, perfect Tyranny, in the harshest sence the word is now taken, and that which all Free People ought to extirpate with the utmost abhorrency, and detestation: directly according with what I have already mention'd of their admired Sidney's Maxim, that the People are sole Judges of their Superiors actions; and foreseeing a very weighty Objection to lie in the way, such a course would make the Remedy worse than the Disease, give occasion of continual Tumults and Ci­vil Wars; he very slightly replies, Civil War, in Machiavel's account, is a Disease, Tyranny the Death of a State. Some other Authorities might have pass'd better than Machiavel's, but for want of better, his must serve the turn; had that unhappy Gentleman consider'd his fate, it might have prevented his own, which tho' for nothing else, this dangerous Position most justly deserves: that any man of sence should say Civil War is but a Disease! can any thing be more Mortal to a State? have not all Tyrannies commenc'd from thence? with unavoidable Oppression, and Slavery to whatever People fall under that worst of curses: yet how far our Publishers have taken this infection, ap­pears [Page 48] in that they presume so boldly to use the same Epithet, Tyranny, all is Ty­ranny with them, tho' never more was known, than from the no Conduct of such rash unexperienc'd Phaetons; and there­fore to disswade them from any future attempts, 'tis my desire they would trans­ferr that Admonition, in their Close given the Presbyterians, and apply it to them­selves (since altogether as agreeable) A Revenge taken against those who will not let us possess all, is a slender Satisfaction for the hazard of utter Ruine.

3. There is but one thing more I will return upon these Critical Observers, and that shall relate to their admired Author himself, how they can justifie that Osten­tation, and Applause, he so fulsomly as­sumes in every the most trivial under­taking: the First Volume, is more than one half stuff'd with such Vain-glorious Rhodamontades. His defence of Warder Castle fills more Paper, than Sir Francis Vere's Relation of the famous Ostend Siege; when he was only block'd up to prevent his, and his fellow Rebels plun­dering the Loyal Gentlemen in the Neigh­bourhood; and could the King, who, good man, was ill furnish'd that way, and had greater occasion for them else­where, have spared two or three large [Page 49] Battering-Pieces it would have been beaten about their Ears in as few Hours; for want of which they were starv'd into a Surrender: In like manner when Priso­ner, how vainly doth he relate the many importunities to forsake his Party, and upon his resolving to continue Rebel, what valuable Persons were proffer'd in Exchange, as if the fortune of either Side had depended upon this great Almanzor's abetment; when in truth, tho' that cur­sed turn rais'd so much dust as choak'd the whole Kingdom, yet his part in it was no more than Aesop's Fly, he did what Mischief he could, but his Vaunts far excell his Performances. Neither was he valuable for any thing more in their Civil Transactions than a grough positive humor, resolutely bent upon whatever his own will suggested, of which unma­nageable disposition he gave an early Spe­cimen that little while he was at Trinity-College Oxon, where the then President kept a strict Discipline, and would fre­quently Moderate at the young Students Disputations himself: It happen'd upon a time this Positive Sir was engag'd in an Argument about their Species Inten­tionales and Reales, or some such like Topick, for he confidently affirm'd some­thing to be Real, which was very far [Page 50] from it, the good Dr. endeavour'd to convince him by this following instance, The Fox wagging his Tail, and seeing its Shadow upon the Wall, said it was an Horn, was that an Horn, quoth he to Lud­low? Yes it was a Horn, a real Horn. Wherein he so pertinaciously persisted, as the Old man fell into a little Passion, and put an end to that debate, with this re­solve, Well if it be a Horn, then Toot it, you fool you: How it was express'd in Latin was not related; but I had the Passage from a Right Reverend Person, of great Eminency, who sometime after was in the same Presidentship, and upon a general Discourse of Fanatick Obstinacy, gave this particular instance how natu­rally some mens Dispositions lead them thereto. For at the same contradicting rate he went on in the whole course of his Life; and tho' as heavy as Lead, yet as stiff as Iron, would bend to none, but break all other mens Measures, both good and bad, that did not come up to his Levelling Projects, (for that was his com­mon Epithet, Ludlow the Leveller) with two or three such Whimsical Nostrums of his, as destructive to Humane Society as crude Mercury to the Natural body. With the like Arrogant fondness he relates how earnest they were to compliment him [Page 51] into the Lieutenant-Generalship of Ireland; whereas had not Pride and Pertinacy al­together blinded his vain mind, half an eye might have discover'd there was no consideration of his Abilities in the Pro­posal, but a trick of Cromwell's to remove him out of the way, that the dark De­signs he had in agitation here might re­ceive no obstruction from such an un­weildy fellow, as might force him upon more Severity than was requisite in the infancy of his Usurpation. And this sur­ther appears upon Ireton's Death, for he being next in Command, should have in course come into the Chief, whereas his name was never so much as thrown up among them, but first Lambert was pro­pounded, and then Fleetwood top'd upon him, as most proper to keep him under, when his new Father-in Law should top them all, and civilly detain him from coming home, that he might not be as insolent to the Ʋsurper, as he had been to his natural Sovereign.

We are now to follow him into Swisser­land, where he highly applauds the Re­ception they met with, neither indeed could all Europe have afforded them a properer Place, the Devil and Collier, not being more alike, than these Guests, and their Entertainers: yet the Character he [Page 52] gives them of the Illustrious, High and Mighty Sovereigns, and most Honoured Lords, their Excellencies of Bern, would make one think them the most August Assembly ever sat at the Helm of any Go­vernment, the Roman Senate was nothing to them; whereas in truth never such a Company of Clodpated Clowns assum'd the title of Magistrates; but since agreeable both to Place, and People, they pass for tolerable there, whom a more civiliz'd Nation would by no means endure; at their first defection from the House of Austria, as they had but few Gentry a­mong them, and fewer engag'd with them, so they made an Order that none should be admitted into their new Esta­blish'd Government; and their Plebeian­ships have ever since proceeded according­ly, without regard to Honor, Integrity or Good Manners: as their Strong Bodies, and hardy Constitutions qualifie them for War, so their necessitous condition engage them to Lease-out their Lives to that bloody trade, upon which account likewise they too often prostituted both Souls, and Consciences, in most perfidious viola­tions of whatever Engagements they en­tred into, as the French, Spaniard, and Milanese successively experienc'd: one of these did since six them, tho' at a dear [Page 53] rate, upon their first Stipulation, but is now upon better terms; and may by de­grees prescribe to them according to their own measures. This Composition of Rocks and Cataracts, was the Asylum of our Re­gicides, and properly enough, as already said, for that both the Climate was most agreeable to their rough, severe Disposi­tions, and the Government, the first Com­monwealth Rebels, as well Temporal, as Ecclesiastick, of these later Ages. Never­theless had our King been in any measure so sollicitous to apprehend, or disturb him, and his Fellows, as they would hold the World in hand, it might have been easily done. 'Tis own'd how much Geneva suspected their Power of Protection, if demanded, p. 104. and tho' Mr. Hume­lius one of the Bern Ministers, (who with the English Tongue, had got the Fanatick Taint) engag'd some in the Government to stand their Friends; yet had our King, assisted by his Brother of France's Recom­mendation, press'd earnestly to have them deliver'd up to Justice, 'tis probable they would have given them notice to slip a­way, the utmost kindness they could have shown: Out-Laws, and that for King-killing may find some private, but no publick Abettors, and whatever Go­vernment doth so, ought to be adjudg'd [Page 54] a Common Enemy by all Monarchs in the World.

SECT. II.

MY next Province is to give the true Character of those Execrable Re­gicides whom Ludlow, and his Publishers, endeavour with so much art and daubing otherwise to represent; for the little ac­count they give of the Revolution doth not concern me, and is withall so mean and trivial, so deeply ting'd with the partiality and prejudice of a violent Fa­ction, as it looks more like an Invective than History, taking every occasion to lash at those of his old Acquaintance, who not having so deeply engag'd, were not oblig'd so cursedly to persevere; and inveighs against the King and Court, as if still on th'other side the Water; tho' it appear'd otherwise from his own Con­fession, for finding how unsafe it was to stay longer in England, he scamper'd a­way as well as he could, and much ap­plauds his own Conduct in the retreat, pass'd incognito through France, and ar­riv'd at that grand Sanctuary of Sedition and Schism, Geneva; where his first Letters [Page 55] from home inform'd him, how ten of his Brother Regicides being accus'd of having in their several Stations contributed to the Death of the King, had been Condemned, and Executed, p. 59.

The Reflections he makes as to the Tryals being put off, till the new Sheriffs came on, is meer cavil, for had Love the old Sheriff, been never so factious and obstinate, and return'd a Jury all of the same Kidney, the Matter of Fact was so apparent, and foul, as they must have found them guilty, or come under the same Praemunire: But so great a concern as that, necessarily required an extraor­dinary Commission, and the many weighty affairs upon resetling a Nation so long in such a Chaos of Confusion, would not permit their Tryals to come on sooner, perhaps not so soon, but for the approach­ing Term.

He continues to carry on his Cavils against the Commissioners, at some because they had been engag'd in the Rebellion with them, at others because they ad­her'd to the King against it, so that 'tis not possible to please them unless per­mitted to judge in their own Cause, or have it post-pon'd, as the Welshman de­sir'd, till the last Day, whereas upon the whole, there was never known a Com­mission [Page 56] of more able understanding Per­sons, both for Law and Parts, than sat upon that sad occasion, nor any Tryal manag'd with more temper, patience, and all other kinds of fair carriage towards the Prisoners, as the worthy Sir William Wyld then Recorder of London told them, they forgat their barbarousness to the good King, they would not hear him, nor his just Allegations, who shuffled now with all the dilatory impertinencies imaginable, and the Court with an unwearied com­pliance let them go on: And for this Au­thor, or rather his Friends, to publish the quite contrary nigh Forty Years after, is the heighth of baseness, and by way of Penance, might I prescribe it, they should be oblig'd to Reprint, for 'tis very scarce, The Tryal of the Regicides, that the Truth, the whole Truth, and nothing but the Truth may appear, and moreover all the Party oblig'd to read it too, which I fansie would be very uneasie, the Alcho­ran would down with them ten times better. Yet this must be own'd, Ludlow had certainly read those Tryals, for the account he gives of his Friends, what they said by way of Defence, or Extenu­ation, is taken almost verbatim from thence, without the least notice of what was Rejoin'd upon them, either by Court [Page 57] or Councel, as to matter of Fact, or Law. Is such a man fit to write an History? in­form Posterity of the truth of things? or his Publishers men of Reputation and Integrity, to impose such things upon the World?

The first he gives us an account of in this Martyrology of Hell is his friend Har­rison; concerning whom, because nothing is mention'd of his Parentage, and Educa­tion, as he constantly doth, when worth taking notice of; the World may know he was a Butcher's Son of Newcastle Ʋn­derline Staffordshire, plac'd Clerk to an Attorny in Clifford's Inn, and when out of his time became a kind of Pettifogger in that way of Practice, and was infa­mous enough for it, which might occa­sion him, when the War brake out, to exchange his Pen for the Sword; yet in this neither did he make any considerable advance till the Self-denying Ordinance open'd the way for such Mechanick Re­formers, when likewise, tho' perhaps stout enough, he was more beholding to his Confidence, than Courage, for having a Tongue well hung, the effect of his pettifogging Profession, by his Enthusiastical Preaching, and great pretences to Piety, he became admir'd by the Army, and advanc'd by Cromwell to a Major-General; [Page 58] being one of his chiefest Confidents, and accordingly made use of by him, to break the Presbyterian Junto, convey the King from Hurst-Castle to St. James's, in order to his Murder, wherein he acted accor­ding to his descent, with more than a Butcher's Cruelty. This is Ludlow's Hero, who when brought to the Bar, did not sneak like Sir Hardress Waller, but pleaded Not Guilty, and justify'd the Sentence pass'd upon the King, and the Authority of those who had Commission'd him to act as one of his Judges, p. 61. and so continues his Cants, and Flourishes, impudently own­ing what he saw evidently prov'd, al­ledging that it was done by Authority of Parliament, and could not be question'd in any inferiour Court, which being a point of Law, he desir'd Councel might be assign'd on that head, but the Court over-rul'd it. Thus far Ludlow, as to their Pleadings, and no further mentioning (according to his base partiality already observ'd) what the Court so fully reply'd to every branch of their Allegations, both as to the reason of the thing, and matter of Law. Now since this weak, and slender thred, was the sole strength the whole Set of Regi­cides had to hang upon, till they came to the Rope, I shall here once for all give an account of what the Court reply'd to [Page 59] that Subterfuge of theirs, so full and clear, that had the Publishers consulted the reputation of their Party, they would never have given occasion of its coming afresh under debate.

To that request of having Councel as­sign'd to justifie the Authority by which they acted, 'twas thought a piece of new Treason to demand it, for that their pre­tended Parliament was so far from being so, that it consisted not of more than the eighth part of a House of Commons, pack'd together by those very Persons now ar­raign'd, the better to gloss over, and carry on their Traiterous Designs: Upon which account it was further declar'd, That the Tryal, p. 51. King and Lords cannot do any thing with­out the Commons; nor the King and Com­mons without the Lords; nor Lords and Commons without the King; and for the Prisoner to excuse, nay, justifie himself, upon pretence of being impowered, by one house, nay the eighth part of an house, to condemn their King, whom no Authority upon earth can call in Question, and with­out whom both Houses together cannot take away the meanest Subjects Life, deserves not only reproof but Sentence, without going any further. This Point of Law Ludlow takes no notice of, altho' it's a most reasonable return to every one of their [Page 60] Pleas, for they all harp'd upon the same string. The Military men, no Members, would have been excus'd, for that, ac­cording to their Profession, Superiors Or­ders were to be obey'd without dispute; as indeed they were fairly bringing the whole Nation to Military-Law. Such as were Members insisted upon looking back to the Declarations and Remonstrances, from 41 forward, which was indeed a just, tho' spiteful Reflection upon the Pres­byterian Party for Ʋnkinging his Majesty, but could not in the least justifie their Ʋnheading him, and the others not going along with them so far, thought it might extenuate their going so far as they did, tho' doubtless it was Rebellion from the beginning, however in those Healing times, as the term went, they were ra­ther for skinning, than searching the Wound too far, whereby notwithstand­ing the Cure was never the better; to be sure their Plea was altogether frivo­lous, and as the Court told Carew, ten­ded not only to justifie the action, but to cast a ball of Division among those that were present; and further added to Scot, That to expatiate in the manner he was going, tended to making a New Govern­ment, (which is the highest Treason next to Murdering the King in the World) sub­vert [Page 61] the Laws, and affirm a few of the Tryals, P. 91. Commons, nay, if they had been whole, the Legislative Power of the Kingdom.

Another general Observation to be made, because in common to them all, is the Principle upon which they acted, the Light within them, the cursed Enthu­siasm of their Rebel hearts; So Harri­son Try. p. 50. declar'd, he followed not his own judg­ment, what he did, he did as out of Con­science to the Lord, from whence he received rather assurances than otherwise. And Carew likewise, what he did was in the fear of the Lord, and Obedience to his holy and Righteous Law. And so most of the rest went on in the same Cant, where­by all the Laws of God, and Man, must be superseded, as Sir O. B. told them, to their obdurate hard'ned hearts, and seared Consciences.

To begin with the Laws of the Land, they being so directly contrary to this Bloody unprecedented Fact, there was a never heard of way of Process found out, in the name of the People, for which they were beholding to Parsons the Je­suit's pestilent Discourse of the Succession of the Crown, penn'd to stir up Sedition in Queen Elizabeth 's time, or at her death to prevent King James 's quiet Establish­ment in the Throne; But failing then it [Page 62] serv'd the turn of these Jesuited Fanaticks most cursedly, and to that purpose was Reprinted in 48. with a different Title, but otherwise very little difference, and gave the Subject Matter to that Impu­dent Charge against the King, with Brad­shaw's as insolent Enlargements, and Re­plies, to his most Reasonable and Legal Allegations. 'Tis nevertheless probable the whole Pack of Bloodhounds knew not from whence the notions were taken, and who first started them, but such only as laid the Design, and loo'd on the rest; Nay, some thought that Bradshaw and Cook, tho' they only appear'd upon the Stage, as to the Law Pageantry, yet were no more than Properties to Ol. St. Johns, who stood behind the Curtain, and was chief Assistant to Cousin Cromwell in all that cursed contrivance. To be sure this Trial once set in motion, all the foremen­tion'd Curs took the scent, and ran away with it most furiously, and 'tis probable some of them thought they did God and the Nation as good Service as the Scribes and Pharisees when they Crucify'd our Sa­viour. Thus Carew excepted against that Form of the Inditement, which said, he had not the fear of God before his Eyes, but was mov'd by the Devil, with a Traiterous malitious heart, &c. whereas he could say [Page 63] in the presence of the Lord it was done in his fear, &c. and Harrison Cants most P. 75. profoundly of his feeling the Terrors of the presence of the Lord, that was with his Servant in those days, (and however it seem'd good to him to suffer this turn at present) he believ'd e're long it would be made known from heaven, there was more P. 50. of God in it than men were aware of. At which blasphemous rate, all the rest, more or less, went on, to charge heaven with their infernal Deeds; so that since that of the Jews, there is no Record extant of such a Body of Men so Hellishly possess'd; which I shall have occasion further on to take notice of more particularly.

There is one thing more I presume it may not be improper to acquaint the Rea­der, among the former Informations; that however the Government took care, that their Tryals should be taken in short hand, and faithfully Printed; no such thing was done at their Execution, perhaps scarce thought possible for the Throng; or o­therwise that so much impertinent bab­ble, and Spiritual Nonsence, nay many times Blasphemy, was not to be taken notice of, since the last time they would trouble the World in that kind. This defect the Brotherhood supply'd by Prin­ting The Speeches and Prayers of some of [Page 64] the late King's Judges, viz. &c. together with several Occasional Speeches and Passa­ges in their Imprisonment, &c. and altho' they assure the Reader of great Veracity in the whole performance, yet many times in relating what they Spake, or Pray'd, 'tis usher'd in with that common Salvo, to this effect; and whoever will have patience to read over what is there related of, or by them, cannot imagine how any one, unless truly Inspir'd, not a Fanatick Pretender, whose Memories generally are as weak as their judgments, should carry off, such abominable Pre­sumptions, and Religious Delusions, where­with every one of them, according to that account, were undoubtedly possess'd; None of the Primitive Martyrs left the World with so much Assurance, and Self­justification as these Wretches; they doubt­ed no more of Heaven, than the Execu­tioner of their Cloaths, tho' they had as little reason to hope for it as Judas, dying with less Remorse, and Recognitions of their abominable Impieties; never consi­dering what others take for sound Do­ctrine, that tho' their Consciences accus'd them not, yet were they not thereby Justi­fy'd, since there is one greater than their Consciences, and knoweth all things; but what hath been in all Ages observ'd as [Page 65] to the ill management of Temporal Af­fairs, may be here apply'd in a spiritual sence, Quos vult perdere Deus, prius de­mentat.

This Fanatick Legend of the Regicides, with the foremention'd Tryals, one of which proves them the most impudent Traytors ever subverted Government; the other the most desperate Enthusiasts ever abus'd Religion, are so cull'd and falsify'd by this our Author, as to perswade the World they were true Patriots, and great Saints; with how little reason I shall make appear by a particular Survey of his Characters; and with the greater Brevity, because these general Remarks, have gone very far therein.

To return therefore to Harrison, from whom we digress'd, who, as our Author tells us, justify'd the Sentence pass'd upon the King, and the Authority of those who had Commission'd him to act, &c. the Court might have order'd an hasty Verdict, and pronounc'd as quick a Sentence, as he falsely suggests; but they with unaccoun­table temper attended all his insolent Evasions, and impudent Demands of Coun­cel, &c. and would he have attended to any thing of Law or Reason, must have been satisfy'd with their Over-ruling his Demands. He trifled as much as con­tains [Page 66] between 3 and 4 Pages in a large Quarto of their Tryals, before he would plead Guilty, or Not Guilty, till finding he would be entred Mute, the same with Judgment, he cry'd, Not Guilty: and for how he would be try'd it must be accor­ding to the Law of the Lord, that of God and his Country being, as he said, vain words, which nevertheless he was forc'd to come to; which was the more foolish, and humorsome in him, for that being brought up in the Law, he could not but understand, that way of procedure to be a necessary Form, and not to be dispenc'd with. Neither can I take it for any thing more than a Fanatick Story, that is a Lye, when he tells us the Executioner was in a more than ordinary Dress, or Place, than usually assign'd him in Court, where he is an Attendant in Course, and by Office. And if he declar'd going out of the Court after Sentence pronounc'd, that he had no reason to be asham'd of the Cause engag'd in, it was the greater shame for him, and had he met with that barba­rous usage, the Royal Party is so falsely charg'd to have shown him, it would have been but a just return. With like rude and groundless Reflections, he proceeds to the place of Execution, where Chairing-Cross formerly stood, that the King might [Page 67] have the pleasure of the Spectacle, and inure himself to Blood, p. 69. And was there no other reason to be given? Yes surely, not so much that the Court might look towards them, as they toward the Banquetting-House, out of which they led their Sovereign to the Slaughter. And for the King's inuring himself to Blood, the Fanaticks had great reason to com­plain, who hazarded his Life, and shock'd his Monarchy, by that fond impossibility of obliging them. For his Execution▪ and Declaration before it, 'twas according to his Life, desperate Enthusiasm, abusing Almighty God more by his Presumptions▪ than had he absolutely defy'd him. And here I had left this desperate Wretch, but for one Passage which I am sure Ludlow did not like, and 'tis probable his friends will be as little pleas'd with; in the fore­mention'd Fanatick Legend, which begins with this Brother, we are told the Sheriff sent three Divines to discourse him upon several heads, whereof one was the break­ing the Old Parliament; to which he re­ply'd, That was the Act and Design of Cromwell, he knowing nothing of it, till P. 3. call'd by him to go along as an Assistant that Morning it was done: Yet afterward, saith he, I was glad of it, as seeing they did intend to perpetuate themselves, with­out [Page 68] doing those desirable things which were expected and longed for by the Lord's people; and if the Lord's people were not satisfy'd with them, I am sure all others were much less; and yet we have a new Club of Politico's so much made up of contra­diction, as to applaud those contemptible Villains.

The next was Mr. John Carew, a Gen­tleman of an Ancient Family, saith Lud­low, and that Family not a little asham'd, say others, he should so basely degene­rate. 'Tis further said he was brought up to the Law, altho' at his Arraignment he shew little Skill therein, for that he would save to our Lord Jesus Christ his Right to the Government of these King­doms, before he would plead Not Guilty; I presume he had Enroll'd himself among the Fifth Monarchy Gang, an unreasonable set of Men, who might have liberty to expect Christ's coming as long as they please, provided they would Submit to the present Government in the mean while, but till then they will be Govern'd by none but themselves, and of all Man­kind none are so far from Christ's way of Governing. How justly the Court stopt his impertinent Excursions is already mention'd; and 'tis like our Author to tell us what this Prisoner reply'd upon [Page 69] Mr. Arthur Annesly's particularly charge­ing him with the Exclusion of the Mem­bers in 48. That it was strange to find a Judge upon the Bench, give Evidence as a Witness in the Court; this, I say, Ludlow terms an irregular Proceeding, unbecoming a Court of Judicature, and all the while stifles what the Lord Chief Baron Re­ply'd, You are mistaken, it is no Evi­dence, but shews you what Authority that was, an Authority of Forty six Members, how is this Evidence? a Judge sure may expostulate from his own Knowledge about any particular, fully prov'd before, as this whole Charge was. Yet at the same rate is the Cavil carried on, every thing caught at which may serve a turn, tho' nothing mention'd to clear a Truth: Nay, sometimes he certainly obtrudes real fictions of his own; for I no where find that their Enemies confess'd, or com­mended, their Harrison 's, and Carew 's sted­diness of Mind, and contempt of Death; but that their Friends took care they should go off with a resolute Obdurateness, take this following Passage; Some few days after Carew Suffer'd, I met a Person who had been employ'd by his Nephew to get a parcel of Papers out of his hands, which related to an Entail'd Estate, and so not forfeited by his Treason; which [Page 70] tho' he had attended several times, (as careless as his Friends say he was of Life,) could not be obtain'd till the last hour, which argued he had some hopes. Du­ring this stay, the Gentleman said a Fel­low came to him, he presum'd an Apo­thecary, and taking a Glass out of his Pocket, poured it into a Beaker and gave it him with this Grace, The Lord streng­then you; and it produc'd the design'd effect, for whereas he look'd wan, and trembled before, this made him flush, and sweat, with an answerable alteration in his Discourse, and Carriage; and this might occasion what he said at the end Speech▪ p. 22. of his Prayer upon the Ladder, I am so exceeding Dry, that my Tongue is ready to stick to my Mouth, but I would fain speak a little more. 'Twas then discours'd that most of them took such intoxicating Do­ses, to be sure Peters had so large a Potion, that he was stupidly drunk, which made Cook who suffer'd at the same time, say he fear'd him not fit to Suffer then.

Adrian Scroop is the next with our Au­thor, tho' in the course of their Execu­tions there were three or four before him, and seems mention'd on purpose to in­veigh against Sir Richard Brown, whom he falsly affirms to be the principal Wit­ness, his Evidence was only Collateral, [Page 71] there were others who prov'd both his Sitting and Signing so fully as he own'd all himself, and indeed there were none of them, had any thing of the Port and Language of a Gentleman but he, both at Tryal, and Execution, for he always address'd himself to the Court with due respect, and civilly acquiesc'd in the Rea­sons they gave for Over-ruling his Pleas; what impudence then is it for Ludlow to affirm, That the Jury taking every thing said against the person accus'd for substan­tial Proof, made no scruple of bringing him in Guilty of Treason? p. 66. whereas the Proofs against him were as full as any of the rest; yet I will not deny but he might have escap'd with Life, had not Sir Ri­chard's Testimony interpos'd, tho' his own folly as well as baseness must bear the blame, for expressing to a Stranger the no remorse he had of so horrid a Crime, which Sir Richard as a Member, was bound in Honour and Conscience to declare to the House, when his Case came to be consi­der'd. Almighty God, as already hinted, Pardons none but upon Repentance; and can King or Parliament follow a better Precedent?

Tho. Scot follows, more especially va­lu'd by our Author and his Friends, be­cause so impudent as to desire it might [Page 72] be written upon his Tomb, Here lies Tho. Scot, who adjudg'd the late King to die; But he lies without one, and may all of the same Mind, die, and lie as he did; yet even this being spoken in Parliament, ought not to be brought in Evidence, as is confidently averr'd here, without the least notice of what Sir O. B. declar'd, There could be no Privilege of Parliament for Treason, nor Felony neither, which that Try. p. 88. Learned Lawyer made several times fully out. What he urg'd likewise of the Con­vention which then was, and the Secluded Members, was altogether as frivolous; that Long Parliament had been so perpe­tuated, as none but themselves could make a Dissolution, (God keep us from such another) which the Secluded Members came in to do as Mr. Annesly told him: and the Convention they summon'd was not so Regular, but the next Parliament confirm'd all they had Enacted▪ and could these Fellows who had put the whole Government out of course, think it could ever be brought into Order, but by step­ping back through those many Irregulari­ties they had continually heap'd together? What he saith of his being a Recruiter, speaks little of Reputation, that sort of Cattle breaking thorough in an odd man­ner; and less of his Policy to tell us how [Page 73] he was fool'd by Monk: and how well he was respected throughout the King­dom, none could better express than him­self, who in a Speech he made to prevent the Dissolution of that fatal long Parlia­ment, and finding it ineffectual, conclu­ded thus, Being your pleasure to have it so, Try. p. 87. I know not how to binder it, but when done I know not where to bide this hated head of mine. And, indeed, it was the case of them all.

John Jones, and Gregory Clement, seeing what the others had said was to little pur­pose, confess'd the Fact, and were declar'd Guilty, saith our Author, but is mistaken here too, whether wilfully, or otherwise, let his Friends resolve; to be sure Jones Pleaded, confessing he sat some days, but did not malitiously contrive the King's Death; whereas his hand and seal being prov'd to the Warrant for Execution, he then cry'd Peccavi, and put himself upon the Lord, and that Honourable Court, which not having the desired effect of Life; at their Executions they both Recanted their pleading Guilty, or begging Pardon, and so went off; an exact testimony of Fa­natick Sincerity. What he saith further of Jones being a Gentleman, of a compe­tent Estate, and considerable Service for the Publick Cause, stands thus:

[Page 74] His first entrance into the World, if common report may be credited, was as Sir Thomas Middleton's Man, for that I find his Appellation in all the Prints of those times: and 'tis further said, that by his inducement Sir Thomas engag'd on the Rebel side; but his grand advance was by marrying Cromwell's Sister, who finding him withall a Zealous Brother, made up of Faction, Sedition, and Inso­lence, countenanc'd him accordingly in all his Designs; for he was not only Go­vernor of Anglesy, but Controller-General of all the Honest Gentlemen in North-Wales. Afterwards he was remov'd into Ireland, where he behav'd himself as Ser­vants use to do when got into Dominion, with a most Tyrannical Arbitrariness, no less morose, and severe than Ludlow him­self, who otherwise would not have com­mended, a Relation, and Creature of Cromwell's.

And because he tells us of Gregory Cle­ment's being a Merchant, I shall relate this Passage, and then let the World judge of his integrity, honesty, how unfit for a Publick, who behav'd himself so unwor­thily in a Private trust. He was Ap­prentice to one Mr. Hukely a Spanish Mer­chant, who, when his time was out, advis'd him to try his Fortune in the East-Indies, [Page 75] and for his incouragement lent him 500 l. upon his single Bond; perhaps he might have something more of his own, but that was said to be his principal Fund, which he so well manag'd, as to return about the beginning of our Troubles with an Advance of 8 or 9000 l. which made him, not only considerable upon the Ex­change, but a Recruiter at Westminster, when most honest men were gone, or forc'd away. At what time his Master dy'd I omitted to enquire, but leaving only two Daughters, the Gentleman who married the Eldest engag'd on the King's side, and so could not come to London till the War was over, then he addressed himself to Clement, and hop'd he would not demurr to pay so just and fortunate a Debt, which notwithstanding he did continually Shuffle, and put him off, and that with so much insolence, as once upon the Exchange to bid him Kiss his B—. When the case was so alter'd, as this Mer­chant came to lie in the Dungeon at New­gate in order to his Execution, the Gentle­man apply'd himself to him there, where he found him at the Common Cant of all the Crew, that he had made his Peace with God, and the World, and desir'd he would not disturb him with any temporal concerns, he told him how little true [Page 76] Peace could be expected with God, when so unjust to Man, with much more to the like, tho' very little, purpose, for the obstinate Wretch persever'd in his vain Presumptions, and even at the Gallows declar'd what great Assurances he had, tho' the Gentleman, mounted among the Guard, told him there of his unjust deal­ing, which he car'd not to take notice of, and so went off, an horrid instance of Fa­natick Delusion.

Mr. John Cook takes the next turn, his Dear Friend, and fellow Governor in Ire­land, where he was Lord Chief Justice, and otherwise had a great influence upon Civil Affairs; yet I do not find he was so squeamish as our Author, but continu'd in his Post under Cromwell. What he saith of his Parts, and Gentile Education shall be acknowledg'd true; yet could they not advance him in practice, so as to keep him out of some Necessities which sat un­easie upon him; and this, not only his Acquaintance thought put him upon that fatal Employ of Sollicitor to that preten­ded High Court of Justice, but he owns here at his Tryal, 'twas Avaritiâ non Malitiâ, what he spake was for his Fee, and that he hop'd the Jury would take into Consideration, whereto both the Sollicitor-General and Lord Chief Baron [Page 77] reply'd, that as no man can have a Law­ful Calling to pursue the Life of his King, so for a private Person, tho' he only in­tends to beat a man, yet if he dies there­upon, in Law 'tis Murder: and the like Replies were made to the many other Allegations Cook very ingeniously urg'd in his Defence, with so much Candor, and Respect, as well as Law and Reason, that it would be most unpardonable in any body but our Author, who makes it his constant practice, to give so partial a re­lation, as to set forth the three Articles his Inditement was reduc'd to, with a brief account of Cook's Plea, without the least Syllable of what both Council and Court reply'd in answer to every particular, so full and satisfactory, and yet withall so fair and easie, as I never read any thing of that kind more diverting; Indeed, all the Gentlemen of the Long Robe, knowing the Prisoner to be a man of Parts, and for several years vers'd in Business, seem'd to exert themselves above their Perfor­mances at other Tryals, and let him see the most artfull flourishes, could not pal­liate so foul an Act, or he alledge any thing by way of Extenuation, they were not able to render frivolous, and false, with one single breath; so that after the greatest Liberty ever vouchsafed any [Page 78] Person in those Circumstances, he was forc'd to acknowledge their Patience in hearing him, and that their Lordships had justly stated both the Councils Proofs, and his Answers, if they laid aside those Tryals, p. 150. Acts, Orders, or Authorities, whereby he did at that time Conscientiously act▪ and thought to be born out, &c. And being told that aggravated the matter so as to War­rant the Authority, he desir'd not to be mistaken, meaning only in point of High Treason, so that it seems he would have gladly come off with a Misdemeanor, Mis­prision, or something of that kind, to have secur'd his Life: Which failing, at his Execution he acted the proper part of the Party, would be telling what a Glo­rious work the Lord had accomplish'd upon Speeches, p. 29. his Spirit, which was to assure him he need not repent of any thing he had done, but own it as the cause of God, and Christ, &c. In short, none of the Pack went off more deeply plung'd in Enthusiasm, the furies and follies of Fanatick Delusion.

This Lawyer was accompany'd with a Divine, of their Congregational way, the most impudent Buffoon that ever re­proach'd any Profession, Sacred, or other, Hugh Peters, upon whom it was prov'd that he had made it his constant business to Blaspheme God and the King in his [Page 79] Pulpit Scurrilities, during the Pageantry of that horrid Tryal; and otherwise became so vile a Property to their many dark and bloody Designs, as one would think the Devil had Commission'd him to be his Representative, in acting that dismall Tra­gedy: yet being now to make his Plea, that Infernal Fiend had so far left him destitute of that briskness of Wit, and presence of Mind, at other times his only talent, as he could scarce reply to any one particular Allegation, but declar'd in general that all was false, with so sence­less a Stupidity, as to become the object of their Pity, who most abhorr'd his abo­minable Practices.

In the same manner he went off at his Execution, where he was so far from be­ing animated with courage, as our Au­thor affirms, that Cook himself could ob­serve, Here is a poor Brother coming, I am afraid that he is not fit to die at this time, &c. altho' he had endeavour'd to put what courage he could into him, for they tell us he said, Come, Brother Peters, Passages, and Spee­ches, p. 27. let us knock at Heaven gate this Morning, God will open the Doors of Eternity to us before Twelve of the Clock, &c. but Peters who had acted a Part too long, could not bear up in this last dismall Scene, no intoxicating Draught, whereof 'tis said he [Page 80] had taken very largely, could silence the Terrors of so great a Guilt; tho' it had been the whole course of his life to fool others, he could not now fool himself.

'Tis likewise an egregious falshood in the account Ludlow gives of his Life, That he had been a Minister in England for many years, till forc'd away by Arch­bishop Laud 's Superstitions, &c. he was never in our Church, but sometime at Cambridge, where he was so Insolent, and Leud, as to be Whipt in the Regent's Walk, (a Punishment scarce ever inflicted upon any since, nor perhaps as long time be­fore) the most Publick place in that Ʋni­versity, and so Expell'd for ever. Now as this affront, according to his Estima­tion, always rankled in his envenom'd Mind, so it rendred him very accep­table to the Godly Party, as they term'd themselves, who very much delighted in his Sarcastical Libels against our Govern­ment both Ecclesiastical, and Civil: Never­theless fearing to come under a second Lash, he kept himself abroad, in Holland sometime, but mostly in New England; till the Independents, designing to under­mine Presbytery, sent for him, who came accompany'd with several young Disci­ples of his own Tutoring, so managing the Army by his Cant and Buffoonry, as [Page 81] he became Cromwell's Zane, so necessary a tool, as the work could not have gone on without him, for he acted several Parts besides that of Chaplain, sometimes Col▪ sometimes Agitator, and whatever else would advance his Patron's Designs and our Confusions, and therefore 'tis much Ludlow took notice of him, being so much the Ʋsurper's creature; but his deep en­gagements in the Royal Blood, expiated for his other failings on the Common-wealth side. I shall only add further, that upon the Restauration, he was discover'd by one of those Confidents he brought out of New England, seiz'd upon in Bed with another man's Wife, which his Party indeed would have for the better conceal­ment of himself, tho' they could not but know, how much his Spirit was addicted to the Flesh.

Axtell and Hacker came next, who Guarded that confounded Court, and the King to it, set on the Soldiers to cry for Justice, &c. and for these Reasons were charg'd with compassing his, the King's Death: Axtell made many long Harangues all to the same purpose, That he was a Commission Officer, and oblig'd to obey his Superior's Orders, and so ran back to the several Generals, Essex, Manchester, and Fairfax, from whom he received his Com­mission, [Page 82] as they did theirs from Lords and Commons; altho' upon enquiry, all his Orders in this Bloody Scene were from Cromwell and Ireton: The Court suffering themselves a long time to be teas'd with these Tautologies, in the end told him, That neither the General, nor Lords and Commons ought to be obey'd in any unjust thing, much less taking away the Life of their King; and this Ludlow styles their being necessitated to fly to their old Refuge of questioning the Authority by which he acted, as if that were not first to be en­quir'd into in all Actions both personal and real. What he further calls a strong unheard of Doctrine, That no Person, nor Community, nor People have any Coercive Power over the King, is a continu'd Spe­cimen of his supercilious Arrogance, and would he have mention'd the Precedents Sir O. Bridgman quoted, the Assertion would have appear'd much to the pur­pose, and the Jury been justify'd in that they made no Difficulty of bringing him in Guilty.

Hacker being present at the former's Tryal, saw how fruitless it would be to make the same Allegations, and he had no other, besides he seem'd to be the dullest of them all in their common knack of Canting, for that he only read a Speech [Page 83] at his Execution of ten or twelve Lines, and then desired that Axtell would be both their mouths to God in Prayer.

'Tis likewise false that the Court being sensible of an injury done to Hewlet in find­ing him Guilty, for that it was made appear the Common Hangman cut off the King's Head, procur'd his Pardon: for the Lord Chief Baron told the Jury, That if they found him to be one of them in a Frock, tho' he did not the Fact, it was a clear testi­mony of his imagining and compassing the Death of the King, and this was not only prov'd by several, but from his own con­fession, Tryal, p. 239. That if he was to do it again, he would do it. The Pardon therefore was the immediate effect of His Majesty's gra­cious Clemency, what effect it had I have not heard, 'tis probable no better than upon others.

Henry Marten and Ludlow, were two of as different Tempers and Constitutions as can be well suppos'd, the former a witty debonair Companion, who made Drinking and Whoring the delight of his Soul; the other of a haughty morose dispo­sition, rigid and severe as a Scotch Cove­nanter; yet these two in the House al­ways hunted in the same Couples, prose­cuted the most desperate Courses which at any time came under debate, right­down [Page 84] Levellers, nothing would serve them but a Community of wealth and wo­men; wherein Marten must be own'd to have reason, for that having squandred away an Estate of several Thousand pounds per Annum, besides Plunder, and other Gratuities, wherewith these just Repre­sentatives oblig'd each other, he could not think of a better way to supply his Luxury, than out of other men's Stocks; to which purpose he writ a Book, call'd England's Troublers Troubled, wherein all Rich men are declared Enemies to the Mean; Lords and Gentry, Clergy and Law­yers, must come into one Common Fund, whereof too, I presume he intended to be Treasurer, and then it could not fail to be well dispos'd of. And that this might be reduc'd to Practice, in his own County of Berks, whose worthy Representative he was, he forbad the people to stand bare Hist. of Ind. at a Sessions in 48, or pay Homage and Fe­alty to their Lords: yet at the same time he Plundred them of their Horses, Goods, Money, &c. under pretence of serving the State, and beat those that defended their own: In fine, there was not a more Im­moral, Profane Wretch ever breath'd up­on earth than this Marten, who never­theless being a Commonwealths▪man, and of as inveterate a spite against the good [Page 85] King as this Author, he, who most un­deservedly escap'd with his Life, of a Do­zen more, Try'd at the same time, must be singled out for two or three maggotty Evasions, which nothing but a Court of unwearied temper would have born with; for he tells us whereas others confess'd the Guilt, but not the Malice; he confess'd the Fact, but not the Guilt; which was justi­fying the thing as all the former had done, in a more Impudent Buffooning way. This Distinction of his the Lord Chief Ba­ron reply'd to very seriously, but the Solicitor▪General ridicul'd it most deser­vedly: neither was there any thing in what he further urg'd, that all Facts were to be denominated from their Circumstances; was that a new Notion? or any ways applicable in his Case? whose were the most aggravating of any in the whole Pack. His addressing himself from the Council to the Jury stood him likewise in as little stead, for his thinking that a House of Commons, when he presum'd the Court did not so, which should the Jury more incline to believe? an Authority of his own making, as the Solicitor briskly Tryal, p. 251. told them, or not rather condemn him for making that Authority; as they most justly did.

[Page 86] In those Familiar Epistles which this Devotee of Venus writ to his Lady of Plea­sure, there is likewise a Letter in Justifi­cation of the King's Murder, penn'd it seems before he came in, and had it come out before his Tryal, we might have seen how witty he would have been upon the Gallows, for 'tis written in his usual buf­fooning way, without any thing of solid Argument, or real thought, which our Author alone extols him for. All indiffe­rent Judges tell us, he had addicted him­self so much to a pleasant humor of Ral­lying, as they question'd whether he could have been serious, had he come to the Execution of his justly deserved Sentence; 'tis great pity it was not try'd. And by what good luck he escap'd that end I am next to relate, the better to refell ano­ther gross mistake of our Authors, not to term it worse, who positively tells us, The Convention made no provision for the securing his, Marten 's Life, or the rest decoy'd into a Surrender, whereas they pass'd an Act, that however Condemn'd, Execution should be suspended till another Act of Parliament to that purpose: Which accordingly was the first thing under Debate in that of 61. where the whole dozen were Secur'd for Life, even Marten too, tho' with greatest difficulty, by rea­son [Page 87] of his insolent Deportment at Tryal, but having some Relations of Honor and Quality, they were unwilling to have such a blemish lie upon their Family, and found out this pleasant Stratagem to pre­vent it; when Marten came to be consi­der'd it was declar'd on all hands none more deserv'd to die; whereupon a Gen­tleman, in the Intrigue, stood up and said he was as much for hanging him as any other Member, only fear'd having so rotten a Carcass, his Limbs would fall asunder and disappoint the Gallows; which humor being ingeniously prosecuted, 'twas con­cluded in the end, he should rot out the remainder of his Life in the Gaol. And accordingly he was sent to the Isle of Wight, Carisbrook-Castle, I presume, with Hevingham; from thence brought back to Windsor, which was not a little regretted by many Loyal Gentlemen, that they should have Liberty to walk over the Corps of that Sovereign they had Mur­der'd, and among them an Honest blunt Scotch Knight understanding they were remov'd for better Air, plainly told the King, they thought the Isle of Wight Air good enough for his Father, and the worst Air in Hell was too good for such Rogues as they: Hereupon they were re­mov'd, Marten to Chepstow Castle in Mon­mouthshire, [Page 88] where he lingred out his days with an ordinary Competency from some who had trick'd themselves into his E­state, and other Friends, to the Year 80. the 78. of his Age, the longer doubtless for being debarr'd the profuseness of his former Epicurism, yet all this without the least improvement, under such great alterations of condition, and severe checks of Providence; for if we may believe the Athen. Oxo. Vol. 2. 495. Epitaph he made of himself a little before his Death, he went off with as little sence of a future State, as he continu'd here in defiance of all Virtue, Loyalty, and Religion.

What our Author next falls upon of this kind is with more than ordinary re­gret, that a Trium-virate of his fellow Out-Laws were seiz'd upon in Holland, and from thence sent home to receive the just Reward of their Treasons, the first he empties his gall upon is Sir George▪ Downing, who as the King's Minister there, laid the Scene so as to secure them, whose baseness he aggravates by telling he had been Okey's Chaplain, kindly enter­tain'd by him, and receiv'd many Obliga­tions from him; all which the Factions most virulently charg'd upon him from the beginning, and he as little regarded, for being by Monk's recommendation con­tinu'd [Page 89] in the same imployments he had under Cromwell, for which he had then contracted an implacable enmity from all the Rumpers, he resolv'd to be aforehand with them, by hanging as many as possi­ble out of the way, who he was sure if once more in Power, would do the like by him. For Gratitude he had convers'd too long among them, not to know how little it was regarded when Interest stood in competition; neither indeed can there be a greater absurdity, than for any of that leven to recriminate thereupon, who so treacherously undermin'd each other in their several Turns; and altogether ex­press'd an ingratitude great as Hell, for their too general Indemnity.

He continues his charge against the bar­barous part the States acted in this conjun­cture, who contrary to a Fundamental Maxim in their Government to receive and protect all, &c. contributed as much as in them lay to the destruction of these Gentlemen; that they contributed any thing to the seizing of them is absolutely false, but were much vex'd at it, tho' when done could not pre­vent it; Sir George had formerly attempted several such Straglers, and the States had freely given him Orders to secure them; but withall took such care that before he, or his Messengers came there, the Birds [Page 90] were flown. This was the first time he outwitted them, and I dare ingage had he continu'd there Forty years it should have been the last. However, I find this Author elsewhere affirming, that Interest is their darling Maxim, and there is none who know them, doubts it; seeing there­fore so great a Revolution in England, the Royal Family restor'd, to which they had not been over kind from the begin­ning of their Troubles, and now entring into an Alliance with that Crown, it must really have broke all those Measures, and violated the Laws of Nations to prohibit their Transportation, when seiz'd, yet many of their People were very mad for this; their Governors consider'd better, that however they permit their Country to be a Common Receptacle for the Refuse of all Mankind, yet that, in such extraor­dinary Cases, must be superseded to the just, and reasonable Demands of their Neighbours: Rebels and Out-laws are Beasts of prey, and when upon pursuit they escape out of one Royalty, the next should take the Alarm, either hunt them away, or upon seizure deliver them up, neither can it be expected any Prince should en­ter into an Alliance upon other terms; and when 'tis their own concern, none stand more positively upon it than the [Page 91] Hollanders; to give an instance, when the Seiur Kuivoit, Trump's Brother-in-Law, who upon Buats folly, De Witt discover'd to be against his Faction, as this Author relates, p. 194. but escap'd out of his clutches, into England, would upon the Treaty by no means be permit­ted to return into his own Country, but was forc'd to continue here several years, for ought I know till that grand turn which caus'd De Witt's Massacre. And perhaps our Monarchy hath suffer'd not a little for being less severe in such Cases.

The first our Author mentions of his three unhappy Brethren is Miles Corbet, a Gentleman of an Ancient Family in Nor­folk, and so indeed he was, but proving a wither'd Branch, the Old Stock by degrees perished, and came to nothing. His Ne­phew Sir Thomas was a worthy Loyal Gen­tleman, kept this old Dotard from defiling himself with his Sovereign's Blood till the last day, for fear the Entail should be cut off from his Children, according to his own confession; but then the Devil with his own as Hellish Zeal, spur'd him on both to Sit, and Sign: And 'tis probable upon this inducement, Sir Tho. parted with the Seat of his Family, which to my knowledge he did, and was very [Page 92] kind to his Sisters with their Descendents. For his Deportment in Ireland, our Au­thor is too partial to be credited, because we have so odd an account of his carriage in the House of Commons, where he was Hist. of Ind. p. 36. Inquisitor-General to the Committee of Exa­minations, having found an Expedient to Purge both Houses of such Members as the Army, or Independents dislik'd, without let­ting them know either their Charge, or Ac­cusers, which the History of Independency terms a kind of Hangman's Office, and that he look'd more like a Hangman, than the Hangman himself; 'tis true likewise he was constantly call'd Corbet the Jew, much resembling that Nation both in Countenance, and Actions.

The next is Barkstead, a Citizen and Goldsmith in London, saith our Author, as if he had been a Banker of Thousands; whereas the Workers in that Trade are of as dirty and laborious a Profession as Country Blacksmiths, and take as much Pains for a small Livelihood: This fel­low's chief Imploy was to make Silver Thimbles, whereby he might become en­dear'd to the Sisterhood, to be sure he was Second to Ven in leading up the Mob to threaten, and force the Parliament, ay, and King too, when matters did not go after their humors; and thus setting for­ward [Page 93] the War, when begun, he had his advance in it, where nevertheless he pass'd for a very shallow Mortal, but continuing a zealous Pretender, and withall very offi­cious to his Master Cromwell, he conti­nu'd him a Tool upon all occasions; as I remember made him one of his Lords; not so deserved an Advance, as here at the Gallows.

The last is Okey, whom our Author will have a Citizen of London too, as if he had made some great figure there; whereas he was Modester, and declar'd, He was the least of the Families in Israel, and he the least of that. First, he be­long'd to a Brew-house as Dray-man; after that a poor Chandler near Lyons-Key; but betaking himself to the Sword, upon our Civil Distractions, he appear'd a man of Sence, and Courage, which cultivated by Action and Experience, rendred him one of the best Officers among them. That he was possess'd with the common Cant of the Cause, and wholly given over to their Inspiration-Follies, and very zea­lous therein, cannot seem strange, for that he never had any other Conversa­tion; and the Success God curs'd them and the Nation withall, was a corrobo­rating Argument to their deluded Minds of a Righteous Ʋndertaking: yet after all, [Page 94] no one of the whole Party carried him­self so like a Gentleman, and a Christian as this Okey; which not being for our Author's design to mention, I shall take notice of, from that very account the Brotherhood hath given of his final Exit, in these following instances. 1. As to the Death of the King, he declar'd ‘him­self to be none of the Council which sat about it; knew nothing of the Col▪ Okey's Sp. 75. Judges, nor of his name being there till done; that he sat but once or twice, pray'd for him, as for himself, as he had done for this King (then Regnant Charles II.) and look'd upon it as his Duty to do so. 2. That tho' he doubt­ed not a Resurrection of the Cause he had engag'd in, (thorough-pac'd Enthusiasm) yet would he leave this with all his Brethren, and Friends, that they should keep their Places, wait upon God, and rather suffer, than do any thing to de­liver themselves, by indirect, and un­just ways. 3. That if His Majesty had been pleas'd to have given him his Life; or if he had heard time enough of the Proclamation, to come over, he would, through the Blessing of God, have liv'd quietly, and rather suffer'd, than done any thing against the Law of the Land. 4. That whoever had proceeded against [Page 95] his Life, even to his quondam Chaplain, and those in Holland, who had engag'd otherwise to his Friends, he forgave as freely, as he desir'd God to forgive him. 5. His last words were, And it shall be my Prayer now, that God would give you Peace and Truth, and scatter them that delight in Blood and War.’ These are some of those many wholesom [...] [...]d­vices he left among them, arguing so much of a good intention, a pious well disposed mind, as 'tis much the Fanaticks have not expung'd him their Kalender, for expressing himself so directly con­trary to what the rest of their Party profess'd and practis'd, both Living, and Dying.

Sir Henry Vane, who brings up the Rear in this Black List, according to course of time, deserves likewise that Preference as the Coryphaeus of Fanati­cism, right down inspiration▪Mad, so fu­rious a Bigot for whatever came upper­most in his freakish head, that the com­mon Appellation men gave him was, Sir Humerous Vanity. His Father, and he, were doubtless two the most ungrate­ful Servants to Good K. Charles ever ad­vanc'd by Prince, and each of them qua­lify'd with Parts, and Interest to carry on whatever designs they engag'd in, yet [Page 96] the old one was more cautious, and fore­seeing what Fate his Son would come to, like a cunning Vulpone, setled the Estate he had got from the Crown upon his Grandchildren. That there was any thing of the like caution in the other, tho' he kept out of that cursed Court which con­demned the King, is hard to conceive, sin [...]e none conduc'd more to the bringing him thither, and when taken off, more zealously forward to Establish their new Commonwealth; yet in some of his Pa­pers, that absence of his is insisted upon, as if he hop'd it might help at a dead pinch: whereas all his other actions dis­cover'd so much of Republican rancour, that it was thought fire might be as well permitted to continue in Thatch, as he live at Liberty in any thing of a Monarchy; and when upon that great Revolution, it was discover'd, whatever Ludlow saith to the contrary, he had been tampering with some Malecontents of the Army, and others, in order to fresh Disturbances, the Govern­ment thought fit to confine him, where he continu'd more than a year, and then, whether upon his own motion by right of Habeas Corpus, or otherwise, I cannot discover, was brought to Tryal, with Lambert, and had he behav'd himself as Lambert did, own'd the Jurisdiction of [Page 97] the Court, confess'd his Crime, and begg'd Pardon; he might have escap'd with Life, as that other, according to the Parliament's Petition to His Majesty: But being charg'd with a continu'd series of Treasons from the King's Murder to the Restauration, (altho' the Councel told him they might have began with the Rebel­lion) he absolutely deny'd they had any Power to try him; that neither the King's Death, nor the Members them­selves could dissolve the Long Parliament, whereof he being one, no inferior Court could call him in question, with so many Cavils for Arrest of Judgment, Councel, and what not, as would have continu'd his Tryal till Doomsday, could he have liv'd so long, and his Breath held out, which never fail'd him, nor words nei­ther, tho' most incoherently put toge­ther. His Tryal was Printed by his Par­ty, with several Speeches, Memorandums, &c. his Deportment before he went, and upon the Scaffold; as likewise many Additional Discourses of Politicks, Divinity, &c. ma­king a pretty large Quarto, the complea­test body of Enthusiasm I ever saw, tend­ing to this main end, That in Right of Jesus Christ, and his People, 'twas justifiable to stand up against any Government, Con­troll, and Subvert at Pleasure. In like [Page 98] manner he would have run on at his Exe­cution, and because not suffer'd to defend the Treasons he had for 20 Years toge­ther continually acted, would have it a violation of every Free-born Englishman's Right. But then for his Religious deport­ment, he declar'd to have such Signs of Special Salvation, they are the very words of his Prayer, as to assure himself a place no lower than the Right hand of Jesus Christ: St. Paul was but a weak Brother in comparison to him, who after many years labour in the Gospel could not pro­mise himself to have attain'd, or were al­ready made perfect, &c. whereas this Com­monwealth Apostle, set the Crown upon his Tryal of Sir H. V. p. 89. head, the first day of his Spiritual Birth, and even whilst here in the Body was made partaker of Eternal Life in the first fruits of it. But why should we mention St. Paul, when in his last Agony he so Blasphemously emulated our Blessed Sa­viour himself; for instead of a Lord have mercy on my Soul; Christ Jesus receive my Spirit; or the like; we are told his very last words of all at the Block were as followeth, Father glorifie thy Servant in P. 95. the sight of men, that he may Glorifie thee, in the discharge of his Duty to thee, and to his Country. Could any thing but Hell inspire a man at this rate? yet all his [Page 99] Speeches and Prayers are move or less one continu'd Rhapsody of such abominable Stuff.

I shall mention something of his Tem­poral Concerns, partly for that our Au­thor's relation is as opposite to truth as one Pole to the other; Sir Henry Vane, saith he, was a Gentleman of an Ancient Family in the County of Durham; whereas the Family they were of, was directly South, either in Kent, or Essex, as I am inform'd, till the Old Fellow, having well fleec'd himself at Court, mov'd Northward, upon this occasion. Raby-Castle was in the Crown, one of the finest Royalties in the North of England, assign'd King Charles, with other Lands when Prince of Wales, for the support of his Family: When come to the Crown, the Parliament not supplying him to carry on the Spa­nish War, as they had promis'd both his Father and Self, he was oblig'd to assign it over to some Citizens for a Summ of Money, giving them Power to lett Lea­ses, &c. Old Sir Henry knowing this to be a considerable Purchase, agreed with the Citizens for their interest, and then got it confirm'd to him by the King, upon easie terms, we may well presume, facilitated too by some undervaluings, for when entertain'd there in his Expedition [Page 100] against the Scots, and finding a magni­ficent Structure, according to that old way of Building, he pleasantly told him, Sir Henry, This is more than a heap of Stones. When Cromwell gave the Rump their Qui­etus, those few of them who had Country Seats retir'd thither, this Hen. the 2 d. his Father being a little before Dead, to Raby-Castle; where, because prohibited to do it any longer in the Government, he Tyran­niz'd over his Tenants and Neighbours, obliging the former to take new Leases, as not allowing those they had from the Citizens; and seiz'd upon an Estate to the value of 200 l. per Annum, which had been Purchas'd by a charitable Gentleman out of the Mannor, and given to the Parish of Stanthorp, for Relief of the Poor, sup­port of the Free School, and repair of the Church; with many such-like Arbitrary Encroachments, according to the plenitude of his Self-will'd Power. The People we may imagine could not long brook such usage, but at length took so much cou­rage as to Petition Cromwell for Relief, who referr'd it, by especial recommen­dation to his Commissioners of the Seal, and they finding Matter of Fact true, did the Tenants Right to the great dissa­tisfaction of this Lord Paramount.

[Page 101] I have been the more particular in this relation upon a double account; the one is to clear that great Man the Earl of Strafford, whom I have frequently found censur'd, by many otherwise his Admi­rers, for taking the Title of Raby to his Barony, supposing it to be old Vane's Pa­ternal Estate, whereas if taken when first made a Peer, it was not in his Pos­session; if otherwise, when Earl, the original Right continu'd in the Crown, the King might dispose of the Honor to whom he pleas'd, as he had done before of the Estate; yet 'tis thought the pee­vish old Secretary, for this reason, plot­ted the ruine of that incomparable Mi­nister, as both he and his Son, conduc'd in many other things to that of their Master; may such ingratitude in due time meet with an Act of Resumption. The other thing I design'd to observe from the foremention'd relation is, that men of Commonwealth Principles, whatever noise they make of the Peoples Right, Liberty, Property, &c. where-ever they get into Power, and Authority are more insolent and Arbitrary than any sort of Mankind; uneasie Neighbours, griping Landlords, froward Masters, exact from, and impose upon all they have to do with. And this rough self-will'd management of his [Page 102] own private concerns, is an Argument to me, much beyond our Author's autho­rity, that the good Conduct of their Marine Affairs at that time, must pro­ceed from others of a more sedate temper; so warm a Brain, and violent Spirit could not do any thing with judgment, and dis­cretion. I cannot forbear to mention what his Friends tell us of his deport­ment after Condemnation, some perswa­ding him to make Submission to the King, and endeavour the obtaining of his Life, Tryal of Sir H. V. Pag. 81. he said, If the King did not think himself more concern'd for his Honour, and his Word, than he did for his Life, then he was willing they should take it; nay, I de­clare, said he, I value my Life less in a good Cause, than the King can do his Pro­mise: with several such like Rants so abominably extravagant, as if he studied to precipitate his own ruine; but he treated God Almighty at the same impu­dent manner, so that 'tis hard to resolve whether his Blasphemies, or Treasons were greatest; for both which I presume it is that our Author and his Friends give him so high a Character, commend his Elo­quence, Soundness of Judgment, Presence of Mind, Gravity, Magnanimity, and what crowns all, Constant adherence to the Cause of his Country; whereas Bedlam would [Page 103] afford us many of a much more steady temper; and Newgate truer Patriots to the Nation's Peace, and Welfare.

Thus have I run over the Legendary Relation of our Republican Regicides, as laid before us by this imposing Author, wherein nevertheless we both agree as to Matter of Fact, only what he attributes to a good, I will have proceed from an Evil Spirit; and for Decision, my ap­peal shall be to the Reader, whether the Word of Truth hath not foretold, That some might come under such strange Delu­sions, Jo. 16. 2. as to turn men out of the Church, ay, and kill them too, thinking all the while they did God great service? And could that Text be ever more literally verified, than when a company of Illiterate Mechanicks, with some others of little, or, which is worse, bad Education, shall pretend a Commission from the Divine Spirit, for Murdering their King, Subverting the Go­vernment, and make every individual Per­son submit to their own Arbitrary Wills, and Inspiration-Follies. For particular Men, there is no Discourse of Melancholy but tells us what freakish Conceits the strength of Imagination hath possess'd them withal; but for a considerable part of a Nation to be so carry'd away, we are the only Precedent, and sure no others will [Page 104] be so mad as to follow us. Since there­fore I cannot parallel them with a Party, I shall do it with a Person or two; and begin with that modern Patriarch of Spe­culative Atheism, Vaninus, who when he was condemned to be burnt, for that he deny'd the Being of a God, and upon the first sense of Pain, cry'd out, Mon Dieu, the Flames were stopt, and he told, upon continuing to own that God now call'd upon, his Life should be spar'd: To which he reply'd, They were only words of course, and he was resolv'd to die in defence of his own Cause. Now, I pre­sume, the Atheist admires this abominable Wretch's Courage, as much as Ludlow and his Friends that of Harrison, and the rest, and just with as much reason. But to come from no Religion to that which is almost as bad, those Proto-Fanaticks in Queen Elizabeth's time, Hacket, Coppinger, and Arthington, what execrable Blas­phemies did they utter? even command­ing God to Patronize their Delusions. And if our Author consulted the History of Reformation among his beloved Swiss, he might have found at the beginning they swarm'd much with Anabaptists, however it is at present, one of which cut off his Brother's Head, in presence of Father and Mother, saying, God com­manded [Page 105] him so to do. And the Lord Chief Baron, when he pass'd Sentence upon the Five that were Try'd next after Harrison, Carew, Scot, Scroop, Jones and Clement, told them of one in Shorpshire, who kill'd his Father and Mother, after he had sought of the Lord whether he might do it or Tryals, p. 101. not, very applicable to those Wretches who pretended they had done the same thing, in order to the Murder of the Father of their Country; and thereupon he went on very piously to advise them, That they should try their own Spirits, and not think every Fancy and Imagination to be Con­science: There is (saith he) a Spiritual Pride, Men may over-run themselves by their own Holiness, and pretended Revela­tions, rest upon that Self-confidence, and mistake the Devil for an Angel of Light. This was good Advice, indeed, too good for them to follow, for they all dy'd as they liv'd, under the cursed Infatuations of a deluded Mind.

There is but one thing more I shall fur­ther observe, how the whole Current of the Rebellion was carry'd on by this Inspi­ration-Fraud. The Presbyterians, though they had been all along for their own Forms, in opposition to those of our Church; yet this Evil Spirit getting in vogue, fram'd their Pipes accordingly, [Page 106] and bellow'd among the rest: but the In­dependents, Hugh Peters more-especially, with his New-England Gang, having got the Trumpet-Stop, silenc'd them most profoundly; nay, which is more, so pro­pagated the Knack among the Army, as most of their Officers, even to a Corporal, could thunder out Extempore Nonsence, Preach and Pray, without knowing what they said, or designing to be understood: And these were Cromwell's chiefest Pro­perties, by whose means he made his ad­vance, insomuch as it was observ'd he scarce car'd for any Man that spoke Sence, and had several Artifices to disparage it, but most of all it was abhorr'd in their Pulpit-Cants. The truth of it is, a Man of sound Christian Principles, and good Moral Life, was as much Reprobated by them, as the Pharisees did all but themselves; and could they have fix'd that Doctrine, of Do­minion in Grace, which the Levelling Party bid fair for, no Person should have had any Property but themselves. But when Cromwell had attain'd his height, they perceiv'd whose Tools they had been, and the most considerable of them began to be very uneasie to him, so that with much Stratagem he was forc'd to discard the most of them, and confine some in Prison; and though by this means he [Page 107] kept them under during his own time, yet that Oaff his Son was supplanted by them in less than a Year's time, and after about half a dozen turns, in the time of a year more, all things most miraculously return'd to our times as of old. And tho' these Sons of Delusion had the Confidence to foretell at Execution a Resurrection of their Cause, as some of the Party have done of their Bodies, yet that time is still to come, and I hope may be as far of, as that many times expected Deliverance of the Jews▪ and indeed to me they have all along seem'd to be equally under the same Spiritual Obduration, after their hard and impenitent hearts, Treasuring up unto Rom. 2. 5. themselves wrath against the day of wrath, and Revelation of the Righteous Judgment of God.

SECT. III.

THE little now remaining of my promis'd Undertaking, relates to that Bulk of Letters and other Papers, which swell up this Third Volume to very nigh one half; and would they be sincere, the true reason is, that this might bear proportion with the other Two, and keep up the Crown Price, although the fresh [Page 108] and true Information it contains is not worth Sixpence. And this I must fur­ther take notice of, That these Letters of His Majesty were never but once printed by the Factious, and that when first taken at Naseby, bearing this Title, The King's Cabinet open'd, &c. (which I have by me) with a scurrilous Preface, and most viru­lent Annotations, so rude and false, as most of their own Party blush'd at them: To be sure the Loyalists were so far from being asham'd of any thing there dis­cover'd, as they became a further Con­firmation to them of the King's great Parts, extraordinary Goodness, and most tender Regard of his Peoples Welfare, and ac­cordingly had them constantly printed with his other Works both in Octavo and Folio.

But the Title here tells us 'tis a Col­lection of Letters and other Papers relating to divers Important Passages in the prece­dent Memoirs; which Other Papers were likewise most of them printed with the Letters, or occasionally afterward as they fell into their base Hands, and as to every Passage reply'd to in my Just De­fence, without any thing of Importance discover'd, more than implacable Malice, and egregious Falshoods. One Particular I must needs repeat: It is there made ap­pear [Page 109] how grofly His Majesty was abus'd by that forg'd Commission the Irish Rebels produc'd, and how villainously their Lieutenant-General Ludlow would have had Sir Phelim O Neal redeem his Life by charging it upon him; which that Man, as bad as he had been, had more Honour and Conscience than to do; yet a Copy of this Commission is printed in the Collection, as undoubtedly so, though even their Memoir doth but say, the Irish pretended a Commission from the King, pag. 19. Vol. I. and they knew it as certainly false, as we may them Lyars: but it helps on a Design, and that is enough.

As for this last Volume, I find but one Passage wherein our Royal Martyr is con­cern'd, that is aspers'd, for they never mention him but to that purpose, and this rais'd from his Correspondence with the Marquess of Antrim, who, our Author tells us, was an Irish Priest, among the first in Rebellion there, seiz'd upon in London, upon Charles the Second's Re­stauration, sent Prisoner to the Tower, from thence to Ireland, and there set at Liberty by a Letter under the King's Hand, charging the Guilt of that Rebellion upon his Father, in that he affirms, the Earl of Antrim did nothing without Warrant and [Page 110] Authority from his Father. Thus far the Memoir, pag. 115. with some truth, but very little; for first, he was not set at Liberty by the King's Letter, but they who charg'd, and caus'd him to be Com­mitted, not able to make good their Alle­gations, he became freed in course. Nei­ther, secondly, is it said he did nothing without Warrant and Authority from the King his Father; the express words of the Letter are, That what he did by way of Correspondence or Compliance with the Irish Rebels, was in order to the Service of Our Royal Father, warranted by his Instructions, and that the benefit thereof accrued to the Crown. Col. p. 357. which how basely our Author would pervert, as if his first engagement in the Rebellion, and con­tinued going along with them, were by the King's Allowance, every eye may discover; whereas the words can be no further stretch'd, than that in process of time, he was so sensible of his Folly, not to term it worse, as he thought to ex­piate for the same, by bringing over his Confederates, as many as he could, to their due Allegiance, together with him­self. And that this he endeavour'd, and was all the Good King encourag'd him in, or Authoriz'd him to do, will appear from these few Particulars I meet with [Page 111] of his Undertakings. When the Scotch Covenanters first began their Stirs, I find this Marquess of Antrim making a Pro­posal to the King, of a Descent from his County of that Name, or some other of the Northern Parts in Ireland, upon the Earl of Argyle, and his several Dependents in the Western Parts of Scotland. But the Deep-sighted Strafford finding him unable to accomplish what he promis'd upon Nals. Col. 221. that account, it came to nothing; tho' doubtless he might produce several Let­ters from the King, not without Encou­ragements, and kind Acknowledgements for his good intentions. The next thing I find him engag'd in, was more consi­derable, though not full up to what he promis'd. When the Soots came in 43. to the Assistance of their Fellow- Rebels here, the Noble Montross, then at Oxon with the King, laid a Design of giving them a Diversion in the Highlands, in order whereunto this Marquess of Antrim promis'd to send him Ten Thousand Men out of Ireland, and return'd thither to that purpose, as the other with great difficulty got into the Highlands, and there absconded a considerable time in expectation of the fore-mention'd Sup­ply, wherein at length there was some­thing done, that is, Fourteen or Fifteen [Page 112] Hundred Men, sent under the Command of that Brave Fellow Mac Donald, which Montross augmenting with his several Clans there, perform'd those many Noble Exploits recorded to his Eternal Glory. And this Charles the Second's Letter parti­cularly related to, That he drew some Forces from Ireland for the Service of Scotland, pag. 355. 'Tis likewise said in the same Letter, That he join'd with the Irish, in order to reduce them to their Obedience: And though it doth not expresly appear as to any single Circumstances, for want of the Old King's Letters to him, yet in general it may be concluded he was not so hot as the Priest-ridden Party there, but willing to comply with such Concessions as the King in Honour and Conscience might grant. For whoever consults the History of those Times in Ireland, will find that most of the sensible Nobility and Gentry, ay, and Commanders too, from 43. forward, discern'd what Mischiefs they had brought upon themselves, and were, to prevent further danger, desirous to com­ply with His Majesty's Proposals, of a Ge­neral Toleration; but the Ecclesiasticks, especially when headed by the Pope's Nuncio, and had the Mobb at their Lure, would be satisfy'd with nothing but a kind of Inquisition-Establishment of their [Page 113] Religion. That the Marquess we dis­course of was one of the former, appears by his Deportment at Oxon, where, I presume, he was one of the Agents sent by the Catholick Confederates, as they termed themselves, to attend His Majesty, with Desires and Propositions most extra­vagant, as they themselves confess'd; and therefore according as they promis'd the King, did, upon their return, repre­sent the absolute necessity of submitting to him, till able to grant them more, that they might not be glad to accept less: But the Evil Genius of that People, saith my Au­thor, (condemn'd to wilful Ruine and Mis­fortune) Dr. Burl. p. 145. soon evidenc'd how unripe they were for Mercy; and that it was not so easie to allay the Evil Spirits they had conjur'd up, as to foment and irritate them.

And now from a due Consideration of the Premisses, I appeal how it can be sup­pos'd His Majesty's Letters should relate to any thing more than encouraging this Marquess's good Endeavours to the ma­king Matters as easie as he could, in or­der to the Cessation which thereupon fol­low'd: And the Peace likewise, which after many tedious Negotiations was con­cluded in 46, had doubtless his helping Hand, though it came to nothing, by reason of the Nuncio's and his Clergies [Page 114] abominable Assumings, and Superstitious Rigours; all which appears from his Son Charles the Second's Letter, the only Authority they have for this wrested Calumny; for 'tis there expresly declar'd, That his Compliance with the Irish Rebels, was in order to the Service of his Royal Fa­ther, and that the Benefit thereof accrued to the Crown. And upon a full, impartial Consideration of that Letter, the Marquess ‘will be found to have had very hard measure; for at his coming over, after the Restauration, upon Complaint of the Irish Deputies here at Court, that he was not worthy the least Countenance from His Majesty, and that they had manifest, unquestionable Evidence of his Guilt, he was forbid the Royal Presence, committed to the Tower, and then re­mitted into Ireland for his Tryal and Punishment; where, after many Months Attendance, and presum'd Examination, he was dismiss'd without Censure; and without any Transmission of Charge to us, was Licensed to Transport himself into England: Whereupon the King thought in Justice he ought to be Heard by his Councel here, and producing the foremention'd Testimony under his Fa­ther's own Hand, recommended him to the Court of Claims, in order to be re­possess'd [Page 115] of his Estate, as more deserving than the Rebels on the other side, who had done all the mischief, without the least good, and had no other Title than Seven or Eight Years quiet Possession since their Master Cromwell made the Dividend.’ However, I am not to plead the Marquess's Case, any further than our Royal Martyr is concern'd, who, that he should be concluded to promote Popery, or wish well to the Rebellion, because he plough'd sometimes with their Heifer, in order to an Accommodation, is a true piece of Fanatick Spite, and exactly re­sembles the grand Author, the Father of Lyes; they might as well conclude him a Presbyterian, for that he corresponded with some Scotch-Covenanters; or wish'd well to the English Rebellion, and Army, because he treated with Cromwell and his Mirmidons, when in their Hands; where­as all he did, was to shew, there should be no defect on his side, in order to the Nation's true Peace and Settlement. Nei­ther is there any thing more common between Enemies, either in Courts, or Camps, than to work upon the Discon­tents, or good Dispositions, of some in Employment on the adverse Side, in order to Intelligence, or any other beneficial End, as the Circumstances they are in require. [Page 116] Dolus an Virtus? is a known Rule, and to give an instance thereof in our present Case, as to the Irish Affairs, by those that manag'd them as well against the King, as Popish Rebels; Sir Charles Coot being shut up in London-Derry by such of the Romanists as had gone over to the King, and reduc'd to great Necessity, made no Dr Burl. 217. scruple of treating with Owen O Neil, a General of the Bloodyest Irish, and he alone who would not come in to the Duke of Ormond 's Peace, that he should raise the Siege, upon the Payment of 2000 l. in Money, with other Conside­rations, of Amunition and Cattle, which was mutually perform'd on either Side: And the then Colonel Monk, in Command there, had done something of the like kind before. 'Tis true, indeed, their Wor­ships at Westminster, who at that time had got all into their hands, seem'd to mut­ [...]r at it; but the Grandees, and Military Men, not only approv'd, but applauded what they had done, the Exigencies they were in duly consider'd.

I shall mention but one thing more in Defence of our Royal Martyr, as to Cor­respondencies of this kind. Most of the Letters taken at Naseby, and so basely printed by the Junto, were to the Queen, in the first of which we find this Passage, [Page 117] I forgot in my former to tell thee, that Lenthall the Speaker brags, Cardinal Ma­zarine keeps a strict Intelligence with him:—As for Sabran (the French Envoy at London) I am confident he or his Instru­ctions are not right for him that is eternally thine. Now in their Annotations to the first Edition aforemention'd, as they charge the King most basely, even for Corresponding with his Queen, because of the Romish Persuasion, as if thereby he design'd to bring in those Rites; so no notice is taken of this their Speaker's Cor­respondence, either to deny or justifie it: And to give such Devils their due, since resolv'd to persevere in their Rebellion, 'twas as justifiable as any thing they did. But why then so severe upon their King, that they should dare to steal the Horse, and not give him leave to look over the Hedge, yet at the same insolent rate do these Second Publishers of his Letters use him; for though they had not so much Confidence as to adjoin the Annotations, their Predecessors made, they have found out a more contracted way of expressing their ill-natur'd Prosecution, by present­ing us with a Passage out of his Declara­tion dated from Newark, March 9 ^o. 1641. wherein he tells the Parliament, That whatsoever they were advertised from Rome, [Page 118] Paris, or Venice, of the Pope's Nuncio's soli­citing France, Spain, &c. for Foreign Aids, was false; thereupon most solemnly protests against the thing; and indeed it hath since appear'd to be one of the many sinister Stratagems to ruine him, and them­selves: These thorough-pac'd Calumnia­tors thought, I say, to do the business with one general dash, of so great a lati­tude, as to comprehend whatever from first to last had been brought against him; their words are these, If this Passage be compar'd with the preceding Letters and In­structions, all Equitable Men may judge, whether the King did not pass Sentence upon himself, and absolve the High-Court of Justice, p. 321. That Dolus latet in Ʋniversalibus is acknowledg'd on all hands: The Devil did not more covertly charge Job, than these his Agents this Good Man; and as he was given into their power in the same manner, nay, even to the touching of his Life; so never any since, meer Man, was attack'd with greater Slanders, bore them and his many other Afflictions more patiently, and as gloriously sacrific'd his Life, in Defence of that Religion, and those Laws, which these worst of Men would hold the World in hand afresh he design'd to subvert, and betray.

[Page 119] And here I had finish'd my own, and Readers trouble, but that a spiteful young Fellow, whom I took notice of in the end of my Defence, for defaming the Memory of our Royal Martyr, in his Life of Milton, hath continu'd the like inveterate humour in another Piece which he terms Amyntor; where he so basely catches at, and perverts every thing which in the most forc'd sence that can be put upon Words or Things, tends to disorder, or otherwise disturb those Sacred Ashes of his; an Action which among all the sober Greeks and Romans was look'd upon as the greatest defection from Humanity, and what the Barbarous Nations were seldom guilty of. As to the Controversie about his Divine Medi­tations, it shall be wholly left to his worthy Antagonist, who hath abundantly satisfy'd all Men that will be so. That there are others, whom all the World shall not oblige to confess an Error, or amend it, is too clear to be deny'd, and too great a Folly to be regarded.

My Exceptions shall commence at that which he takes against Mr. Blackall, for calling him the Best of Kings, and the Best of Men; which, he saith, Some, who otherwise honour the Memory of King Charles, are angry to hear. It seems this Gentleman is none of those Some, and [Page 120] if he had been pleas'd to tell us who they were, we might have been better able to judge of what degree their Honour was, real or pretended; for some may alledge a Respect to the Prince, on purpose to aggravate the Mistake in the Preacher, or otherwise humour him who first found fault. I would desire him further to con­sider whether an Hyperbole may not be allow'd in a flight of Rhetorick; and to call him the Best of Kings and Men, can be stretch'd no further, than that he ought to be rank'd among those that have been most Eminent in either of those Qualities. Nevertheless, if taken in the literal sence, 'tis highly disingenuous to ascend to the Apostles, who, tho' indeed Men, yet was there an infallible Assistance of God's Holy Spirit attending their Mi­nistery, in which case nothing of Com­parison could be suppos'd by any inge­nious Person; from which how far this Fault finder is, appears in that he urgeth a thing invidiously, which is no Article of his Creed; and should it be brought against him upon another occasion, would be rejected with a most Blasphemous Con­tempt: And hereof he gives us a tacit intimation, by leaping so suddenly out of the Pale of the Church, where he might have found several Confessors of all Orders [Page 121] and Degrees, for an exact parallel; and comes to the Greeks and Romans, many of whom, he saith, did infinitely excell him in all Moral and Heroick Vertues. A bold stroke this, and therefore he goes no further than the first dash, tho' he could not but ima­gine we should be desirous to know who those Persons were, and wherein they out­did him: Would he have had him imitate Cato and Brutus in their Self-homicide? or Nascia, or Opinius, in cutting off the Sedi­tious Gracchi? That indeed had not been amiss; but neither our Laws nor our Re­ligion will admit of such Heroicks; so that it had been properer to have continued in the Christian Oeconomy, where, if we con­sider him either as a private Person, or a Prince, few will be found to have come up to him, none out-done him, as several have made appear, who knew him better, and were much more competent Judges than this unthinking Prate-a-pace.

The Advantage likewise he thinks to take of Mr. Blackall, by fawning upon His present Majesty, will return upon himself, in a grand defect both of that Good▪manners and Justice he so falsly chargeth the other withal. Comparisons have been ever look'd upon as an odious way of arguing, at leastwise ought to be so manag'd, as the Disparity may not re­flect [Page 122] upon the Person whom they would seem to advance. Now this bold Man need not be told, that Charles I. was His present Majesty's Grand-father; by which Relation, that of Royal was added to the Ancient Princely Blood of his Fa­mily; that he must needs be sensible what cruel measures he met with from a most perfidious Race of Rebels, who regarded nothing which their Fore-fathers had esteem'd most Sacred and Religious; that the Principles upon which they acted, strike at all Monarchy whatsoever; and that this Fellow includes a tacit Threat, in mentioning those Defects wherewith the Grand-father was so falsly charg'd; as if, when they thought fit, or rather, could find a sit opportunity, they would act over the same Part again: For 'tis all Tyranny with them; and whenever they promise any one to make him a Glorious Prince, 'twill be, as in the sad Subject we are upon, by Martyrdom.

And this is what I am farther to re­monstrate, That all his Allegations are absolutely false. That Good King was not in the least guilty of any of those Popular Aspersions which in this Compa­rison of his are so basely reviv'd, and sup­pos'd true: He never dispens'd with express Laws in favour of Popish Recusants, nor [Page 123] protected any of his Chaplains against the Parliament for Preaching up Arbitrary Power, nor was in the least degree ac­cessory to any of those reproachful Sug­gestions this Son of a Potato so impudent­ly runs on with, as the Just Defence, I en­gag'd in, makes appear at large, and thereto he is remitted: where likewise he may find Satisfaction in reference to the Letter sent Pope Gregory XV. the Cir­cumstances he was then in consider'd, and with how great Prudence it was penn'd; which that vile Pamphlet in Defence of the Parliament 40, doth therefore add to, and alter most abominably. All these are so fully reply'd to, and in every re­spect made appear to be absolutely false, as I shall not further concern my self in any thing of that kind, but only take notice of two new Piques this snarling Fellow hath started afresh, though it only shows what little Nothings such Currish Humours will bark at.

The one indeed relates in general to all our Kings, from Edward the Confessor downward, and perhaps in its Original Purport reaches as high as the King of Heaven, in this Man's bold Reflections upon that Divine Miraculous Gift which in the foresaid Edward's time was dis­cover'd, and hath ever since accompany'd [Page 124] all our Crown'd Heads, in Curing that Distemper by the Ancients termed Scrofula, but by us, (from this extraordinary way, not of the King's touching the affected Part, as he prates at large, but stroaking the lower part of the Face towards the Neck and Throat, where indeed the Di­stemper oftenest resides, with imploring God's Blessing upon the Means us'd, in a a Solemn Office, which he so impiously ridicules) the King's-Evil.

The other thing I shall reflect upon, is the strong Effort of his weak Endea­vours, to recommend the setting aside that Solemn Observation of the 30 ^th of January, being the Day of the Martyrdom of the Blessed King Charles I. and order'd by Act of Parliament to be most Reli­giously [...] to the [...]punc; kept, to implore the Mercy of God, that neither the Guilt of that Sacred and Innocent Blood, nor those other Sins by which God was provoked to deliver up both us and our King into the Hands of cruel and un­reasonable Men, may at any time hereafter be visited upon us, or our Posterity. This was the end of its Institution, which how little effect it hath hitherto had, too sadly appears, in that this bold Fellow, and too many like him, dare to extenuate or justifie so Execrable a Fact. Such Men and such Principles prevailing every day at the [Page 125] rate they do, is to me little less than De­monstration, that the anger of the Lord is not turn'd away, but his hand continues stretched out still.

For the former of these, the Cure of the Distemper by the Royal Touch, there is no part nor corner of the Kingdom with­out pregnant Testimonies as to the Mat­ter of Fact, so fully vouch'd both by the Parties heal'd, and others, as the Cortex may be as soon deny'd to remove a Fit of an Ague, or a Dose of Laudanum to pro­cure Sleep; so ridiculous and impertinent is this vain Assumer, to inveigh against and decry a thing which most of the able Physicians and Chyrurgeons in Town could have inform'd him to be experimentally true, and many hundred Families afford Patients so recover'd. Yet since he hath given me this Occasion, I shall mention a Cure or two of our Royal Martyr, which may not a little shock his Irish Infidelity. Ludlow, in his First Volume, tells us, and I presume 'twas complain'd of in the House, what a Concourse of People re­sorted to His Majesty, when deliver'd up by the Scots, as he went from Newcastle to Holmby, and was kept there, particu­larly many came to be Cur'd of the Evil; and so it continu'd all along when the Army had taken him into their hands, [Page 126] especially when brought nigher London; for during his Confinement at Hampton-Court, there were several Healings, where, his Chaplains not suffer'd to attend him, he perform'd the Priest's Office too: The whole was in this manner: The People kneeling down in two Rows, he went between them, and stroaking every one, us'd this expression, I touch, God heal. A Person now living in Chancery-lane, by Name Oglethorp, was then touch'd by him, and gives this Account of himself, That he had been several Months, more than a Year, under the Chyrurgeons hands with a sore Arm, wherein were many Holes, and other sad Breaches, so far from any thing of Cure, as he every day grew worse, till having obtain'd the Royal Touch, his Sores dried up in a short time, and he hath ever since, which is more than fifty Years, continu'd in a vigorous state of Health, and freely shews the Holes and Cavities in his Arm, to God's Glory, by the King's Means, when all others were ineffectual. What follows, is yet more remarkable: As they hurry'd His Majesty from Hurst Castle, towards London, in order to his Murder, passing through Winchester, a poor Man so mi­serably over-grown with that Distemper, as his Face was all run over with Scabs [Page 127] and Blotches, press'd earnestly to be Touch'd; but the cruel Soldiers not per­mitting him, and the King perceiving it, us'd this expression, May God do for thee, though they will not let me use the Means. The poor Fellow went away without any hope of Redress, but coming at night to wash his Face with a Water which some body had prescrib'd him, he found none in the Bottle; and what was stranger, it seem'd to have been dry'd up by the Stone-Bottle, for that it was broke out into Scales and Blotches in every part, whilst the Man's Face in a few Days dry'd up, and was perfectly well. Now before our daring Amyntor explode this, according to his no laudable Practice, let him send or go to Winchester, where, I presume, the Bottle is still in being, for the Wife is said to be yet living, to be sure all the ancient People in the City will witness it, and scarce a Person of any Quality in the whole Country but had the Curiosity to see it: Which brings on one Circumstance more; A Gentlewoman, among some other Strangers, having the Bottle in her Hand, broke off with her Fin­ger one of the loose Scales; the Man had immediately a little Scab rose on his Lip, and not knowing what was done, expo­stulated with his Wife whether no body [Page 128] had hurt the Bottle? which she thereupon was oblig'd to acknowledge. Dr. Tur­bervill, the famous Oculist at Sarum, did use to declare among his Friends, that he had often met with that Distemper in the Eyes, and was seldom able to master it; but finding the King's Touch as seldom fail'd, advis'd all Patients which came to him in that Condition, to take that course of Cure. This I have mention'd, in or­der to the following Passage: Going, nigh Forty Years since, (for it was the Winter after the Restauration) from Deptford to Lambeth, the Coach-man, upon some little concern of his own, stay'd at an Inn or Ale-house on the Way; where­upon a Gentleman in our Company said there was a Woman in that House well worth our taking notice of, for that she was cur'd of a Blindness, by wiping her Eyes with a Handkerchief dipp'd in the Blood of the Old King. Being call'd, she own'd the thing, which two or three more in the Family testify'd. We put many Questions to her, whereof I only remember that she reply'd, It was not a Blindness from her birth, but bred in her Eyes: Which, from the foremention'd Account of Dr. Turbervill, gives me reason to conclude it the Evil. And this I have purposely mention'd, in Defence [Page 129] of what Dr. Perencheff saith of the Vene­ration People had for the Chips of the Block, his Hair, &c. and to let Amyntor know the Popish Legends may be laugh'd at, and yet we ought to be serious in such Passages as these.

Come we in the next place from Mat­ter of Fact, to the Reason of the Thing, where, I know, it will much disguist this Patron of Novelties, to tell him, that Kings, in former days, were look'd upon as Sacred Persons, Anointed to their Office, according to that Divine Institution of Al­mighty God in his own Theocraty, with a Respect and Veneration, as the Ministers the Vice-Roys of Heaven: And whatever he talks of Juggles, that profound Defe­rence the Eastern Nations paid their Princes, (from whence all People and all Government proceeded) seems to in­timate, that Nature it self is not without some Impresses of that kind. And the learned Primate Ʋsher gives several Au­thorities Of the Power of Princes. out of Homer and other Ancients to confirm the same. Now if with that Designation to so high an Office, God, among other Gifts, communicated one of Healing, and that so inseparable to the Character, as not to be lost by some Irre­gularities of Life, which David him­self was not free from: so as neither Edward the Confessor's Superstition, nor [Page 130] Charles the Second's no Saintship, could obstruct that Salvation which in this sence God may be said to give unto Kings, is a Truth altogether agreeable with the Principles of Revealed Religion. But knowing how prone this Amyntor is to cavil at such sound Doctrine, I shall pro­ceed more Philosophically, and let him know, that the every way Profound, as well in Humility of Mind, as Depth of Judgment, and all Solid Learning, Doctor Barrow, in his Excellent Discourses of the Creed, among other Arguments to prove the Being of God, brings that of Super­natural Pag. 12 [...]. Effects. ‘For although the Great Creator is said to have rested ceased from his Works of that kind at the Six Days end; yet did he not so tie up his own hands, as never more to intermeddle, but reserv'd to himself a liberty to alter when he thinks fit the Course of Nature, cross and check the Stream of Things, for the clearer Illustration of his Glory; the confirming that he made Nature, because he can command it, and controll at pleasure; whereof he gives several remarkable Instances, as well from Pro­phane as Sacred Story, of Fire being with-held from burning, Waters from flowing, the Sick being cur'd without Medicinal Applications, of long Chro­nical Distempers; of Murthers strangely [Page 131] detected, Plots miraculously discover'd, with many such like Extraordinary Pro­vidences, no less signal in their Cause than Event.’ And when de facto any such things appear to have been done, as in the Case before us, how can we other­wise conclude, than that the King is a Sacred Person, whom the Sovereign Lord of all things hath placed here as his Re­presentative, a God upon Earth, and that we ought to pay him a Veneration agree­able to so Divine a Character. This, in better times than we live in, hath past not only for good Divinity, but good Policy too; and whatever Notions of Liberty have of late been started, I fear, without such a Regular Subordination, and Con­sciencious Regard, it will be a difficult matter long to continue the Peace and Welfare of any Humane Society.

The foremention'd Doctor leaves his Discourse on this Head, with one Remark very much à propo to this our new Sir Po­sitive. ‘They are much mistaken (saith he) who place a kind of Wisdom in be­ing very incredulous, unwilling to assent to any Testimony, how clear and full soever; for this is not Wisdom, but the worst kind of Folly, accompany'd with Disingenuity, Obstinacy, Rudeness, and the like bad Dispositions. So that com­pare the two sorts of Fools, the credulous [Page 132] Fool, who yields his Assent readily, upon any slight ground, and the suspi­cious Fool, who never will be stirr'd by any the strongest Reason, or clearest Testimony, and we shall find the latter in most respects the worst of the two; his Folly arises from worse Causes, hath worse Adjuncts, and produces worse Ef­fects: Credulity may spring from an airy Complexion, and modest Opinion of one's self; Suspiciousness hath its birth from an earthy Temper of Body, or Self­conceitedness of Mind; that is apt to correct an Errour, this intractable, stiff and incorrigible in his Ignorance or Mistakes; both include want of Judg­ment, but this pretending to more, be­comes thereby more dangerous. In fine, were Men, in their other Affairs, or in ordinary Converse, so diffident to plain Testimony, as some seem to be in Mat­ters of Religion, and Almighty God, they would find great Inconveniencies to pro­ceed from thence; their Business would stick, their Conversation would be distastful, they would be much more offensive, and no less ridiculous than the most credulous Fool in the World.’

What now alone remains to be consi­der'd, is the Thirtieth of January Fast, a very great Eye-sore to all Calves▪Heads [Page 133] and Commonwealths-men, for which reason they have oblig'd this their Milton junior to attaque it; neither indeed could they have fix'd upon a fitter Person on this side Hell, he who makes it his constant busi­ness to Libel the Religion of so great a part, and the Government of very nigh the whole World, Christianity and Mo­narchy, must needs be thought the pro­perest Instrument to decry the Commemo­ration of a Prince so eminently suffering on both those accounts; and this hath been already observ'd their new Mode of going thorough-stitch, doing all at once; Renounce their Allegiance to God, and then there can be none due to his Anointed: Abdicate the 13 th to the Romans, and the 30 th of January will fall in course. Thus that Figure-flinger to every Faction, Par­tridge, in his Almanack for the Year 89, left out both that, and the 29th of May, but so he did likewise Good-Friday and Holy-Thursday. Now if such Fellows as these should be hearkned to in their Freaks, what a thorough Reformation should we have, how briskly would they carry us back to all the Confusions of 48, and 59. For this is Amyntor's, and all his Confede­rates Design; we must not recount their former Villanies, that they may the more securely re act them; forget past Trou­bles, without any assurance of future [Page 134] Peace; and therefore I shall make but one general Reply to all his Cavils, both against the Preachers and the Day, and that shall be in the words of the Act which enjoin'd it so solemnly to be ob­serv'd, wherein 'tis declar'd to be an Hor­rid, 12 Car. II. Impious, Execrable Murther, and un­parallell'd Treason, committed by a Party of wretched Men, desperately wicked, and hardned in Impiety, who were neither true Protestants, nor true Subjects, but Mis­creants, whose Fanatick Rage gave the Pro­testant Religion the greatest Wound and Re­proach, and the people of England the most insupportable Shame and Infamy it was pos­sible for the Enemies of God and the King to bring upon them.

These were our Nations Thoughts, when newly recover'd out of Twenty Years Rebellion and Anarchy; and 'tis a sad sign of our relapsing into that old Di­stemper, when a new Generation of such wretched Miscreants attempt to justifie what was then done, with every thing else which directly tends to Immorality and Irreligion; for so most, if not all who of late have appear'd in this unworthy Cause, will be found under one or two of these three, tho' too common, not yet D—y T—d St—ns commendable, Denominations, Cheists, Atheists, and Sodomites. Can they ima­gine any Person of Sence and Sobriety [Page 135] should have the less Regard for our Royal Martyr, because such impious Wretches dare to inveigh against him? and not rather conclude him the Best of Kings and Men, because exclaim'd against only by such, as in all other things approve themselves the very Refuse of Mankind? No, doubtless, when these Shimei's and Rahshekah's have rail'd all they can, as long as there is any thing of Vertue and Reli­gion, of Honour and Conscience in the World, the Memory of this Excellent Prince will be Sacred, and the Shedding his Innocent Blood most devoutly Deprecated, with Remembēr not Lord our offences, nor nor the offences of our Fore-fathers, &c.

That this Amyntor, as he terms himself, or perhaps, I more properly, Milton Junior, should so violently prosecute that Old Snarling Cynick's Libels, is not easily to be resolv'd. Personal Disgust he can have none, nor Relative, unless by an odd bye-way which some time since came into my head, fancying that the Irish Priest, his reputed Father, might be one of those Rigid Ecclesiasticks which adher'd to, and put the Nuncio upon breaking all Ways and Means of Accommodation, and, among many other very bad Qualities, might traduce that of an inveterate Enmity to this his Rightful and too Gracious Sove­reign. For we must know, as the English [Page 136] Rebels upbraided the King with too great indulgence to the Irish▪ so they, that is, the Priests and Priest-ridden Party look'd upon him as an obstinate Heretick, who would never condescend to let them have their own Wills in all things, and there­upon made Overtures to most Catholick Princes in Europe, of holding the Kingdom from Theirs, and their Father the Pope's Donation. Now this Son of that Potato, finding how ill the Project succeeded on the Romish side, herds himself among the Fanaticks and Commonwealths-men, and is become a zealous Prosecutor of Milton's Malice against Monarchy in general, and that Monarch more-especially to whom he was obliged to pay the profoundest Vene­ration; but withal, the Matter is managed at such an hot-headed rate, with so little of Milton's Cunning or Parts, as when they meet in the Infernal Regions, the gruff Ghost will give him a severe Reprimand, for managing the Knave's Part so like a Fool. And this indeed is the sole Conso­lation any Man of Observation can have, as to the no-Accomplishment of what their busie Heads have always in Projection, they over-act their Parts, have more Will but worse Management than their Prede­cessors, whereof take this Instance; There was one A. M. some Years since, not only a great Imitator, but Sub-Secretary [Page 137] to Milton, when both their Commonwealth­ships most pitifully sneak'd to Cromwell's Tyranny, this Person came afterward to make a Figure so far as to be a Represen­tative, was of a Reserv'd Conversation, and Thoughtful Wit, which he employ'd to do what mischief he could both to Crown and Church, as occasion serv'd, but did not venture at All, as this Hot-spur doth, without Regard to God or Man, the Living or Dead. Yet to show how these two agreed in their Characters, I shall end all with this Passage; When this Mr. M—ll was dead, an Admirer of his went to one of their own common Acquaintance, whom he knew to have an ingenious Fancy that way, and desir'd him to make an Epitaph upon their de­parted Friend: which he set about, and finishing, gave it to the Person who made the Request; who, with a great deal of formality, said it was very well, but, in his Judgment, fell short of the Party's just Deserts. The Composer knowing how much he had done the contrary, was so far concern'd, as to go to work a contrary way, and made another in Burlesque, which ended thus, Poëta medio­cris, Politicus minimus, Christianus nullus. Whether this Amyntor hath so much as a Mediocrity as to the first, may be que­stion'd; but for the other two, his little [Page 138] of the Politicks, and no Christianity, they are so altogether agreeable, as nothing can be more his due but a Halter, and thereto we remit him.