THE Gunpowder-Treason: With a Discourse of the Manner of its Discovery; AND A PERFECT RELATION OF THE Proceedings against those horrid Conspirators; Wherein is Contained their Examinations, Tryals, and Condemnations: LIKEWISE KING IAMES's SPEECH To Both Houses of PARLIAMENT, On that Occasion; Now Re-printed.

A Preface touching that Horrid Conspiracy, By the Right Reverend Father in God, Thomas Lord Bishop of Lincoln.

And by way of APPENDIX, Several Papers or Letters of Sir Everard Digby, Chiefly relating to the Gunpowder-Plot, Never before Printed.

London, Printed by Tho. Newcomb, and H. Hills, and are to be Sold by Walter Kettilby, at the Bishops Head in St. Pauls Churchyard. 1679.

TO THE Reader.

Courteous Reader,

_ [...]His is not a new, but an old approv'd Book (by the Authority and Ad­vice of some pious and learned persons) newly reprinted. So that there is no need of any commendatory Preface, to court thee into a good opinion of it, or any Apology for my self and this Edition; its own worth will justifie the work. It is no lying Legend, no vain Romance, no spurious or unlicenc'd-seditious Pam­phlet, but an Authentique History, of an impious and prodigi­ous Roman-Catholique See the Acts of Parlia­ment, 3 Iacobi, cap. 4, 5. where this Plot is truly call'd, (in the Body of the Act) An HELLISH Conspiracy of the IESUITES and Seminary PRIESTS. Conspiracy, of a Popish Powder-Plot; containing the Examination, Tryal, and evidently-just Convi­ction and Condemnation of Popish Powder-Traytors; a Villany so black and horrid, (I do not say, unchristian onely, but) so inhumane and barba­rous, [Page] as has no Parallel in any Age or Nation, (Iewish, Pagan, or Tur­kish) nor indeed could have, before the Invention of Gun-powder, and the Unhappy Institution Approbata & confirmata Societas Iesu, à Paulo Papa 3. An­no Christi 1540. vide Bullam Pauli 3. data Romae Cal: Oct. 1540. In Mag. Bullario Romano. Lugd. 1655. Tom. 1. pag. 738. of the Jesuitical So­ciety, by (a See the Life of Ignatius Loyala, by Father Ribadeneira, one of his own Society. Fana­tical Lame Soldier) Igna­tius Loyola. For before that time, the World had no Instrument or Means so pernicious as Gunpow­der, and congruous for ef­fecting such a Mischief; nor any Or­der of Men so Impious, as to Approve, Design, and Endeavor to execute a Villany, so manifestly repugnant to the Law of Nature and Scripture, to the undoubted Principles of Human Rea­son, and Divine Revelation. I well know, that in these six last Centuries, the Pope and his Party, have Murder'd many thousand better Christians than themselves, (whom they are plea­sed to miscall Heretiques) by Vid. Con­cil. Lateranum 4. sub Innocentio. 3. Anno 1215. Can. 3. de Haereticis. Armies raised, and highly incouraged to execute such Bloudy and Unchri­stian Purposes; by their Inquisitions and Premeditated Assassinations; as [Page 3] by their own Authors may, and evi­dently does appear. One of them (and he an Historian of good Antiquity and Credit) tells us, of Peremptus Haereticorum NU­MERUS INFI­NITUS. Math. Paris, in Hen. 3. ad Annum 1234. pag. 395. An INFI­NITE NUMBER of Heretiques, (the Innocent Waldenses he means) thus Murder'd. And a Learned and Pious Person says, (and Iac. Usseri­us Armach. de Stat. & Success. Eccles. cap. 10. proves it out of their own Writers) that in the space of 36 years, (and in France onely) 104747 of the same Waldenses, were inhumanly Slain, upon the same Ac­count. And in 60 Years, (as the Account is Dr. Cra­kanthorp, contra Spalatensem. cap. 18. Sect. 19. &c. made, and by the Testimonies of their own Authors pro­ved) no less than 142990 of the same poor Innocent Christians (and in the same Country) were (by the Pope and his Party) barbarously Murder'd. And of later Times, (to omit all others) a prudent and sober Roman Catho­lique tells us, Father Paul of Venice, History of the Council of Trent. pag. 119, 120. First of 4000 Wal­denses, and then of 50000 Protestants cruelly slain, in the same Country, by the Authority and Approbation Idem ibid. pag. 423. vid. Thu­anum ad Annum. 1572. de Nuptiis Parisinis & Lanie­na Protestantium in Gallia. of the Pope and his Party, Drunk with the Bloud of the Saints.

I confess, That those were impious and prodigious Popish Cruelties; yet [Page 4] such as were not absolutely and imme­diately Pernicious, and destructive of the poor Persecuted Christians. For,

I. When Armies were raised to ruin them, they had some time to Con­sult their Security, to Fight, (if they were able) if not, to Fly, and so preserve their Lives.

II. When they were caught, and call'd into the Inquisition, (and so to a seeming Legal Tryal) they had some time to make their De­fence, at least to Pray, and make their Peace with Heaven.

III. And the Execution of those Cruelties, was upon particular Persons, in some Village, City, or Province.

But the Hellish Gun-powder Trea­son and Conspiracy (we are now speak­ing of) contrived by the impious Sub­tilty of the Jesuits, (and their Asso­ciates) and to be executed by the pernicious violence of Gun-powder, would have been (had it taken the [Page 5] design'd effect) a far more Secret and Sudden, a more Universal and Com­pendious Villany: All the Lords Spi­ritual and Temporal, all the Commons and (horresco referens) the King Him­self Blown up, and so Murder'd in a moment: That is, Not some particu­lar Persons onely, but the whole King­dom Assassinated; not in Effigie (as in some Countries, they hang Malefa­ctors they cannot catch) but in its Real Representatives, the whole Parliament of England. A Conspira­cy so Inhuman and Barbarous, of such Diffusive and Universal Mischief, as (before that time) never was, nor would nor could have been Approv'd, Continu'd, and Executed, without Gunpowder and Jesuits. But for a more full Discovery of this Treason, I refer the Reader to the Book it self, and our publick See the Acts above cited. 3 Iacobi. cap. 4. & 5. Acts of Parliament concerning it.

Yet to give him some further Satis­faction and Reason, for the second Edi­tion of this Book, let him be pleased to know:

[Page 6] I. That since the Happy Discovery of the late Damnable and Hel­lish Conspiracy, (as the Two Hou­ses of Parliament truly At a Con­ference of both Houses, Nov. 1. 1678. call it) many Pious and Learned Persons, desirous to look back and consi­der the particulars of the Gun­powder Plot (both Conspira­cies being hatch'd and hammer'd in the same Popish Forge, by the Jesuits and their Adherents) did diligently seek after this Book, I now publish; but (above 70 years being passed since the first Impression) they found it not; and therefore to satisfie their Desires, and supply that Defect, it was thought convenient, and (as the condition of the Kingdom now Stands, or Staggers) necessa­ry to Re-print it.

II. Though the Gun-powder Con­spiracy was hatch'd in Hell, and carry'd on with all the Sworn Se­cresie, and Impious Policy imagi­nable; yet (there being no Poli­cy against Providence, nor any [Page 7] Mischief so mysterious, as to be hid from that All-seeing Eye of him with whom we have to do) the most gracious and good God of Heaven and Earth, opportune­ly discovered that Traiterous Conspiracy, and (in great Mer­cy) prevented the Mischief, in­tended to his People. This was a Miraculous Mercy, never to be forgotten, but (with all grati­tude) kept in perpetual Memo­mory, by our whole Nation. God hath so done his Marvellous Works, Psal. 111. 4. Vid. Esther 9. 28. THAT THEY OUGHT to be had in REMEMBRANCE. When God delivered his People out of Egypt, he Instituted the Passover, as a Memorial, that they and their Children might for ever Exod. 12. 24, 26, 27. Remember it. And when our Blessed Saviour Redeem'd us from (more than Egyptian Bon­dage) the Slavery of Sin and Satan; he also Instituted a Sa­crament, to help our Infirmity, and be a Memorial of his unspeak­able Mercy— 1 Cor. 11. 24, 25. DO THIS IN REMEMBRANCE OF ME. [Page 8] All our Gracious God requires, or expects from us, is a Grateful Memory and Acknowledgement of his Mercies; which is impos­sible to be done, if we forget them. Seeing then, that this Book contains an Authentique History of the great Misery and Mischiefs intended, and by Popish Po­licy and Cruelty prepared for this Nation, and the unspeakable Mercy of our most Gracious God preventing it. It was thought fit to Reprint it, as a Memorial that Men might Read and Re­member these Mercies, and Re­new and Continue their Grati­tude for ever for them.

III. Another Reason why this Book was a second time Printed and Published, was, That all, (who had a Mind and Time to read it, without Partiality and Prejudice) might have Authentique Evi­dence to convince our Adversa­ries: who not only in remote Countreys beyond the Seas, but here in England, since His Maje­sties [Page 9] Happy Return, (and in Print) do indeavor (with a strange Confidence, to give it no worse name) to persuade Men to be­lieve, That the Gun-powder Con­spiracy was no Popish Plot, but Cecil's Contrivance. One of their late Scriblers says indeed, That it was A HORRID PLOT; but adds, Calendarium Catholicum: Or, An Universal Almanack, 1662. That's the Title. But by that word Catholicum, he means, a Ro­man-Catholique or Popish Alma­nack; for it is calculated only for the Meridian of Rome, and is not Catholique in any other sense. The words I cite, are in the 2d page, ad Annum 57. That it was suspected, to BE POLITICK­LY CONTRIVED BY CECIL. And then afterwards, to­wards the end of that Popish Calen­der or Almanack, he more con­fidently saith, That the Gunpow­der Treason, was Idem ibid. in explication of Holy-dayes set a­part by Act of Parliament; near the end of that Calendarium Ca­tholicum, (or Po­pish Almanack) on the 5th of No­vember. MORE THEN SUSPECTED, TO BE THE CONTRIVANCE OF CECIL, the great Polititi­an, to RENDER CATHO­LIQUES ODIOUS. He confesseth (in both places cited, as well he might) That SOME ROMAN-CATHOLIQUES were in that Plot. But there were [Page 10] but FEW DETECTED, and they that were Detected, were DESPERADO'S. So that he would have us believe, that it was not any Popish, but Cecils, (a Protestants) Contrivance, and those Popish Desperado's (as he calls them) who were detected in it, were by Cecil the Politici­an, drawn into that Conspiracy, to make Catholiques odious. It is almost impossible, that any Man who is not resolv'd to believe, (or make others believe) a Lie, should profess and publish such evident Untruths, in matter of Fact, against the Sense of a whole Nation, and the publick Acts and Declarations of King, Lords, and Commons in a full Parliament. But (to me) it is no wonder, that they, who (for their mis-called Catholique Cause) have confi­dence enough, impiously to De­sign, and (as far as they are able) Execute such Prodigious Con­spiracies, against their King and Country, should have equal Im­pudence to deny them, when [Page 11] (for want of success) they and their Unchristian Cause, are con­cern'd in such Denial. And here when this Popish Writer, (who otherwise was a Man of some Parts and Quality) says, That there were only A FEW Papists DETECTED in that Popish Powder Plot. I shall desire the Courteous and Impartial Reader to consider:

1. That they were not so Few, as he pretends; as may evidently appear, by the following Book, which contains the Discovery, Conviction, and Condemnation, of those Popish Traitors.

2. And considering, That this im­pious Conspiracy was Contrived and Carried on, with so great and sworn Secresie, taking Solemn Oaths, and the Sacrament upon them (never intended for such impious Purposes) to conceal that horrid Design, and their Practices in the prosecution of it: the wonder is not, that no more, but that so many were detected.

[Page 12] 3. But admit that a Few only, were Detected here in England, so as to apprehend, and (as they well deserv'd) execute them for their Treason: yet 'tis certain, that the damnable Powder Conspiracy was well known beyond Seas, to the Popish Party, (especially the Jesuits) long before the happy discovery of it: as out of Deltio, and some others of their own Writers has, and (when there is an opportunity) may be made Manifest.

4. When that Popish Calendar (be­fore cited) tells us, In the for­mer place quoted out of that Ca­lendarium Catholi­cum. That the Papists in the Powder Treason and Conspiracy, were DESPE­RADO'S, of a Religion which DETESTS such Treasons. And afterwards, In the se­cond place above cited out of that Calender. That all SO­BER CATHOLIQUES ut­terly DETEST that, and ALL SUCH ABOMINABLE CONSPIRACIES. To this false Flourish, I shall only say,

[Page 13] First, That I confess, and easi­ly believe, that those Gunpowder Traitors, were indeed (what he calls them) DESPERADO'S, desperate Villains, else they would never have undertaken, or acted in a Design so black, and (as he truly calls it) Abominable Con­spiracy, against their King and Native Country. And, Second­ly, If the Gunpowder Plot, was an Abominable Conspiracy, and they who acted in it Desperado's, and not Sober Catholiques, (as that Au­thor pretends, to excuse and free his Church from the Approbati­on and Guilt of that Horrid and Damnable Conspiracy) then cer­tainly those Great and Learned Popish Writers are very much to blame, who in their Publique (and by their Party generally Approved) Writings, so highly commend those Gunpowder Traitors (and others of their Faction, justly Condemn'd and Executed for High Treason) and tell us, That they lived like SAINTS, and (although Con­demned [Page 14] Traitors) DYED MARTYRS. Father Parsons (a Man of a high esteem at Rome, and with his whole Society) speaking of Garnet (Provincial of his Order, and a principal Gun­powder Traitor) says, Parsons in his Book against the Oath of Alle­giance, call'd, A Discussion of the Answer of Dr. Bar­low, &c. pag. 22, 23. He was AN INNOCENT MAN, who SUFFERED IN­IUSTLY; That he lived A SAINTS LIFE, and accom­plished the same, with AN HAPPY DEATH, dying IN DEFENCE OF IU­STICE: And yet it is evident, that he died for, and in Defence of that horrid and damnable Gun­powder Conspiracy. So that (with them) Treason and Innocence, Traytor, and Martyr, seem to signifie the same thing. Nor is Father Parsons onely of this O­pinion; for Petrus Petrus Ri­badeneira, Catalogo Scriptorum Societa­tis Iesu, Antverp. 1613. pag. 377. In Indice Martyrum. Ribade­neira (in a Book published with Approbation and Authority) has reckon'd Garnet, Southwell, Old­corne, &c. (Gunpowder Traitors) amongst the MARTYRS of the Iesuitical Society. Nor do [Page 15] we envy them that Honor, but rather wish, that all such Tray­tors were made such Martyrs. The same Author (in the same Book and Index) reckons Campian (who was Justly executed for Camden's Elizabeth, in the 24th of her Reign, lib. 3. pag. 239, 240. High Treason) amongst the MOST Edmundus Campianus MAR­TYR CHRISTI INCLYTUS, & sui Seculi CLA­RISSIMUS. RENOWNED and FA­MOUS MARTYRS of Christ. And that I may neither trouble the Reader, nor my Self, with more Testimonies, to prove a Truth notoriously known to all, who know and impartially read their approv'd Authors; I shall only add, what Bzovius tells us: who endeavouring (de industriâ, & data Operâ) to Prove the Popes extravagant Power to Depose Kings, and Absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance and Fidelity; he gives us, a Cata­logue Abraham Bzovius, de Ponti­fice Romano. cap. 46. pag. 611. of about Thirty Kings and Princes deposed, or (by so­lemn Anathema's) Curs'd and Damn'd by the Popes; and Bzovius ib. pag. 619, 620. cites about an 100 of their Learn­ed and Eminent Authors, to prove and justifie it. Having done this, [Page 16] (speaking of Campian, the Gun­powder Traitors, and the rest of their Popish Party, justly Execu­ted here in England, for their ex­ecrable Treasons and Conspira­cies against their Prince and Country) he further tells us, INNU­MERABILES Anglicani MAR­TYRES, DU­CEM Edmun­dum Campianum Se­cuti, IDEM DO­CUERUNT. Abraham Bzovius▪ ibid. cap. [...]. pag. 62 [...]. col. 1. That an INNUMERA­BLE Company of English MAR­TYRS, following their CAP­TAINE Edmund Campian, taught THE SAME THING. That is, they taught the Popes Vast Supremacy, and his pre­tended Power, (for there is no Shadow of Ground or Good Reason for it) to Damne and De­pose Kings, and Absolve their Subjects from their Fidelity and and Sworn Allegiance; for to that end they are (by him) pro­duced. The Premises consider'd, I appeal to any Sober and Un­prejudiced Reader, whether such desperate, and (amongst them) approved and received Princi­ples, will not be a great and pre­vailing Incouragement to the Je­suits, and such other Popish Fa­natiques, [Page 17] to design and execute any Plot or Conspiracy, to Kill an Excommunicate King; whom they believe to be an Heretique, devested of Majesty, and all Royal Authority, and an Enemy to their Roman-Catholique Cause and Church. So that if they should miscarry in any such impious De­sign and Popish Conspiracy (as hitherto they have, and (by the Blessing of God) I hope they ever will) yet they know they shall be highly honor'd by all their Party, and be so far from having the Brand of Traytors (though the World well knows they de­serve it) that they will pass for SAINTS, stand in red Let­ters in their Roman Calen­dar, and be Magnified for Martyrs. This incouragement they have to any Plot or Conspiracy, (how impious soever) if it be against Heretiques, and for their Catholique Cause) from their received Principles, from their belief of the Popes vast Supre­macy and Infallibility, and their [Page 18] obligation to promote the Ca­tholick Cause. And (on the other side) they have no less in­couragement, to design and exe­cute any Conspiracies against Pro­testants; whom they look upon as the worst of Heretiques, Ene­mies to God and their Church, to be So it is de­clar'd in that great General (and with them) Iufallible Council, under Pope Innocent 3. Concil. Lateran. Anno 1215. Can. 3. de Haereticis. persecuted (more Roma­no) with Fire and Sword, and not worthy to live in the World. For certainly such an opinion (true or false) may, and will encourage those who believe it, to endea­vor the extirpation and utter ruine of all those; who (in their judgment) are such impious and prodigious Villains. What opi­nion the Popish Party (I blame not all, some I know, and I hope there be more of a better Tem­per) generally have of Prote­stants (Prince and People) here in England; I shall give you in the Words of a Popish Pamphlet, writ since His Majesties Happy Return, to poyson the poor de­luded People, with an hatred of all Protestants, and their Religi­on. [Page 19] In that The Pam­phlet has this Ti­tle,—Miracles not ceas'd, by A. S. London 1663. it contains (as the Title tells us) The MOST GLORIOUS MIRACLES, wrought by a Roman-Catholick Priest, about London and Westminster 1663. in confirmation of the HOLIE ROMAN-CATHOLIQUE FAITH. And the Priest is there called, A HOLIE MAN OF GOD. Pag. 3. Sent by God to do miracles, in confirmation of the holy Roman-Ca­tholique Church, and her doctrine. Pag. 15, 16. Pamphlet, the Au­thor is pleased to say,

1. That the Protestant Religion is a Cheat, Heresie, and HEA­THENISME, pag. 3.

2. That the Protestant Bible, is no more the World of God, than the TURKISH ALCORAN, pag. 4.

3. That the Protestant Bishops, Mi­nisters, &c. are Cheaters, False Pro­phets, and PRIESTS of BAAL, ib.

4. That they are ANTICHRI­STIAN, Pseudo-Bishops, Sons Pope Pius V. calls them, Impro­bos Concionatores, & IMPIETA­TUMADMI­NISTROS. In Bulla Damnatio­nis & Excommu­nicationis Eliza­bethae. Ann. 1570. Sect. 2. of Iniquity, and Fathers of Mischief, ibid. pag. 16.

5. That our Protestant Religion, is RIDICULOUS and IDO­LATROUS, pag. 17.

6. That all Protestant Bishops and Mi­nisters, are Priests of Baal, MI­NISTERS of SATAN, and ENEMIES OF GOD, and our Souls, pag. 32.

[Page 20] 7. And (to make his Roman-Ca­tholique railing complete) he there adds, That the KING, (whom God preserve) and the PARLIAMENT were SECTARIES and HERE­TICKS, ibid. pag. 32.

These are his own words, and the Ar­ticles of the Impeachment which that Popish Author brings against Prote­stants; and he further tells us, That he has CLEARLY PROVED se­veral of those Articles in another A little Book, intituled, The Reconciler of Religion. So he calls it, Page 3. Book of his own making, which he there cites. This he says, and pos­sibly believes, though he have little Reason for it; it being impossible, that he should have any (much less a clear) Reason, to prove such Positions which are evidently untrue. And here I shall crave leave to say,

I. That I do not wonder, that he (and other Popish Writers gene­rally) should speak so blasphe­mously against the Bible, and bit­terly against the Protestants, see­ing it is evident, that there is no [Page 21] sort of Christians in the World, whose Religion is so consonant to that Sacred Book, nor any Book so contradictory, and (when it is seriously read and believed) so destructive of Popery, as the Bible. Whence it is, that the reading it in any vulgar Tongue, is prohibited to the People. The Trent Vid. Regu­las de libris prohi­bitis, per Patres [...] Trident. Synodo de­lectos concinnatas, & à Pio Pap. 4. comprobatas. Re­gul. 4. in calce Con­cilii Tridentini per Phil. Labbe. Paris. 1667. pag. 233. Fathers impiously and blasphemously saying, that if the People should read the Word of God in a known Tongue, (which was John 20. 30, 31. writ by the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost, that Men might read, believe, and be saved by it) it would PLUS IND [...]E DE­TRIMENTI. QUAM UTI­LITATIS ORIRI. Verba sunt dictae Regulae 4. be MORE MISCHIEVOUS than BE­NEFICIAL to them. Nay, 'tis manifest that (in their opini­on) the reading of the Gospel of our Blessed Saviour Iesus Christ, in a vulgar Tongue, would be more destructive of their Religi­on (as indeed it would) for Di­vine Truth is more destructive of Error, than one Error is of an­other) than the reading of the Turkish Alcoran in the same [Page 22] Tongue: whence it is, that the Pope lately & publickly damn'd (d) Vid. Indi­cem Librorum Pro­hibitorum Alexan­dri 7. jussu editum in quarto. Romae 1664. verbo Al­choranus. their own Missall in French, and as publickly allow'd and approv'd the reading of the Alcoran in the same Language.

2. When he rails at, and reviles the King and Parliament, calling them Heretiques and Schismatiques; I desire to know, what Law, or Reason, or Religion, he has to warant such reviling the Supreme (or any inferiour) Power, or Ruler of the People. His Ro­man Law and Religion (which allows the Deposing and Murde­ring Kings by Poyson, Pistol, War, or Powder Plots) may be his Warrant; but sure I am, that such reviling of Kings and Ruling Powers, is wholly condemned by the Laws of England, and the Laws of God too. To call his King an Heretique (by our Law) is High Vid. Statut. 13. Elizabeth. cap. 1. where 'tis High Treason to call the Queen Here­tick. Treason, or such a Crime, as brings upon the Cri­minal an incapacity Statutum 13. Caroli 2. cap. 1. and Croke' s Re­ports, part 2. pag. 38. to have or hold any Place, Office or Pro­motion [Page 23] Ecclesiastical, Civil, or Military; and besides, renders him obnoxious to such other pu­nishments, (as by the Common-Law) may be inflicted. And for the Divine Laws, God (by Mo­ses) commands, Exod. 22. 28. Thou shalt not curse the Ruler of thy People. Eccl. 10. 20. No not in thy Heart, (says Solomon.) St. Paul cites the same Mosaical Law (as obligatory, un­der the Gospel, so that we may be sure, it is a natural and moral Law) and (in other words) tells us, what is meant by Cursing in that place, to wit, Blaspheming, or evil Speaking; for so he ren­ders that place in Exodus. [...]. Acts 23. 5. Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy People. St. Peter (though his pretended Vicar does not) reckons them who 2 Pet. 2. 10. speak evil of Dignities, amongst greater Sin­ners: So does St. Iude, Vers. 8, 9. and tells us, that Michael the Arch-Angel DURST NOT bring any RAILING Accusa­tion against THE DEVIL. [Page 24] But now, not only See the Excommunicati­on of Henry VIII. by Pope Paul the III. and of Eli­zabeth by Pius V. where Luther's cal­led, PERDITIO­NIS alumnus. Our English Clergy, IMPROBOS, IMPIETATUM MINISTROS. King Henry VIII. Haereticus & INSTIGANTE DIABOLO SA­CRILEGUS; for alienating Abby Lands; and yet Pope Iulius III. Queen Mary, her Popish Parliament and Convocation confirm'd that Sacriledge. Vid. Statutum 1. & 2. Mariae. cap. 8. If the Alienation of those Lands was Sacriledge in the King, what was the confirmation of it for ever, by the Pope and a Popish Parliament. Urbanus VIII. calls Luther, Monstrum teterrimum, & detestabilis pestis. Bulla Canoni­zationis Ignatii Loyalae. Data Romae 8. Idus Augusti 1623. Sect. 1. the Pope, but every little Popish Priest and Scribler, dare, and do that to Christian Kings, and Protestant Divines, which the Arch-Angel durst not do to the Devil.

I do not think that any (who have not strong delusion, to believe a Lie) can possibly believe, that the Protestant Religion is (what they call it) HERESIE, HEATHENISME, RIDICULOUS and IDOLA­TROUS. Or that the Protestant Bishops and Clergy are ANTICHRI­STIAN, MINISTERS of SA­TAN, ENEMIES of GOD, and PRIESTS of BAAL. Yet I do think, that those who (against the greatest Evidence of Sense and Rea­son in the World) can believe [Page 25] Transubstantiation and Manifest Con­tradictions; may also (by a strong Ro­man-Catholique Faith) believe all the aforesaid Untruths: and by that (though most erroneous) belief, be encoura­ged to murder and utterly destroy all such, who (in their opinion) are Mi­nisters of Satan, Heretiques, Enemies of God, and PRIESTS of BAAL; as also to believe, that Action to be Just and Innocent, and (upon their own Belief and Principles) have a concluding Argument to prove it thus; The Iews, by the approbation and encouragement of Elijah, justly slew all Baal's Priests in the Old 1 Kings 18. 40. Te­stament; and therefore Roman-Catho­liques, by the approbation and encou­ragement of the Pope, and a General Concil. La­teranum 4. sub In­nocentio 3. Anno 1215. Can. 3. de Haereticis. Council, may destroy Baal's Priests, (for so they call all the Protestant Clergy) in the New. As the Autho­rity of Elijah (he being a Prophet, and divinely Inspired) did both en­courage and warrant the Iews; so the authority of the Pope and Coun­cil (being, as they pretend, Synodo quem­admodum Spiritus sanctus suggessit, decrevit. Concil. Trident. Sess. 15. Principio. Sancta Sy­nodus, à Spiritu sancto edocta, declarat. Ibid. Sess. 21 cap. 1. &c. Pecu­liari Spiritus sancti ducta. Sess. 13. in Principio. assist­ed [Page 26] by the Holy Ghost and Infallible) may, and will encourage, Roman-Catholiques (who believe the Pope and Council to be so assisted) and be (to them) a sufficient Warrant to kill and destroy Heretiques, (and all those they call Enemies of God, and Priests of Baal. For what greater or surer Warrant can they have, of the lawfulness and justice of such Designs and Actions, than the Synodical Decree of the Pope and Council, whose Authority they be­lieve Supreme, and their Judgment infallible? Sure I am, that they are Vid. Ex­ercitia spiritualia Ignatii Loyalae An­tiverp. 1635. pag. 238. & ibid. Re­gulas aliquot ser­vandas ut cum Ec­clesia vere sentia­mur. taught to give an absolute obedience to all such Commands and Decrees of their Church, without deba­ting or doubting of their Justice or Legality: they are not to dispute, but readily execute them; and if they be repugnant (as many times they are) to their private Judgment and Senses too, yet they must renounce and reject their Reason, and the evi­dence of their Senses too, captivate both to the obedience of their Church, and without all scruple or doubting) do what She decrees. Amongst the Directions and Rules given them, that [Page 27] they may believe as the Church be­lieves, these are Regula pri­ma. Sublato O M­NI IUDICIO proprio, tenendus est SEMPER paratus ani­mus ad obediendum verae Ecclesiae. (The Church of Rome they mean) pag. 138. Regula 13. pag. 141. Sic habet— Deteque ut ipsi Ecclesiae Ca­tholicae OMNINO unanimes conformesque simus, si quid, quod ocu­lis nostris apparet esse ALBUM, NIGRUM esse ILLA DEFI­NIERIT, DEBEMUS itidem, QUOD SIT NIGRUM PRONUNTIARE. Two.

I. They are to remove and reject ALL THEIR PROPER IUDGMENT, and ALL­WAYS have a prepar'd and rea­dy mind to OBEY the CHURCH.

II. And that we may be ALTO­GETHER unanimous and con­formable with the Catholique Church; if She define any thing TO BE BLACK, which OUR EYES SEES WHITE, we are in like manner BOUND to ac­knowledge that 'tis Black.

These Rules (together with Omnia ac singula in eis con­tenta. Bulla Pauli Papae 3. dat. Ro­mae. 31 Jul. 1548. exercit. spiritual. Ignatii praefixa. every thing contained in the Spiritual Exercises of Ignatius) are not onely Approved and Received by the Je­suits; but being referr'd by the Pope to the Cardinal of St. Clements (a Ro­man [Page 28] Inquisitor) to the Popes Vi­car General, and the Master of the Sa­cred Palace, these three greatMen high­ly approve and commend them; (as the Pope Pietate & sanctitate PLE­NA, & ad A difi­cationem & spiri­tualem profectum fidelium VALDE, UTILIA. dictae Bullae pag. 5. Ap­probata & lauda­ta ab Urbano Papa 8. In Bulla Canonizationis Ignatii. Sect. 22. Edit. 8. Idus Augusti. Anno 1623. himself tells us) That they were FULL of PIETY and SANCTITY, and for EDIFICA­TION, and SPIRITUAL PROFICIENCY VERY PRO­FITABLE.

This is much, but not all. The Pope himself, their Supreme, and (if the Jesuites and Canonists may be credi­ted) infallible Judge, does OMNIA & SINGULA in eis contenta, ex certa scientia nostra ap­probamus, collauda­mus ac communi­mus: Hortantes PLURIMUM OMNES & singu­los, utriusque sexus Christi sideles, ubi­libet constitutos, ut tam Piis documentis uti, & illis instru [...] devote velint. Verba sunt Bullae dictae, ib. pag. 5. ap­prove, commend, and confirm this do­ctrine, and that of his own certain know­ledge; and earnestly exhorts all Catho­liques, of all Sexes, and in all Countries, that they would use these Documents, and be instructed by them.

[Page 29] Now this erroneous and impious (yet Roman Catholick) Doctrine, (so highly approved and commend­ed at Rome, even by the Pope him­self) being granted; it is no wonder, if the Jesuits and the Popish Party securely design and endeavour the extirpation and utter ruine of Prote­stants, (Kings or Subjects) and all those they call Hereticks, with Fire or Sword, Poison or Pistols, Gun­powder Plots, and any Conspiracies. For, although such actions (to all sober men, even honest Pagans) are, and ever have been justly accounted prodigious Impieties; yet to the Jesuits and Popish Party they are not so. For 1. They are so far from believing such actions sinful, that when they are done out of zeal for their Catho­lick Cause, and with the approbation of their Superiors, (which they ne­ver want) they are (in their esteem) virtuous, and (which is more) merito­rious, as will appear hereafter. 2. But if such actions should (to their own private judgments) appear to be (what indeed they are) impious; yet [Page 30] they have been taught and learn'd this Lesson, That they must Regula 13. paulo ante citata. reject all their own reason (and sense too) and ac­quiesce in the judgment of their Superiors; who (when they say, White is Black, and enjoyn Villanies for Virtues) must be submitted to, and (with Ut obedientia sit per­fecta, quicquid nobis in­junctum fuerit, obeundo, OM­NIA IUSTA ESSE, nobis persuadendo, OMNEM sen­tentiam ac IUDICIUM NOSTRUM contrarium, CAE­CA quadam OBEDIENTIA, abnegando. Ita Constitutio­nes cum Declarat: Societatis Jesu, Antverp. 1635. part. 6. cap. 1. pag. 233. & ibidem part. 3. cap. 1. sect. 23. pag. 123. And this obedience is to be given to their Superior, as to Christ himself— Qui obedit, conside­rare debet vocem à Superiore egressam, UT SI A CHRISTO DOMINO EGREDERETUR, ut OMNINO DIVINAE Majestati placere possit. Ibid. In Exam. General. cum Declarat. cap. 4. pag. 37. a BLIND OBEDIENCE) obey'd, and persuade them­selves, that ALL THINGS ARE IUST and LAWFUL which are commanded by their Superiors.

[Page 31] I know that the Jesuits, to hide and palliate the error and impiety of that absolute and impious obedience, which (by their Rules and Consti­tutions) is required of their Inferi­ors: and to make us believe, that they expect obedience (and their Inferiors bound to give it) onely in things just and lawful: They do sometimes seem to give a sober Exposition and quali­fication of that universal obedience they require of their Inferiors, thus: Inferiors must obey their Superiors IN ALL THINGS; that is, In all things in which there is Obediendum in OMNI­BUS, in quibus NULLUM est MANIFESTUM PEC­CATUM. Constit. Societatis Jesu cum Declarat. Antverp. 1635. part. 6. cap. 1. pag. 233. E [...] ubi definiri non possit aliquod peccati genus, interce­dere. Ibid. pag. 234. NO MANIFEST SIN.

But these are onely Jesuiti­cal frauds, and miserable shifts and Fig-leaves, which may for some time, and from some, conceal their sin and shame, but neither are, nor can be any just Apology to vindicate their Doctrine of Obedience, and justi­fie and free it from that impiety wherewith it stands charged. For,

1. The Inferiors, according to [Page 32] their Vid. Regulas Servandas ut cum Ecclesia vere sentia­mus (superius citatus) 1. & 13. Rules and received Constitutions) that his obedi­ence may be perfect, must renounce and reject all his own reason and sense, so far, that if he see and know such a thing to be black and impious, yet if his Su­perior say, It is white and virtuous, he (in contradiction to his own sense and reason) must both say Obedientia sancta & perfecta, quod ad executionem attinet, tunc praestatur, cum res jussa completur: quoad voluntatem, cum ille qui obe­dit, ID IPSUM VULT, QUOD QUI IUBET: quoad intellectum, cum ID IPSUM SENTIT, quod ILLE QUI IUBET. Con­stit. dictae cum Declarat. pag. 233. and think so too. This is that Valde necessarium est, ut OMNES perfectae obedien­tiae se dedant, Superiorem (QUICUNQUE ille sit) LOCO CHRISTI agno­s [...]ntes, & quae injungit, INTEGRE, PROMPTE, &c. S [...]ne excusationibus & o [...]urmurationibus obediant. Ibid. part. 3. cap. 1. pag. 123. perfect obedience, which they commend to, and require of all Inferiors, to be paid to any, to every Superior; and it must be intirely, per­fectly, and readily performed, without any excuse or mur­muring. So that if the thing commanded by the Superior do appear sinful to the Inferi­or, yet he must not believe what he knows, but do what he is commanded by his Su­perior.

2. Those under command (by the Constitutions of that Soci­ety) [Page 33] must look upon their Su­periors, as persons in the Ibid. dicta pag. 123. & pag. 152. & part 4. cap. 10. pag. 183. place of Christ Iesus; tanquam Epist. 1. Ignatiide vir­tute obedientiae ad Fratres Lu­sitanos. sect. 4. CHRISTI VICARIOS, & Ibid. sect. 3. & sect. 11. CHRI­STI VICEM GEREN­TES, Christi partes agentes. By the way, the Reader may observe, that by this Jesuitical Divinity, or Po­lity, (call it what you will, you can­not mis-call it, unless you call it just and true) every Superior in the whole series of that Society, is the Vice-gerent and VICAR OF CHRIST, and to be obey'd by his Infe­riors, as well as the Pope him­self. How the Pope will like this, I neither know nor care; but sure I am, that a learned Spaniard, and Alphonsus de Vargas Toletanus is the man I mean; and the Title of his Book is this, Relatio ad Reges & Prin­cipes Christianos, de Strata­gematis & Sophismatis Po­liticis Societatis Iesu, ad MONARCHIAM ORBIS terrarum SIBI conficiendam. In qua Iesuitarum erga Reges ac populos INFIDELITAS, ergaque IPSUM PONTI­FICEM PERFIDIA, con­tumelia, & in REBUS FI­DEI novandi libido, IL­LUSTRIBUS DOCU­MENTIS comprobatur. Edi­ta Anno 1636. & postea An­no 1642. zea­lous Papist, has both said, and (by evident instances) proved, that (to gain the Monarchy of the World to themselves) the Iesuits are both Innovators in matters of Faith and Religion, rebellious and perfidious to the Pope as well as Secolar Kings and Princes.

[Page 34] 3. And having declared their Superiors to be Gods Vice-gerents and Vicars of Christ, they further say, that their Superiors are Superior, cui nos, ut Dei vicem gerenti, & DI­VINAE VOLUNTATIS INTERPRETI, moderan­dos tradidimus. Ignatius E­pist. 1. De Virtute Obedien­tiae, ad Lusitanos, sect. 11: IN­TERPRETERS of the DIVINE WILL, to whose Government they have given up themselves, and to obey their commands, as if Qui obedit, considerare debet vocem à Superiore quo­cunque [...], ut si A CHRISTO DOMINO NO­STRO egrederetur, ut OM­NINO DIVINAE MA­IESTATI PLACERE possit. Ita Constitut Societat. Jesu, & Examen cum Decla­rat. Antverp. 1635. cap. 4. sect. 30 pag. 37. Christ himself had given them; so that the will and judgment of their Superiors is to be Summarium Constit. Societat. Jesu. sect. 31. pag. 17. Antverp. 1635. THE RULE of theirs, and to be in all things obey'd. And this absolute, blind, and impious obedience to their Su­periors, Ignatius, the Founder of that Society, highly approves and commends to them, tel­ling them, That whether their Superiori non ideo ob­temperandum, quod divinis donis ornatus si [...], sed ob id solum, quod vices ge­rat Dei. Si prudentia MI­NUS valeat, non ideo QUID­QUAM DE OBEDIEN­TIA REMITTENDUM, quia illius person [...]m resert, cujus sapientia falli non po­test; SUPPLEBIT enim IPSE QUICQUID MI­NISTRO DEFUERIT; sive PROBITATE, aliis (que) ORNAMENTIS CARE­AT. Ignatius Epist. 1. De virtute Obedientiae ad Lusi­tanos. sect. 3. pag. 13. Superiors be wise or foolish, honest or impious, yet they are equally to be obey'd, as they are GOD'S VICE-GE­RENTS, who is infallibly wise, and will supply their want of understanding AND HO­NESTY too. So that (by thi [...] [Page 35] Divinity) let their Superiors be ne­ver so simple, sinful, and impious, yet their Inferiors may securely obey, and do WHATSOEVER they bid them. And this he thinks (which no wise man would) he has clearly proved out of express Scripture, Matth. 23. 2, 3. Our Saviour (saith he) when he had said, The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses chair; he adds, WHATSO­EVER therefore they say unto you, that observe and do. If the Jesuits say, they succeed those Jews (the Scribes and Pharisees) in Moses Chair, then they might (though without all sense and consequence) argue for them­selves, as they usually do for the Pope, jure successionis, thus: The Pope sits in Peters Chair, therefore he is as in­fallible as he; and whatsoever he says must be observed. (Thus Pope Agatho argues, and 'tis by Sic OMNES Aposto­licae sedis SANCTIONES accipiendae sunt, tanquam ip­sius DIVINI PETRI ORE firmatae sint. Can. Sic omnes. 2. Dist. 19. Gra­tian registred, and Bulla Romae data 1 Jul. 1580. Juri Canonico praefixa. by Pope Gregory the 13th. confirmed for Law.) So they argue for the Pope; and so with equal reason (yet ridiculously) the Society might argue, (as Ig­natius does, a bold Soldier, [Page 36] but a very bad Disputer) for them­selves, thus— We succeed the Scribes and Pharisees, and sit in Moses Chair: Therefore whatsoever we say must be observ'd. But I suppose they will not say, that they succeed the Scribes and Pharisees, (whose corrupt Doctrine, and impious Manners, our Blessed Sa­viour so often, and so justly Matth. 16. 6. 12. & Matth. 23. 16. 17, 18. condemns, and against whom he Matth. 23. 13, 14, 15, 16. 23. 25, 27, 29. pronounces ma­ny sad and deserved woes.) And if they deny (as sure enough they will) that they succeed those impious and heretical Scribes and Pharisees; then their Founder's reason is worse, and (if that be possi­ble) more ridiculous, being onely this— WHATEVER those Iews (Scribes and Pharisees) said, sitting in Moses They sate in Moses Chair (as Interpreters of his Law) and therefore whatever they taught the people, which was consonant to the Law and mind of Moses, was to be observed, otherwise not. And therefore our blessed Saviour bids his Disciples beware of their Doctrine, (as well as of their Manners.) Matth. 16. 12. Chair, was to be observed: Ergo, WHAT­EVER those Christians (the Superiors of the Iesuits) say, who do not sit in Moses Chair, must be observed; Sed apage nugas, Apinasque tricas. Such stuff as this, is neither worthy to be proposed, nor seriously [Page 37] confuted: nor had I troubled the Reader (or my self) with any Answer to it, had not (in their esteem) so great a Saint and Soldier as Ignatius, so confidently urg'd it; and lest they might think or say, (as sometimes they do) That such Arguments, be­cause they were not, could not be an­swered.

Well; but though Ignatius his Rea­sons are weak, yet his Faith is strong, and (without any good reason, or concluding premisses) he firmly be­lieves his Position, (That his Society must give blind and absolute obedience to all the commands of their Su­periors.) and earnestly Especially in his Epistle Ad Fratres Lusitan [...]s, De Vir­tute obedientiae. Dat. Romae 7. Cal. Aprilis, Anno 1553. pres­seth all his Society to believe and practise it. And since his decease, (whether induc'd thereunto by his Authority, or their own Interest, for they neither have, nor can have any true Reason for a false Position, I know not) I say, since his decease, his Society have approved, They have approved and received Ignatius his Epistles, his Exercitia Spi­ritualia, &c. in their In­stituta Societatis Iesu. Ant. 1635. received, and industriously vindicated his Doctrine of Obedience. For [Page 38] (to give you a short sum of what they say.)

1. He and they agree, that Inferi­ors (to the end they may have that perfect obedience which they re­quire) must renounce and ut­terly reject all their own Regula. 1. & 13. Su­periuscitata. Necesse est, ut omnes perfectae obedientiae se dedant, Superiori obediant, li­cet difficilia, & secundum sen­sualitatem (i. e. sensum) repug­nantia jubeat: veram abne­gationem propriae volunta­tis & judicii habeant. Sum­marium Constitutionum, sect. 31. pag. 17. WILLS, JUDGMENT, and SENSES; so far, that, if their Superiors say, Snow is black, they must believe, and say it is so too, though their Senses see it is white.

2. Nay, they must not onely renounce, but (as their Founder Ignatius says) mor­tifie, kill, and slay their own Wills and Iudgments, by their obedience. Ignatius Epist. 2. De Perfect. Religiosa: Romae, 4. Non. Mart. 1547. Per obedienti­am voluntates vestras ac ju­dicia MACTATE, &c. So that Inferiors Sibi quisque PER­SUADEAT, se FERRI ac REGI DIVINA PROVI­DENTIA per Superiores; & sinere debet, ac si CADAVER esset, quod QUOCUNQUE versus ferri, QUACUNQUE RATIONE, Tractari se sinit: vel ut senis BACULUS, qui UBICUNQUE, & QUA­CUNQUE in re velit eo uti, qui eum manu tenet, ei in­servit. Constitut. cum Decla­rat: part. 6. sect. 1. cap. 1, pag. 234. must PER­SUADE themselves, that it is DIVINE PROVIDENCE which moves and rules them by their SUPERIORS. And therefore they must be like DEAD CARCASES, or a [...] SLAVES in the hand of their [Page 39] Superiors, which suffer themselves to be MOVED, HANDLED, and CARRIED WHITHER, and WHAT WAY THEY PLEASE. The Infe­rior is not permitted to consider, exa­mine, or try, whether the commands be just, and (according to the Will of God) lawful; but they Quae Superior injungit, INTEGRE, PROMPTE, & SINE EXCUSATIONIBUS OBEDIANT. In Summario Constitut: quae AB OMNI­BUS observandae sunt, sect. 31. pag. 17. & Constitut. part. 3. cap. 1. sect. 23. must execute and obey them, and that INTIRELY, READI­LY, and BOLDLY.

3. And the commands of their Superiors is to be Proposita voluntate & judicio Superioris, PRO RE­GULA suae voluntatis & ju­dicii. Dicta, sect. 31. pag. 17. THE RULE both of their WILLS and IUDG­MENTS; and they are bound to believe, that (whatever the thing enjoyn'd be) HE COMMANDS Quod jubetur, BENE IUBERI EXISTIMET. Con­stitut. cum Declarat. part. 6. cap. 1. pag. 234. WELL, and that all the things en­joyn'd are QUICQUID nobis in­junctum fuerit, obeundo, OMNIA JUSTA esse, NO­BIS PERSUADENDO. Ibid. pag. 233. IUST and GOOD; and so good, that NOTHING BETTER could be done; nor God better pleas'd with any thing his own Sic enim obediens rem QUAMCUNQUE, cui eum Superior velit impendere, Debet exequi; PRO CER­TO HABENS, quod ea ra­tione potius, quam re alia QUAVIS, quam PRAESTARE POSSIT, propri­am voluntatem & judicium diversum sectando, DIVINAE VOLUNTATI respondebit. Ibid. pag. 234. Will or Judg­ment [Page 40] could suggest, different from the command of his Superior.

4. And lastly, it is all the reason in the world, that they should give such absolute obedience to their Superiors, were their Principles true, (which are indeed evidently erroneous and impious) for they say, (as is before ob­serv'd and prov'd) that every Superi­or is a VICE-GERENT, and VICAR OF CHRIST; that his Inferiors are to look upon him as such, and obey his commands, as the commands Ad Superioris VO­CEM PERINDE, AC SI A CHRISTO DOMINO E­GREDERETUR, quam promptissimi simus, requavis relicta. Dicto Summario Constitut. sect. 34. pag. 18. of IESUS CHRIST.

The premisses considered, I think we have very much (too much) reason to believe, that while there are Jesuits in England, Superiors (such as the Pope, their General, Provincial, &c.) to command, and Inferiors to obey, it is impossible our Gracious King, or his Protestant Subjects should be safe, unless they repent, and renounce their impious Principles, and bloody Practises, (which is im­possible, whilst they believe those true, and these just) or the good God of Heaven and Earth do (as hitherto [Page 41] in great mercy he has) by a powerful Providence discover and defeat their Conspiracies. For as it is notoriously known to this, and other Nations; that during the times of Queen Elizabeth, King Iames, Charles the Martyr, and our Gracious Soveraign now happily restored, they have impiously design­ed and indeavoured, by open War, by Poison and Pistol, Gun-powder Plots, and horrid Conspiracies, to destroy our Princes and our Religion; So we have little reason to doubt, but while there are such Persons, possess'd with a belief of such principles, they will continue to Design, and (when they have ability and opportunity) execute such damnable, and (to Protestant Princes and People) destructive Con­spiracies. I would not wrong the meanest Jesuit (were it in danger) to save my life; nor will I conceal their principles (dangerous to our Coun­trey and Religion) though (what I do not fear) I lose it. For this were basely to betray my Religion and my Countrey too; things which are, and (to all good men) ever should (and will) be more valuable than a thou­sand [Page 42] Lives. Give me leave therefore (courteous Reader) to add, not what I, but what the Jesuits say of themselves and Society. And here,

1. Father Campian (who though hang'd at Tyburn for High Treason, yet at Rome is reputed a famous Martyr) tells us,— Iesuitas OMNES in universo terrarum orbe, FOE­DUS, ad REGES Haereticos QUOVIS MODO TOLLEN­DOS, jam pridem iniisse. Quod (inquit) ad Societatem nostram attinet, velim scias, OMNES NOS, qui sumus de Societate Iesu, per totum ter­rarum orbem longe lateque diffusi, SANCTUM FOEDUS iniisse, vestras machinas facile superaturos, neque unquam desperaturos, quam­diu vel UNUS QUIS­PIAM è nobis supererit. Ita Campianus Jesuita, in Epist. ad Consiliarios Reginae Angliae, Treveris Excusa Ann. 1583. pag. 22. And Hospi­nian, who cites it, in his Hi­storia Iesuitica, pag. 264. (it should be 246.) adds what Creswel the Jesuit says in his Philopater, (I take it upon his word, for I have not my Books about me) Ita infor­mandos QUOSCUNQUE CA­THOLICOS, ut oblatâ CAE­DIS OCCASIONE, NULLO IMPEDIMENTO se dimoveri patiantur. They must kill Kings (if Hereticks) when they have opportunity. That ALL THE IESUITS in the world have long since entred into Covenant, ANY WAY TO DESTROY all Heretical KINGS; nor do they despair of doing it effectually, so long as any one Iesuit remains in the world.

And Father Creswel (if Hospinian cite him right, for in this place and time I have not the Book about me) in his Philopater, tells us, That ALL CATHOLICKS are to be so instructed, that when they have an opportunity to kill Hereticks, they should not suf­fer any impediment to hinder them. So that if you say, In [Page 43] facinus jurasse putes; That the Jesuits are entred into a Covenant to kill and destroy all Heretical Kings, you wrong them not, for you say no more than they themselves in print and publickly confess.

2. And this we may the ra­ther believe, because (accor­ding to their belief and prin­ciples) if they do this, if they murder a thousand Hereticks, (Kings or Subjects) it is no mortal sin in them. For they Vulgo certe hoc Jesui­tae faciunt, ut cum in Socie­tatem pueros alliciunt, in hoc meliorem Societatis suae, quam aliorum Ordinum con­ditionem esse praedicent, quod Ignatius a Deo precibus ob­tinuerit, ut per 100 Annos inde ab eo die, quo Regulam ejus sedes Apostolica proba­vit, NEMO SOCIORUM IN LETHALE PECCA­TUM INCIDERE QUEAT. Cujus privilegii prorogatio­nem, Xaverium in alios 200 Annos a Deo Societati impe­trasse, ab hinc triennium JE­SUITAE IN ALSATIA PLENIS BUCCIS GLORI­ABANTUR. Alphons. de Vargas Toletanus in Relat. de Stratag. Jesuitarum. cap. 14. pag. 39. Edit. 1636. & pag. 110, 111. Edit. 1642. say, (and by that motive seduce many young Novices into their Society) that they cannot commit any mortal sin: For Ignatius their Foun­der, by his Prayers obtain'd that priviledge for them, that for an 100 years (beginning from the confirmation of his Order) none of his Society should commit any mortal sin; and their great Saint Xaverius procured the conti­nuance of that priviledg for 200 years longer. So that (by this account) since the year [Page 44] of our Lord 1540. (when the Jesuits The Bull of Pope Paul 3. which confirmed that So­ciety, is dated 1 Cal. Oct. 1540. In magno Bullario Ro­mano, Lugduni. 1655. Tom. 1. pag. 740. Order was con­firm'd) to the year 1840. the Jesuits neither have, nor can commit any mortal sin, if it be true that they have such a priviledg, which they pub­lickly affirm, not onely to the common people, but to Car­dinal Francisco Quo minus autem apud pueros & adolescentes rerum imperitos, eos talia quis jactare admiretur, I PSO FRIDERICO BORROMAEO Cardinali non dubitarunt TALI SE PRIVILEGIO VENDITARE, &c. Alphon. de Vergas. ibid. cap. 14. 'Tis true, the Cardinal did not believe them, (as certainly no wise man will.) Borromaeo non persuaserunt, verum e­tiam ita eum sibi alienarunt, ut in posterum nec visos, nec auditos vellet, quemadmodum Amicis non semel fassus est, &c. Idem ibidem. Borromoeo, as a Learned Author tells me, and he no Hugonot or Luthe­ran, but a zealous Spanish and Romish Catholick. How great encouragement this may give them to kill all Hereticks, (it being so much for the Ca­tholick cause, and their tem­poral interest, and no morta [...] sin) it will highly concern all Protestant Princes, and their good Subjects, seriously and timely to consider.

3. But as for this priviledg from all mortal sin, which Cardinal Bor­romoeus did not, nor is it possible any (who has not strong delusion to be­lieve a lie) should believe; yet to the Jesuits, who do believe it, and teach [Page 45] their Inferiors (who are bound to obey them) to do so too; it must of necessity be a great encouragement of them to commit any crime, how great soever, seeing that by that pri­viledge (let them do or say what they will) they are secured from any Mortal sin; and for their Venial sins, (if there were any such) they may put them into Purgatory, but (if their own approved Principles be true) they cannot hinder them from Heaven and Eternal Happiness. But let this be as it will, there is another thing, which may give all Prote­stants just cause to fear, that the Je­suits will be very ready to design, and (when and where they are able) execute any villany, by Poison, Pi­stol, Gun-powder Plot, or any traite­rous and black Conspiracy, for the destroying and extirpation of all He­reticks, (especially Protestants) and that thing is, the exceeding corrupti­on of their Manners, and Personal impieties. For the worst of men will be most willing (without fear or re­luctancy) to commit the greatest wickedness. Now as for the Personal [Page 46] wickedness and impieties of the Je­suits; I neither do, nor can say any thing upon my own knowledge, (be­ing not at all acquainted with their conversation) but I shall produce such Witnesses, as are without ex­ception, and may challenge and deserve credit; I mean, all the Universities of Spain, (Venerable Corporations and Bodies of Men, and they not Hereticks, but learned and zealous Roman Catholicks) who in a Book (or Remon­strance against the Jesuits) printed and given to the King of Spain, give this Cha­racter of the Jesuits— Academiae Hispania­rum libello ad R [...]gem misso, typisque descripto, Iesuitas sic describunt, ut homines pal [...]m avaros, insatiabiles, Aerusca­tores, Regiorum vectigalium fures, arrogantes, ambitio­sos, Principum assentatores, Aulicos, & negotiis secularibus ubique se implicantes, frau­dulentos, mendaces, veritatis interversores, inf [...]matores virtutis, vitae Religios [...] ho­st [...]s, deliciarum amatores, Impostores pi [...]tatis velo oper­t [...]s, lupos investimentis ovi­um, Novitatum Amicos, Sanctorum Doctorum con­temptores, Lutheri & Cal­vini partiarios, ac de Haeresi suspectos, pacis publicae per­turbatores, Diabolicae indu­striae homines, Serpentes, ip­sosque Cacodaemones, ac ab omnibus cav [...]ndos ac fugien­dos. Alphon. de Vargas To­letanus de Stratagematis Je­suitarum, pag. 37, 38. Edit. 1642. & pag. 15. Edit. 1636. That they are men notoriously cove­tous, insatiable, COZENERS, Thieves, and stealers of the Kings Revenue, arrogant, am­bitious, flatterers of Princes, Courtiers, every where intang­ling themselves in secular bu­sinesses, fraudulent, liars, cor­rupters of truth, defamers of vertue, enemies of a Religious life, lovers of pleasure, impo­stors [Page 47] under a veil of piety, Woolves in Sheeps clothing, lovers of novelties, contemners of the holy Doctors, partners with Calvin and Luther, and suspected of Heresie, troublers of the publick peace, men of Diabolical industry, Ser­pents, and very Cacodoemons or evil Spirits, of whom all should be aware and fly from them.

This Character of the Jesuits is none of mine, it is a Spanish History, not my calumny of them. I do, and shall pray for them, that if they be guilty of all, or some of this, (as I fear they are) God Almighty would be graciously pleased to give them true penitence and pardon too. What Answer they have given (or can give) to this accusation (which has been publick, and in print above 40 years) I know not, I have not yet heard of any. In the mean time, I shall desire the Reader to consider the quality of the Witnesses, who charge them with so many and enormous crimes. 1. They are no Protestants, (or any they do or dare call Hereticks) but Papists. 2. Nor they simple Persons, but Corporations, and Bodies of men. [Page 48] 3. Nor they Townsmen, and meer Laicks, so that it might be thought, they did it out of hatred or envy; according to the Gloss in their Canon Law, Laici sunt Clericis oppidò in­festi; but they are great and learned Bodies of men, Universities. 4. Nor some few of them, but many; All the Universities of a great Kingdom. 5. And that a most Catholick King­dom, very zealous for the Pope and Popery, to wit, Spain. 6. Nor is it any private Testimony, given in some particular Court, but publick, exhi­bited to their King in print, and so to the World. 7. Lastly, they witness against persons they had great reason and opportunities to know, living amongst them, and having continual conversation with them, and so must needs be Testes idonei, most compe­tent Witnesses against them. And therefore Protestants have very great reason and evidence to believe, that the Jesuits are such persons, as their own Party, by such Authentick Te­stimonies, prove them to be.

The premisses considered, that is, the Principles, the Persons, and En­couragements [Page 49] the Jesuits have to seek the ruine and destruction of all Prote­stants, (Princes and People) the ad­vice of the Universities of Spain will (to all prudent men) seem very rea­sonable, That persons of such Prin­ciples (Ab omnibus sunt cavendi, & fugiendi, (I may add) fugandique) should be with all care and caution avoided, and banish'd out of all Pro­testant Countreys; it being morally impossible (as sad experience shews) they should enjoy peace and safety long, where such restless Spirits (en­couraged and resolved to endeavour their ruine) do remain.

But besides these (peculiar to the Jesuits) there are more and greater encouragements (common to them and all the Popish Party) to design and endeavour the extirpation of all He­reticks (especially Protestants, who, in their account, (and truth) are most dangerous to their erroneous and su­perstitious Novelties) and the ruine of the Protestant Religion. For Pope Innocent the Third, (and his General Council) promised those Soldiers (Cruce signati, or Crusado's, as they [Page 50] call'd them) who having assum'd the Character of the Cross, were arm'd for the extirpation and destruction of Hereticks, with fire and sword, the same Catholici qui crucis assumpto charactere, ad Hae­reticorum EX [...]ERMINIUM se acci [...]xerint, illa gaudean [...] Indulgentia, illoque Privile­gio sint muni [...], quod acce­dentibus ad terrae sanctae sub­sidium conceditur. Concil. Lateranum 4. Anno 1215. Can. 3. de Haereticis. priviledges they had, who went to fight against the Turks and Sarazens, to re­cover the Holy Land. Now the Priviledges granted to those Soldiers sent against the Turks, (to omit several Tem­poral advantages granted them for that service) were especially and principally two.

1. The Pope and [...]cro approbante Con­cilio. In [...] Innocentii 3. dat. Romae 19. C [...]. Jan. 121 [...]. In [...] Rom [...]o [...]. 1655. pag. 8 [...]. Tom. 1. General Council grants them a [...] s [...]orum p [...] ­minum veni [...]m [...]. Ibidem, dictae [...]llae s [...]t. 17. [...]g. 89. ple­nary Indulgence, and Pardon of all their sins. This they have here, while they liv'd.

2. They promise those Sol­diers, not onely Heaven, and Glory in it, but a In retri [...]e justo­rum, s [...]lutis aet [...] poll [...]ce­mur AUGMEN [...]UM. Ibidem. greater degree and measure of it here­after.

And here I shall desire the Cour­teous Reader to consider, 1. The [Page 51] excellency of the Reward, Grace here, and Glory hereafter. 2. Who it is that promises all this; the Pope, and a great, and (by them) approved General Council. 3. The assurance and certainty they may have of en­joying what's promised, arising from the Authority and Infallibility of the Pope and Council, who make the Promise; whose Authority and Judgment is, and to all Papists, (un­less they will deny their received Principles) Supreme and Infallible. 4. And seeing so glorious a reward is (by such Authority) promis'd for murdering Hereticks, they may be assured, that the doing it is (at least) innocent and lawful; unless they will confess (which would overthrow the foundation of their Religion) that the Pope and General Council may be guilty of so great an error and impiety, as to promise Heaven for impious and unlawful actions, which neither do nor can deserve any thing but Hell and Dam­nation. 5. Many things may be, and are lawful, which are not necessary, nor (in some times and circum­stances) [Page 52] expedient. But this destroy­ing Hereticks with Fire and Sword, (according to the Popish Principles) is not onely lawful, but a necessary duty, (which upon pain of Excommu­nication and a Curse) they are bound to do. For (by the Decree of Pope Innocent and his General Council) all Secular Supreme COMPELLANTUR Potestates seculares cujuscun (que) officii, ut praestent PUBLICE juramentum, quod de terris suae jurisdictioni subjectis UNIVERSOS Haereticos ab Ecclesia denotatos, extermi­nare studeant: ita ut amodò quandocunque quis fuerit in potestatem spiritualem seu temporalem assumptus, hoc tenetur capitulum affirmare. Concil. Lateran. 4. dicto. Can. 3. Powers are to be COMPELL'D to take an Oath PUBLICKLY to extirpate all Hereticks; and not onely Supreme Powers, but all Inferior Powers and Governours, Ec­clesiastical and Civil, are to take such Oath. So that (be­ing bound both by the Decree of the Council, and a Sacred Oath to do it) it must of ne­cessity be a Duty, which they are bound to do; that is, to destroy all Hereticks: and that so necessary a duty, that if Kings were but Si dominus temporalis requisitus ab Ecclesia, terram suam purgare NEGLEXE­RIT ab Haeretica pravitate, excommunicationis Vinculo innodetur; & si satisfacere neglexerit infra Annum, sig­nificetur summo Pontifici, ut ex tunc ipse vassallos suos ab ejus fidelitate denuntiet abso­lutos, & terram exponat Ca­tholicis occupandam. Dictum Concil. dicto Can. 3. NE­GLIGENT, and did not pre­sently do it, they were to be Excommunicated; and if they did not give satisfaction with­in [Page 53] a year, it was to be signified to the Pope, that he might presently depose them, and absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance, and give away their Kingdoms to Catho­licks, who would be bloody, obey the Pope, and destroy Hereticks.

By the premisses it does (to me, and will, I believe, to many more) seem evident, that the murdering He­retical, Protestant (for at Rome they are believ'd and declar'd Hereticks) Excommunicated Kings and Subjects, is not onely, 1. A lawful Action; but 2. in the judgment of the Church of Rome, a necessary duty, (at least in sometimes and cases) though to all other sober Christians a damnable sin: And 3. such a meritorious duty, as shall have remission of sins here, and a higher degree of Glory hereafter: 4. And the doers of it shall (in their Popish Ca­lendars and Martyrologies) be ren­der'd to posterity, not for (what in­deed they are) impious Murderers, but glorious Martyrs. Now how great en­couragement such impious Principles and Promises may give those, who have faith enough to believe them, [Page 54] to contrive and attempt any villany, for the Catholick Cause, and utter extirpation of all Protestants, (whe­ther Princes or People) times past are, and (unless the gracious and powerful Providence of Heaven pre­vent it) future times may be sad wit­nesses. Certainly, traiterous and hor­rid Gun-powder Conspiracies, mur­dering innocent Christians, (even Kings and Princes) causâ indictâ & inauditâ, neither is, nor can be a just means to obtain Indulgences, Re­mission of sins, and the Crown of Martyrdom. Traitors may be Mur­derers, but surely no Martyrs: such villanies (however approv'd, and highly rewarded by the Pope and his Party) may be a Roman, but no Chri­stian way to Heaven. However, all those unhappily deluded Souls, who believe (as all the through-pac'd Pa­pists do and must) the Pope and Councils Infallibility, and power to make good their promises, will (as hitherto they have) be willing to design and endeavour the destru­ction of all Hereticks, (all Protestants to be sure, whether Kings or Subjects) [Page 55] either by raising Armies, open War and Rebellion, (when they have abi­lity) or by Assassinations, by Pistol or Poison, or Gun-powder Conspi­racies, when they have it not, (as I pray, and hope, they never will) I trust, that the infinitely wise and powerful Providence of God, which (for the time past) has graciously pre­served our Princes and Religion, and discovered and defeated all the black and impious Conspiracies of their Popish Enemies, will (for the future, if our ingratitude and impenitence do not hinder it) continue that pre­servation, to the comfort of his Church, and confusion of her Ene­mies: Former favours thankfully received from God, being sure pledges and assurances of future.

To conclude; When the impious de­signs of Rome (which had been work­ing ever since the Reformation) did not prosper; when they could not (though cunningly and constantly endeavour'd) either by Poison, Pistol, or open War, take away Queen Eli­zabeth, to bring in Mary Queen of Scotland; when they saw King Iames [Page 56] in quiet possession of the Imperial Crown of England, and saw his Learning and Love to the truly Ca­tholick and Apostolick Faith of the Church of England, to be such, that they despaired (as well they might) ever to be able to seduce him into a belief of their new Trent Creed, and Popish Superstitions: they had no more patience, (loesa patientia fit fu­ror) but resolv'd (by a new and un­heard of Villany, a Gun-powder Con­spiracy) to take away and murder him, that seeing he would not be for their Religion, he should not be able to be against it. But that which in­creased the despair of the Jesuits, and the Popish party, and their rage and fury against that good King, (their lawful Sovereign) was a solemn and pious Protestation, made by the He made that Prote­station 12 Feb. Anno Iacobi 2. Anno Christi 1604. King, before the Lords of his Court, and by them pub­lickly declard to all the Judges, the Lord Chancellor of England, the Bishops and Great Officers of State, in the Star-chamber. By which they plainly perceived, that as their Reli­gion was never like to have the King's [Page 57] personal approbation, so he would ne­ver grant any TOLERATION of it to any others. That Protestation of that learned & wise King, because it is wor­thy of perpetual memory, (though now almost forgot) and the knowledge of this present Age, and all Posterity, I shall here faithfully set down, as I find it in our Authentick Records. The occasion of that Protestation was this, Some of the discontented Puritan party had set a foot a scandalous report of the King, THAT HE MEANT TO GRANT A TOLERATION TO POPERY. This highly offended his Majesty, and, in contradiction to it, and confu­tation of it, he publickly made this so­lemn Protestation, See Judge Croke's Re­ports, London, 1659. Part 2. Anno Iac. 2. page 37. And before that Sir Fran. Moor's Reports, page 755. where (in Law-French) we are told, That the King's Protestation was made to the Lords at Court Feb. 12. and (by them) to all the Judges and Lords in the Star-chamber on the 13. of February, Iacobi 2. THAT HE NEVER INTENDED TO GIVE ANY TOLERATION TO POPERY; AND THAT HE WOULD SPEND THE LAST DROP OF BLOOD IN HIS BODY, BEFORE HE WOULD DO IT, &c. That God Al­mighty would be graciously pleased to preserve and bless His Sacred Majesty, and the whole Royal Family; and [Page 58] discover, and (by his powerful Provi­dence) defeat all the impious Con­spiracies of their Enemies, that they may enjoy health and peace here, and Heaven hereafter; This is, and, (as in Duty and Loyalty I stand bound) while I live, ever shall be, the con­stant prayer of,

(Courteous Reader)
Thy faithful Friend and Servant, T. L.
London, Cal. Febr. M. DC. LXXVIII.
King IAMES HIS SPEEC …

King IAMES HIS SPEECH To Both Houses of Parliament, On occasion of the GUNPOWDER-TREASON: With a Discourse of the manner of its Discovery, and a perfect Relation of the whole Proceedings against those horrid Conspirators.

LONDON, Re-printed by His Majesties Printers.

M. DC. LXXIX.

White-hall, Decemb. 12. 1678.

By License from the Right Honourable Mr. Se­cretary Coventry, this Book, containing King James his Speech to both Houses of Parliament, on occasion of the Gun-powder Treason; with a Discourse of the manner of its Discovery, and a perfect Relation of the whole Proceedings against those horrid Conspirators: May be Re­printed.

IO. COOKE.

A SPEECH Made by King JAMES to both Houses of Parliament, up­on occasion of the discovery of the Gunpowder PLOT; de­signed to be executed on the 5 Nov. 1605.

MY Lords Spiritual and Tem­poral, and you the Knights and Burgesses of this Parlia­ment; It was far from my thoughts, till very lately, be­fore my coming to this place, that this Subject should have been ministred unto me, whereupon I am now to speak. But now it so falleth out, That whereas in the preceding Session of this Parliament, the principal occasion of my Speech was, to thank and congratulate all you of this House, and in you, all the whole Common-wealth (as being the representative Body of the State) [Page 2] for your so willing, and loving receiving, and embracing of me in that place, which God and Nature by descent of Bloud, had in his own time provided for me: So now my subject is, to speak of a far greater Thanksgiving than before I gave to you, being to a far greater person, which is to GOD, for the great and miraculous Delivery he hath at this time granted to me, and to you all, and con­sequently to the whole Body of this Estate,

I must therefore begin with this old and most approved Sentence of Divinity, Mise­ricordia Dei supra omnia opera ejus. For Al­mighty GOD did not furnish so great mat­ter to his Glory, by the Creation of this great World, as he did by the Redemption of the same. Neither did his Generation of the little World, in our old and first ADAM, so much set forth the praises of GOD in his Justice and Mercy, as did our Regeneration in the last and second ADAM.

And now I must crave a little pardon of you, That since Kings are in the word of GOD it self called Gods, as being his Lieu­tenants and Vicegerents on earth, and so a­dorned and furnished with some sparkles of the Divinity; to compare some of the Works of GOD the Great King, towards the whole and general World, to some of his Works to­wards Me, and this little world of my Domi­nions, compassed and severed by the Sea from the rest of the Earth. For as GOD for the just punishment of the first great Sinner in the original world, when the Sons of GOD [Page 3] went in to the Daughters of Men, and the cup of their iniquities of all sorts was filled, and heaped up to the full, did by a general deluge and overflowing of waters, baptize the World to a general destruction, and not to general purgation (only excepted Noah and his family, who did repent and believe the threatenings of God's judge­ment:) So now, when the World shall wax old as a Garment, and that all the impieties and sins that can be devised against both the first and second Table, have, and shall be committed to the full measure; GOD is to punish the World the second time by Fire, to the general destruction and not purgation thereof. Although as it was done in the for­mer to Noah and his Family by the waters; So shall all we that believe be likewise purged, and not destroyed by the Fire. In the like sort, I say, I may justly compare these two great and fearful Dooms-days, wherewith GOD threatened to destroy me, and all you of this little World that have interest in me. For although I confess, as all mankind, so chiefly Kings, , as being in the higher places like the high Trees, or stayest Mountains, and steepest Rocks, are most subject to the daily tempests of innumerable dangers; and I amongst all other Kings, have ever been subject unto them, not only ever since my birth, but even as I may justly say, before my birth, and while I was yet in my Mothers belly: yet have I been exposed to two more special and greater dangers than all the rest.

[Page 4] The first of them, in the Kingdom where I was born, and passed the first part of my life: And the last of them here, which is the greatest. In the former, I should have been baptized in bloud, and in my destruction, not only the Kingdom, wherein I then was, but ye also by your future interest, should have tasted of my ruine. Yet it pleased GOD to deliver me, as it were, from the very brink of death, from the point of the dagger, and so to purge me by my thankful acknow­ledgement of so great a benefit. But in this which did so lately fall out, and which was a destruction prepared not for me alone, but for you all that are here present, and where­in no rank, age, or sex should have been spa­red; This was not a crying sin of bloud as the former, but it may well be called a roar­ing, nay, a thundering sin of Fire and Brim­stone, from the which, God hath so miracu­lously delivered us all. What I can speak of this, I know not: Nay rather, what can I not speak of it? And therefore I must for horror say with the Poet. Vox faucibus haeret.

In this great and horrible attempt, where­of Three mira­culous e­vents be to be observed in the At­tempt the like was never either heard or read, I observe three wonderful, or rather miracu­lous events.

First, in the cruelty of the Plot it self, wherein cannot be enough admired the hor­rible and fearful cruelty of their Device, 1 The cruel­ty of the Plot. which was not only for the destruction of my Person, nor of my Wife and Posterity only, but of the whole Body of the State in gene­ral; [Page 5] wherein should neither have been spa­red, or distinction made of young nor of old, of great nor of small, of man nor of woman: The whole Nobility, the whole Reverend Clergy, Bishops, and most part of the good Preachers, the most part of the Knights and Gentry; yea, and if that any in this Society were favourers of their Profession, they should all have gone one way: The whole Judges of the Land, with the most of the Lawyers and the whole Clerks: And as the wretch himself that is in the Tower, doth confess, it was purposely devised by them, and concluded to be done in this house; That where the cruel Laws (as they say) were made against their Religion, both place and persons should all be destroyed and blown up at once. And then Three ways how man­kind may come to death. consider therewithal the cruel form of that practice: for by three different sorts in gene­ral may mankind be put to death.

The First, by other men, and reasonable creatures, which is least cruel: for then both 1. By Man. defence of men against men may be expect­ed, and likewise who knoweth what pity GOD may stirr up in the hearts of the Actors at the very instant? besides the many ways and means, whereby men may escape in such a present fury.

And the Second way more cruel than that, is by Animal and unreasonable creatures: for 2. By unrea­sonable creatures. as they have less pity then men, so is it a grea­ter horror, and more unnatural for men to deal with them: But yet with them both re­sistance may avail, and also some pity may [Page 6] be had, as was in the Lyons, in whose Den Daxiel was thrown; or that thankful Lyon, that had the Roman slave in his mercy.

But the Third, which is most cruel and un­merciful of all, is the destruction by insensible 3. By insen­sible things. and inanimate things; and amongst them all, the most cruel are the two Elements of Wa­ter and Fire; and of those two the Fire most raging and merciless.

Secondly, How wonderful it is when you shall think upon the small, or rather no 2. The small ground the Conspira­tors had to move them. ground, whereupon the Practisers were enti­ced to invent this Tragedy. For if these Con­spirators had only been bankrupt persons, or discontented upon occasion of any disgraces done unto them; this might have seemed to have been but a work of revenge. But for my own part, as I scarcely ever knew any of them, So cannot they alledge so much as a pretended cause of grief: And the wretch himself in hands doth confess, That there was no cause moving him or them, but meer­ly, and only Religion. And specially, that Christian men, at least so called, Englishmen, born within the Countrey, and one of the spe­cials of them, my sworn Servant, in an Ho­norable place, should Practise the destruction of their King, his Posterity, their Countrey and all: wherein their following obstinacy is so joyned to their former malice, as the fellow himself that is in hand, cannot be moved to discover any signes or notes of repentance, except only, that he doth not yet stand to avow, that he repents for not being able to per­form his intent.

[Page 7] Thirdly, The discovery hereof is not a little 3. Miracu lous event, the discove­ry. wonderful, which would be thought the more miraculous by you all, if you were as well acquainted with my natural disposition, as those are who be near about me. For as I ever did hold suspition to be the sickness of a Tyrant, so was I so far upon the other ex­tremity, as I rather contemned all advertise­ments, or apprehensions of practises. And yet now at this time was I so far contrary to my self, as when the Letter was shewed to me by my Secretary, wherein a general obscure ad­verisement was given of some dangerous blow at this time, I did upon the instant inter­pret and apprehend some dark phrases there­in, contrary to the ordinary Grammer con­struction of them, (and in another sort then I am sure any Divine, or Lawyer in any Uni­versity would have taken them) to be meant by this horrible form of blowing us up all by Powder; and thereupon ordered, that search to be made, whereby the matter was discover­ed, and the man apprehended: whereas if I had apprehended or interpreted it to any o­ther sort of danger, no worldly provision or prevention could have made us escape our utter destruction

And in that also, was there a wonderful providence of God, that when the party him­self was taken, he was but new come out of his house from working, having his Fire­work for kindling ready in his pocket, where­with as he confesseth, if he had been taken but immediately before, when he was in the [Page 8] House, he was resolved to have blown up himself with his Takers.

One thing for my own part have I cause to thank GOD in, That if GOD for our sins had suffered their wicked intents to have prevailed, it should never have been spoken nor written in ages succeeding, that I had died ingloriously in an Ale-house, a Stews, or such vile place, but mine end should have been with the most Honourable and best company, and in that most Honourable and fittest place for a King to be in, for do­ing the turns most proper to his Office; And the more have We all cause to thank and magnifie GOD for this his merciful De­livery. And specially I for my part, that he hath given me yet once leave, whatsoever should come of me hereafter, to assemble you in this Honourable place; And here in this place, where our general destruction should have been, to magnifie and praise him for Our general delivery; That I may justly now say of mine enemies and yours, as Da­vid doth often say in the Psalm, Inciderunt in foveam, quam fecerunt. And since Scipio an Ethnick, led only by the light of Nature, That day when he was accused by the Tri­bunes of the people of Rome, for mispend­ing and wasting in his Punick wars the Cities Treasure, even upon the sudden brake out with that diversion of them from that matter, calling them to remembrance how that day, was the day of the year, wherein GOD hath given them so great a victory [Page 9] against Hannibal, and therefore it was fit­ter for them all, leaving other matters, to run to the Temple to praise GOD for that so great delivery, which the people did all follow with one applause: How much more cause have we that are Christians to bestow this time in this place for Thansgiving to GOD for his great Mercy, tho we had had no other errand of assembling here at this time; where­in if I have spoken more like a Divine, than would seem to belong to this place, the mat­ter it self must plead for mine excuse: for be­ing here come to thank God for a Divine work of his Mercy, how can I speak of this deliverance of us from so hellish a practise, so well, as in language of Divinity, which is the direct opposite to so damnable an intention? And therefore may I justly end this purpose, as I did begin it with this Sentence, The mercy of God is above all his works.

It resteth now, that I should shortly inform you what is to be done hereafter upon the oc­casion of this horrible and strange accident. As for your part that are my faithful and loving Subjects of all degrees, I know that your hearts are so burnt up with zeal in this errand, and your tongues so ready to utter your dutiful affections, and your hands and feet so bent to concurr in the execution thereof, (for which as I need not to spurr you, so can I not but praise you for the same:) As it may very well be possible, that the zeal of your hearts shall make some of you in your speeches, rashly to blame such as may be innocent of this at­tempt; [Page 10] But upon the other part I wish you to consider, That I would be sorry that any be­ing innocent of this practise, either domesti­cal or forrain, should receive blame or harm, for the same. For although it cannot be denied, That it was the only blind superstition of their errors in Religion, that led them to this desperate device; yet doth it not follow, That all professing that Romish Religion were guilty of the same. For as it is true, That no other sect of Heretiques, not excepting Turk Iew, nor Pagan, no not even those of Calicute who adore the Devil, did ever maintain by the grounds of their Religion, That it was lawful, or rather meritorious (as the Romish Catholicks call it) to murther Princes or peo­ple for quarrel of Religion. And although particular men of all professions of Religion have been some Thieves, some Murtherers, some Traitors, yet ever when they came to their end and just punishment, they confessed their fault to be in their nature, and not in their profession, (These Romish Catholicks only excepted:) Yet it is true on the other side, That many honest men blinded peradven­ture with some opinions of Popery, as if they be not found in the questions of the Real pre­sence, or in the number of the Sacraments, or some such School-question: yet do they ei­ther not know, or at least, not believe all the true grounds of Popery, which is indeed, The mistery of iniquity. And therefore do we just­ly confess, that many Papists, especially our fore-fathers, laying their only trust upon [Page 11] Christ and his Merits at their last breath, may be, and oftentimes are saved; detesting in that point, and thinking the cruelty of Puri­tans worthy of Fire, that will admit no salva­tion to any Papist. I therefore thus do con­clude this point, That as upon the one part many honest men, seduced with some errors of Popery, may yet remain good and faithful Subjects: So upon the other part, none of those that truly know and [...]elieve the whole grounds, and School-conclusions of their Do­ctrine, can ever prove either good Christians, or faithful Subjects. And for the part of for­rain Princes and States, I may so much the more acquite them, and their Ministers, of their knowledge and consent to any such villany, as I may justly say, that in that point I better know all Christian Kings by my self, that no King nor Prince of Honor will ever abase him­self so much, as to think a good thought of so base and dishonourable a Treachery: wish­ing you therefore, that as GOD hath given me an happy peace and amity, with all other Christian Princes my neighbors (as was even now very gravely told you by my L. Chancel­lor) that so you will reverently judge and speak of them in this case. And for my part I would wish with those antient Philosophers, that there were a Christal window in my breast, wherein all my people might see the se­cretest thoughts of my heart, for then might you all see no alteration in my mind for this accident, further than in those two points. The first, caution and wariness in government: [Page 12] to discover and search out the mysteries of this wickedness as far as may be: The other, after due trial, Severity of punishment upon those that shall be found guilty of so detesta­ble and unheard of villany. And now in this matter, if I have troubled your ears with an abrupt Speech, undisgested in any good me­thod or order; you have to consider that an abrupt, and unadvised Speech doth best be­come in the rela [...]on of so abrupt and unor­derly an accident.

And although I have ordained the Proro­guing of this Parliament until after Christ­mass upon two necessary respects: whereof the first is, that neither I nor my Council can have leasure at this time both to take order for the apprehension and trial of these Con­spirators, and also to wait upon the daily af­fairs of the Parliament, as the Council must do. And the other reason is, the necessity at this time of divers of your presences in your Shires that have Charges and Commande­ments there. For as these wretches thought to have blown up in a manner the whole world of this Island, every man being now come up here, either for publick causes of Parlia­ment, or else for their own private causes in Law, or otherwise: So these Rebels that now wander through the Countrey, could never have gotten so fit a time of safety in their passage, or whatsoever unlawful Actions, as now when the countrey by the foresaid occa­sions is in a manner left desolate, and waste un­to them. Besides that, It may be that I shall de­sire [Page 13] you at your next Session, to take upon you the Judgment of this Crime: for as so extraordinary a Fact deserves extraordinary Judgment, So can there not I think (follow­ing even their own Rule) be a fitter Judge­ment for them, then that they should be mea­sured with the same measure wherewith they thought to measure us: and that the same place and persons, whom they thought to de­stroy, should be the just avengers of their so unnatural a Parricide: Yet not knowing that I will have occasion to meet with you my self in this place at the beginning of the next Session of this Parliament (because if it had not been for delivering of the Articles agreed upon by the Commissioners of the Union, which was thought most convenient to be done in my presence, where both Head and Members of the Parliament were met toge­ther, my presence had not otherwise been requisite here at this time:) I have there­fore thought good for conclusion of this Meet­ing, to discourse to you somewhat anent the true nature and definition of a Parliament, which I will remit to your memories, till your next sitting down; that you may then make use of it as occasion shall be ministred.

For albeit it be true, that at the first Session of my first Parliament, which was not long af­ter mine Entry into this Kingdome, It could not become me to informe you of any thing belonging to Law or State here: (for all knowledge must either be infufed, or acqui­red, and seeing the former sort thereof is now [Page 14] with Prophesie, ceased in the World, it could not be possible for me, at my first Entry here, before Experience had taught it me, to be able to understand the particular Mysteries of this State:) yet now that I have reigned almost three years amongst you, and have been careful to observe those things that belong to the Office of a King, albeit that Time be but a short time for experience in others, yet in a King may it be thought a reasonable long time, especially in me, who, although I be but in a manner a new King here, yet have been long acquainted with the office of a King in such another Kingdom, as doth nearest of all others agree with the Lawes and Customes of this State. Remitting to your considera­tion to judge of that which hath been con­cluded by the Commissioners of the Union, wherein I am at this time to signifie unto you, That as I can bear witness to the fore­said Commissioners, that they have not agreed nor concluded therein any thing, wherein they have not foreseen as well the Weale and Commodity of the one Countrey, as of the other; So can they all bear me record, that I was so far from pressing them to agree to any thing, which might bring with it any pre­judice to this People; as by the contrary I did ever admonish them, never to conclude upon any such Union, as might carry hurt or grudge with it to either of the said Nations: for the leaving of any such thing, could not but be the greatest hinderance that might be to such an Action, which GOD by the Laws of [Page 15] ture had provided to be in his own time, and hath now in effect perfected in my Person; to which purpose my Lord Chancellor hath better spoken, then I am able to relate.

And as to the nature of this high Court of Parliament, It is nothing else but the Kings great Council, which the King doth assemble, either upon occasion of interpreting, or abro­gating old Lawes, or making of new, accor­ding as ill manners shall deserve, or for the publick punishment of notorious evil doers, or the praise and reward of the vertuous and well deservers; wherein these four things are to be considered.

First, Whereof this Court is compo­sed. 1.

Secondly, What Matters are proper for it. 2.

Thirdly, To what end it is ordained. 3.

And Fourthly, What are the meanes and wayes whereby this end should be 4. brought to pass.

As for the thing it self, It is composed of a Head and a Body: The Head is the King, the Body are the members of the Parliament. This Body again is subdivided into two parts; The Upper and Lower House: The Upper compounded partly of Nobility, Tem­poral men, who are heritable Councellors to [Page 16] to the high Court of Parliament by the honor of their Creation and Lands: And partly of Bishops, Spiritual men, who are likewise by the vertue of their place and dignity Coun­sellors, Life-Renters, or Ad vitam of this Court. The other House is composed of Knights for the Shire; and Gentry, and Bur­gesses for the Towns. But because the num­ber would be infinite for all the Gentlemen and Burgesses to be present at every Parlia­ment, Therefore a certain number is selected and chosen out of that great Body, serving onely for that Parliament, where their per­sons are the representation of that Body.

Now the Matters whereof they are to treat ought therefore to be general, and rather of such matters as cannot well be performed without the assembling of that general Body, and no more of these generals neither, then necessity shall require: for as in Corruptissima Republica sunt plurimae leges: So doth the life and strength of the Law consist not in heap­ing up infinite and confused numbers of Lawes, but in the right interpretation and good execution of good and wholsome Laws. If this be so then, neither is this a place on the one side for every rash and harebrain fellow to propone new Laws of his own invention: nay rather I could wish these busie heads to remember that Law of the Lacedemonians, That whosoever came to propone a new Law to the People, behoved publickly to present himself with a Rope about his neck, that in case the Law were not allowed, he should be [Page 17] hanged therewith. So wary should men be of proponing Novelties, but most of all, not to propone any bitter or seditious Laws, which can produce nothing but grudges and discontentment between the Prince and his people: nor yet is it on the other side a convenient place for private men under the colour of general Laws, to propone no­thing but their own particular gain, either to the hurt of their private neighbours, or to the hurt of the whole State in general, which many times under fair and pleasing Titles, are smoothly passed over, and so by stealth procure without consideration, that the pri­vate meaning of them tendeth to nothing but either to the wreck of a particular par­ty, or else under colour of publique benefit to pill the poor people, and serve as it were for a general Impost upon them for fil­ling the purses of some private persons.

And as to the end for which the Parlia­ment is ordained, being only for the advance­ment of Gods glory, and the establishment and wealth of the King and his people: It is no place then for particular men to utter there their private conceipts, nor for satisfa­ction of their curiosities, and least of all to make shew of their eloquence, by tyning the time with long studyed and eloquent Orati­ons. No, the reverence of GOD, their King, and their Countrey being well setled in their hearts, will make them ashamed of such toyes, and remember that they are there as sworn Councellors to their King, to give their best [Page 18] advice for the furtherance of his Service, and the flourishing Weale of his Estate.

And lastly, if you will rightly consider the means and wayes how to bring all your la­bors to a good end, you must remember, That you are here assembled by your lawful King to give him your best advices, in the matters proposed by bim unto you, being of that nature, which I have already told, where­in you are gravely to deliberate, and upon your consciences plainly to determine how far those things propounded do agree with the Weale, both of your King, and of your Country, whose weales cannot be separated. And as for my self, the world shall ever bear me witness, That I never shall propone any thing unto you, which shall not as well tend to the Weale publick, as to any benefit for me: So shall I never oppone my self to that, which may tend to the good of the Common-wealth, for the which I am ordained, as I have often said. And as you are to give your advice in such things, as shall by your King be proposed: So is it on your part your duties to propone any thing that you can, after ma­ture deliberation judge to be needful, either for these ends already spoken of, or other­wise for the discovery of any latent evil in the Kingdom, which peradventure may not have come to the Kings eare. If this then ought to be your grave manner of proceed­ing in this place, Men should be ashamed to make snew of the quickness of their wits here, either in taunting, scoffing, or de­tracting [Page 19] the Prince or State in any point, or yet in breaking jests upon their fellowes, for which the Ordinaries or Alehouses are fitter places, than this Honourable and high Court of Parliament.

In conclusion then, since you are to break up, for the Reasons I have already told you, I wish such of you as have any charges in your Countreys, to hasten you home for the re­pressing of the insolencies of these Rebels, and apprehension of their persons, wherein, as I heartily pray to the Almighty for your prosperous success: So do I not doubt, but we shall shortly hear the good newes of the same; And that you shall have an happy re­turn, and meeting here to all our comforts.

Here the Lord Chancellor spake touching the Proroguing of the Parliament. And hauing done, his Majesty rose again, and said.

Since it pleased GOD to grant me two such notable Deliveries upon one day of the week, which was Tuesday, and likewise one day of the Moneth, which was the fifth; thereby to teach me, That as it was the same Devil that still persecuted me: So it was one and the same GOD that still mightily deli­vered me; I thought it therefore not amiss, that the one and twentieth day of Ianuary, which fell to be upon Tuesday, should be the day of meeting of this next Session of Parlia­ment, hoping and assuring my Self, that the same GOD who hath now granted me and you all so notable and gracious a Delivery, [Page 20] shall prosper all our affairs at that next Sessi­on, and bring them to a happy conclusion. And now I consider God hath well provided it that the ending of this Parliament hath been so long continued; For as for mine own part, I never had any other intention, but only to seek so far my weale, and prosperity, as might conjunctly stand with the flourishing State of the whole Common-wealth, as I have often told you: So on the other part I confess, if I had been in your places at the beginning of this Parliament (which was so soon after mine entry into this Kingdom, wherein ye could not possibly have so perfect a knowledge of mine inclination, as experi­ence since hath taught you) I could not but have suspected, and mis-interpreted divers things, In the trying whereof, now I hope, by your experience of my behaviour and form of government, you are well enough cleared, and resolved.

A DISCOURSE Of the Manner of the Discovery of the Gunpowder-Plot, to­gether with the Examinations and Confessions of some of the most notorious Conspirators concern'd in it.

THere is a time when no man ought to keep silence. For it hath ever been held as a general rule, and undoubted Max­ime, in all well govern­ed Common-wealths, (whether Christian, and so guided by the Divine Light of GOD'S Word; or Ethnick, and so led by the glimmering twi-light of Nature) yet howsoever their profession was, upon this ground have they all agreed, That when either their Religion, their King, or their Countrey was in any extreme hazard; [Page 22] no good Countreyman ought then to with­hold either his tongue or his hand, accor­ding to his calling and faculty, from aiding to repel the Injury, repress the Violence, and avenge the Guilt upon the Authors there­of. But if ever any people had such an oc­casion ministred unto them, It is surely this People now, nay this whole Isle, and all the rest belonging to this great and glorious Monarchy. For if in any Heathenish Re­publick, no private man could think his life more happily and gloriously bestowed, then in the defence of any one of these three, That is, either pro Aris, pro Focis, or pro Patre patrioe; And that the endangering of any one of these, would at once stir the whole body of the Common-wealth, not any more as divided members, but as a solid and indi­vidual lump: How much more ought we, the truely Christian People, that inhabit this United, and truely happy Isle, under the wings of our gracious and religious Mo­narch? Nay, how infinitely greater cause have we to feel, and resent our selves of the Insula for­tunata. smart of that wound, not onely intended and execrated (not consecrated) for the utter extinguishing of our true Christian profes­sion, nor joyntly therewith onely for the cut­ting off of our Head and Father Politick, Sed ut nefas istud & sacrilegiosum parricidium om­nibus modis absolutum reddi possit? And that nothing might be wanting for making this sacrilegious Parricide a pattern of mischief, and a crime (nay, a Mother or Storehouse of [Page 23] all crimes) without example, they should have joyned the destruction of the body to the head, so as Grex cum Rege, Arae cum focis, La­res cum Penatibus, should all at one thunder­clap have been sent to Heaven together: The King our Head, the Queen our fertile Mother, and those young and hopeful Olive plants, not theirs but ours: Our reverend Clergy, our honorable Nobility, the faithful Counsellors, the grave Judges, the greatest part of the worthy Knights and Gentry, as well as of the wisest Burgesses; The whole Clerks of the Crown, Council, Signet, Seals, or of any other principal Judgement seat. All the learned Lawyers, together with an infinite number of the Common people: Nay, their furious rage should not onely have lighted upon reasonable and sensible creatures without distinction, either of de­gree, sexe, or age; But even the insensible stocks and stones should not have been free of their fury. The Hall of Justice; The House of Parliament; the Church used for the Co­ronation of our Kings; The Monuments of our former Princes; The Crown, and other marks of Royalty; all the Records, as well of Parliament, as of every particular mans right, with a great number of Charters and such like, should all have been comprehend­ed under that fearful Chaos. And so the earth as it were opened, should have sent forth of the bottom of the Stygian Lake such sulphured smoke, furious flames, and fearful thunder, as should have, by their diabolical [Page 24] Domesday destroyed and defaced, in the twinckling of an eye, not onely our present living Princes, and People, but even our in­sensible Monuments reserved for future ages. So as not only our selves that are mortal, but the immortal Monuments of our antient Princes and Nobility, that have been so pre­ciously preserved from age to age, as the re­maining Trophees of their eternal glory, and have so long triumphed over envious time, should now have been all consumed together; And so not onely we, but the memory of us and ours, should have been thus extinguished in an instant. The true horror therefore of this detestable devise, hath stirred me up to bethink my self, wherein I may best discharge my conscience in a cause so gene­ral and common, if it were to bring but one stone to the building, or rather with the Widow, one mite to the common Box. But since to so hateful and unheard of invention, there can be no greater enemy then the self, the simple truth thereof being once publickly known and divulged; and that there needs no stronger argument to bring such a Plot in universal detestation, then the certainty that so monstrous a thing could once be devised, nay concluded upon, wrought in, in full readi­ness, and within twelve hours of the executi­on: My threefold zeal to those blessings, whereof they would have so violently made us all Widows, hath made me resolve to set down here the true Narration of that mon­strous and unnatural intended Tragedy, ha­ving [Page 25] better occasion by the means of my ser­vice, and continual attendance in Court, to know the truth thereof, than others that per­adventure have it only by relation at the third or fourth hand. So that whereas those worse than Catalines, thought to have extirped us, and our memories; their infamous memory shall by these means remain to the end of the world, upon the one part; and upon the other, Gods great and merciful deliverance of his Anointed, and us all, shall remain in ne­ver-dying Records. And GOD grant that it may be in Marble Tables of Thankfulness en­graven in our hearts.

WHile this Land and whole Monarchy flourished in a most happy and plen­tiful Peace, as well at home as abroad, su­stained and conducted by those two main pillars of all good Government, Piety and Justice, no forreign grudge, nor inward whispering of discontentment any way ap­pearing; The King being upon his return from his Hunting exercise at Royston, upon oc­casion of the drawing near of the Parliament time, which had been twice Prorogued al­ready, partly in regard of the season of the year, and partly of the Term; As the winds are ever stillest immediately before a storm; and as the Sun blenks often hottest to foretell a following shower: So at that time of greatest calm, did this se­cretly hatched thunder begin to cast forth the first flashes, and flaming lightnings of the ap­proaching [Page 26] tempest. For the Saturday of the week, immediately preceding the King's re­turn, which was upon a Thursday (being but ten days before the Parliament) The Lord Mountegle, Son and Heir to the Lord A Letter de­livered to the Lord Mountegle. Morley, being in his own Lodging, ready to goe to supper, at seven of the clock at night, one of his Footmen (whom he had sent of an errand over the street) was met by an un­known man, of a reasonable tall personage, who delivered him a Letter, charging him to put it in my Lord his Masters hands: which my Lord no sooner received, but that having broken it up, and perceiving the same to be of an unknown, and somewhat unlegible hand, and without either Date or Subscription; did call one of his men unto him for helping him to read it. But no sooner did he conceive the strange contents thereof, although he was somewhat perplexed what construction to make of it (as whether of a matter of con­sequence, as indeed it was, or whether some foolish devised Pasquil, by some of his ene­mies to scare him from his attendance at the Parliament) yet did he, as a most dutiful and loyal Subject, conclude not to conceal it, whatever might come of it. Whereupon, notwithstanding the lateness and darkness of the night in that season of the year, he pre­sently repaired to His Majesties Palace at Whitehal, and there delivered the same to the Earl of Salisbury, His Majesties Principal Revealed to the Earl of Salisbury. Secretary. Whereupon the said Earl of Sa­lisbury having read the Letter, and heard the [Page 27] manner of the coming of it to his hands, did greatly encourage, and commend my Lord for his discretion, telling him plainly, that whatsoever the purpose of the Letter might prove hereafter, yet did this accident put him in mind of divers advertisements he had received from beyond the Seas, where­with he had acquainted, as well the King him­self, as divers of His Privy Counsellors, con­cerning some business the Papists were in, both at home and abroad, making prepa­rations for some combination amongst them against this Parliament time, for enabling them to deliver at that time to the King, some Purpose of the Papists for deliver­ing a Petiti­on to His Majesty, to crave tole­ration of Religion. petition for toleration of Religion: which should be delivered in some such order and so well backed, as the King should be loth to refuse their requests; like the sturdy beggars craving alms with one open hand, but carry­ing a stone in the other, in case of refusal. And therefore did the Earl of Salisbury con­clude with the Lord Mountegle, that he would, in regard of the Kings absence, impart the same Letter to some more of His Majesties Council; whereof my L. Mountegle liked well: only adding this request by way of protesta­tion, That whatsoever the event hereof might prove, it should not be imputed to him, as proceeding from too light, and too suddain an apprehension, that he delivered this Let­ter, being only moved thereunto for demon­stration of his ready devotion, and care for preservation of His Majesty and the State. And thus did the Earl of Salisbury presently [Page 28] acquaint rhe L. Chamberlain with the said The Lord Chamberlain made privy to the Let­ter by the Earl of Sa­lisbury. Letter. Whereupon they two, in presence of the Lord Mountegle; calling to mind the for­mer intelligence already mentioned, which seemed to have some relation with this Letter: The tender care which they ever carried to the preservation of His Majesties Person, made them apprehend, that some perilous attempt did thereby appear to be intended against the same, which did the more neerly concern the said Lord Chamberlain to have a care of, in regard that it doth belong to the charge of his Office to oversee as well all places of As­sembly where His Majesty is to repair, as his Highness own private Houses. And therefore did the said two Counsellors conclude, That they should joyn unto themselves Three more of the Counsel, to wit, the Lord Admi­ral, the Earls of Worcester and Northampton, to be also particularly acquainted with this accident, who having all of them concurred together to the re-examination of the Con tents of the said Letter, they did conclude That how slight a matter it might at the first appear to be, yet was it not absolutely to be contemned, in respect of the care which it be­hoved them to have of the preservation of His Majesties Person: But yet resolved for Thought meet by the Counselors to acquaint the King with the Letter. two reasons, First, To acquaint the King him­self with the same, before they proceeded to any further Inquisition in the matter, as well for the expectation and experience they had of His Majesties fortunate Judgement in cleer­ing and solving of obscure Riddles and doubt­ful [Page 29] Mysteries; as also, because the more time would in the mean while be given for the Practise to ripen, if any was, whereby the Dis­covery might be the more clear and evident, and the ground of proceeding thereupon more safe, just, and easie. And so according to their determination, did the said Earl of Salisbury, repair to the King in His Gallery upon Friday, being Alhallow day, in the af­ternoon, Upon Alhal­low-day, the Earl of Sa­lisbury shew­ed the Let­ter to the King. which was the day after His Maje­sties arrival, and none but himself being pre­sent with His Highness at that time, where without any other Speech or Judgement gi­ving of the Letter, but only relating simply the form of the delivery thereof, he present­ed it to His Majesty. The Contents whereof follow.

MY Lord, out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care of your preservation. Therefore I would ad­vise you, as you tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this Parliament. For God and Man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this Time. And think not slightly of this Ad­vertisement, but retire your self into your Countrey, where you may expect the event in safety. For though there be no appear­ance of any stir, yet I say, they shall receive a terrible Blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurts them. This [Page 30] Counsel is not to be contemned, because it may do you good, and can do you no harm; for the danger is past, so soon as you have burnt the Letter. And I hope God will give you the grace to make good use of it: To whose Holy protection I commend you.

The King no sooner read the Letter, but after a little pause, and then reading it over again, he delivered his judgement of it in such sort, as he thought it was not to be con­temned, His Majesties judgement of the Leter. for that the Stile of it seemed to be more quick and pithy, than is usual to be in any Pasquil or Libel (the superfluities of idle brains:) But the Earl of Salisbury perceiving the King to apprehend it deeplier than he looked for, knowing his Nature, told him that he thougt by one sentence in it, that it was like to be written by some fool or mad man, reading to him this Sentence in it. For the dan­ger is past, as soon as you have burnt the Letter; which he said, was likely to be the say­ing of a fool: for if the danger was past so soon as the Letter was burnt, then the warn­ing behoved to be of a little avail, when the burning of the Letter might make the danger to be eschewed. But the King by the contra­ry, considering the former sentence In the Letter. That they should receive a terrible Blow at this Parliament, and yet should not see who hurt them, joyning it to the sentence imme­diately following, already alledged, did there­upon conjecture, That the danger mentioned [Page 31] should be some suddain danger by blow­ing up of Powder, For no other Insur­rection, Rebellion, or whatsoever other pri­vate and desperate Attempt could be com­mitted or attempted in time of Parliament, and the Authors thereof unseen, except only if it were by a blowing up of Powder, which might be performed by one base knave in a dark corner; whereupon he was moved to interpret, and construe the latter Sentence in the Letter (alledged by the Earl of Salisbury) against all ordinary sense and construction in Grammar, as if by these words, For the dan­ger is past, as soon as you have burned the Letter, should be closely understood the suddainty and quickness of the danger, which should be as quickly performed, and at an end, as that paper should be of blazing up in the His Majesties opinion for searching of the under­rooms in the Parliament House. fire; turning that word of as soon, to the sense of, as quickly. And therefore wished, that before His going to the Parliament, the under rooms of the Parliament-house, (might be well and narrowly searched. But the Earl of Salisbury wondring at this His Majesties Commentary, which he knew to be so far contrary to His ordinary and natural dispo­sition, who did rather ever sin upon the other side, in not apprehending nor trusting due Advertisements of Practises and Perils when he was truly enformed of them, where­by he had many times drawn himself into many desperate dangers: and interpreting rightly, this extraordinary Caution at this time, to proceed from the vigilant care he [Page 32] had of the whole State, more than of His own Person, which could not but have all perished together, if this designment had succeeded: He thought good to dissemble still unto the King, that there had been any just cause of such apprehensions. And ending the purpose with some merry jest upon this subject, as his custom is, took his leave for that time. But though he seemed so to neg­lect it to His Majesty; yet his customable and watchful care of the King, and the State still boyling within him. And having with the Blessed Virgin Mary laid up in his heart, the Kings so strange judgement and constructi­on of it; He could not be at rest till he ac­quainted the foresaid Lords what had passed between the King and him in private. Where­upon they were all so earnest to renew again the memory of the same purpose to His Maje­sty, as it was agreed that he should the next day, being Saturday, repair to His Highness: which he did in the same Privy Gallery, and renewed the memory thereof, the L. Cham­berlain then being present with the King. At what time it was determined; that the said Lord Chamberlain should, according to his The deter­mination to search the Parliament House, and the rooms under it. custom and Office, view all the Parliament Houses, both above and below, and consi­der what likelyhood or appearance of any such danger might possibly be gathered by the sight of them: but yet, as well for staying of idle rumours, as for being the more able to discern any mystery, the nearer that things were in readiness, his journey thither was [Page 33] ordained to be deferred till the afternoon, before the sitting down of the Parliament, which was upon the Munday following. At what time he (according to this conclusion) went to the Parliament house, accompanied with my Lord Mountegle, being in zeal to the Kings service, earnest and curious to see the event of that accident, whereof he had the fortune to be the first discoverer: where ha­ving viewed all the lower rooms, he found in the Vault, under the Upper House, great store and Provisions of Billets, Faggots and Wood and Coal found by the L. Chamberlain in the Vault. Coals: And enquiring of Whyneard, Keeper of the Wardrobe, to what use he had put those lower Rooms and Cellars: he told him,, That Thomas Percy had hired both the House, and part of the Cellar or Vault under the same, and that the Wood and Coal therein was the said Gentlemans own provision. Whereupon the Lord Chamberlain, casting his eye aside, perceived a fellow standing in a corner there, calling himself the said Percy's man, and keeper of that house for him, but indeed was Guido Fawkes, the owner of that Guido Fawkes bearing the name of Per­cy's man. hand, which should have acted that mon­strous Tragedy.

The Lord Chamberlain looking upon all things with a heedful indeed, yet in out­ward appearance with but a careless and rack­less eye (as became so wise and diligent a mi­nister) he presently addressed himself to the King in the said Privy Gallery, where in the presence of the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Ad­miral, [Page 34] the Earls of Worcester, Northampton, The L. Cham­berlain's re­port and judgement of what he had obser­ved in the search. and Salisbury, he made his report, what he had seen and observed there: noting, that Mountegle had told him; That he no sooner heard Thomas Percy named to be the posses­sor of that house, but considering both his backwardness in Religion, and the old dear­ness in friendship, between himself, and the said Percy, he did greatly suspect the matter, and that the Letter should come from him. The said Lord Chamberlain also told, That he did not wonder a little at the extra­ordinary great provision of Wood and Coal in that house, where Thomas Percy had so seldom occasion to remain: As likewise it gave him in his mind, that his man looked like a very tall and desperate fellow.

This could not but increase the Kings former apprehension and jealousie: where­upon he insisted (as before) that the House was narrowly to be searched, and that those Billets and Coals should be searched to the bottom, it being most suspitious that they were laid there only for covering of the Powder. Of the same mind also, were all the Counselors then present. But upon the fashion of making of the search, was it long Disputations about the manner of the further search. debated: for upon the one side they were all so jealous of the Kings safety, that they all agreed, that there could not be too much caution used for preventing his danger. And yet upon the other part, they were all extream loth and dainty, that in case this Letter should [Page 35] prove to be nothing but the evapouration of an idle brain; then a curious search being made, and nothing found, should not only turn to the general scandal of the King and the State, as being so suspicious of every light and frivilous toy, but likewise lay an ill savoured imputation upon the Earl of Northumberland, one of His Majesties great­est Subjects and Counselors; this Thomas Percy being his kinsman, and most confident familiar. And the rather were they curious upon this point, knowing how far the King detested to be thought suspicious or jealous of any of His good Subjects, though of the meanest degree. And therefore, though they all agreed upon the main ground, which was to provide for the security of the Kings Person, yet did they much differ in the cir­cumstances, by which this action might be best carried with least dinne and occasion of slander. But the King himself still persisting that there were divers shrewd appearances, and that a narrow search of those places could pre-judge no man that was innocent, he at last plainly resolved them, That either must all the parts of those rooms be nar­rowly searched, and no possibility of danger left unexamined, or else he and they all must resolve not to meddle in it at all, but plainly to go the next day to the Parliament, and leave the success to Fortune, which he believed they would be loth to take upon their consci­ences: for in such a case as this, an half do­ing [Page 36] was worse than no doing at all. Where­upon it was at last concluded, That nothing Agreed that that the search should be [...]nder co­l [...]r of seek­ing for Wardrob [...] ­stuffe, missed by Whyne­yard. should be left unsearched in those Houses: And yet for the better colour and stay of ru­mour, in case nothing were found, it was thought meet, that upon a pretence of Why­neards missing some of the Kings stuff or Hangings which he had in keeping, all those rooms should be narrowly ripped for them. And to this purpose was Sir Thomas Knevet, (a Gentleman of His Majesties Privy Cham­ber) employed, being a Justice of Peace in Westminster, and one, of whose antient fide­lity, both the late Queen, and our now So­vereign have had large proof: who accord­ing to the trust committed unto him, went about the midnight next after to the Parlia­ment house, accompanied with such a small number, as was fit for that errand. But before his entry into the house, finding Thomas Per­cy's alledged man standing without the doors, his Cloaths and Boots on, at so dead a [...]es [...]d at [...]night [...]ithout the [...]ouse. time of the night, he resolved to apprehend him, as he did, and thereafter went forward to the searching of the house, where after he had caused to be overturned some of the Bil­lets and Coals, he first found one of the small Barrels of Powder, and after all the rest, to the number of thirty six Barrels, great and small: And thereafter searching the fellow, whom he had taken, found three Matches, and all other instruments fit for blowing up the Powder, ready upon him, which made [Page 37] him instantly confess his own guiltiness, declaring also unto him, That if he had hap­pened to be within the house when he took him, as he was immediately before (at the ending of his work) he would not have fail­ed to have blown him up, house and all.

Thus after Sir Thomas had caused the wretch to be surely bound, and well guarded, by the company he had brought with him, he himself returned back to the Kings Pa­lace, and gave warning of his succese to the Lord Chamberlain, and Earl of Salisbury, who immediately warning the rest of the Upon Sir Tho. Kne­ven's return the Council warned. Council that lay in the house, as soon as they could get themselves ready, came, with their fellow-Counselors, to the Kings Bed-cham­ber, being at that time near four of the clock in the morning. And at the first entry of the Kings Chamber door, the Lord Chamber­lain; being not any longer able to conceal his joy, for the preventing of so great a dan­ger, told the King in a confused haste, that all was found and discovered, and the Traitor in hands, and fast bound.

Then, Order being first taken for sending for the rest of the Counsel, that lay in the Town, The prisoner himself was brought into the House, where in respect of the strange­ness of the accident, no man was stayed from the [...]ight, or speaking with him. And within a while after, the Council did examine him; Who seeming to put on a Roman resolution, did both to the Council, and to every o­ther [Page 38] person that spake with him that day, ap­pear so constant and setled upon his grounds, as we all thought we had found some new Mutius Scaevola, born in England. For not­withstanding the horror of the Fact, the guilt of his conscience, his suddain surprising, the terror which should have been strucken in him, by coming into the presence of so grave a Council, and the restless, ond con­fused questions that every man all that day did vex him with, yet was his countenance so far from being dejected, at he often smi­led in scornful manner, not only avowing the Fact, but repenting only, with the said Scaevola, his failing in the execution thereof, whereof (he said) the Devil and not GOD was the Discoverer: answering quickly to e­very mans objection, scoffing at any idle questions, which were propounded unto him, and jesting with such as he thought had no authority to examine him- All that day could the Counsel get nothing out of him touching his Complices, refusing to answer to any such questions which he thought might discover the Plot, and laying all the blame upon himself; Whereunto he said, he was moved only for Religion and consci­ence sake, denying the King to be his lawful Sovereign, or the Anointed of GOD in re­spect he was an Heretick, and giving him­self no other name than Iohn Iohnson, servant to Thomas Percy. But the next morning be­ing carried to the Tower he did not there re­main [Page 39] above two or three days, being twice or thrice in that space re-examined, and the Rack only offered and shewed unto him, when the masque of his Roman fortitude did visibly begin to wear and slide off his face; And then did he begin to confess part of the truth, and thereafter to open the whole matter, as doth appear by his depositions immediately following.

[Page 40]

A TRUE COPY Of the Declaration of Guido Fawkes, taken in the presence of the Counselors, whose Names are under-written.

I Confess, that a practice in ge­neral was first broken unto me, against His Majesty for relief of the Catholique Cause, and not invented or propounded by my self. And this was first propounded unto me about Easter last was Twelve moneth, beyond the Seas, in the Low Coun­treys of the Arch-Dukes obeysance, by Tho­mas Winter, who came thereupon with me into England, and there we imparted our purpose to three other Gentlemen more, namely, Robert Catesby, Thomas Percy, and Iohn Wright, who all five consulting toge­ther of the means how to execute the same, and taking a vow among our selves for secresie; Catesby propounded to have it performed by Gunpowder, and by making a [Page 41] Myne under the upper House of Parliament: which place we made choice of the rather, because Religion having been unjustly sup­pressed there, it was fittest that Justice and Punishment should be executed there.

This being resolved amongst us, Thomas Percy hired an house at Westminster for that purpose, near adjoyning to the Parliament House, and there we begun to make our Myne about the 11 of December 1604.

The five that first entred into the work, were Thomas Percy, Robert Catesby, Thomas Winter, Iohn Wright, and my self: and soon after we took another unto us, Christopher Wright, having sworn him also, and taken the Sacrament for Secrecy.

When we came to the very foundation of the Wall of the House, which was about three yards thick, and found it a matter of great difficulty, we took unto us another Gentleman, Robert Winter, in like manner with Oath and Sacrament as aforesaid.

It was about Christmass when we brought our Myne unto the Wall, and about Candle­mas we had wrought the Wall half through: And whilest they were in working, I stood as Sentinel, to descrie any Man that came near, whereof I gave them warning, and so they ceased until I gave notice again to pro­ceed.

All we seven lay in the House, and had Shot and Powder, being resolved to die in that place, before we should yield or be ta­ken.

[Page 42] As they were working upon the Wall, they heard a rushing in a Cellar of removing of Coales, whereupon we feared we had been discovered: and they sent me to go to the Cellar, who finding that the Coales were a selling, and that the Cellar was to be let, viewing the commodity thereof for our pur­pose, Percy went and hired the same for yearly rent.

We had before this provided and brought into the House Twenty Barrels of Powder, which we removed into the Cellar, and co­vered the same with Billets and Faggots, which were provided for that purpose.

About Easter, the Parliament being Pro­rogued till October next, we dispersed our selves, and I retired into the Low-Coun­treys, by advise and direction of the rest, as well to acquaint Owen with the particulars of the Plot, as also least by my longer stay I might have grown suspicious, and so have come in question.

In the mean time Percy having the key of the Cellar, laid in more Powder and Wood into it. I returned about the beginning of September next, and then receiving the key again of Perey, we brought in more Powder and Billets to cover the same again, and so I went for a time into the Countrey till the 30 of October.

It was further resolved amongst us, that the same day that this Act should have been performed, some other of our Confederates should have surprised the person of the Lady [Page 43] ELIZABETH, the Kings eldest Daughter, who was kept in Warwickshire at the Lord Haringtons House, and presently have pro­claimed her Queen, having a Project of a Proclamation ready for that purpose; where­in we made no mention of altering of Reli­gion, nor would have avowed the deed to be ours, until we should have had power e­nough to make our Party good, and then we would have avowed both.

Concerning Duke CHARLES the Kings second Son, we had sundry Consultations how to seise on his Person. But because we found no means how to compass it (the Duke be­ing kept near London, where we had not Forces enough) we resolved to serve our turn with the Lady ELIZABETH.

[Page 44]

The Names of other Principal Persons, that were made privy afterwards to this horrible Con­spiracy.

  • Everard Digby Knight.
  • Ambrose Rookwood.
  • Francis Tresham.
  • Iohn Grant.
  • Robert Keyes.
Commiss.
  • Nottingham.
  • Suffolke.
  • Northampton
  • Marre.
  • Popham.
  • Worcester.
  • Devonshire
  • Salisbury.
  • Dunbar.
Edw. Coke.
W. Waad.

[Page 45]ANd in regard that before this discourse could be ready to go to the Press, Tho­mas Winter being apprehended, and brought to the Tower, made a Confession in sub­stance agreeing with this former of Fawkes, onely larger in some circumstances: I have thought good to insert the same likewise in this place, for the further clearing of the matter, and greater benefit of the Rea­der.

[Page 46]

Thomas Winters Confession, taken the xxiii. of Novem­ber 1605. in the presence of the Counsellors, whose Names are under-written.

My most Honorable Lords,

NOt out of hope to Obtain Pardon: for, speaking of my temporal part, I may say, The Fault is Greater than can be for­given; nor affect­ing hereby the Ti­tle of a good Sub­ject: for I must redeem my Countrey from as great a danger, as I have hazarded the bringing of Her into, before I can purchase any such opinion; Only at your Honors command I will briefly set down mine own Accusation, and how farr I have proceeded in this business; which I shall the faithfuller do, since I see such courses are not pleasing to Almighty God, and that all, or the [Page 47] most material parts have been already con­fessed.

I remained with my brother in the Coun­trey from Alhallontide until the beginning of Lent, in the year of our Lord 1603. the first year of the Kings Reign: about which time Master Catesby sent thither, intreating me to come to London, where he and other my friends would be glad to see me. I desi­red him to excuse me: for I found my self not very well disposed; and (which had hap­pened never to me before) returned the Mes­senger without my company. Shortly I re­ceived another Letter, in any wise to come. At the second summons I presently came up, and found him with Master Iohn Wright at Lambeth, where he brake with me, how ne­cessary it was not to forsake our Countrey (for he knew I had then a resolution to go over) but to deliver her from the servitude in which she remain'd, or at least to assist her with our uttermost endevours. I an­swered, That I had often hazarded my life upon far lighter termes, and now would not refuse any good occasion, wherein I might do service to the Catholick Cause; but for my self I knew no mean probable to succeed. He said that he had bethought him of a way at one instant to deliver us from all our Bonds, and without any forreign help to replant again the Catholick Religion; and withal told me in a word, It was to blow up the Parliament-House with Gunpowder; for, said he, in that place have they done us all [Page 48] the mischiefe, and perchance GOD hath de­signed that place for their punishment. I wondred at the strangeness of the conceipt, and told him, That true it was, this strake at the Root, and would breed a confusion fit to beget new alterations; But if it should not take effect (as most of this nature mis­carried) the Scandal would be so great which Catholique Religion might hereby sustain, as not only our Enemies, but our Friends also would with good reason condemn us. He told me, The nature of the disease required so sharp a remedy, and asked me if I would give my consent. I told him, yes, in this or what else soever, if he resolved upon it, I would venture my life. But I proposed ma­ny difficulties, As want of an House, and of one to carry the Myne, noise in the work­ing, and such like. His answer was, Let us give an attempt, and where it faileth pass no farther. But first, quoth he, Because we will leave no peaceable and quiet way untryed, you shall go over, and informe the Consta­ble of the state of the Catholicks here in England, intreating him to sollicite His Ma­jesty at his coming hither, that the Penal Lawes may be recalled, and we admitted into the rank of his other Subjects: withal, you may bring over some confident Gentle­man, such as you shall understand best able for this business, and named unto me Mr. Fawkes. Shortly after, I passed the Sea, and found the Constable at Bergen near Dunkirke, where, by help of Mr. Owen I delivered my [Page 49] message, Whose answer was, That he had strict command from his Master, to do all good Offices for the Catholicks, and for his own part, he thought himself bound in Conscience so to do, and that no good occasion should be omitted, but spake to him nothing of this matter.

Returning to Dunkirck with Mr. Owen, we had speech whether he thought the Con­stable would faithfully help us, or no. He said he believed nothing less, and that they sought onely their own ends, holding small account of Catholicks. I told him, that there were many Gentlemen in England, who would not forsake their Countrey, until they had tried the uttermost, and rather venture their lives, than forsake her in this misery. And, to add one more to our number, as a sit man both for counsel and execution of whatsoever we should re­solve, wished for M Fawkes, whom I had heard good commendations of: he told me the Gentleman deserved no less, but was at Brussels, and that if he came not, as happily he might, before my departure, he would send him shortly after into Eng­land. I went soon after to Ostend, where Sir William Stanley as then was not, but came two dayes after. I remained with him three or four dayes, in which time I asked him, if the Catholiques in England should do any thing to help themselves, whether he thought the Archduke would second them? He answered, No, for all [Page 50] those parts were so desirous of peace with England, as they would endure no speech of other enterprise: neither were it fit, said he, to set any project afoot now the Peace is upon concluding. I told him there was no such resolution, and so fell to dis­course of other matters, until I came to speak of M. Fawkes, whose company I wished over into England. I asked of his suf­ficiency in the Wars, and told him we should need such as he if occasion required; he gave very good commendations of him. And as we were thus discoursing, and I ready to depart for Newport, and taking my leave of Sir William, Master Fawkes came into our com­pany, newly returned, and saluted us. This is the Gentleman, said Sir William, that you wished for, and so we embraced again. I told him, Some good friends of his wished his com­pany in England, and that if he pleased to come to Dunkirck, we would have further conference, whither I was then going: so ta­king my leave of them both, I departed. A­bout two dayes after came Mr. Fawkes to Dunkirck, where I told him, That we were upon a resolution to do something in Eng­land, if the Peace with Spain helped us not, but had as yet resolved upon nothing; such, or the like talke we passed at Graveling, where I lay for a wind, and when it served came both in one Passage to Greenwich, near which place we took a pair of Oares, and so came up to London, and came to Mr. Catesby, whom we found in his lodging; he welcomed us into [Page 51] England, and asked me what newes from the Constable. I told him, good words, but I fear­ed the deeds would not answer. This was the beginning of Easter Terme, and about the midst of the same Terme, (whether sent for by Master Catesby, or upon some business of his own) up came Mr. Thomas Percy. The first word he spake (after he came into our com­pany) was, Shall we alwayes (Gentlemen) talke, and never do any thing? Mr. Catesby took him aside, and had speech about some­what to be done, so as first we might all take an oath of secrecy, which we resolved within two or three dayes to do: so as there we met behind St. Clements, Mr. Catesby, Mr. Per­cy, Mr. Wright, Mr. Guy Fawkes, and my self; and having upon a Primer given each other the Oath of secrecy, in a chamber where no other body was, we went after into the next Room and heard Mass, and received the bles­sed Sacrament upon the same. Then did Mr. Catesby disclose to Mr. Percy, and I together with Iack Wright, tell to Mr. Fawkes the bu­siness for which we took this Oath, which they both approved. And then was Mr. Percy sent to take the House, which Mr. Catesby in mine absence had learned did belong to one Ferris, which with some difficulty in the end he obtained, and became as Ferris before was, Tenant to Whynniard. Mr. Fawkes un­derwent the name of Mr. Percies Man, calling himself Iohnson, because his face was the most unknown, and received the keyes of the house, until we heard that the Parliament was [Page 52] Adjourned to the seventh of February. At which time we all departed several wayes in­to the Countrey, to meet again at the be­ginning of Michaelmas-Terme. Before this time also it was thought convenient to have a house that might answer to Mr. Percies, where we might make provision of Powder and Wood for the Myne, which being there made ready, should in a night be conveyed by boat to the House by the Parliament, be­cause we were loath to foyle that with of­ten going in and out. There was none that we could devise so fit as Lambeth, where Mr. Catesby often lay, and to be keeper thereof (by Mr. Catesbies choice) we re­ceived into the number, Keyes, as a trusty honest Man: this was about a Month before Michaelmas.

Some fortnight after, towards the begin­ning of the Terme, Mr. Fawkes and I came to Mr. Catesby at Morecrofts, where we a­greed, That now was time to begin and set things in order for the Myne. So as Mr. Fawkes went to London, and the next day sent for me to come over to him: when I came, the cause was, for that the Scottish Lords were appointed to sit in conference of the Union in Mr. Percies house. This hin­dered our beginning until a fortnight before Christmass, by which time both Mr. Percy and Mr. Wright were come to London, and we a­gainst their coming had provided a good part of the Powder: so as we all five entred with tooles fit to begin our work, having provided [Page 53] our selves of Baked-meates, the less to need sending abroad. We entred late in the night, and were never seen, save onely Mr. Percy's Man, until Christmas-Eve. In which time we wrought under a little Entry to the Wall of the Parliament-House, and under­propped it as we went with Wood.

Whilest we were together, we began to fashion our business, and discoursed what we should do after this deed was done. The first question was, How we might surprise the next heir, the Prince haply would be at the Parliament with the King his Father, how should we then be able to seize on the Duke? This burthen Mr. Percy undertook, that by his acquaintance, he, with another Gen­tleman would enter the Chamber without suspition, and having some dozen others at several doors to expect his comming, and two or three on horseback at the Court-Gate to receive him, he would undertake (the Blow being given, until which he would attend in the Dukes Chamber) to carry him safe away: for he supposed most of the Court would be absent, and such as were there not suspecting, or unprovided for any such matter. For the Lady ELIZABETH, it were easie to surprise her in the Countrey, by drawing Friends together at an hunting near the Lord Haringtons, and Ashby, Mr. Cates­byes house, being not far off was a fit place for preparation.

The next was for Money and Horses, which if we could provide in any reasonable mea­sure [Page 54] (having the Heir apparent) and the first knowledge by four or five dayes, was odds sufficient.

Then what Lords we should save from the Parliament, which was first agreed in ge­neral as many as we could that were Catho­licks, or so disposed: but after we descend­ed to speak of particulars.

Next what Forreign Princes we should ac­quaint with this before, or joyn with after. For this point we agreed, that first we could not enjoyn Princes to that secrecie, nor ob­lige them by Oath, so to be secure of their promise: besides, we knew not, whether they will approve the Project, or dislike it. And if they do allow thereof, to prepare before might beget suspition; and not to provide until the business were acted, the same Letter that carried newes of the thing done, might as well intreate their help and furtherance. Spain is too slow in his prepa­rations, to hope any good from in the first extremities, and France too near and too dan­gerous, who with the shipping of Holland we feared of all the world might make away with us.

But while we were in the middle of these discourses, we heard that the Parliament should be anew Adjourned until after Mi­chaelmas, upon which tidings we broke off both discourse and working until after Christmas. About Candlemas we brought [...]ver in a boat the Powder, which we had provided at Lambeth, and laid it in Mr. Per­cies [Page 55] house, because we were willing to have all our danger in one place.

We wrought also another fortnight in the Myne against the stone Wall, which was ve­ry hard to beate thorough; at which time we called in Kit Wright, and near to Easter, as we wrought the third time, opportunity was given to hire the Cellar, in which we resolved to lay the Powder, and leave the Myne.

Now, by reason that the charge of main­taining us all so long together, besides the number of several Houses, which for several uses had been hired, and buying of Pow­der, &c. had layn heavy on Mr. Catesby alone to support; it was necessary for him to call in some others to ease his charge, and to that end desired leave, that he, with Mr. Percy, and a third, whom they should call, might acquaint whom they thought fit and willing to the business: for many, said he, may be content that I should know, who would not therefore that all the com­pany should be acquainted with their names: to this we all agreed.

After this Master Fawkes laid into the Cellar (which he had newly taken) a thou­sand of Billets, and Five hundred of Fag­gots, and with that covered the Powder, because we might have the House free, to suffer any one to enter that would. Mr. Catesby wished us to consider, whether it were not now necessary to send Mr. Fawkes over, both to ab­sent himself for a time, as also to acquaint Sir [Page 54] [...] [Page 55] [...] [Page 56] Wil. Stanly and Mr. Owen with this matter. We agreed, that he should (provided that he gave it them with the same oath that we had taken it fore) videlicet, to keep it secret from all the world. The reason why we desired Sir William Stanley should be acquainted herewith, was, to have him with us so soon as he could: And for Mr Owen, he might hold good cor­respondency after with forreign Princes.

So Mr. Fawkes departed about Easter for Flanders, and returned the latter end of Au­gust. He told me, that when he arrived at Brussels, Sir William Stanley was not returned from Spain, so as he uttered the matter on­ly to Owen, who seemed well pleased with the business, but told him, that surely Sir Willi­am would not be acquainted with any Plot, as having business now afoot in the Court of England: but he himself would be always ready to tell it him, and send him away so soon as it were done.

About this time did Mr. Percy, and Mr. Catesby meet at the Bath, where they agreed that the company being yet but few, Mr. Cates­by should have the others authority to call in whom he thought best; By which authority he called in after, Sir Everard Digby, though at what time I know not, and last of all Mr. Francis Tresham. The first promised, as I heard Master Catesby say, Fifteen hundred pounds; The second Two thousand pounds; Mr. Percy himself promised all that he could g [...]t [...] the Earl of Northumberland's Rents, which was about four thousand pounds, and [Page 57] to provide many galloping Horses, to the number of ten.

Mean while Mr. Fawkes and my self alone bought some new Powder, as suspecting the first to be damk, and conveyed it into the Cellar, and set it in order, as we resolved it should stand. Then was the Parliament anew prorogued until the Fifth of November, so as we all went down, until some ten days before, when Mr. Catesby came up with Mr. Fawkes, to an house by Enfield-Chace, called White-Webbs, whither I came to them, and Mr. Catesby willed me to enquire, whither the young Prince came to the Parliament: I told him, that I heard that his Grace thought not to be there. Then must we have our Horses, said Mr. Catesby, beyond the water, and pro­vision of more company to surprize the Prince, and leave the Duke alone.

Two days after, being Sunday at night, in came one to my chamber, and told me that a Letter had been given to my Lord Mountegle to this effect, That he wished his Lordships absence from the Parliament, because a Blow would there be given; which Letter he pre­sently carried to my Lord of Salisbury.

On the morrow I went to White-webbes, and told it to Mr. Catesby, assuring him with­al, that the matter was disclosed: and wish­ing him in any case to forsake his Countrey. He told me, he would see further as yet, and resolved to send Mr. Fawkes to try the utter­most, protesting, if the part belonged to him­self, he would try the same adventure.

[Page 58] On Wednesday Mr. Fawkes went, and re­turned at night, of which we were very glad.

Thursday I came to London, and Friday Mr. Catesby, Mr. Tresham and I met at Barnet, where we questioned how this Letter should be sent to my Lord Mountegle, but could not conceive, for Mr. Tresham forsware it, whom we only suspected.

On Saturday night I met Mr. Tresham again in Lincolns-Inn Walks. Wherein he told such speeches, that my Lord of Salisbury should use to the King, that I gave it lost the second time, and repeated the same to Mr. Catesby, who hereupon was resolved to be gone, but staid to have Mr. Percy come up, whose consent herein we wanted. On Sunday Mr. Percy being dealt with to that end, would needs abide the uttermost trial.

This suspition of all hands, put us into such confusion, as Mr. Catesby resolved to go down into the Countrey, the Munday that Mr. Percy went to Sion, and Mr. Percy resol­ved to follow the same night, or early the next morning. About five of the clock being Tues­day, came the younger Wright to my Cham­ber, and told me, that a Nobleman, called the Lord Mountegle, saying, Arise, and come along to Essex-house, for I am going to call up my Lord of Northumberland, saying with­al, The matter is discovered. Go back Mr. Wright (quoth I) and learn what you can about Essex Gate. Shortly he returned and said, surely all is lost: for Lepton is got on horseback at Essex door, and as he parted, [Page 59] he asked if their Lordships would have any more with him: and being answered No, is rode fast up Fleetstreet as he can ride. Goe you then (quoth I) to Mr. Percy, for sure it is for him they seek, and bid him be gone, I will stay and see the uttermost. Then I went to the Court-Gates, and found them straightly guarded, so as no body could enter. From thence I went down towards the Par­liament-house, and in the middle of King-street found the Guard standing, that would not let me pass, And as I returned, I heard one say, There is a Treason discovered, in which the King and the Lords should have been blown up. So then I was fully satisfied that all was known, and went to the Stable where my Gel­ding stood, and rode into the Countrey. Mr. Catesby had appointed our meeting at Dun­church, but I could not overtake them, untill I came to my brothers, which was Wednes­day night. On Thursday we took the Armor at my Lord Windsors, and went that night to one Stephen Littleton's house, where the next day (being Friday) as I was early abroad to discover, my man came to me, and said, That an heavy mischance had severed all the company, for that Mr. Catesby, Mr. Rookwood, and Mr. Grant, were burned with Gunpow­der, upon which sight, the rest dispersed. Mr. Littleton wished me to flie, and so would he. I told him, I would first see the Body of my friend, and bury him, whatsoever befel me. When I came, I found Mr. Catesby reasonable well, Mr. Percy, both the Wrights, Mr. Rook­wood, [Page 60] and Mr. Grant. I asked them what they resolved to do: they answered, we mean here to die. I said again, I would take such part as they did. About eleven of the clock came the company to beset the house, and as I walk­ed into the Court, I was shot into the shoulder, which lost me the use of mine arm: with the next shot was the elder Wright strucken dead, after him the younger Mr. Wright, and fourth­ly Ambrose Rookwood. Then said Mr. Catesby to me (standing before the door they were to enter) Stand by me Tom, and we will die to­gether. Sir (quoth I) I have lost the use of my right arm, and I fear that will cause me to be taken. So as we stood cIose together, Mr. Catesby, Mr. Percy, and my self, they two were shot (as far as I could guess with one Bullet) and then the company entred upon me, hurt me in the belly with a Pike, and gave me other wounds, until one came be­hind, and caught hold of both mine arms.

And so I remain yours, &c.
Commiss.
  • Nottingham,
  • Suffolk,
  • Worcester,
  • Devonshire,
  • Northapmton
  • Salisbury,
  • Marr,
  • Dunbar,
  • Popham.
Edw. Coke. W. Waad.
[Page 61]

The Names of those that were first in the Treason, and laboured in the Myne.

Robert Catesby, Esquires.
Robert Winter.
Thomas Percy, Gentlem.
Thomas Winter,
Iohn Wright,
Christopher Wright.
Guido Fawkes.

And Bates Catesbies man.

Those that were made ac­quainted with it, though not per­sonally labouring in the Myne, nor in the Cellar.

  • Everard Digby, Kt
  • Ambrose Rookwood. Esquires.
    Francis Tresham.
  • John Graunt, Gent.
  • Robert Keys.

[Page 62]BUt here let us leave Fawks in a Lodging fit for such a Guest, and taking time to ad­vise upon his conscience; and turn our selves to that part of History, which concerns the fortune of the rest of his partakers in that abominable Trerson. The news was no soon­er spread abroad that morning, which was upon a Tuesday, the Fifth of November, and the First day designed for that Session of Par­liament; The news (I say) of this so strange and unlooked for accident, was no sooner di­vulged, but some of those Conspirators, name­ly, Winter, and the two Brothers of Wrights thought it high time for them to hasten out of the Town (for Catesby was gone the night before, and Percy at four of the clock in the morning the same day of the Discovery) and all of them held their course, with more haste than good speed, to Warwick-shire, to­ward Coventry, where the next day morning, being Wednesday, and about the same hour that Fawkes was taken in Westminster, one Graunt, a Gentleman having associated unto him some others of his opinion, all violent Pa­pists, and strong Recusants, came to a Sta­ble of one Benock, a Rider of Great Horses, and having violently broken up the same, car­ried The taking of the horses out of the Stable at Warwick by Graunt and others. along with them all the great Horses that were therein, to the number of seven or eight, belonging to divers Noblemen and Gentlemen of that Country, who had put them into the Riders hands to be made fit for theire service. And so both that company of them which fled out of London, as also Graunt and his compli­ces [Page 63] met all together at Dunchurch at Sir Eve­rard Digby his lodging the Wednesday at night after the discovery of this treacherous At­tempt: The which Digby had likewise for his The hunting match ap­pointed by Sir Everard Digby. part appointed a match of hunting to have been hunted the next day, which was Wed­nesday, though his mind was Nimrod-like, up­on a farr other manner of hunting, more bent upon the bloud of reasonable men, than brute beasts.

This company, and hellish society thus convened, finding their purpose discovered, and their treachery prevented, did resolve to Their going into Arms after the Plot disco­vered. run a desperate course, and since they could not prevail by so private a Blow, to practise by a publick Rebellion, either to attain to their Intents, or at least to save themselves in the throng of others. And therefore gather­ing all the company they could unto them and pretending the quarrel of Religion, ha­ving intercepted such provision of Armour, Horses, and Powder, as the time could permit, thought by running up and down the Coun­trey both to augment peece and peece their number (dreaming to themselves that they had the vertue of a Snow-ball, which being little at the first, and tumbling down from a great hill groweth to a great quanti­ty, by encreasing it self with the Snow that it meeteth by the way) and also that they be­ginning first this brave shew in one part of the Countrey, should by their Sympathy and example stir up and incourage the rest of their Religion in other parts of England to rise, as [Page 64] they had done there. But when they had gathered their Force to the greatest, they came not to the number of Fourscore, and yet were they troubled all the hours of the day to keep and contain their own servants Their num­ber never above Four score. from stealing from them; who (notwith­standing of all their care) dayly left them, being far inferior to Gedeons Hoste in num­ber, but far more in faith, or justness of Quarrel.

And so after that this Gatholique Troop had wandered a while through Warwick-shire to Worcester-shire, and from thence to the edge and borders of Stafford-shire, this gallantly armed Band had not the honor at the last, to be beaten with a Kings Lieutenant, or extraordinary Commissioner sent down for the purpose, but only by the ordinary Sheriff of Worcester-shire, were they all bea­ten, killed, taken and dispersed. Wherein ye Their flight have to note this following circumstance so admirable, and so vively displaying the great­ness of Gods justice, as it could not be con­cealed without betraying in a manner the glo­ry due to the Almighty for the same.

Although divers of the Kings Proclama­tions were posted down after these Traitors, with all the speed possible, declaring the o­diousness of that bloudy attempt, the ne­cessity to have Percy preserved alive, if it had been possible, and the assembly together of that rightly damned crew, now no more darned Conspirators, but open and avowed Rebels: yet the far distance of the way (which [Page 65] was above an hundred miles) together with the extreme deepness thereof, joyned also with the shortness of the day, was the cause that the hearty and loving affections of the Kings good Subjects in those parts prevented the speed of His Proclamations. For upon the third day after the flying down of these Rebels, which was upon the Friday next after the discovery of their Plot, they were most Overtaken at Holbeach in Stafford-shire, at Stephen Lit­tleton's house. of them all surprized by the Sheriff of Wor­cester-shire at Holbeach, about the noon of the day, and that in manner following.

Graunt, of whom I have made mention be­fore for taking the great Horses, who had not all the preceding time stirred from his own house till the next morning after the attempt should have been put in execution, he then laying his account without his Host (as the proverb is) that their Plot had, without fail­ing, received the day before, their hoped for success; took, or rather stole out those horses (as I said before) for enabling him, and so many of that soulless society that had still re­mained in the Countrey near about him, to make a suddain surprize upon the Kings el­der Daughter, the Lady ELIZABETH, ha­ving her residence near by that place, whom Grants at­tempt to surprize the Lady Eliza­beth. they thought to have used for the colour of their treacherous designe (His Majesty her Fa­ther, her Mother, and male Children being all destroyed above) And to this purpose also [...]ad that Nimrod Digby, provided his hunt­ [...]ng match against that same time, that num­bers [Page 66] of people being flocked together upon the pretence thereof, they might the easilier have brought to pass the suddain surprize of her Person.

Now the violent taking away of those hor­ses long before day, did seem to be so great a riot in the eyes of the Common people, that knew of no greater Mystery: And the bold attempting thereof, did ingender such a suspition of some following Rebellion in the hearts of the wiser sort, as both great and small began to stirr and arm themselves, upon this unlooked for accident. Among whom, Sir Fulke Grevil the elder, Knight, as became one both so antient in years, and good reputation, and by his Office being Deputy-Lieutenant of Warwick-shire tho unable in his Body, yet by the zeal and true fervency of his mind, did first appre­hend this foresaid Riot, to be nothing but the sparkles and sure indices of a following Rebellion; whereupon both stoutly and ho­nestly he took order to get into his own hands, the Munition and Armor of all such Gentlemen about him, as were either absent from their own houses, or in doubtful guard; And also sent such direction to the Towns about him, as thereupon did follow the striking of Winter by a poor Smith, who had likewise been taken by those vulgar peo­ple, but that he was rescued by the rest of his company, who perceiving that the Countrey before them, had notice of them, hastened [Page 67] away with the loss in their own sight, Sixteen of their followers being taken by the Towns­men, and sent presently to the Sheriff at Warwick, and from thence to London.

But before Twelve or Sixteen hours past, Catesby, Percy the Winters, Wrights, Rook­wood, and the rest, bringing then the assu­rance, that their main Plot was failed and bewrayed, whereupon they had builded the golden Mountains of their glorious hopes: They then took their last desperate resolution to flock together in a Troop and wander, as they did, for the reasons afore­told. But as upon the one part, the zealous duty to their God and their Sovereigne was so deeply imprinted in the hearts of all the meanest and poorest sort of the people (al­though then knowing of no further mystery than such publick misbehaviours, as their own eyes taught them) as notwithstanding of their fair shews and pretence of their Ca­tholick cause, no creature, Man or Wo­man through all the Countrey, would once so much as give them willingly a cup of drink, or any sort of comfort or support, but with execrations detested them: So on the other part, the Sheriffs of the Shires, where through they wandred, convening their people with all speed possible, hunted as hotly after them, as the evilness of the way, and the unprovidedness of their people up­on that sudden could permit them. And so at last after Sir Richard Verney, Sheriff of

[Page 68] Warwick-shire, had carefully and straightly been in chase of them to the confines of his County, part of the meaner sort being also apprehended by him: Sir Richard W [...]lsh Sheriff of Worcester-shire did likewis [...] duti­fully and hotly pursue them thorow his Shire; and having gotten sure trial of their taking harbor at the house above named, he did send Trumpeters and Messengers to them, commanding them in the Kings name to render unto him, His Majesties Mi­nister; and knowing no more at that time of their guilt, than was publickly visible, did promise, upon their dutiful and obedi­ent rendring unto him to intercede at the Kings hands, for the sparing of their lives: Who received only from them this scorn­ful answer (they being better witnesses to themselves of their inward evil consciences) That he had need of better assistance, than of those few numbers that were with him, before he could be able to command or controul them.

But here fell the wondrous work of Gods The prepa­ [...]tion to as­sault the house. Justice, That while this message passed be­tween the Sheriff and them, The Sheriff's and his people's zeal being justly kindled and augmented by their arrogant answer, and so they preparing themselves to give a furious assault; and the other party making themselves ready within the house to per­form their promise by a defence as resolute; It pleased GOD, that in the mending of the fire in their chamber, one small sparkle should [Page 69] flie out, and light among less than two pound weight of Powder, which was drying a little from the chimney; which being thereby blown up, so maimed the faces of some of the principal Rebels, and the hands and sides of others of them (blowing up with it also a great bag full of Powder, which notwithstand­ing never took fire) as they were not only disabled, and discouraged hereby from any further resistance, in respect Catesby himself, Rookwood, Grant, and divers others of greatest Catesby, who was the first inventor of this Treason in general, and of the manner of working the same by Powder, in special, him­self now first maimed with the blowing up of Powder. and next he and Percy both killed with one shot pro­ceeding from Pow­der. account, among them were thereby made unable for defence: but also wonderfully strucken with amazement in their guilty con­sciences, calling to memory, how GOD had justly punished them with that same Instru­ment, which they should have used for the ef­fectuating of so great a sin, according to the old Latine saying, In quo peccamus, in eodem plectimur, as they presently (see the won­derful power of Gods [...]ustice upon guilty consciences) did all fall down upon their knees, praying GOD to pardon them for their bloudy enterprize; And thereafter gi­ving over any further debate, opened the Gate, suffered the Sheriffs people to rush in furiously among them, and desperately sought their own present destruction; The three specials of them joyning backs together, Catesby, Percy, and Winter, whereof two with one shot, Catesby, and Percy were slain, and the third, Winter, taken and saved alive.

And thus these resolute and high aspi­ring [Page 70] Catholicks, who dreamed of no less than the destruction of Kings and Kingdomes, and promised to themselves no lower estate than the Government of great and antient Monarchies; were miserably defeated, and quite overthrown in an instant, falling in the pit which they had prepared for others; and so fulfilling that sentence which his Majesty did in a manner prophesie of them, In his Oration to the Parliament: some pre­sently slain, others deadly wounded, strip­ped of their Clothes, left lying miserably na­ked, and so dying rather of cold, then of the danger of their wounds; and the rest that either were whole, or but lightly hurt, taken and led prisoners by the Sheriff, the ordi­nary Minister of Justice, to the Gaole, the or­dinary place even of the basest Malefactors, where they remained till their sending up to London, being met with a huge conflu­ence of people of all sorts, desirous to see them, as the rarest sort of Monsters; fools to laugh at them, women and children to won­der, all the common people to gaze, the wi­ser sort to satisfie their curiosity, in seeing the outward cases of so unheard of a villany: and generally all sorts of people, to satiate and fill their eyes with the sight of them, whom in their hearts they so far admired and detested: Serving so for a fearful and publick specta­cle of Gods fierce wrath and just indigna­tion.

What hereafter will be done with them, is [Page 71] to be left to the Justice of His Majesty and the State. Which as no good Subject needs to doubt will be performed in the own due time by a publick and an exemplary punish­ment: So have we all that are faithful and humble subjects, great cause to pray earnest­ly to the Almighty, that it will please him who hath the hearts of all Princes in his hands, to put it in his Majesties heart to make such a conclusion of this Tragedy to the Traytors, but Tragicomedy to the King and all his true Subjects; as thereby the glory of God and his true Religion may be advanced, the future se­curity of the King and his estate procured and provided for, all hollow and unhonest hearts discovered and prevented, and this horrible attempt (lacking due Epithites) to be so justly avenged, That where they thought by one Catholick indeed, and Uni­versal blow, to accomplish the wish of that As Aeneas Sylvius doth notably Write con­cerning the Murther of King Iames the First of Scotland, and the fol­lowing pu­nishment of the Tray­tors, where­of himself was an Eye­witness. Hist. de Eu­ropa, cap [...] Roman Tyrant, who wished all the bodies in Rome to have but one neck, and so by the violent force of Powder to break up as with a Pettard our triple locked peaceful Gates of Ianus, which (God be thanked) they could not compass by any other meanes; they may justly be so recompensed for their truely viperous intended Parricide, as the shame and infamy that otherwise would light upon this whole Nation, for having un­fortunately hatched such Cockatrice egges, may be repaired by the execution of famous and honorable Justice upon the Offendors, [Page 72] and so the Kingdom purged of them, may hereafter perpetually flourish in peace and prosperity, by the happy conjunction of the hearts of all honest and true Subjects, with their just and Religious Soveraign.

And thus, whereas they thought to have effaced our memories, the memory of them shall remain (but to their Perpetual Infamy) and we (as I said in the beginning) shall, with all thankfulness, eternally preserve the memory of so great a benefit. To which let every good Subject say,

AMEN.

The Brief of the Matters where­upon Robert Winter, Esq. Thomas Winter, Gent. Guy Fawkes, Gent. Iohn Graunt, Esq. Ambrose Rookwood, Esq. Robert Keyes, Gent. Thomas Bates, were Indicted, and whereupon they were Arraigned.

THat whereas our Sovereign Lord the King had, by the The effect of the In­dictment after the Legal form of the Common Law of England. advise and assent of his Council, for divers weigh­ty and urgent occasions, concerning his Majesty, the State, and defence of the Church and Kingdom of England, appointed a Parliament to be holden at his City of Westminister: That Henry Garnet, Superior of the Iesuits within the Realm of Eng­land, (called also by the several names of Wally, Darcy, Roberts, Farmer, and Henry Philips) Oswald Tesmond Iesuit, otherwise called Oswald Greenwel; John Gerrard Iesuit, (called also by the several names of Lee and Brook) Robert Winter, Thomas Winter, Gentlemen, Guy Fawkes, Gent. otherwise called Guy Johnson; Robert Keyes Gent. and Thomas Bates Yeoman, late Servant to Robert Catesby Esq. together with the said Robert Catesby and Thomas Piercy, Esquires; [Page 2] John Wright and Christopher Wright, Gent. in open Rebellion and Insurrection against his Majesty, lately slain, and Francis Tresham Esq. lately dead, as false Traitors against our said Sove­reign Lord the King, did Traiterously meet and assemble themselves together; and being so met, the said Henry Garnet, Oswald Tesmond, John Gerrard, and other Iesuits, did maliciously, falsly, and traiterously move and perswade as well the said Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keyes, and Thomas Bates; as the said Robert Catesby, Thomas Percy, John Wright, Chri­stopher Wright, and Francis Tresham; That our said Sovereign Lord the King, the Nobility, Clergy, and the whole Commonalty of the Re­of England (Papists excepted) were Here­ticks, and that all Hereticks were accursed and Excommunicate; and that no Heretick could be a King, but that it was lawful and meritori­ous to kill our said Sovereign Lord the King, and all other Hereticks within this Realm of Eng­land, for the advancing and enlargement of the pretended and usurped Authority and Iuris­diction of the Bishop of Rome, and for the re­storing of the Superstitious Romish Religion with­in this Realm of England. To which Traite­rous perswasions, the said Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keyes, Thomas Bates, Robert Catesby, Thomas Percy, John Wright, Christopher Wright, and Francis Tresham, traiterously did yield their assents: And that thereupon the said Henry Garnet, Oswald Tes­mond, John Gerrard, and divers other Iesuits; Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keys, and Thomas Bates; as also the said Robert [Page 3] Catesby, Thomas Percy, John Wright, Chri­stopher Wright, and Francis Tresham, traite­rously among themselves did conclude and agree, with Gun-powder, as it were with one blast, suddenly, traiterously, and barbarously to blow up and tear in pieces our said Sovereign Lord the King, the Excellent, Virtuous, and Gracious Queen Anne his dearest Wife, the most Noble Prince Henry their Eldest Son, the future Hope and Ioy of England, and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal; the Reverend Iudges of the Realm, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of Parliament, and divers other faithful Subjects and Servants of the King in the said Parliament, for the causes aforesaid, to be assembled in the House of Parliament; and all of them, without any respect of Majesty, Dignity, Degree, Sex, Age, or Place, most barbarously, and more than beastly, traiterously and suddenly, to destroy and swallow up. And further did most traiterously conspire and conclude among themselves, That not onely the whole Royal Issue Male of our said Sovereign Lord the King should be destroyed and rooted out, but that the Persons aforesaid, together with divers other false Traitors, traiterously with them to be assembled, should surprise [...] Per­sons of the Noble Ladies, Elizabeth and Mary, Daughters of our said Sovereign Lord the King, and falsly and traiterously should Proclaim said Lady Elizabeth to be the Queen of this Realm of England; and thereupon should pub­lish a certain traiterous Proclamation in the Name of the said Lady Elizabeth, wherein it was especially agreed, by and between the said Conspirators, That no mention should be made [Page 4] at the first of the alteration of Religion establish­ed within this Realm of England; neither would the said false Traitors therein acknowledge themselves to be Authors, or Actors, or Devisors of the foresaid most wicked and horrible Treasons, until they had got sufficient power and strength for the assured execution and accomplishment of their said Conspiracy and Treason, and that then they would avow and justifie the said most wicked and horrible Treasons, as Actions that were in the number of those, Quae non laudantur nisi peracta, which be not to be commended before they be done. But by the said feigned and traite­rous Proclamation they would publish, That all and singular abuses and grievances within this Realm of England, should, for satisfying of the People, be reformed. And that as well for the better concealing, as for the more effectual ac­complishing of the said horrible Treasons, as well the said Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keyes, and Thomas Bates; as the said Robert Catesby, Thomas Piercy, John Wright, Chri­stopher Wright, and Francis Tresham, by the traiterous advice and procurement of the said H [...]ry Garnet, Oswald Tesmond, John Ger­rard, and other Iesuits, traiterously did further conclude and agree, That as well the said Tho­mas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keyes, and Thomas Bates, as the said Robert Catesby, Thomas Piercy, John Wright, Christopher Wright, and Francis Tresham, thereupon seve­rally and traiterously should receive several cor­poral Oathes upon the holy Evangelists, and the Sacrament of the Eucharist, That they the Trea­sons aforesaid would traiterously conceal and [Page 5] keep secret, and would not reveal them directly nor indirectly, by words nor circumstances; nor ever would desist from the execution and final accomplishment of the said Treasons, without the consent of some three of the foresaid false Trai­tors first in that behalf Traiterously had. And that thereupon, as well the said Thomas Win­ter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keyes, and Thomas Bates, as the said Robert Catesby, Thomas Piercy, John Wright, Christopher Wright, and Francis Tresham, did traiterously take the said several corporal Oathes severally, and did receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist aforesaid by the hands of the said Henry Garnet, John Gerrard, Oswald Tesmond, and other Iesuits. And fur­ther, that the said Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keyes, and Thomas Bates; together with the said Robert Catesby, Thomas Piercy, John Wright, Christopher Wright, and Fran­cis Tresham, by the like traiterous advise and counsel of the said Henry Garnet, John Gerrard, Oswald Tesmond, and other Iesuits, for the more effectual compassing and final execution of the said Treasons, did traiterously amongst them selves conclude and agree, to dig a certain Mine under the said House of Parliament, and there secretly under the said House to bestow and place a great quantity of Gun-powder; and that ac­cording to the said traiterous conclusion, the said Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keyes, and Thomas Bates; together with the said Ro­bert Catesby, Thomas Piercy, John Wright, and Christopher Wright, afterwards secretly, not without great labour and difficulty, did dig and make the said Mine unto the midst of the [Page 6] foundation of the wall of the said house of Parlia­ment, the said foundation being of the thickness of three yards, with a traiterous intent to bestow and place a great quantity of Gunpowder in the Mine aforesaid, so as aforesaid traiterously to be made for the traiterous accomplishing of their traiterous pur­poses aforesaid, and that the said Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keyes, and Thomas Bates, together with the said Robert Catesby, Thomas Percy, John Wright, and Christopher Wright, finding and perceiving the said work to be of great difficulty by reason of the hardness and thickness of the said wall, and understanding a certain Cellar un­der the said house of Paliament, and adjoyning to a certain house of the said Thomas Percy then to be letten to farm for a yearly Rent, the said Thomas Percy, by the traiterous procurement as well of the said Henry Garnet, Oswald Tesmond, John John Gerrard and other Iesuits, Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keyes, and Thomas Bates, as of the said Robert Catesby, John Wright and Christopher Wright, traiterously did hirethe Cellar aforesaid for a certain yeerly Rent and term; & then those Traitors did remove twenty barrels full of gunpowder out of the said house of the said Thomas Percy, and secretly and traiterously did bestow and place them in the Cellar aforesaid under the said House of Parliament, for the traiterous effecting of the Treason, and traiterous purposes aforesaid. And that afterwards the said Henry Garnet, Oswald Tesmond, John Gerrard, and other Iesuits, Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Ro­bert Keyes and Thomas Bates, together with the said Robert Catesby, Thomas Percy, John Wright and Christopher Wright, traiterously did meet [Page 7] with Robert Winter, John Grant, and Ambrose Rookwood and Francis Tresham Esquires, and traiterously did impart to the said Robert Winter, John Grant, and Ambrose Rookwood and Fran­cis Tresham, the Treasons, traiterous intentions and purposes aforesaid, and did require the said Robert Winter, John Grant, Ambrose Rook­wood and Francis Tresham, to joyn themselves as well with the said Henry Garnet, Oswald Tesmond, John Gerrard, Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keys and Thomas Bates, as with the said Robert Catesby, Thomas Percy, John Wright and Christopher Wright, and in the Treasons, traiterous intentions, and purposes aforesaid, and traiterously to provide horse, ar­mour, and other necessaries, for the better ac­complishment and effecting of the said Treasons; To which traiterous motion and request, the said Robert Winter, John Grant, Ambrose Rook­wood and Francis Tresham, did traiterously yield their Assents, and as well with the said Henry Garnet, Oswald Tesmond, John Gerrard, Robert Winter, Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Keys, and Thomas Bates, as with the said Rob. Catesby, Thomas Percy, John Wright, Christo­pher Wright, and Francis Tresham, in the said Treasons, traiterous intentions and purposes afore­said, traiterously did adhere and unite themselves; And thereupon several corporal Oathes in form abovesaid Traiterously did take, and the Sacra­ment of the Eucharist by the hand of the said Ie­suits did receive, to such intent and purpose as is aforesaid; And horses, armour, and other necessa­ries, for the better effecting of the said Treasons, according to their traiterous assents aforesaid trai­terously [Page 8] did provide; And that afterwards all the said false Traitors did traiterously provide and bring into the Cellar aforesaid, ten other barrels full of Gunpowder newly bought, fearing least the former Gunpowder so as aforesaid bestowed and placed there, was become Dankish, and the said several quantities of Gunpowder aforesaid, with Billets and Fagots, least they should be spied, secretly and traiterosly did cover; And that after­wards the said Traitors traiterously provided and brought into the Cellar aforesaid, four Hogsheads full of Gunpowder, and layed divers great Iron Bars, [...]nd stones upon the said four Hogsheads, and the [...] other quanties of Gunpowder; And the said quanties of Gunpowder, Bars and stones, with Billets and Fagots, lest they should be espied, secretly and traiterously did likewise cover; And that the said Guy Fawkes afterwards for afull and final accomplishment of [...]he said Treasons, traiterous intentions and purposes aforesaid, by the traiterous procurement as well of the said Henry Garnet, Oswald Tesmond, John Gerrard, and other Ie­suits, Robert Winter, Thomas Winter, Robert Keyes, Thomas Bates, John Grant, and Am­brose Rookwood, as of the said Robert Catesby, Thomas Percy, John Wright, Christopher Wright, and Francis Tresham, traiterously had prepared, and had upon his person Touchwood and Match, therewith traiterously to give fire to the several Barrels, Hogsheads and quantities of Gun­powder aforesaid, at the time appointed for the execution of the said horrible Treasons; And fur­ther, that after the said horrible Treasons were by the great favour and mercy of God in a wonderful manner discovered, not many hours before it should [Page 9] have been executed, as well the said Henry Gar­net, Oswald Tesmond, John Gerard, Robert Winter, Thomas Winter, Robert Keyes, Tho­mas Bates, John Grant, and Ambrose Rookwood, as the said Robert Catesby, Thomas Percy, John Wright, and Christopher Wright, Traiterously did flie and withdraw themselves, to the intent Traiterously to stir up, and procure such Popish per­sons as they could, to joyn with them in actual, publick and open Rebellion, against our said Sove­reign Lord the King, and to that end did publish divers fained and false rumors, that the Papists throats should have been cut: And that thereupon divers Papists were in Arms, and in open publick and Actual Rebellion against our said Sovereign Lord the King, in divers parts of this Realm of England.

To this Indictment, they all pleaded, Not Guilty; and put themselves upon God and the Countrey.

Then did Sir Edward Philips Knight, his Majesties Sergeant at Law, open the Indictment to this effect as followeth.

THe matter that is now to be offered to you, my Lords the Commissioners, and to the Trial of you the Knights and Gentlemen of the Jury, is matter of Treason; but of such horrour, and monstrous nature, that before now,

  • The Tongue of Man never delivered,
  • The Ear of Man never heard,
  • The Heart of Man never conceited,

[Page 10] Nor the Malice of Hellish or Earthly Devil ever practised.

For, if it be abominable to murder the least;

If to touch Gods Anointed, be to oppose them­selves against God;

If (by blood) to subvert Princes, States, and Kingdoms, be hateful to God and Man, as all true Christians must acknowledge;

Then, how much more than too too monstrous shall all Christian hearts judge the horror of this Treason, to murder and subvert,

  • Such a King,
  • Such a Queen,
  • Such a Prince,
  • Such a Progeny,
  • Such a State,
  • Such a Government,

So compleat and absolute;

That God approves:

The World admires:

All true English Hearts honour and re­verence:

The Pope and his Disciples onely envies and maligns.

The Proceeding wherein is properly to be di­vided into three general Heads.

  • 1. First, Matter of Declaration.
  • 2. Secondly, Matter of Aggravation.
  • 3. Thirdly, Matter of Probation.

My self am limited to deal onely with the matter of Declaration, and that is contained with­in the compass of the Indictment onely.

For the other two, I am to leave to him to whose place it belongeth.

The Substance of which Declaration consisteth in four parts.

  • 1. First, in the Persons and Qualities of the Conspirators.
  • 2. Secondly, in the Matter conspired.
  • 3. Thirdly, in the mean and manner of the proceeding and execution of the Con­spiracy.
  • 4. And Fourthly, of the end and purpose why it was so conspired.

As concerning the first, being the Persons.

They were Garnet, Jesuits not then taken.
Gerrard,
Tesmond,
Thomas Winter, At the Bar.
Guy Fawkes,
Robert Keyes,
Thomas Bates,
Everard Digby,
Ambrose Rookewood,
Iohn Graunt,
Robert Winter.
Robert Catesby, Slain in Rebellion.
Thomas Piercy,
Iohn Wright,
Christopher Wright.

Francis Tresham, Lately dead.

[Page 12] All grounded Romanists, and corrupted Scho­lars of so Irreligious and Traiterous a School.

As concerning the second, which is the Matter Conspired, it was,

  • 1. First, to deprive the King of his Crown.
  • 2. Secondly, to murder the King, the Queen, and the Prince.
  • 3. Thirdly, to stir Rebellion and Sedition in the Kingdom.
  • 4. Fourthly, to bring a miserable destruction among the Subjects.
  • 5. Fifthly, to change, alter, and subvert the Re­ligion here established.
  • 6. Sixthly, to ruinate the state of the Common­wealth, and to bring in Strangers to in­vade it.

As concerning the third, which is the mean and manner how to compass and execute the same.

They did all conclude,
  • 1. First, that the King and his People (the Pa­pists excepted) were Hereticks.
  • 2. Secondly, that they were all cursed, and Ex­communicate by the Pope.
  • 3. Thirdly, that no Heretick could be King.
  • 4. Fourthly, that it was lawful and meritorious to kill and destroy the King, and all the said Hereticks.

The mean to effect it, they concluded to be, That

1. The King, the Queen, the Prince, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, the Knights and Burgesses of the Parliament, should be blown up with Powder.

2. That the whole Royal Issue Male should be destroyed.

3. That they would take into their custody Eli­zabeth and Mary, the Kings Daughters, and proclaim the Lady Elizabeth Queen.

4. That they should feign a Proclamation in the Name of Elizabeth, in which no mention should be made of alteration of Religion, nor that they were parties to the Treason, until they had raised power to perform the same, and then to proclaim, All grievances in the Kingdom should be reformed.

That they also took several Oathes, and re­ceived the Sacrament; first, for secresie: secondly, for prosecution, except they were discharged thereof by three of them.

That after the destruction of the King, the Queen, the Prince, the Royal Issue Male, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, the Knights and Burgesses; they should noti­fie the same to Foreign States; and there­upon Sir Edmund Baynam, an attainted person of Treason, and stiling himself prime of the damned Crew, should be sent, and make the same known to the Pope, and crave his aid: An Ambassador fit, both for the Message and Persons, to [Page 14] be sent betwixt the Pope and the Devil.

That the Parliament being Prorogued till the 7th. of February, they in December made a Mine under the House of Parliament, purposing to place their Powder there: but the Parliament being then further Ad­journed till the 3d. of October, they in Lent following hired the Vault, and placed therein twenty barrels of powder.

That they took to them Robert Winter, Graunt, and Rookwood, giving them the Oathes and Sacrament as aforesaid, as to provide Munition.

20 Iulii they laid in more ten Barrels of Powder, laying upon them divers great Bars of Iron, and pieces of Timber, and great massie Stones, and covered the same with Fagots, &c.

20 Septemb. they laid in more four Hogsheads of Powder, with other Stones and Bars of Iron thereupon.

4 Novemb. (the Parliament being Prorogued to the 5th.) at eleven a clock at night, Fawkes had prepared (by the procure­ment of the rest) Touch-wood and Match, to give fire to the Powder the next day.

That the Treason being miraculously disco­vered, they put themselves, and pro­cured others to enter into open Rebellion; and gave out most untruly, It was, for that the Papists throats were to be cut.

The Effect of that which Sir Edward Coke, Knight, his Majesties Attorney General, said at the former Arraign­ment, so near to his own words as it could be taken.

IT appeareth to your Lordships, and the rest of this most Honourable and Grave Assem­bly, even by that which Mr. Sergeant hath al­ready opened, that these are the greatest Trea­sons that ever were plotted in England, and con­cern the greatest King that ever was of England. But when this Assembly shall further hear, and see discovered the Roots and Branches of the same, not hitherto published, they will say in­deed: Quis haec posteris sic narrare poterit, ut facta non ficta esse videantur? That when these things shall be related to Posterity, they will be reputed matters feigned, not done. And there­fore in this so great a cause, upon the carriage and event whereof the eye of all Christendom is at this day bent, I shall desire that I may with your patience be somewhat more copious, and not so succinct as my usual manner hath been, and yet will I be no longer than the very matter it self shall necessarily require. But before I en­ter into the particular Narration of this cause, I hold it fit to give satisfaction to some, and those well-affected amongst us, who have not only marvelled, but grieved, that no speedier expedi­tion hath been used in these proceedings, con­sidering the monstrousness and continual horror of this so desperate a cause.

[Page 16] 1. It is Ordo Naturae, agreeable to the order of Nature, that things of great weight and mag­nitude should slowly proceed, according to that of the Poet, Tarda solet magnis rebus adesse fides. And surely of these things we may truly say, Nunquam ante dies nostros talia acciderunt, Nei­ther hath the eye of man seen, nor the ear of man heard the like things to these.

2. Veritas Temporis filia, Truth is the daugh­ter of Time, especially in this case; wherein by timely and often Examinations, First, matters of greatest moment have been lately found out. Se­condly, some known Offenders, and those capi­tal, but lately apprehended. Thirdly, sundry of the principal and Arch-traytors before unknown, now manifested, as the Jesuits. Fourthly, Here­tical, Treasonable, and damnable Books lately found out, one of Equivocation, and another De officio Principis Christiani, of Francis Tre­sham's.

3. There have been already twenty and three several days spent in Examinations.

4. We should otherwise have hanged a man unattainted, for Guy Fawkes passed for a time under the name of Iohn Iohnson: So that if by that name greater expedition had been made, and he hanged, though we had not missed of the man, yet the proceeding would not have been so orderly or justifiable.

5. The King out of his wisdom and great moderation, was pleased to appoint this Trial in time of Assembly in Parliament, for that it con­cerned especially those of the Parliament.

Now touching the offences themselves, they are so exorbitant and transcendent, and aggrega­ted [Page 17] of so many bloody and fearful crimes, as they cannot be aggravated by any inference, argu­ment or circumstance whatsoever, and that in three respects: First, because this offence is Pri­mae impressionis, and therefore sine Nomine, with­out any name which might be adaequatum, suf­ficient to express it, given by any Legist, that ever made or writ of any Laws. For the highest Treason that all they could imagine, they called it only Crimen laesae Majestatis, the violating of the Majesty of the Prince. But this Treason doth want an apt name, as tending not only to the hurt, but to the death of the King; and not the death of the King only, but of his whole Kingdom, Non Regis, sed Regni, that is, to the destruction and dissolution of the frame and Fa­brick of this Ancient, Famous, and ever-flou­rishing Monarchy, even the deletion of our whole Name and Nation: And therefore hold Psal. 83. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. not thy tongue, O God, keep not still silence, refrain not thy self, O God: for loe thine enemies make a murmuring, and they that hate thee have lift up their heads; They have said, Come, and let us root them out, that they be no more a people, and that the Name of Israel may be no more in remem­brance. Secondly, it is Sine exemplo, beyond all examples, whether in fact or fiction, even of the Tragick Poets, who did beat their wits to repre­sent the most fearful and horrible murthers. Thirdly, it is Sine modo, without all measure or stint of iniquity, like a Mathematical line, which is Divisibilis in semper divisibilia, infinitely divi­sible: It is Treason to imagine or intend the the death of the King, Queen, or Prince.

For Treason is like a Tree, whose root is full [Page 18] of poyson, and lyeth secret and hid within the earth, resembling the imagination of the heart of man, which is so secret as God only knoweth it. Now the wisdom of the Law provideth for the blasting and nipping both of the leaves, blossoms and buds which proceed from this root of Treason, either by words which are like to leaves, or by some overt Act, which may be re­sembled to buds or blossoms, before it cometh to such fruit and ripeness as would bring utter de­struction and desolation upon the whole State.

It is likewise Treason to kill the Lord Chan­cellor, Lord Treasurer, or any Justice of the one Bench or other, Justices of Assise, or any other Judge mentioned in the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. sitting in their Judicial places, and exercising their Offices. And the reason is, for that every Judge so sitting by the King's Authority, repre­senteth the Majesty and Person of the King, and therefore it is Crimen laesae Majestatis, to kill him, the King being always in Judgment of Law present in Court. But in the High Court of Par­liament, every man by vertue of the King's Au­thority by Writ under the Great Seal, hath a Ju­dicial place, and so consequently the killing of every of them had been a several Treason, and Crimen laesae Majestatis. Besides, that to their Treasons were added open Rebellion, Burglary, Robbery, Horse-stealing, &c. So that this offence is such as no man can express it, no example pat­tern it, no measure contain it.

Concerning Forreign Princes, there was here a protestation made for the clearing of them from all imputation or aspersion whatsoever. First, for that whilst Kingdoms stood in hostility, [Page 19] hostile Actions are holden honourable and just. Secondly, it is not the King's Serjeant, Attorney, or Solicitor, that in any sort touch or mention them: for we know that great Princes and Per­sonages are reverently and respectively to be spoken of, and that there is Lex in Sermone tenen­da. But it is Faux, Winter, and the rest of the Offenders, that have confessed so much as hath been said; and therefore the Kings Councel learned doth but repeat the Offenders Confessi­on, and charge or touch no other person. They have also slandered unjustly our great Master King Iames, which we onely repeat, to shew the wickedness and malice of the Offenders. Thirdly, so much as is said concerning Foreign Princes, is so woven into the matter of the charge of these Offenders, as it cannot be se­vered or singled from the rest of the matter. So as it is inevitable, and cannot be pretermitted.

Now as this Powder Treason is in it self prodigious and unnatural, so is it in the Con­ception and Birth most monstrous, as arising out of the dead ashes of former Treasons. For it had three Roots, all planted and watered by Jesuits, and English Romish Catholicks: The first Root in England, in December and March; the second in Flanders, in Iune; the third in Spain, in Iuly. In England it had two Branches; One in December was twelve moneths, before the death of the late Queen of blessed memory: Another in March, wherein she died.

First, in December, Anno Dom. 1601. do Henry Garnet, Superior of the Jesuits in Eng­land; Robert Tesmond, Jesuit; Robert Catesby, who was (homo subacto & versuto ingenio, & [Page 20] profunda perfidia) together with Francis Tre­sham, and others; in the names, and for the behalf of all the English Romish Catholicks, employ Thomas Winter into Spain, as for the general good of the Romish Catholick cause: And by him doth Garnet write his Letters to Father Creswel, Jesuit, residing in Spain, in that behalf. With Thomas Winter doth Tesmond, alias Greeneway the Jesuit go, as an Associate and Confederate in that Conspiracy. The Message (which was principally committed unto the said Winter) was, that he should make a proposition and request to the King of Spain, in the behalf and names of the English Catho­licks, that the King would send an Army hither into England, and that the Forces of the Ca­tholicks in England should be prepared to joyn with him, and do him service. And further, that he should move the King of Spain to bestow some Pensions here in England, upon sundry Persons Catholicks, and devoted to his service: And moreover to give advertisement, that the said King of Spain, making use of the general discontentment that young Gentlemen and Sol­diers were in, might, no doubt, by relieving their necessities, have them all at his devotion. And because that in all attempts upon England, the greatest difficulty was ever found to be the transportation of Horses; the Catholicks in England would assure the King of Spain, to have always in readiness for his use and service 1500 or 2000 Horses, against any occasion or enter­prise. Now Thomas Winter undertaking this Negotiation, and with Tesmond the Jesuit com­ing into Spain, by means of Father Creswel [Page 21] the Legier Jesuit there, as hath been said, had readily speech with Don Pedro Francesa, second Secretary of State, to whom he imparted his Message, as also to the Duke of Lerma; who assured him, that it would be an office very grateful to his Master, and that it should not want his best furtherance.

Concerning the place for landing of the King of Spain's Army, which from the English Romish Catholicks he desired might be sent to invade the Land, it was resolved, That if the Army were great, that Essex and Kent were judged fittest. (Where note by the way, who was then Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports) If the Army were small, and trusted upon succour in England, then Milford-Haven was thought more convenient.

Now there being at that time Hostility be­twixt both Kingdoms, the King of Spain wil­lingly embraced the motion, saying, That he took the message from the Catholicks very kindly, and that in all things he would respect them with as great care as his proper Castili­ans. But for his further Answer, and full dis­patch, Thomas Winter was appointed to attend the Progress. In the end whereof, being in Sum­mer-time, Count Miranda gave him this An­swer in the behalf of his Master, That the King would bestow a hundred thousand Crowns to that use, half to be paid that year, and the rest the next Spring following. And withall re­quired, that we should be as good as our pro­mise; for the next Spring he meant to be with us, and set foot in England. And lastly, he de­sired on the Kings behalf of Winter, that he [Page 22] might have certain advertisement and intelli­gence, if so it should in the mean time happen that the Queen did die. Thomas Winter, laden with these hopes, returns into England about a month before Christmas, and delivered answer of all that had passed to Henry Garnet, Robert Catesby, and Francis Tresham. But soon after Set that Glorious Light, her Majesty died. Mira cano: Soloccubuit, Nox nulla secuta est.

Presently after whose death was Christopher Wright, another Messenger, sent over into Spain by Garnet, (who likewise did write by him to Creswel for the furtherance of the Negotiation) Catesby and Tresham, in the name and behalf of all the Romish Catholicks in England, as well to carry news of her Majesties death, as also to con­tinue the aforesaid Negotiation for an Invasion and Pensions, which, by Thomas Winter, had before been dealt in. And in the Spanish Court, about two moneths after his arrival there, doth Christopher Wright meet with Guy Fawkes, who upon the two and twentieth of Iune was em­ployed out of Flanders from Bruxels, by Sir W [...]lliam Stanley, Hugb Owen, (whose finger had been in every Treason which hath been of late years detected) and Baldwyn the Leger Jesuit in Flanders; from whom likewise the said Fawkes carried Letters to Creswel in Spain, for the countenancing and furtherance of his [...]ffairs.

Now the end of Fawkes his employment [...] to give advertisement to the King of [...], how the King of England was like to [...]ceed rigorously with the Catholicks, and to run the same course which the late Queen [Page 23] did; and withall to entreat that it would please him to send an Army into England to Milford Haven where the Romish Catholicks would be ready to assist him, and then the Forces that should be transported in Spinola's Gallies, should be landed where they could most conveniently. And these their several messages did Christopher Wright and Guy Fawkes in the end intimate and propound to the King of Spain. But the King as then very honorably answered them both, that he would not in any wise further listen to any such motion, as having before dispatched an Ambassage into England to Treat concerning peace; Therefore this course by forreign forces fayling, they fell to the Powder plot, Catesby and Tresham being in at all, in the Treason of the Earl of Essex, in the Treason of Watson and Clarke, Seminary Priests, and also in this of the Jesuits, Such a greedy appetite had they to practise against the State.

The rest of that which Master Attorney then spake continuedly, was by himself divided into three general parts. The first containing certain considerations concerning this Treason. The second observations about the same. The third a comparison of this Treason of the Je­suits, with that of the Seminary Priests, and that other of Rawley and others. For the consi­derations concerning the Powder Treason, they were in number eight: That is to say, 1 The per­sons by whom, 2 The persons against whom, 3 The time when, 4 The place where, 5 The means, 6 The end, 7 The secret contriving, And lastly, The admirable discovery thereof.

1 For the persons offending, or by whom, [Page 24] they are of two sorts: either of the Clergy, or Laity, and for each of them there is a several objection made. Touching those of the Laity, it is by some given out, that they are such men as admit just exception, either desperate in estate, or ba [...]e, or not setled in their wits, such as are Sine Religione, Sine Sede, Sine Fide, Sine Re, & Sine Spe, without Religion, without habita­tion, without credit, without means, without hope; But (that no man, though never so wick­ed, may be wronged) true it is they were Gen­tlemen of good houses, of excellent parts, how­soever most perniciously seduced, abused, cor­rupted, and Jesuited, of very competent fortunes and States; Besides that Percy was of the house of Northumberland, Sir William Stanley, who principally imployed Fawkes into Spain, and Iohn Talbot of Grafton, who at the least is in case of misprision of High Treason, both of great and honorable families. Concerning those of the spiritualty, it is likewise falsly said, that there is never a Religious man in this action. For I never yet knew a Treason without a Romish Priest: but in this there are very many Jesuits, who are known to have dealt, and passed through the whole action: Three of them are Legiers and States men, as Henry Garnet, alias Walley, the Superiour of the Jesuits, Legier here in Eng­land, Father Creswell Legier Jesuit in Spain, Fa­ther Baldwin Legier in Flaunders, as Parsons at Rome, besides their Cursory men, as Gerrard, Oswald Tesmonda alias Greenway, Hamond, Hall, and other Jesuits: So that the principal offen­dors are the seducing Jesuits, men that use the reverence of Religion, yea even the most Sacred [Page 25] and Blessed name of JESUS as a mantle to cover their impiety, blasphemy, treason, and rebellion, and all manner of wickedness, as by the help of Christ shall be made most apparent to the glory of God, and the honour of our Reli­gion. Concerning this Sect, their Studies and practises principally consist in two Degrees, to wit, in Deposing of Kings, and Disposing of Kingdoms: their profession and doctrine is a Re­ligion of distinctions, the greatest part of them being without the text, and therefore in very deed, idle and vain conceits of their own brains, not having Membra dividentia, that is all the parts of the division warranted by the word of God, and Ubi lex non distinguit, nec nos distin­guere debemus. And albeit that Princes hold their Crowns immediately of and from God, by right of lawful Succession and inheritance inhe­rent by Royal Blood, yet think these Jesuits with a Goose quill, within four distinctions to remove the Crown from the head of any King christen­ed, and to deal with them as the old Romans are said to have done with their Viceroys, or petty Kings, who in effect were but Lieutenants unto them, to crown and uncrown them at their plea­sures. Neither so onely, but they will proscribe and expose them to be butchered by vassals, which is against their own Canons, for Priests to med­dle in cause of blood. And by this means they would make the condition of a King far worse than that of the poorest creature that breatheth. First saith Simanca. Haeretici omnes ipso Iure De Excom. tit. 27. Sect. 1. fol. 116. b. sunt excommunicati, & à Communione fidelium diris proscriptionibus separati, & quotannis in coena Domini excommunicantur à Papa: So then [Page 26] every Heretick stands and is reputed with them as excommunicated and accursed, if not de Facto, yet de Iure, in law and right to all their intents and purposes, therefore may he be deposed, pro­scribed and murdered. I but suppose he be not a professed Heretick, but dealeth reservedly, and keepeth his conscience to himself, how stands he then? Simanca answers, Quaeri autem solet, An De oceultis tit. 42. Sect. 2. fol. 193. Haereticus occultus excommunicatus sit ipso Iure, & in alias etiam poenas incidat contra Haeriticos statutas? Cui quaestioni simpliciter Iurisperiti respondent, Quòd etsi haeresis occulta sit, nihil­ominus occultus Haeriticus incidit in illas poenas. Whether he be a known or a secret Heretick all is one, they thunder out the same Judgment and Curse for both: Whereas Christ saith, Nolite Iudicare, Judge not, which is, saith Augustine, Nolite Iudicare de occultis, of those things which are secret. But suppose that a Prince thus ac­cursed and deposed, will eftsoons return and conform himself to their Romish Church, shall he then be restored to his State, and again receive his Kingdom? Nothing less: For saith Simanca, Si Reges aut alij Principes Christiani facti sint Haeretici, protinus subjecti & vasalli ab eorum do­minio liberantur. Nec Ius hoc recuperabunt, quam­vis postea reconcilientur Ecclesiae. O But Sancta Mater Ecclesia nunquam claudit gremium rede­unti, Our holy Mother the Church never shuts her bosom to any Convert. It is true, say they, but with a distinction, Quoad Animam: There­fore so he may, and shall be restored, that is, spi­ritually, in respect of his souls health. Quoad Animam he shall again be taken into the Holy Church, but not Quoad Regnum, in respect of [Page 27] his Kingdom or State temporal he must not be restored. The reason is, Because all hold only thus far, Modò non sit ad damnum Ecclesiae: So that the Church receive thereby no detriment. I but suppose that such an unhappy deposed Prince have a Son, or lawful and right heir, and he also not to be touched or spotted with his Fathers crime, shall not he at the least succeed and be invested into that Princely estate? Nei­ther will this down with them: Heresie is a lepro­sie, an hereditary disease. Et ex leprosis paren­tibus leprosi generantur filij. Of leprous parents come leprous children. So that saith Simanca: Propter Haeresim Regis, non solum Rex Regno pri­vatur, sed et ejus filij à Regni successione pellun­tur, ut noster Lupus, (who is indeed Vir secun­dùm Nomen ejus, a Wolf as well in nature as name,) luculenter probat. Now if any man doubt whom they here mean by an Heretick, Creswell in his book called Philopater gives a plain reso­lution, Regnandi Ius amittit (saith he) qui Religionem Romanam deserit, He is the Heretick we speak of, even whosoever forsakes the Reli­gion of the Church of Rome, he is accursed, de­prived, proscribed, never to be absolved but by the Pope himself, never to be restored either in himself or his posterity.

One place amongst many out of Creswells Phi­lopater shall serve to give a taste of the Jesuitical spirits and doctrine, which is Sect. 2. pag. 109. Hinc etiam infert universa Theologorum ac Iuris­consultorum Ecclesiasticorum schola, (& est cer­tum & de fide) quemcunque Principem Christia­num, si à Religione Catholica manifestò diflexerit, & alios avocare voluerit, excidere statim omni [Page 28] potestate ac dignitate, ex ipsa vi Iuris tum huma­ni tum divini, hoc que ante dictam sententiam Su­premi Pastoris ac Iudicis contra ipsum prolatam, & subditos quoscun (que) liberos esse ab omni Iura­menti obligatione, quod de obedientia tanquam Principi legittimo praestitissent: posse (que) & debere, (si vires habeant) istius modi hominem tanquam Apostatam, hereticum, ac Christi Domini deser­torem, & reipub. suae Inimicum hostem (que) ex hominum Christianorum dominatu ejicere, nè alios inficiat, vel suo exemplo aut Imperio à fide avertat; at (que) haec certa, definita & indu­bitata virorum doctissimorum sententia. That is, this inference also doth the whole School both of Divines and Lawyers make, (and it is a Posi­tion certain, and to be undoubtedly believed) that if any Christian Prince whatsoever, shall manifestly turn from the Catholick Religion, and desire or seek to reclaim other men from the same, he presently falleth from all Princely Power and Dignity, and that also by vertue and force of the Law it self, both Divine and Hu­mane, even before any Sentence pronounced against him by the Supreme Pastor and Judge. And that his Subjects, of what estate or con­dition soever, are freed from all Bond of Oath of Allegiance, which at any time they had made unto him, as to their lawful Prince. Nay, that they both may and ought (provided they have competent strength and force) cast out such a man from bearing rule amongst Christians, as an Apostate, an Heretick, a backslider and revolter from our Lord Christ, and an enemy to his own State and Common-Wealth, lest perhaps he might infect others, or [Page 29] by his example or command turn them from the Faith. And this is the certain, resolute, and undoubted Judgment of the best learned men. But Tresham in his Book De Officio Principis Christiani, goeth beyond all the rest; for he plainly concludeth and determineth, that if any Prince shall but favour, or shew countenance to an Heretick, he presently loseth his Kingdom. In his fifth Chapter he propoundeth this Pro­blem, An aliqua possit secundum Conscientiam Subditis esse Ratio, cur legitimo suo Regi, bellum sine scelere moveant? Whether there may be any lawful cause, justifiable in Conscience, for Sub­jects to take Arms, without sin, against their law­ful Prince and Sovereign? The resolution is, Si Princeps haereticus sit, & obstinatè ac pertinaciter intolerabilis, summi Pastoris divina potestate de­ponatur, & aliud caput constituatur, cui Subditi se jungant, & legitimo ordine & authoritate ty­rannidem amoveant. Princeps indulgendo haereti­cos non solùm Deum offendit, sed perdit & Reg­num, & gentem. Their conclusion therefore is; That for heresy, as above is understood, a Prince is to be deposed, and his Kingdom bestow­ed by the Pope at pleasure; and that the people, upon pain of damnation, are to take part with him whom the Pope shall so Consti­tute over them. And thus whilst they imagine with the wings of their light-feathered distin­ctions to mount above the Clouds and level of vulgar conceits, they desperately fall into a Sea of gross absurdities, blasphemy and impiety. And surely the Jesuits were so far engaged in this Treason, as that some of them stick not to say, that if it should miscarry, that they were utterly [Page 30] undone, and that it would overthrow the State of the whole Society of the Jesuits: And I pray God that in this they may prove true Prophets, that they may become like the Order of Tem­plarii, so called, for that they kept near the Sepul­cher at Ierusalem, who were by a general and universal Edict in one day throughout Christen­dom quite extinguished, as being Ordo impieta­tis, an Order of impiety. And so, from all Se­dition and privy Conspiracy; from all false Do­ctrine and Heresie; from hardness of heart, and contempt of thy Word and Commandment, Good Lord deliver us. Their protestations and pre­tences, are to win souls to God, their proofs weak, light, and of no value; their conclusions false, damnable, and damned heresies: The first mentioneth God, the second savoureth of weak and frail Man, the last of the Devil, and their practise easily appeareth out of the dealing of their holy Father.

Henry the Third of France, for killing a Car­dinal, was Excommunicated, and after murder­ed by Iames Clement a Monk: That Fact doth Sixtus Quintus, then Pope, instead of orderly censuring thereof, not only approve, but com­mend in a long Consistory Oration: That a Monk, a Religious man, saith he, hath slain the unhappy French King in the midst of his Host; It is rarum, insigne, memorabile facinus; a rare, a notable, and a memorable Act; yea further, It is Facinus non sine Dei Optimi Maximi parti­culari providentia & dispositione, &c. A Fact done not without the special Providence and ap­pointment of our good God, and the suggestion and assistance of his holy Spirit; yea, a far [Page 31] greater work than was the slaying of Holofernes by holy Iudith.

Verus Monachus fictum occiderat, A true Monk had killed the false Monk, for that, as was re­ported, Henry the Third sometimes would use that habit when he went in Procession. And for France, even that part thereof which entertain­eth the Popish Religion, yet never could of an­cient time brook this usurped Authority of the Sea of Rome: Namely, that the Pope had pow­er to Excommunicate Kings, and Absolve Sub­jects from their Oath of Allegiance. Which Position is so directly opposite to all the Canons of the Church of France, and to all the De­crees of the King's Parliament there, as that the very Body of Sorbone, and the whole University of Paris condemned it as a most schismatical, pestilent, and pernicious Doctrine of the Jesuits, as may appear in a Treatise made to the French King, and set out 1602. Entituled Le Franc Discours. But to return to the Jesuits, Catesby was resolved by the Jesuits, that the Fact was both lawful and meritorious, and herewith he perswaded and setled the rest, as any seemed to make doubt.

Concerning Thomas Bates, who was Catesby's man, as he was wound into this Treason by his Master, so was he resolved, when he doubted of the lawfulness thereof, by the Doctrine of the Jesuits. For the manner, it was after this sort; Catesby noting that his man observed him extra­ordinarily, as suspecting somewhat of that which he the said Catesby went about, called him to him at his Lodging in Puddle-Wharf, and in the presence of Thomas Winter, asked him what he [Page 32] thought the business was they went about, for that he of late had so suspiciously and strangely mark'd them. Bates answered, that he thought they went about some dangerous matter, what­soever the particular were: whereupon they as­ked him again, what he thought the business might be? and he answered, that he thought they intended some dangerous matter about the Parliament-House, because he had been sent to get a Lodging near unto that place. Then did they make the said Bates take an Oath to be se­cret in the Action, which being taken by him, they then told him that it was true, that they were to execute a great matter; namely, to lay Powder under the Parliament-House to blow it up. Then they also told him that he was to re­ceive the Sacrament for the more assurance, and thereupon he went to Confession to the said Tes­mond the Jesuit; and in his Confession told him, that he was to conceal a very dangerous piece of work, that his Master Catesby and Thomas Win­ter had imparted unto him, and said he much feared the matter to be utterly unlawful, and therefore therein desired the counsel of the Je­suit, and revealed unto him the whole intent and purpose of blowing up the Parliament-House upon the first day of the Assembly, at what time the King, the Queen, the Prince, the Lords Spi­ritual and Temporal, the Judges, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, should all have been there Convented, and met together. But the Jesuit being a Confederate therein before, re­solved and encouraged him in the Action, and said that he should be secret in that which his Master had imparted unto him, for that it was [Page 33] for a good cause. Adding moreover, that it was not dangerous unto him, nor any offence to conceal it: And thereupon the Jesuit gave him Absolution, and Bates received the Sacrament of him, in the company of his Master Robert Catesby, and Thomas Winter. Also when Rook­wood, in the presence of sundry of the Traitors, (having first received the Oath of Secresie) had, by Catesby, imparted unto him the Plot of the blowing up of the King and State; the said Rook­wood being greatly amazed thereat, answered, That it was a matter of Conscience to take away so much blood. But Catesby replied, That he was resolved, and that by good Authority, (as coming from the Superiour of the Jesuits) that in Conscience it might be done, yea, though it were with the destruction of many Innocents, rather than the Action should quail. Likewise Father Hammond absolved all the Traitors at Robert Winters house, upon Thursday after the Discovery of the Plot, they being then in open Rebellion: And therefore, Hos, O Rex, magne caveto, and let all Kings take heed how they either favour, or give allowance or connivance unto them.

2. The second Consideration respecteth the Persons against whom this Treason was intend­ed, which are, 1. The King, who is Gods An­ointed; nay, it hath pleased God to commu­nicate unto him his own name, Dixi Dii estis, not Substantially or Essentially so; neither yet on the other side Usurpativè, by unjust Usurpa­tion, as the Devil and the Pope; but Potestati­vè, as having his Power derived from God within his Territories. 2. Their Natural Liege [Page 34] Lord and Dread Sovereign, whose just Interest and Title to his Crown may be drawn from before the Conquest; and if he were not a King by Descent, yet deserved he to be made one for his rare and excellent Endowments and Or­naments both of Body and Mind. Look into his true and constant Religion and Piety, his Justice, his Learning above all Kings Christned, his Acumen, his Judgment, his Memory; and you will say that he is indeed, Solus praeteritis major, meliorque futuris. But because I cannot speak what I would, I will forbear to speak what I could. Also against the Queen, a most gracious and graceful Lady, a most virtuous, fruitful, and blessed Vine, who hath happily brought forth such Olive Branches, as that in benedictione erit memoria ejus, her memory shall be blessed of all our posterity. Then against the Royal Issue Male, next under God, and after our Sovereign, the future hope, com­fort, joy, and life of our State. And as for preserving the good Lady Elizabeth, the Kings Daughter, it should onely have been for a time to have served their purposes, as being thought a fit project to keep others in appetite for their own further advantage; and then, God know­eth what would have become of her. To con­clude, against all the most Honourable and Prudent Counsellors, and all the true hearted and worthy Nobles, all the Reverend and Learned Bishops, all the grave Judges and Sa­ges of the Law, all the principal Knights, Gen­try, Citizens, and Burgesses of Parliament, the Flower of the whole Realm. Horret Animus, I tremble even to think of it. Miserable deso­lation! [Page 35] no King, no Queen, no Prince, no Issue Male, no Counsellors of State, no Nobi­lity, no Bishops, no Judges. O barbarous, and more than Scythian or Thracian cruelty! No Mantle of Holiness can cover it, no pretence of Religion can excuse it, no shadow of good in­tention can extenuate it; God and Heaven condemn it, Man and Earth detest it, the Offen­ders themselves were ashamed of it, wicked peo­ple exclaim against it, and the Souls of all true Christian Subjects abhor it. Miserable, but yet sudden had their ends been, who should have died in that fiery Tempest and storm of Gun­powder: but more miserable had they been that had escaped. And what horrible effects the blowing up of so much Powder and Stuff would have wrought, not onely amonst Men and Beasts, but even upon insensible Creatures, Churches and Houses, and all places near ad­joyning, you who have been Martial men best know. For my self, Vox faucibus haeret: so that the King may say with the Kingly Pro­phet David, O Lord, the proud are risen against Psal. 86. 14. me, and the congregation, even Synagoga, the synagogue of naughty men have sought after my soul, and have not set thee before their eyes. And as it is, Psal. 140. 5. The proud have laid a snare for me, and spread a net abroad, yea, and set traps in my way. But let the ungodly fall into Psal. 141. 11. their own nets together, and let me ever escape them. We may say, If the Lord himself had not Psal. 124. 1. been on our side, yea, if the Lord himself had not been on our side when men rose up against us, they had swallowed us up quick, when they were so wrathfully displeased at us. But praised be [Page 36] the Lord, which hath not given us over for a prey unto their teeth. Our soul is escaped even as a bird out of the snare of the fowler; the snare is broken, and we are delivered. Our help stand­eth in the name of the Lord, which hath made heaven and earth.

3. The third Consideration respects the time when this Treason was conspired: wherein note, that it was primo Iacobi, even at that time when his Majesty used so great lenity to­wards Recusants, in that by the space of a whole year and four months, he took no Penalty by Statute of them. So far was his Majesty from severity, that besides the benefit and grace be­fore specified, he also honoured all alike with advancement and favours; and all this was con­tinued until the Priests Treason by Watson and Clark. But as there is Misericor dia puniens, so is there likewise Crudelitas parcens; for they were not onely by this not reclaimed, but (as plainly appeareth) became far worse. Nay, the Romish Catholiks did at that very time certifie, that it was very like, the King would deal ri­gorously with them; and the same do these Traitors now pretend as the chiefest motive: whereas indeed they had Treason on foot against the King before they see his face in England. Neither afterwards for all the lenity he used towards them, would any whit desist or relent from their wicked attempts. Nay (that which cometh next to be remembred in this part of their Arraignment) they would pick out the time of Parliament for the execution of their hideous Treasons, wherein the flour of the land being assembled, for the honour of God, [Page 37] the good of his Church, and this Common­wealth, they might, as it were, with one blow, not wound, but kill and destroy the whole State. So that with these men, Impunitas con­tinuum affectum tribuit peccandi, Lenity having once bred a hope of Impunity, begat not onely Insolency, but Impenitency and increase of sin.

4. We are to consider the place, which was the Sacred Senate, the House of Parliament. And why there? For that, say they, unjust Laws had formerly been there made against Catho­licks; therefore that was the fittest place of all others to revenge it, and to do Justice in. If any ask, who should have executed this their Ju­stice, it was Justice Fawkes, a man like enough to do according to his name. If by what Law they meant to proceed? It was Gun-powder Law, fit for Justices of Hell. But concerning those Laws which they so calumniate as unjust, it shall in few words plainly appear, that they were of the greatest, both moderation and equi­ty that ever were any: For from the year 1 Eliz. unto 11. all Papists came to our Church and Service without scruple. I my self have seen Cornewallis, Beddingfield, and others, at Church. So that then, for the space of ten years, they made no conscience nor doubt to Communicate with us in Prayer: But when once the Bull of Pope Pius Quintus was come and published, wherein the Queen was accursed and deposed, and her Subjects discharged of their Obedience and Oath, yea, cursed if they did obey her; then did they all forthwith re­frain the Church, then would they have no more [Page 38] society with us in Prayer. So that Recusancy in them is not for Religion, but in an acknow­ledgment of the Popes Power, and a plain manifestation what their judgment is concern­ing the right of the Prince in respect of Regal Power and Place. Two years after, viz. Anno 13 Eliz. was there a Law made against the bringing in of Bulls, &c. Anno 18. came M [...]yne a Priest to move sedition. Anno 20. came Campion the first Jesuit, who was sent to make a Party here in England, for the execution of the former Bull. Then follows Treasonable Books. Anno 23 Eliz. after so many years sufferance, there were Laws made against Recusants and sediti­ous Books. The Penalty or Sanction for Recu­sancy was not loss of Life, or Limb, or whole Estate; but onely a pecuniary Mulct and Pe­nalty, and that also until they would submit and conform themselves, and again come to Church, as they had done for ten years before the Bull. And yet afterwards the Jesuits and Romish Priests, both coming daily into, and swarming within the Realm, and infusing continually this poison into the Subjects hearts, that by reason of the said Bull of Pius Quintus, her Majesty stood Excommunicated and deprived of her King­dom, and that her Subjects were discharged of all obedience to her, endeavouring by all means to draw them from their Duty and Allegiance to her Majesty, and to reconcile them to the Church of Rome. Then 27 Eliz. a Law was made, That it should be Treason for any (not to be a Priest and an Englishman, born the Queens Natural Subject) but for any being so born her Subject, and made a Romish Priest, to come [Page 39] into any of her Dominions, to infect any her Loyal Subjects with their treasonable and damnaable perswasions and practises: Yet so, that it concerned onely such as were made Priests sithence her Majesty came to the Crown, and not before.

Concerning the execution of these Laws, it is to be observed likewise, that whereas in the Quinquenny, the five years of Queen Mary, there were cruelly put to death about 300 per­sons for Religion; In all her Majesties time, by the space of 44 years and upwards, there were for treasonable practises executed in all not 30 Priests, nor above five receivers and harborers of them; and for Religion, not any one. And here by the way, I desire those of Parliament to observe, that it is now questioned and doubted, Whether the Law of Recusants and reconciled Persons do hold for Ireland also, and the parts be­yond the Seas; that is, Whether such as were there reconciled, be within the compass of the Statute or not, to the end it may be cleared and provided for.

Now against the Usurped Power of the Sea of Rome, we have of former times about thirteen several Acts of Parliament: So that the Crown and King of England is no ways to be drawn under the Government of any Foreign Power whatsoever; neither oweth duty to any, but is immediately under God himself. Concerning the Popes, for thirty three of them, namely, unto Silvester, they were famous Martyrs; but, Quicunque desiderat primatum in terris, inve­niet confusionem in coelis: He that desires Pri­macy [Page 40] upon Earth, shall surely find confusion in Heaven.

The fifth consideration is of the end, which was, to bring a final and fatal confusion upon the State. For howsoever they sought to sha­dow their Impiety with the Cloak of Religion, yet they intended to breed a confusion fit to get new Alterations; for they went to joyn with Romish Catholicks, and discontented persons.

Now the sixth point, which is the means to compass and work these designs, were damnable, by Mining, by six and thirty Barrels of Powder, having Crows of Iron, Stones, and Wood, laid upon the Barrels, to have made the Breach the greater. Lord, what a Wind, what a Fire, what a Motion and Commotion of Earth and Air would there have been! But, as it is in the Book of Kings, when Elias was in the Cave in Mount Horeb, and that he was called forth to stand before the Lord, behold a mighty strong Wind rent the Mountains, and brake the Rocks, sed non in vento Dominus, but the Lord was not in the Wind. And after the Wind came a Commotion of the Earth and Air: Et non in Commotione Dominus, the Lord was not in that Commotion. And after the Commotion came Fire, Et non in igne Dominus, the Lord was not in the Fire. So neither was God in any part of this monstrous Action. The Authors whereof were, in this respect, worse than the very damned Spirit of Dives, who, as it is in the Gospel, desired that others should not come in locum tormentorum.

[Page 41] 7. The next consideration is the secret con­triving and carriage of this Treason, to which purpose there were four means used. First, Catesby was commended to the Marquis for a Regiment of Horse in the Low-Countreys, (which is the same that the Lord Arundel now hath) that under that pretence he might have furnished this Treason with Horses with­out suspicion. The second means was an Oath, which they solemnly and severally took, as well for secresie, as perseverance and constancy in the execution of their Plot. The form of the Oath was as followeth,

YOu shall swear by the Blessed Trinity, and by the Sacrament you now purpose to receive, never to disclose directly nor indirectly, by word or circumstance, the matter that shall be propo­sed to you to keep secret, nor desist from the exe­cution thereof, until the rest shall give you leave.

This Oath was by Gerrard the Jesuit given to Catesby, Piercy, Christopher Wright, and Thomas Winter at once, and by Greenwel the Jesuit to Bates at another time, and so to the rest.

The third was the Sacrament, which they impiously and devillishly prophan'd to this end. But the last was their perfidious and perjurious equivocating, abetted, allowed, and justified by the Jesuits, not onely simply to conceal or de­ny an open truth, but Religiously to aver, to [Page 42] protest upon Savation, to swear that which themselves know to be most false; and all this, by reserving a secret and private sense in­wardly to themselves, whereby they are by their Ghostly Fathers persuaded, that they may safely and lawfully delude any question whatsoever. And here was shewed a Book written not long before the Queens death, at what time Thomas Winter was employed into Spain, entituled, A Treatise of Equivocation; which Book being seen and allowed by Garnet, the Superior of the Jesuits, and Blackwel the Arch-priest of England, in the beginning thereof, Garnet, with his own hand, put out those words in the Title of Equivocation, and made it thus, A Trea­tise against Lying, and Fraudulent Dissimulation; whereas indeed and truth it makes for both, Speciosáque nomina Culpae Imponis Garnette tuae. And in the end thereof, Blackwel besprinkles it with his Blessing, saying, Tractatus iste, valde doctus & verè pius, & Catholicus est. Certe S. Scripturarum, Patrum, Doctorum, Scholastico­rum, Canonistarum & optimarum Rationum praesidiis plenissimè firmat aequitatem aequivoca­tionis. Ideoque dignissimus est qui Typis propage­tur, ad consolationem afflictorum Catholicorum, & omnium piorum instructionem. That is, This Treatise is very Learned, Godly, and Catholick, and doth most fully confirm the Equity of Equi­vocation, by strong proofs out of holy Scri­ptures, Fathers, Doctors, School-men, Cano­nists, and soundest reasons; and therefore wor­thy to be published in Print, for the comfort of afflicted Catholicks, and instruction of all the godly.

[Page 43] Now in this Book there is, Propositio mentalis, verbalis, scripta, and mixta, distinguishing of a mental, a verbal, a written, and a mixt Propo­sition, a very labyrinth to lead men into error and falshood. For example, to give you a little taste of this Art of cozening.

A man is asked upon Oath this question, Did you see such an one to day? he may, by this Do­ctrine, answer No, though he did see him, viz. reserving this secret meaning, not with purpose to tell my Lord Chief Justice. Or, I see him not, Visione beatifica, or, not in Venice, &c. Like­wise, to answer thus, I was in the company, re­serving and intending secretly, as added, this word Not: As Strange the Jesuit did to my Lord Chief Justice and my self: Take one or two of these out of that very Book, as for purpose. A man cometh unto Coventry in time of a sus­picion of Plague, and at the Gates the Officers meet him, and upon his Oath examine him, whether he came from London or no, where they think certainly the Plague to be: This man knowing for certain the Plague not to be at London, or at least knowing that the Air is not there infectious, and that he only rid through some secret place of London, not staying there, may safely swear he came not from London, an­swering to their final intention in their demand, that is, whether he came so from London, that he may endanger their City of the Plague, al­though their immediate intention were to know whether he came from London or no. That man (saith the Book) the very light of nature would clear from Perjury. In like manner, one being Convented in the Bishop's Court, because [Page 44] he refuseth to take such a one to his Wife, as he had Contracted with per verba de praesenti, ha­ving Contracted with another privily before, so that he cannot be Husband to her that claimeth him, may answer, that he never Contracted with her per verba de praesenti, understanding that he did not so Contract that it was a Marriage, for that is the final intention of the Judge, to know whether there were a sufficient Marriage between them or no Never did Father Cranmer, Father Latimer, Father Ridley, those blessed Martyrs know these shifts, neither would they have used them to have saved their lives. And surely let every good man take heed of such Jurors or Witnesses, there being no Faith, no bond of Re­ligion or Civility, no Conscience of Truth in such men, and therefore the conclusion shall be that of the Prophet David: Domine, libera Ani­mam meam à labiis iniquis & à lingua dolosa; Deliver me, O Lord, from lying lips, and from a deceitful tongue.

S. P. Q. R. Was sometimes taken for these words, Senatus Populus (que) Romanus, the Senate and People of Rome, but now they may truly be expressed thus, Stultus Populus quaerit Ro­mam: A foolish people that runneth to Rome. And here was very aptly and delightfully in­serted and related the Apologue or Tale of the Cat and the Mice. The Cat having a long time preyed upon the Mice, the poor creatures at last, for their safety, contained themselves within their holes; but the Cat finding his prey to cease, as being known to the Mice, that he was indeed their enemy, and a Cat, deviseth this course fol­lowing, viz. changeth his hue, getteth on a Re­ligious [Page 45] habit, shaveth his crown, walks gravely by their holes: And yet perceiving that the Mice kept their holes, and looking out, suspected the worst, he formally, and Father-like said unto them, Quod fueram non sum, frater, caput aspice tonsum: Oh Brother, I am not as you take me for, no more a Cat, see my habit, and shaven crown. Hereupon some of the more credulous and bold among them, were again by this de­ceit snatched up; and therefore when afterwards he came as before to entice them forth, they would come out no more, but answered, Cor tibi restat idem, vix tibi proesto fidem, Talk what you can, we will never believe you, you have still a Cats heart within you: you do not watch and pray, but you watch to prey. And so have the Jesuits, yea, and Priests too; for they are all joyned in the tails like Sampson's Foxes, Ephraim against Manasses, and Manasses against Ephraim, but both against Iuda.

8. The last Consideration is, concerning the admirable discovery of this Treason, which was by one of themselves, who had taken the Oath and Sacrament, as hath been said, against his own will: The means was, by a dark and doubtful Letter sent to my Lord Mountegle. And thus much as touching the Considerations; the Ob­servations follow, to be considered in this Pow­der-Treason, and are briefly thus.

1. If the Cellar had not been hired, the Mine-work could hardly or not at all have been discovered; for the Mine was neither found, nor suspected, until the danger was past, and the Ca­pital Offenders apprehended, and by themselves, upon Examination, confessed.

[Page 46] 2. How the King was Divinely illuminated by Almighty God, the only Ruler of Princes, like an Angel of God, to direct and point as it were to the very place, to cause a search to be made there, out of those dark words of the Letter con­cerning a terrible Blow.

3. Observe a miraculous accident which be­fel in Stephen Littleton's house, called Holbach in Staffordshire, after they had been two days in open Rebellion, immediately before the ap­prehension of these Traitors: For some of them standing by the fire-side, and having set 2l. and di. of Powder to drie in a Platter before the fire, and under-set the said Platter with a great linen bag, full of other Powder, containing some fif­teen or sixteen pounds; it so fell out, that one coming to put more wood into the fire, and casting it on, there flew a coal into the Platter, by reason whereof, the Powder taking fire and blowing up, scorched those who were nearest, as Catesby, Graunt, and Rookewood, blew up the roof of the house, and the linnen bag which was set under the Platter being therewith sud­denly carried out through the Breach, fell down in the Court-yard whole and unfired; which if it had took fire in the room, would have slain them all there, so that they never should have come to this Trial. And, Lex justior ulla est, Quàm necis artifices arte perire sua?

4. Note, That Gun-powder was the invention of a Friar, one of that Romish Rabble; as Printing was of a Soldier.

5. Observe the sending of Rainham, one of the damned Crew, to the High Priest of Rome, to [Page 47] give signification of this blow, and to crave his direction and aid.

6. That for all their stirring and rising in open Rebellion, and notwithstanding the false Rumors given out by them, that the throats of all Catholicks should be cut; such is his Ma­jesties blessed Government, and the Loyalty of his Subjects, as they got not any one man to take their parts besides their own company.

7. Observe, the Sheriff, the ordinary Mini­ster of Justice, according to the duty of his Of­fice, with such power as he on a sudden by Law collected, suppressed them.

8. That God suffered their intended mischief to come so near the period, as not to be disco­vered but within few hours before it should have been executed.

9. That it was in the entring of the Sun into the Tropick of Capricorn, when they began their Mine; noting, that by Mineing they should descend, and by Hanging a­scend.

10. That there never was any Protestant Minister in any Treason and Murder, as yet at­tempted within this Realm.

I am now come to the last part, which I pro­posed Compari­sons. in the beginning of this discourse, and that is, touching certain Comparisons of this Powder Treason of the Jesuits, with that of Ra­leigh, and the other of the Priests, Watson and Clark. 1. They had all one end, and that was the Romish Catholick cause. 2. The same means, by Popish and discontented persons, Priests and Lay-men. 3. They all plaid at ha­zard; the Priests were at the By, Raleigh at the [Page 48] Main, but these in at all, as purposing to destroy all the Kings Royal Issue, and withall the whole Estate. 4. They were all alike obliged by the same Oath and Sacrament. 5. The same Proclamations were intended (after the fact) to be published for reformation of abuses. 6. The like Army provided for invading, to land at Milford-haven, or in Kent. 7. The same Pen­sions of Crowns promised. 8. The agreeing of the times of the Treason of Raleigh and these men, which was, when the Constable of Spain was coming hither, and Raleigh said, there could be no suspicion of any Invasion, seeing that the Constable of Spain was then expected for a Treaty of Peace; and the Navy might be brought to the Groine under pretence of the Service in the Low-Countreys. And Raleigh fur­ther said, That many more were hanged for words than for deeds. And before Raleigh's Treason was discovered, it was reported in Spain, That Don Raleigh and Don Cobham should cut the King of England's throat. I say not that we have any proofs, that these of the Powder-plot were acquainted with Raleigh, or Raleigh with them: but as before was spoken of the Jesuits and Priests, so they all were joyned in the ends, like Samson's Foxes in the tails, howsoever se­vered in their heads.

The Conclusion shall be, from the admirable Conclusion clemency and moderation of the King, in that howsoever these Traitors have exceeded all others their Predecessors in mischief, and so Crescente malitia, crescere debuit & Poena; yet neither will the King exceed the usual punish­ment of Law, nor invent any new torture or [Page 49] torment for them, but is graciously pleased to afford them as well an ordinary course of Trial, as an ordinary punishment, much inferiour to their offence. And surely worthy of observation is the punishment by Law provided and appoint­ed for High Treason, which we call Crimen laesae Majestatis. For first, after a Traitor hath had his just Trial, and is convicted and attainted, he shall have his judgment to be drawn to the place of Execution from his Prison, as being not worthy any more to tread upon the face of the earth, whereof he was made. Also for that he hath been retrograde to Nature, therefore is he drawn backwards at a Horse-tail. And whereas God hath made the head of man the highest and most supreme part, as being his chief grace and ornament: Pronáque cum spectent Animalia cae­tera terram, Os homini sublime dedit; he must be drawn with his head declining downward, and lying so near the ground as may be, being thought unfit to take benefit of the common Air: For which cause also he shall be Strangled, being hanged up by the neck between Heaven and Earth, as deemed unworthy of both, or either; as likewise, that the eyes of men may behold, and their hearts contemn him. Then is he to be cut down alive, and to have his Privy parts cut off, and burnt before his face, as being unworthily begotten, and unfit to leave any ge­neration after him. His bowels and inlayed parts taken out and burnt, who inwardly had con­ceived and harboured in his heart such horrible Treason. After, to have his head cut off, which had imagined the mischief. And lastly, his bo­dy to be quartered, and the quarters set up in [Page 50] some high and eminent place, to the view and detestation of men, and to become a prey for the Fouls of the Air. And this is a reward due to Traitors, whose hearts be hardned: for that it is Physick of State and Government, to let out cor­rupt blood from the heart. But, Poenitentia vera nunquam sera, sed paenitentia sera rarò vera. True repentance is indeed never too late, but late repentance is seldom found true; which yet I pray the merciful Lord to grant unto them, that having a sense of their offences, they may make a true and sincere Confession, both for their Souls health, and for the good and safety of the King and this State. And for the rest that are not yet apprehended, my prayer to God is, Ut aut convertantur ne pereant, aut confundan­tur ne noceant; that either they may be con­verted, to the end they perish not, or else con­founded that they hurt not.

After this, by the direction of Master Attor­ney General, were their several Examinations (subscribed by themselves) shewed particularly unto them, and acknowledged by them to be their own, and true, wherein every one had confessed the Treason. Then did Master At­torney desire, that albeit that which had been already done and confessed at the Bar, might be all-sufficient for the Declaration and Justifica­tion of the course of Justice then held, especially seeing we have Reos confitentes, the Traitors own voluntary Confessions at the Bar; yet for further satisfaction to so great a Presence and Audience, and their better memory of the car­riage of these Treasons, the voluntary and free Confessions of all the said several Traitors in [Page 51] writing, subscribed with their own proper hands, and acknowledged at the Bar by them­selves to be true, were openly and distinctly read. By which, amongst other things, it ap­peared, that Bates was resolved for what he un­dertook concerning the Powder-Treason, and being therein warranted by the Jesuits. Also it appeared, that Hammond the Jesuit, after that he knew the Powder-Treason was discovered, and that these Traitors had been in actual Re­bellion, Confessed them and gave them Absolu­tion; and this was on Thursday the 7th. of No­vember. Here also was mention made by Ma­ster Attorney, of the Confessions of Watson and Clark, Seminary Priests, upon their apprehen­sion, who affirmed, That there was some Trea­son intended by the Jesuits, and then in hand, as might appear; First, by their continual ne­gotiating at that time with Spain, which they assured themselves tended to nothing, but a pre­paration for a Foreign commotion.

2. By their collecting and gathering toge­ther such great sums of money, as then they had done, therewith to levy an Army when time should serve.

3. For that sundry of the Jesuits had been tampering with Catholicks, as well to disswade them from acceptance of the King at his first coming, saying, That they ought rather to die, than to admit of any Heretick (as they con­tinually termed his Majesty) to the Crown: And that they might not, under pain of Excom­munication, accept of any but a Catholick for their Sovereign; as al [...] to disswade Catholicks from their Loyalty, after the State was setled.

[Page 52] Lastly, in that they had both bought up store of great Horses throughout the Countrey, and conveyed Powder, and Shot, and Artillery secretly to their Friends, wishing them not to stir, but keep themselves quiet until they heard from them.

After the reading of their several Examina­tions, Confessions, and voluntary Declarations, as well of themselves, as of some of their dead Confederates, they were all, by the Verdict of the Jury, found guilty of the Treasons con­tained in their Indictment; and then being se­verally asked what they could say, wherefore Judgment of Death should not be pronounced against them, there was not one of these (ex­cept Rookwood) who would make any conti­nued Speech, either in defence or extenuation of the fact. Thomas Winter onely desired, that he might be Hanged both for his Brother and himself. Guy Fawkes being asked why he pleaded Not Guilty, having nothing to say for his excuse, answered, That he had so done in respect of certain conferences mentioned in the Indictment, which, he said, that he knew not of; which were answered to have been set down according to course of Law, as necessarily presupposed before the resolution of such a design. Keyes said, That his Estate and Fortunes were desperate, and as good now as another time, and for this cause rather than for another. Bates craved mercy. Robert Winter mercy. Iohn Grant was a good while mute, yet after submissly said, He was guilty of a Conspiracy intended, but never effected. But Ambrose Rook­wood first excused his denial of the Indictment, [Page 53] for that he had rather lose his life than give it. Then did he acknowledge his offence to be so heinous, that he justly deserved the indignation of the King, and of the Lords, and the hatred of the whole Common-wealth; yet could he not despair of Mercy at the hands of a Prince, so abounding in Grace and Mercy: And the ra­ther, because his Offence, though it were inca­pable of any excuse, yet not altogether incapa­ble of some extenuation, in that he had been neither Author nor Actor, but onely perswaded and drawn in by Catesby, whom he loved above any worldly man: And that he had concealed it, not for any malice to the Person of the King, or to the State, or for any ambitious respect of his own, but onely drawn with the tender re­spect, and the faithful and dear affection he bare to Mr. Catesby his Friend, whom he esteemed more dear than any thing else in the world. And this mercy he desired not for any fear of the image of Death, but for grief that so shame­ful a Death should leave so perpetual a blemish and blot unto all Ages upon his Name and Blood. But howsoever that this was his first Of­fence, yet he humbly submitted himself to the Mercy of the King, and prayed, that the King would herein imitate God, who sometimes doth punish corporaliter, non mortaliter; corporally, yet not mortally.

Then was related, how that on Friday immedi­ately before this Arraignment, Robert Winter hav­ing found opportunity to have conference with Fawkes in the Tower, in regard of the nearness of their Lodgings, should say to Fawkes, as Ro­bert Winter and Fawkes confessed, That he and [Page 54] Catesby had Sons, and that Boys would be men, and that he hoped they would revenge the cause: nay, that God would raise up Children to Abraham out of stones. Also that they were sorry, that no body did set forth a Defence or Apology of their Action; but yet they would maintain the cause at their deaths.

Here also was reported Robert Winters Dream, which he had before the blasting with Powder in Littletons house, and which he himself con­fessed, and first notified, viz. That he thought he saw Steeples stand awry, and within those Churches strange and unknown faces. And af­ter, when the foresaid blast had, the day follow­ing, scorched divers of the Confederates, and much disfigured the faces and countenances of Grant, Rookwood, and others: Then did Win­ter call to mind his Dream, and to his remem­brance thought, that the faces of his Associates so scorched, resembled those which he had seen in his Dream. And thus much concerning the former Indictment.

Then was Sir Everard Digby Arraigned, and after his Indictment was read, wherein he was Sir Eve­rard Dig­by Indicted Look the Indict­ment. charged, not onely to have been acquainted with the Powder-treason, and concealed it, and taken the double Oath of Secresie and Constancy therein, but likewise to have been an Actor in this Conspiracy. And lastly, to have exposed, and openly shewed himself in the Rebellion in the Countrey, amongst the rest of the Traitors. All which, after he had attentively heard and marked, knowing that he had freely confessed it, and the strength and evidence of the proofs against him, and convicted with the testimony [Page 55] of his own Conscience, shewed his disposition to confess the principal part of the said Indict­ment, and so began to enter into a Discourse. But being advertised, that he must first plead to the Indictment directly, either Guilty, or Not Guilty, and that afterwards he should be licensed to speak his pleasure, he forthwith confessed the Treason contained in the Indictment, and so fell into a Speech, whereof there were two parts, viz. Motives and Petitions. The first Mo­tive Sir Eve­rard Dig­by's Speech. which drew him into this action, was not ambition, nor discontentment of his estate, nei­ther malice to any in Parliament, but the friendship and love he bare to Catesby, which prevailed so much, and was so powerful with him, as that for his sake he was ever contented and ready to hazard himself and his Estate. The next Motive was, the cause of Religion, which alone, seeing (as he said) it lay at the stake, he entred into resolution to neglect in that be­half, his Estate, his Life, his Name, his Memo­ry, his Posterity, and all worldly and earthly fe­licity whatsoever, though he did utterly extir­pate and extinguish all other hopes, for the re­storing of the Catholick Religion in England. His third Motive was, That promises were bro­ken with the Catholicks. And lastly, That they generally feared harder Laws from this Parlia­ment against Recusants, as, That Recusants Wives, and Women, should be liable to the Mulct as well as their Husbands, and Men. And further, that it was supposed, that it should be made a Praemunire onely to be a Ca­tholick.

[Page 56] His Petitions were, That sithens his offence was confined and contained within himself, that the punishment also of the same might ex­tend onely to himself, and not be transferred either to his Wife, Children, Sisters, or others: and therefore for his Wife he humbly craved, that she might enjoy her Joynture, his Son the benefit of an Entail made long before any thought of this action; his Sisters, their just and due Portions which were in his hands; his Creditors, their rightful Debts; which that he might more justly set down under his hand, he requested, that before his death, his Man (who was better acquainted both with the men, and the particulars, than himself) might be licensed to come unto him. Then prayed he pardon of the King and Ll. for his guilt. And lastly, he entreated to be beheaded, desiring all men to forgive him, and that his death might satisfie them for his trespass.

To this Speech forthwith answered Sir Edw. Coke, Attorney General, but in respect of the Mr. Attor­ney. time (for it grew now dark) very briefly. 1. For his friendship with Catesby, that it was mere folly, and wicked Conspiracy. 2. His Religion, Error, and Heresie. 3. His promises, idle and vain presumptions: As also his fears, false alarms. Concerning Wives that were Recusants, if they were known so to be before their Husbands (though they were good Protestants) took them, and yet for outward and worldly re­spects whatsoever, any would match with such, great reason there is, that he or they should pay for it, as knowing the penalty and burthen before; for, Volenti & scienti non fit [Page 57] Injuria, No man receives injury in that, to which he willingly and knowingly agreeth and consenteth. But if she were no Recusant at the time of Marriage, and yet afterwards he suffer her to be corrupted and seduced, by admitting Priests and Romanists into his house, good rea­son likewise that he, be he Papist or Protestant, should pay for his negligence and misgovern­ment.

4. Concerning the Petitions for Wife, for Children, for Sisters, &c. O how he doth now put on the bowels of Nature and Compassion in the peril of his private and domestical estate! But before, when the publick state of his Coun­trey, when the King, the Queen, the tender Princes, the Nobles, the whole Kingdom, were designed to a perpetual destruction, Where was then this piety, this Religious affection, this care? All Nature, all Humanity, all respect of Laws both Divine and Humane, were quite abandoned; then was there no conscience made to extirpate the whole Nation, and all for a pre­tended zeal to the Catholick Religion, and the justification of so detestable and damnable a Fact.

Here did Sir Everard Digby interrupt Mr. Attorney, and said, that he did not justifie the fact, but confessed, that he deserved the vilest death, and most severe punishment that might be; but he was an humble Petitioner for mer­cy, and some moderation of Justice. Whereup­on Mr. Attorney repli'd, that he should not look by the King to be honoured in the manner of his death, having so far abandoned all Religion and Humanity in his Action; but [Page 58] that he was rather to admire the great modera­tion and mercy of the King, in that, for so exorbitant a crime, no new torture answerable thereunto was devised to be inflicted upon him. And for his Wife and Children, whereas he said, that for the Catholik Cause he was content to neglect the ruine of himself, his Wife, his Estate, and all; he should have his desire as 'tis in the Psalm, Let his Wife be a widow, and his Chil­dren vagabonds; let his posterity be destroyed, and in the next generation let his name be quite put out. For the paying of your Creditors, it is equal and just, but yet fit the King be first sa­tisfied and paid, to whom you owe so much, as that all you have is too little: yet these things must be left to the pleasure of his Majesty, and the course of Justice and Law.

[Page 59]

My Lord of Northamptons Speech, as it was taken at the Arraignment of Sir Everard Digby, by T. S.

YOu must not hold it strange, Sir Everard Digby, though at this time, being pressed in Duty, Conscience and Truth, I do not suffer you to wander in the Laberinth of your own idle con­ceits without opposition, to seduce others, as your Self have been seduced, by false Principles; or to convey your self by charms of imputation, by clouds of errour, and by shifts of lately de­vised Equivocation, out of that streight wherein your late secure and happy fortune hath been un­luckily entangled; but yet justly surprised, by the rage and revenge of your own rash humors. If in this crime (more horrible than any man is able to express) I could lament the estate of any person upon earth, I could pity you, but thank your Self and your bad Counsellours, for leading you into a Crime of such a kind; as no less benummeth in all faithfull, true and honest men, the tenderness of af­fection, than it did in you, the sense of all humanity.

That you were once well thought of, and esteem­ed by the late Queen, I can witness, having heard her speak of you with that grace which might have encouraged a true Gentleman to have run a better course: Nay I will add further, that there was a time, wherein you were as well af­fected to the King our Masters expectation, though perhaps upon false rumours and reports, that he would have yielded satisfaction to your unproba­ble and vast desires: but the seed that wanted [Page 60] moisture (as our Saviour himself reporteth) took no deep root: that zeal which hath no other end or object than the pleasing of it Self, is quickly spent: and Trajan that worthy and wise Emperour, had reason to hold himself discharged of all debts to those, that had offended more by prevarication, than they could deserve by industry.

The grace and goodness of his Majesty in giving honour at his first coming unto many men of your own affection, & (as I think) unto your self; his faci­lity in admitting all without distinction of Trojan or of Tyrian, to his Royal presence, upon just occasi­ons of access, his integrity in setting open the gate of civil Iustice unto all his Subjects equally and in­differently, with many other favours that suc­ceeded by the progression of Peace, are so palpable and evident to all men, that have either eyes of understanding, or understanding of capacity, as your Self and many others, have been driven of late to excuse and countenance your execrable in­gratitude, with a false and scandalous report of some further hope and comfort yielded to the Ca­tholicks for Toleration or connivency, before his coming to the Crown, than since hath been per­formed, made good or satisfied.

I am not ignorant, that this seditious and false alarm hath awaked and incited many working spi­rits to the prejudice of the present State, that might otherwise have slept as before with silence and sufferance: it hath served for a shield of wax against a sword of power: it hath been used as an Instrument of Art to shadow false approches, till the Trojan horse might be brought within the walls of the Parliament, with a belly stuffed, not as in old time with armed Greeks, but with hel­lish [Page 61] Gunpowder. But howsoever God had blind­ed you and other in this Action, as he did the King of Egypt and his Instruments, for the brighter evidence of his own powerful glory; yet every man of understanding could discern, that a Prince whose Iudgment had been fixed by experience of so many years, upon the Poles of the North and the South, could not shrink upon the suddain: no nor since with fear of that combustion which Catesby that Archtraitor, like a second Phae­ton, would have caused in an instant in all the Elements. His Majesty did never value for­tunes of the world, in lesser matter than Religion, with the freedom of his thoughts: he thought it no safe policy, (professing as he did and ever will) to call up more spirits into the circle than he could put down again: he knew, that omne Regnum in se divisum desolabitur. Philosophy doth teach, that whatsoever any man may think in secret thought, that where one doth hold of Cephas, another of Apollo, openly dissension en­sues, Quod insitum alieno solo est, in id quo ali­tu [...], natura vertente, degenerat: and the world will ever apprehend, that Quorum est commune symbolum, facilimus est transitus.

Touching the point it self of promising a kind of Toleration to Catholicks, as it was divulged by these two limbs of Lucifer, Watson and Per­cy, to raise a ground of practise and conspiracy a­gainst the State and Person of our Dear Soveraign: let the Kingdom of Scotland witness for the space of so many years before his coming hither, whether either flattery or fear, (no not upon that enterprise of the 17th of November, which would have put the patience of any Prince in [Page 62] Europe to his proof) could draw from the King the least inclination to this dispensative indiffe­rence, that was onely believed because it was ea­gerly desired.

Every man doth know how great art was used, what strong wits sublimed, and how many Ministers suborned and corrupted many years, both in Scotland and in Forein parts, to set the Kings teeth an edge, with fair promises of future helps and supplies, to that happy end of attaining his due right in England, when the Sun should set to rise more gloriously in the same Hemisphere, to the wonder both of this Island and of the world. But all in vain: for jacta erat alea, the Kings compass had been set before, and by a more certain rule: and they were commonly cast off as forlorn hopes in the Kings favour, that ran a course of ranking themselves in the foremost front of forein correspondency.

Upon notice given to his Majesty from hence, some years before the death of the late Queen, that many men were grown suspicious of his Religion, by rumors spread abroad, that some of those in forein part [...], that seemed to be well af­fected to his future expectation, had used his name more audaciously, and spoken of his favour to the Catholicks, more forwardly than the Kings own Conscience, and unchangeable Decree could acknowledge, or admit, (either with a purpose to prepare the minds of Forein Princes, or for a practise to estrange and alienate affections at home) not onely utterly renounced, and condem­ned these encrochments of blind zeal, and rash proceedings, by the voices of his own Ministers, but was careful also for a caution to succeeding [Page 63] hopes, so far as lay in him, that by the disgrace of the Delinquents in this kind, the minds of all Eng­lish Subjects chiefly might be secured, and the world satisfied.

No man can speak in this case more confident­ly than my self, that received in the Queens time for the space of many years, directions and warn­ings to take heed, that neither any further com­fort might be given to Catholicks concerning future favours, than he did intend, which was, to bind all Subjects in one Kingdom to one Law, concerning the Religion established, how­soever in Civil Matters he might extend his fa­vour as he found just cause: nor any seeds of jea­lousie and diffidence sown in the minds of Prote­stants by Semeis and Achitophels, to make them doubtful of his constancy, to whom he would confirm with his dearest blood that faith which he had sucked from the breast of his Nurse, appre­hended from the Cradle of his Infancy, and main­tained with his uttermost endeavour, affection and strength, since he was more able out of read­ing and disputing to give a reason of those Prin­ciples which he had now digested, and turned to Nutriment.

He that wrote the Book of Titles before the late Queens death, declares abundantly, by seek­ing to possess some Forein Prince of the Kings Hereditary Crowns, when the cause should come to the proof, and may witness in stead of many, what hope there was of the Kings favour or af­fection to Catholicks in the case of Toleration or Dispensation with exercise of Conscience. For every man may ghess that it was no sleight or or­dinary degree of despair, that made him and [Page 64] other of his Suit renounce their portion in the Son and Heir of that renowned and rare Lady, Mary Queen of Scotland, a Member of the Roman Church, as some did in David, Nulla nobis pars in David, nec haereditas in filio Isai. For hereof, by Letters intercepted in their passage into Scotland, the Records and Proofs are evident. His Majesty, so long as he was in expectation of that which by the work and grace of God he doth now possess, did ever seek to settle his establish­ment upon the Faith of Protestants in generality, as the most assured Shoot-Anchor. For though he found a number on the other side, as faithful and as well affected to his Person, Claim, and In­terest, as any men alive, as well in respect of their dependency upon the Queen his Mother, as for the taste which they had of the sweetness of him­self; yet finding with what strength of blood many have been over-carried out of a fervency in zeal in former times, observing to what censures they were subject, both in points of Faith, and li­mitation of Loyalty; And last of all, forecasting to what end their former Protestation would come, when present satisfaction should shrink, he was ever fearful to embark himself for any further voyage and adventure in this Streight, than his own Compass might stear him, and his Iudgment level him.

If any one green leaf for Catholicks could have been visibly discerned by the eye of Catesby, Winter, Garnet, Faux, &c. they would neither have entred into practise with Forein Princes during the Queens time, for prevention of the Kings Lawful and Hereditary Right, nor have renewed the same both abroad and at home, by [Page 65] Missions and Combinations, after his Majesty was both applauded and entred.

It is true, that by Confessions we find that false Priest Watson, and Arch-Traitor Percy, to have been the first devisers and divulgers of this scan­dalous report, as an accursed ground, whereon they might with some advantage, as it was conceived, build the Castles of their Conspiracy.

Touching the first, no man can speak more soundly to the point than my self; for being sent into the Prison by the King to charge him with this false Alarm, onely two days before his death, and upon his Soul to press him in the presence of God, and as he would answer it at another Bar, to confess directly, whether at either of both these times he had access unto his Majesty at Edinburgh, his Majesty did give him any promise, hope or comfort of encouragement to Catholicks concerning Toleration; he did there protest up­on his Soul, that he could never win one inch of ground, or draw the smallest comfort from the King in those degrees, nor further than that he would have them apprehend, that as he was a Stranger to this State, so till he understood in all points how those matters stood, he would not promise favour any way, but did protest, that all the Crowns and Kingdoms in this world should not induce him to change any Iote of his Professi­on, which was the Pasture of his Soul, and earnest of his eternal Inheritance. He did confess, that in very deed, to keep up the hearts of Catholicks in love and duty to their King, he had imparted the Kings words to many in a better tune, and a higher kind of descant, than his Book of Plain­song did direct; because he knew that others, [Page 66] like slie Barge-men, looked that way, when their stroke was bent another way. For this he craved pardon of the King in humble manner, and for his main Treasons of a higher nature than these Figures of Hypocrisie; and seemed penitent, as well for the horrour of his crime, as for the fals­hood of his whisperings.

It hindered not the satisfaction which may be given to Percy' s shadow (the most desperate Bou­tefeu in the pack) that as he died impenitent, for any thing we know, so likewise he died silent in the particulars: For first, it is not strange, that such a Traitor should devise so scandalous a slan­der out of the malice of his heart, intending to destroy the King by any means, and to advance all means that might remove obstructions and impediments to the plot of Gun-powder. The more odious that he could make him to the Party Male-content, and the more sharply that he could set the Party Male-content upon the point and humour of revenge, the stronger was his hope at the giving of the last blow, to be glorifi'd and ju­stifi'd. But touching the truth of the matters, it will be witnessed by many, that this Traitor Percy, after both the first and second return from the King, brought to the Catholicks no spark of comfort, of encouragement, of hope; whereof no stronger proof of argument doth need, than that Fawkes and others were employed both into Spain and other parts, for the reviving of a practise suspended and covered, after Percy' s coming back, as in likelihood they should not have been, in case he had returned with a branch of Olive in his mouth, or yielded any ground of com­fort to resolve upon.

[Page 67] Therefore I thought it thus far needful to pro­ceed for the clearing of those scandals that were cast abroad by these forlorn Hopes and graceless Instruments. It onely remains, that I pray for your repentance in this world for the satisfaction of many, and forgiveness in the next world for the saving of your self; having had by the Kings favour so long a time to cast up your Accompt, before your appearance at the seat of the great Au­ditor.

H. Northampton.

THen spake the Earl of Salisbury, especially The Eearl of Salis­bury. to that point of his Majesties breaking of promise with Recusants, which was used and urged by Sir Everard Digby, as a motive to draw him to participate in this so hideous a Treason: Wherein his Lordship, after acknow­ledgment, that Sir Everard Digby was his Ally; And having made a zealous and Religious pro­testation, concerning the sincerity and truth of that which he would deliver; shortly and clearly defended the honour of the King herein, and freed his Majesty from all imputation and scandal of Irresolution in Religion, and in the constant and perpetual maintaining thereof; as also from having at any time given the least hope, much less promise of Toleration. To which pur­pose he declared, how his Majesty, as well before his coming to this Crown, as at that very time, and always since, was so far from making of pro­mise, or giving hope of Toleration, that he ever [Page 68] professed he should not endure the very motion thereof from any.

And here his Lordship shewed what was done at Hampton-Court at the time of Watson' s Treason, where some of the greater Recusants were convented; and being found then not to have their fingers in Treason, were sent away again with encouragement to persist in their dutiful carriage, and with promise onely of thus much favour, That those mean profits which had oc­curred since the Kings time to his Majesty for their Recusancy, should be forgiven to the prin­cipal Gentlemen, who had both at his Entry shewed so much Loyalty, and had kept themselves so free since from all Conspiracies.

Then did his Lordship also (the rather to shew how little truth Sir Everard Digby' s words did carry in any thing which he had spoken) plainly prove, That all his protestations, wherein he de­nied so constantly to be privy to the Plot of Pow­der, were utterly false, by the testimony of Fawkes (there present at the Bar) who had confessed, That certain moneths before that Session, the said Fawkes being with Digby at his house in the Countrey, about what time there had fallen much wet; Digby taking Fawkes aside after Supper, told him, That he was much afraid that the Powder in the Cellar was grown dank, and that some new must be provided, lest that should not take fire.

Next, the said Earl did justly and greatly commend the Lord Mounteagle, for his Loyal and honourable care of his Prince and Countrey, in the speedy bringing forth of the Letter sent unto him, wherein he said, That he had shewed [Page 69] both his discretion and fidelity. Which Speech be­ing ended, Digby then acknowledged, That he spake not that of the breach of promise out of his own knowledge, but from their Relation whom he trusted, and namely from Sir Tho. Tresham.

NOw were the Jury returned, who having returned their Verdict, whereby they joyntly found those seven Prisoners, Arraigned upon the former Indictment, Guilty, Serjeant Philips craved Judgment against those Seven upon their Conviction; and against Sir Eve­rard Digby upon his own Conf [...]sion.

Then the Lord Chief Justice of England, af­ter a grave and prudent Relation and Defence of the Laws made by Queen Elizabeth against Recusants, Priests, and Receivers of Priests, to­gether with the several occasions, progresses, and reasons of the same; and having plainly de­monstrated and proved, that they were all ne­cessary, mild, equal, moderate, and to be justi­fied to all the world, pronounced Judgment.

Upon the rising of the Court, Sir Everard Digby bowing himself towards the Lords, said, If I may but hear any of your Lordships say, you forgive me, I shall go more chearfully to the Gallows. Whereunto the Lords said, God forgive you, and we do.

And so according to the Sentence, on Thurs­day following, execution was done upon Sir Everard Digby, Robert Winter, Iohn Graunt, and Thomas Bates, at the West end of Pauls Church; and on the Friday following, upon Thomas Win­ter, Ambrose Rookwood, Robert Keyes, and G [...]y Fawkes, within the old Palace-yard at Westminst. not far from the Parliament-house.

THE ARRAIGNMENT OF HENRY GARNET, Superiour of the Iesuits in Eng­land, on Friday the 28 th day of March, 1606. at Guild-hall in the City of London, before the Lords Commissioners there present. • Sir Leonard Holiday, Lord Mayor. , • The Earl of Nottingham. , • The Earl of Suffolk. , • The Earl of Worcester. , • The Earl of Northampton. , • The Earl of Salisbury. , • The Lord Chief Justice of England. , • The Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer. , and • Sir Christopher Yelverton, Knight, one of His Majesties Justices of the Kings Bench. 

[Page 71]

The Substance and Effect of the Indictment of Henry Garnet Superi­or of the Jesuits in England, appeareth before in the Relation of the former Arraignment, and therefore unneces­sary to be repeated again; which In­dictment was summarily and effectu­ally repeated by Sir Iohn Croke Knight, his Majesties Serjant at Law, in this manner.

THis Person and Prisoner here at the Bar, this place, and this present occasion and Action, do prove that true, which the Author of all Truth hath told us, That, Nihil est occultum quod non manifestabitur, & nihil est secretum, quod non revelabitur & in in palam veniet, There is nothing hid that shall not be made mani­fest, there is nothing secret that shall not be reveal­ed and come in publick; and that God by whom Kings do raign, Consilium pravorum dissipat, doth scatter and bring to nought the counsel of the wicked.

That he spake with fear and trembling, and with horror and amazedness, against that rotten root of that hideous and hateful tree of Treason, and of that detestable, and unheard of wickedness, he did crave pardon for it; affirming that no flesh could mention without astonishment.

He shewed that Henry Garnet of the profession of the Iesuits, otherwise Walley, otherwise [Page 72] Darcy, otherwise Roberts, otherwise Farmer, otherwise Philips (for by all those names he called himself) stood indicted of the most barbarous and damnable Treasons, the like whereof were never heard of, that he was a man Multorum Nomi­num, but not boni Nominis, of many names, as appeared by the Indictment, but of no good Name; adorned by God and nature with many gifts and graces, if the Grace of God had been joyned with them; But that wanting, quanto ornatior in other gifts, tanto nequior.

That this Garnet (his Majesty summoning his Parliament to be holden at Westminister, the 19th of March, in the first year of his Reign, and by divers Prorogations continuing it till the third of October last,) together with Catesby, lately slain in open Rebellion, and with Oswald Tesmond a Iesuit, otherwise Oswald Greenwell, as a false Traitor against the most mighty, and most renowned King our Soveraign Lord King King James, the 9th of June last, traiterously did conspire and compass,

To depose the King, and to deprive him of his Government.

To destroy and kill the King, and the noble Prince Henry his eldest Son: Such a King, and such a Prince, Such a Son of Such a Father, whose vertues are rather with amazed silence to be wondred at, than able by any speech to be ex­pressed.

To stir sedition and slaughter throughout the Kingdom.

To subvert the true Religion of God, and whole Government of the Kingdom.

[Page 73] To overthrow the whole State of the Common wealth.

The manner how to perform these horrible trea­sons, the Serjeant said Horreo dicere, his lips did tremble to speak it, but his heart praised God for his mighty deliverance. The practise so inhumane, so barbarous, so damnable, so detestable, as the like was never read nor heard of, or ever entred into the heart of the most wicked man to imagine. And here he said, he could not but mention that religious observation so religiously observed by his Religious Majesty, wishing it were ingraven in letters of gold in the hearts of all his people, The more hellish the Imagination, the more Divine the Preservation.

This Garnet, together with Catesby and Tes­mond, had speech and conference together of these treasons, and concluded most traiterously, and devilishly.

That Catesby, Winter, Fawkes, with many other Traitors lately attainted of high treason, would blow up with Gun-powder in the Parlia­ment house, the King, the Prince, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, the Iudges of the Realm, the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, and many other subjects and servants of the King assembled in Parliament, at one Blow traiterously and devilishly to destroy them all, and piece meal to tear them in sunder, without respect of Majesty, Dignity, Degree, Age or Place.

And for that purpose great quantity of Gun-powder was traiterously and secretly placed, and hid by these Conspirators under the Parliament house.

This being the substance and the effect of the [Page 74] Indictment, Garnet did plead Not guilty to it: and a very discreet and substantial Iury, with allowance of challenges unto the prisoner, were sworn at the Bar for the trial of him.

To whom the Serjeant shewed that they should have evidences to prove him guilty, that should be Luce clariores, that every man might read them running.

They should have Testimonia Rerum, and Lo­quentia signa, Witnesses and Testimonies of the things themselves.

Reum confitentem, or rather, Reos confiten­tes & accusantes invicem.

That every one may say unto him, Serve ne­quam, thou wicked subject, thou wicked servant, Ex ore tuo te judico, Of thine own mouth I judge thee, of thine own mouth I condemn thee.

And this shall be made so manifest by him that best can do it, as shall stop the mouth of all con­tradiction.

The effect of that which Sir Ed­ward Coke, Knight, His Majesties Attorney General, said at the Ar­raignment of Henry Garnet, Superi­our of the Iesuits in England, as near to his own words as the same could be taken.

YOur Lordships may perceive by the parts of the Indictment, which have been succinctly opened, that this is but a latter Act of that heavy and woful Tragedy, which is commonly called the Powder-treason, wherein some have already played their parts, and, according to their de­merits, suffered condign punishment and pains of death. We are now to proceed against this Pri­soner for the same Treason; in which respect, the necessary repetition of some things before spoken, shall at the least seem tolerable: for that Nunquam nimis dicitur, quod nunquam satis dicitur, It is never said too often, that can never be said enough: Nay, it may be thought justifiable to repeat in this case, for that in re­spect of the confluence and access of people, at the former Arraignment, many could not hear at that time. And yet because I fear it would be tedious, for that most of all my Lords Com­missioners, and of this Honourable and Great Assembly, were present at the Arraignment, and for that I am now to deal with a man of an­other [Page 76] quality, I will onely touch, and that very little, of the former Discourse or Evidence, and that little also shall be mingled with such new matter as shall be worth the hearing, as being indeed of weight and moment; and all this with very great brevity.

But before I further proceed to the opening of this so great a Cause, I hold it fit and necessa­ry to give satisfaction to two divers and ad­verse sorts of men, who according to the di­vers affections of their hearts, have divined and conjectured diversly of the cause of the procrastination and delay of proceeding, espe­cially against this person, the matter where­with he stands charged being so transcendant and exorbitant as it is. The first sort of these, out of their hearty love and loyalty to their Na­tural Liege Lord and King, and to their dear Countrey, and this State, have feared the issue of this delay, lest that others might be animated by such protraction of Judgment, to perpetrate the like: For they say, (and it is most true) Quia non profertur citò contra malos sententia, abs (que) ti­more Eccles. 8. 11. ullo filii hominum perpetrant mala: Because speedy Justice is not executed against wicked men, the people without all fear commit wic­kedness. And pity it were that these good men should not be satisfied. The other sort are of those, who in respect no greater expedition hath been used against this Prisoner at the Bar, fall to excusing of him, as gathering these presum­ptions and conjectures: First, that if he, or any of the Iesuits, had indeed been justly to be touched with this most damnable and damned Treason, surely they should have been brought [Page 77] forth and tried before this time. Secondly, that there was a Bill exhibited in Parliament concern­ing this Treason, and this Traitor, but that it was deferred, and proceeded not for want of just and sufficient proofs. Nay, thirdly, there was a particular Apology spread abroad for this man, and another general for all Iesuits and Priests, together with this imputation, That King-killing, and Queen-killing was not indeed a Doctrine of theirs, but onely a Fiction and Policy of our State, thereby to make the Popish Religion to be despised, and in disgrace. Now for these men, pity it were, that the eye of their understanding should not be enlightned and cleared, that so being by demonstrative and lu­culent proofs convinced, they may be to their Prince and Countrey truly converted. First therefore concerning the delay, (though it be true, Quod flagellatur in corde, qui laudatur in ore) yet must I remember the great pains of my Lords the Commissioners of his Majesties Privy Council, in this cause for Garnet, being first examined upon the 13th. of the last moneth, hath sithence been again examined and interro­gated above twenty several times, which lasted unto the 26th. of March, within two days of this Arraignment. Touching the Bill in Par­liament, it was indeed exhibited before Gar­net was apprehended: but his Majesties gra­cious pleasure was, That albeit this Treason be without all president and example, yet they should quietly and equally be Indicted, Arraign­ed, publickly heard, and proceeded withall in a moderate, ordinary, and just course of Law. Concerning their Apologies, and the Fictions [Page 78] of State (as they term them) answer shall be made, by Gods grace, in the proper place, when I come to lay open the plots and practises of the Jesuits, to the satisfaction of all this Honou­rable and Great Assembly. But first I have an humble Petition to present to your Lordships, and the rest of this grave Auditory, for my self, in respect that I am necessarily to name great Princes; yet with protestation and caution, that no blot is intended to be laid upon any of them. I know there is Lex in sermone tenenda, a Law and Rule to be observ'd in speaking, especially in this kind; and that Kings and great Princes, and the mighty Men of this earth, are to be re­verently and respectfully dealt withall. And therefore I humbly recommend unto you these Considerations, concerning this point of men­tioning these Forein States. First, That the Kingdoms were at those times in open enmity and hostility, and that might be honourable at one time which was not so at another; so that hostile actions were then justifiable and honou­rable, as being in times of Hostility and War. Secondly, in these things, it is not the Kings Attorney that speaks, but Garnet the Iesuit: as also, that it proceedeth from an inevitable ne­cessity, for that the Examinations as well of this, as of the rest of the Traitors, cannot otherwise be opened and urged against them: so is the mention of great men by the impudency of these wicked Traitors, woven into their Confes­sions, as they cannot be severed.

And with this comfort I conclude the Pre­face, That I hope in God, this days work, in the judgment of so many as shall be attentive [Page 79] and well disposed, shall tend to the glory of Al­mighty God, the honour of our Religion, the safety of his most Excellent Majesty and his Royal Issue, and the security of the whole Com­mon-wealth.

For Memory and Method, all that I shall speak may be contracted to two general Heads: First, I will consider the Offences, together with certain Circumstances,

Precedent before the offence.
Concurrent with the offence.
Subsequent after the offence.

Secondly, I will lay down some observations concerning the same.

For the proper name of this offence, because I must speak of several Treasons, for distin­ction and separation of this from the other, I will name it the Jesuits Treason, as belonging to them, both ex congruo & condigno, They were the Proprietaries, Plotters, and Pro­curers of it; and in such crimes, plus peccat Author quàm Actor, the Author or Procurer of­fendeth more, than the Actor or Executor, as may appear by Gods own judgment given against the first sin in Paradise, where the Ser­pent had three punishments inflicted upon him, as the Original Plotter; the Woman two, being as the immediate Procurer; and Adam but one, as the Party seduced.

Circumstances precedent and subsequent, so termed here, are indeed in their proper natures all high Treasons, but yet in respect of the mag­nitude, nay, monstrousness of this Treason, may comparatively, without any discounte­nance to them in this case, be used as Circum­stances. [Page 80] And because I am to deal with the Su­perior of the Jesuits, I will onely touch such Treasons, as have been plotted and wrought by the Jesuits, of whom this man was Superiour, and those Treasons also sithens this Garnet his com­ing into England, whereof he may truly say, Et quorum pars magna fui.

The coming of this Garnet into England, (which very act was a Treason) was about twenty years past, viz. in Iuly, 1586. in the 28th. year of the Reign of the late Queen of famous and blessed memory; whereas the year before, namely the 27th. year of Eliz. there was a Statute made, whereby it was Treason for any, who was made a Romish Priest by any Autho­rity from the Sea of Rome, sithens the first year of her Reign, to come into her Dominions. Which Statute the Romanists calumniate as a bloody, cruel, unjust, and a new upstart Law; and abuse that place of our Saviour, O Ierusa­lem, Ierusalem, thou that killest the Prophets, and stonest them that are sent unto thee, &c. to Matth. 23. 37. that purpose. But indeed it is both mild, mer­ciful, and just, and grounded upon the ancient fundamental Laws of England. For (as hath already in the former Arraignments been touch­ed) before the Bull of Impious Pius Quintus, in the 11th. year of the Queen, wherein her Majesty was Excommunicated and Deposed, and all they accursed who should yield any obedience unto her, &c. there were no Recu­sants in England, all came to Church, (how­soever Popishly inclined, or persuaded in most points) to the same Divine Service we now use: but thereupon presently they refused to assem­ble [Page 81] in our Churches, or joyn with us in publick Service, not for conscience of any thing there done, against which they might justly except out of the Word of God, but because the Pope had Excommunicated and Deposed her Maje­sty, and cursed those who should obey her: and so upon this Bull ensued open Rebellion in the North, and many Garb [...]ils. But see the event: Now most miserable in respect of this Bull was the state of Romish Recusants, for either they must be hanged for Treason, in re­sisting their lawful Sovereign, or cursed for yielding the due obedience unto her Majesty. And therefore of this Pope it was said by some of his own favourits, that he was Homo pius & doctus, sed nimis credulus, A holy and a learned man, but over credulous; for that he was in­formed and believed, that the strength of the Catholicks in England was such, as was able to have resisted the Queen. But when the Bull was found to take such an effect, then was there a Dispensation given, both by Pius Quintus himself, and Gregory the 13th. That all Catholicks here might shew their outward obedience to the Queen, ad redimendam vexa­tionem, & ad ostendendam externam obedien­tiam; but with these cautions and limitations: 1. Rebus sic stantibus, things so standing as they did. 2. Donec publica Bullae executio fieri posset; that is to say, They might grow into strength, until they were able to give the Queen a Mate, that the publick execution of the said Bull might take place. And all this was confessed by Garnet under his own hand, and now again openly confessed at the Bar.

[Page 82] In the 20th. year of Queen Elizabeth, came Campion the Jesuit, and many others of his Pro­fession with him, purposely to make a Party in England for the Catholick cause, to the end that the Bull of Pius Quintus might be put in execution. And though all this while Recusancy being grounded upon such a disloyal Cause, were a very dangerous and disloyal thing; yet was there no Law made in that behalf until the 23d. year of her Majesties Reign. And that also imposing onely a Mulct or Penalty upon it, until conformity were offered and shewed. Anno 26 Eliz. came Parry with a resolution from Cardinal de Como and others, that it was lawful to kill her Majesty, as being Excommu­nicated and Deposed. Whereupon her Majesty entring into consultation how (together with her safety, and the protection of her Subjects) she might avoid the imminent dangers, and yet draw no blood from these Priests and Jesuits, found out this moderate and mild course, as the best means to prohibit their coming at all into her Land, there never being any King who would endure, or not execute any such persons within their Dominions, as should deny him to be lawful King, or go about to withdraw his Subjects from their Allegiance, or incite them to resist or rebel against him. Nay, the bringing in of a Bull by a Subject of this Realm against another, in the time of Edward the first, was adjudged Treason. But by the way, for that Garnet hath exclaimed, saying, Shew us where was your Church before Luther, design the place, name the persons, and so forth; it is answered, by a comparison of a Wedge of [Page 83] pure Gold, which coming into the hands of Impostors, is, by their sophistications and mix­tures, for gain and worldly respects, increased and augmented into a huge body and mass, and retaining still an outward fair shew andtincture of Gold. Where is now the pure Gold, saith one? shew me the place. I answer, In that mass, but for the extracting thereof, and purifying it from dross, that must be done by the Art of the Workman, and the Trial of the Touch­stone. So the true Religion and Service of Al­mighty God, being, for humane respects, and worldly pomp, mixed and over-laden with a number of superstitious Ceremonies and In­ventions of man; yet ever had God his true Church holding his truth, which hath been by skilful Workmen, with the Touch-stone of the Word of God, refined and separate from the Dross of mans Inventions.

But to proceed. In the 28th. year of Queen Elizabeth, being the year of our Lord 86. in Iune, came Garnet into England, breaking through the Wall of Treason, being in truth, Totus compositus ex proditione. And this was at that time, when the great Armado of Spain, which the Pope blessed and Christened by the name of, The Invincible Navy, was, by the in­stigation of that high Priest of Rome, preparing and collecting together of many parcels, out of divers parts, where they could be bought, or hired, or borrowed, and therefore may be cal­led, A compounded Navy, having in it 158 great Ships. The Purveyors and Fore-runners of this Navy and Invasion, were the Jesuits, and Garnet among them, being a Traitor even [Page 84] in his very entrance and footing in the Land. But the Queen, with her own Ships, and her own Subjects, did beat this Armado, God him­self (whose cause indeed it was) fighting for us against them, by Fire, and Seas, and Winds, and Rocks, and Tempests, scattering all, and destroying most of them. For, Offenso Creatore, offenditur omnis creatura, the Creator being offended, every Creature is readily armed to revenge his quarrel; in which respect he is cal­led, The Lord of Hosts. So that of 158, scarce 40 of their Ships returned to the Bar of their own Haven; and it is reported, most of them al­so perished. Insomuch that in this respect, we may say of Queen Elizabeth, as the Poet writeth of the Christian Emperor,

O nimium dilecta Deo, cui militat aether,
Et conjuratt veniunt ad classica venti.

Observe here, that about the time of this Invasion, there being in Spain met in consul­tation about that business, the Cardinal of Au­stria, the Duke of Medina, Count Fuentes, two Irish Bishops, with sundry Military men, and amongst others, Winslade an Englishman; The Irish Bishops perceiving that they expected a Party of Catholicks in England, resolved, that true it was, that it was not possible to do any good here in England, unless there were a Party of Catholicks made before-hand. But such, said they, was the policy of England, as that could never be effected; for if any suspicion or fear arose, the Catholicks should quickly be either shut up, or quite cut off. Oh, saith an old Sol­dier, [Page 85] there present, Hoc facit pro nobis, that makes for us; for by that means their Souls shall go to Heaven for their Religion, their Bo­dies to the Earth for their Treason, and their Lands and Goods to us as Conquerors: and this was that indeed they principally aimed at. Note here, that sithence the Jesuits set foot in this Land, there never passed four years with­out a most pestilent and pernicious Treason, tending to the subversion of the whole State. After that hostile Invasion in 88. the Jesuits fell again to secret and treasonable practises; for then, in the year 92, came Patrick Cullen, who was incited by Sir William Stanley, Hugh Owen, Iaques Fraunces, and Holt the Jesuit, and resolved by the said Holt to kill the Queen; to which purpose he received Absolution, and then the Sacrament at the hands of the said Jesuit, together with this ghostly counsel, That it was both lawful and meritorious to kill her. Nay, said Iaques, that base Landress Son, (who was a continual practiser both with this Cullen and others, to destroy her Majesty) The State of England is, and will be so setled, that unless Mistris Elizabeth be suddenly taken away, all the Devils in Hell will not be able to prevail against it, or shake it.

Now Cullen's Treason was accompanied with a Book called Philopater, written for the abet­ting and warranting of such a devilish act in general by Creswel the Legier Jesuit in Spain, under the name of Philopater. Anno 94. came Williams and York to the same end, viz. to kill the Queen, being wrought to undertake so vile and detestable a fact by Father H [...]lt the [Page 86] Jesuit, and other his complices; And thereupon the said Willams and York, in the Jesuits Col­ledge received the Sacrament together of father Holt, and other Iesuits, to execute the same. And that Treason likewise was accompanied with a Book written by the legier Iesuit and Rector at Rome, Parsons, under the name of Doleman, concerning Titles, or rather tittles: a lewd and a lying book, full of falshood, forgery and ma­lediction. Anno 97. came Squire from Spain, to poyson her Majesty, incited, directed, and warranted by Walpole a Iesuit, then residing there: at whose hands likewise, after absolution, he received the Sacrament, as well to put the practise in execution, as to keep it secret. All these Treasons were freely and voluntarily con­fessed by the parties themselves, under their own hands, and yet remain extant to be seen.

In the year 1601. when practises failed, then was Force again attempted; For then (as in the former Arraignment hath been declared) was Thomas Winter imployed to the King of Spain, together with Tesmond the Jesuit, by this Garnet, who wrote his Letters to Arthur alias Ioseph Creswell, (the only man whom I have heard of to change his Christian name) the le­gier Jesuit in Spain, for the furtherance of that negotiation, which was, as hath been said, To offer the services of the English Catholicks to the King, and to deal further concerning an In­vasion, with promise from the Catholicks here, of forces, both of men and horses, to be in a readi­ness to joyn with him. This negotiation by the means of Creswel, to whom Garnet wrote, [...]ook such effect, that the two kingdoms standing [Page 87] then in hostlity, the proposition of the English Romish Catholicks was accepted and entertained, an army to Invade (as hath been specified in the former Arraignment) promised, and 100000. Crowns to be distributed amongst Romanists and discontented persons, making of a party in England, and for the furtherance of the said ser­vice granted. In the mean time the King ear­nestly desired, That if the Queen of England should happen to die, he might receive present and certain Advertisemene thereof.

Now this Treason was accompanied with the Clem. 8. Popes own writing. For now doth the Holy Father cause to be sent hither to Garnet two Briefs or Buls, one to the Clergy, and another to the Laity: wherein observe the Title, the Matter, the Time. The Title of the one was, Dilectis filijs, Principibus, & Nobilibus Catho­licis Anglicanis, Salutem & Apostolicam bene­dictionem: that is, To our beloved sons the No­bles and Gentlemen of England, which are Catholicks, Greeting, and Apostolical bene­diction. The title of the other was, Dilectis filijs Archipresbytero, & reliquo Clero Anglicano, &c. To our beloved sons, the Archpriest, and the rest of the Catholik Clergy. The matter was, that after the death of her Majesty, whe­ther by course of Nature or otherwise, whosoever should lay claim or Title to the Crown of Eng­land, though never so directly & neerly interested therein, by Descent and Blood Royal, yet un­less he were such an one as would not onely to­lerate the Catholick (Romish) Religion, but by all his best endeavours and force promote it, and according to the ancient custom, would by a [Page 88] solemn and sacred Oath religiously promise and undertake to perform the same, they should ad­mit or receive none to be King of England▪ His words are these, Quantumcunque propinqui­tate sanguinis niterentur, nisi ejusmodi essent, qui fidem Catholicam non modò tolerarent, sed omni ope ac studio promoverent, & more Majorum Iurejurando se id praestituros susciperent, &c.

As for King Iames (at whom the Pope aimed) he hath indeed both Propinquitatem, and Anti­quitatem Regalis sanguinis, Propinquity and Antiquity of blood Royal, for his just Claim and Title to this Crown both before and since the Conquest. To insist upon the declaration and deduction of this point, and pass along through the Series and course of so many Ages and Cen­turies, as it would be over long for this place, so further I might herein seem as it were to guild gold: Onely in a word, His Majesty is lineally Sancta Margaret­ta Regina Scotorum in Calen­dario Ro­mano. David hath the Epit. of Pi [...]s in Hector Bo­etius Ma­jor, and Scoticro­nicon. Maud is stiled Bona by the sto­ries of those times. descended from Margaret the Saint, daughter of Edward son of King Edmund Grandchild of Great Edgar the Britain Monarch: which Mar­garet, sole Heir of the English Saxon King, was maried to Malcolme King of Scotland, who by her had issue David the Holy their King, from whom that Race Royal at this day is deduced, and Maud the Good, wife of the first and learned Henry King of England, from whom his Ma­jesty directly and lineally proceedeth, and of whom a Poet of that time wrote.

Nec decor effecit fragilem, non sceptra superbam,
Sola potens humilis, sola pudica decens.

[Page 89] And lastly his Majesty cometh of Margaret also the eldest daughter of Henry the 7th. who was descended of that famous Union of those two fair Roses, the White and the Red, York and Lancaster, the effecting of which union cost the effusion of much English blood, over and besides four-score or thereabouts of the Blood-Royal. But a more famous Union is, by the goodness of the Almighty, perfected in his Ma­jesties person, of divers Lions, two Famous, An­cient, and Renowned Kingdoms, not onely without bloud, or any opposition, but with such an universal acclamation and applause of all sorts and degrees, (as it were with one voice) as never was seen or read of. And therefore, most Excellent King, for to him I will now speak,

Cum triplici fulvum conjunge Leone Leonem,
Ut varias Atavus junxerat antè Rosas.
Majus opus varios sine pugna unire Leones,
Sanguine quàm varias consociâsse Rosas.

These four Noble and Magnanimous Li­ons, so firmly and undividually united, are able, without any difficulty or great labour, to sub­due and overthrow all the Letters and Bulls (and their Calves also) that have been, or can be sent into England.

Now for the time observe, that these Bulls or Briefs came upon the aforesaid Negociation of Thomas Winter into Spain, at what time an Ar­my should shortly after have been sent to in­vade the Land: and this was to be put in exe­cution, Quandocunque contingeret miseram illam foeminam ex hac vita excedere. Whensoever it [Page 90] should happen, that that miserable Woman (for so it pleased the High Priest of Rome to call Great Queen Elizabeth) should depart this life. Was Queen Elizabeth miserable? It is said, that Misera constat ex duobus contrarus, scilicet, Copia, & Inopia: Ex copia tribulationis, & inopia consolationis. Was she, I say, misera­ble, whom Almighty God so often and so mira­culously protected, both from the arrow that flieth by day, their great Armado; and from the Pestilence that walketh in the darkness, their secret and treacherous Conspiracies? That did beat her most potent Enemy? That set up a King in his Kingdom? That defended Na­tions, and harboured and protected distressed People? That protected her Subjects in peace and plenty, and had the hearts of the most and the best of her Subjects? That Reigned Religi­ously and Gloriously, and died Christianly and in peace? Oh blessed Queen, our late dear So­vereign, Semper honos nomenque tuum laudesque manebunt. But Queen Elizabeth of famous me­mory, (for memoria ejus semper erit in benedi­ctione) as a bright Morning-Star, in the fulness of time, lost her natural light, when the great and glorious Sun appeared in our Horizon. And now sithence the coming of great King Iames, there have not passed, I will not say four years, but not four, nay, not two months, with­out some Treason. First, in March 1603. up­on the death of her Majesty, and before they had seen his Majesties face, was Christopher Wright employed into Spain by Garnet, Catesby, and Tresham, to give advertisement of the Queens death, and to continue the former Negotiation [Page 91] of Thomas Winter. And by him also doth this Garnet write to Creswel the Jesuit in commen­dation, and for assistance and furtherance of his business.

As also in the 22d. of Iune following, was Guy Fawkes sent out of Flanders, by Baldwin the Jesuit, by Sir William Stanley, and Hugh Owen, about the same Treason; and by Let­ters from Baldwin, directed and commended to Creswel the Legier Jesuit in Spain, for the pro­curing of his dispatch, as in the former Arraign­ment hath been declared. In the same Iune doth Garnet the Superiour, together with Gerrard and other Jesuits, and Jesuited Catholicks, labour, not onely in providing of Horses, which, by Thomas Winter and Christopher Wright, upon their several negotiations they, in the names of all the Catholicks in England, had promised the King of Spain to assist and do him service withall, at such time as the said King should send Forces to invade, either at Milford-haven, or in Kent, as hath before been shewed: But also did, by force of the said two Bulls or Briefs, disswade the Romish Catholicks from yielding their due obedience to his Majesty, for that he was not of the Roman Religion, contrary to the practise of the true Church and Church­men, that undergo Wars, Ferendo, non ferien­do, with patience, not with strokes, their Wea­pons being properly Orationes & Lachrymae, Prayers and Tears.

In the same Iune 9. which was 1603. Primo Iacobi, brake out likewise the Treason of the Romish Priests, Watson and Clark; as also that other of Sir Walter Raleigh and others. But the [Page 92] Jesuits seeing that the Peace was now in great forwardness; and having advertisement also, that the King of Spain did now distaste their Propositions, so that there was no further hope left for force, then fell they again to secret practise. As for the Bulls or Briefs before men­tioned, when Catesby had informed Garnet, that King Iames was proclaimed, and the State setled; they were by Garnet, as himself hath affirmed, burnt. But to proceed. In March, 1603. Garnet and Catesby (a pestilent Traitor) confer together, and Catesby in general telleth him, (though most falsly) that the King had broken promise with the Catholicks, and there­fore assuredly there would be stirs in England before it were long. In September following meets Catesby and Thomas Piercy, and after an unjust, but a grievous complaint made by Cates­by of the Kings proceedings, for that contrary to their expectations, his Majesty both did hold, and was like continually to run the same course which the Queen before had held; Piercy pre­sently breaks forth into this devilish speech, That there was no way but to kill the King, which he the said Piercy would undertake to do. But Catesby, as being Versuto ingenio & profunda perfidia, a cunning, a wily, and a deep Traitor, intending to use this so furious and fiery a Spirit to a further purpose, doth, as it were, stroke him for his great forwardness; yet with sage and stayed counsel tells him, No, Tom, thou shalt not adventure thy self to so small purpose; If thou wilt be a Traitor, there is a Plot to greater advantage, and such a [Page 93] one as can never be discovered, viz. the Powder-Treason.

In Ianuary, in the first year of his Majesty, Garnet took out a General Pardon under the Great Seal of England, of all Treasons, which Pardon, his Majesty, of his Grace, granted to all men at his first entrance into his Kingdom, under the name of Henry Garnet of London, Gent. but therein he never used any of his alias dictus Walley, Farmer, or any other of his feigned names. But Catesby fearing lest any of those whom he had or should take into Confederacy, being touched in Conscience with the horrour of so damnable a fact, might give it over, and endanger the discovery of the Plot, seeks to Garnet (as being the Sup [...]riour of the Jesuits, and therefore of high estimation and authority amongst all those of the Romish Religion) to have his judgment and resolution in Conscience, concerning the lawfulness of the fact, that thereby he might be able to give satisfaction to any who should in that behalf make doubt or scruple to go forward in that Treason. And therefore Catesby coming to Garnet, propound­eth unto him the Case, and asketh whether for the good and promotion of the Catholick cause against Hereticks (the necessity of time and oc­casion so requiring) it be lawful or not, amongst many Nocents, to destroy and take away some Innocents also. To this question Garnet advised­ly and resolvedly answered, That if the advan­tage were greater to the Catholick part by ta­king away some Innocents together with many Nocents, then doubtless it should be lawful to kill and destroy them all: And to this purpose [Page 94] he alledged a comparison of a Town or City which was possessed by an Enemy, If at the time of taking thereof there happen to be some few friends within the place, they must under­go the fortune of the Wars in the general and common destruction of the Enemy. And this re­solution of Garnet the Superior of the Jesuits, was the strongest, and the onely bond, where­by Catesby afterwards kept and retained all the Traitors in that so abominable and detesta­ble a Confederacy. For in March following, Catesby, Thomas Winter, and others, resolve upon the Powder-plot, and Fawkes, as being a man unknown, and withall a desperate person, and a Soldier, was resolved upon, as fit for the executing thereof; to which purpose he was, in April following, by Thomas Winter sought and fetched out of Flanders into England. In May, in the second year of his Majesty, Cates­by, Percy, Iohn Wright, Thomas Winter, and Fawkes meet, and having upon the holy Evan­gelists taken an Oath of secresie and constancy to this effect;

YOu shall swear by the blessed Trinity, and by the Sacrament you now purpose to receive, never to disclose, directly or indirectly, by word or circumstance, the matter that shall be proposed to you to keep secret, nor desist from the execution thereof, until the rest shall give you leave.

They all were Confessed, had Absolution, and received thereupon the Sacrament, by the hands of Gerrard the Jesuit then present. [Page 95] In Iune following Catesby and Greenwel the Jesuit confer about the Powder-treason. And at Midsummer Catesby having speach with Gar­net of the Powder-treason; they said that it was so secret, as that it must prevail, before it could be discovered. Then Garnet seemed to desire that the Popes consent might be obtained; But Catesby answered, that he took that as granted by the Pope in the two Buls or Briefs before; For that said he, if it were lawfull not to receive, or to repell him, as the said Buls or Briefs did im­port, then it is lawfull also to expell or cast him out. Upon the 7th. of Iuly 1604, was the Parliament Prorogued untill the 7th. of Febru­ary; and in November following, Thomas Bates, being (as hath been declared more at large in the former Arraignment) fetched in by Catesby his master, to participate in the Powder-treason, for better assurance of his secrecy, and prosecution thereof, is by Greenwel the Jesuit confessed, encouraged and told, that being for a good cause, he might and ought not onely con­ceal it, as committed unto him in secret by his master, but further said, that it was no offence at all, but justifiable and good. About this time was Robert Keyes taken into the Confe­deracy, and by Catesby resolved of the lawful­ness thereof from the Jesuits.

In the 11th. of December they entred the Mine: and in March following, which was in 1605, was Guy Fawks sent over to Sir William Stanley with letterts from Garnet, ro Baldwine the Legier Jesuit there, to take order that a­gainst the time of the Blow, the forces might be brought near to the Sea side, to the end that [Page 96] they might suddenly be transported into Eng­land. And there doth Fawkes by consent of the confederates, give Owen the Oath of secrecy and perseverance, and then acquaints him with the whole Treason: Who having been a most malicious and inveterate Traitor, greatly ap­plauded it, and gave his consent and counsel for the furtherance thereof. In May 1605, fell out certain Broils in Wales by the Romish Ca­tholiques, at what time also Rookewood was by Catesby acquainted with the Powder-treason, and resolved of the lawfulness of the fact by him as from the Jesuits. Now doth Garnet write to the Pope, that commandment might come from his Holiness, or els from Aquaviva the General of the Jesuits, for the staying of all commotions of the Catholiques here in England, intending indeed to set their whole rest of the Catholique Romish cause, upon the Powder-plot, and in the mean time to lull us asleep in security, in respect of their dissembled quitness and conformity, as also least impediment might be offered to this main Plot by reason of any suspicion of the stir­ring of Papists, or of inquiry after them upon occasion of any petty commotions or broils. But when he further desired, that it might be so enjoyned upon censures, that latter request was not granted, least it might indeed be an impedi­ment to the Powder-plot.

In Iune following doth Greenwel the Jesuit consult with Garnet his Superior, of the whole course of the Powder-treason at large. Where­in observe the politique and subtil dealing of this Garnet. First he would not (as he saith) confer of it with a lay man (other than Catesby [Page 97] whom he so much trusted) why so? because that might derogate from the reverence of his Place, That a Jesuit, and a Superior of them, should openly joyn with Laymen in cause of so much bloud; And therefore secondly, as he would consult of it with a Priest, and a Jesuit, one of his own order and his subject; so for his further security, he would consult thereof with Greenwel the Jesuit, as in a disguised confession. And being informed, that the discourse would be too long to repeat kneeling, he answered that he would consult with him of it in confession walking; and so accordingly in an ambulatory confession, he at large discoursed with him of the whole Plot of the Powder-treason; And that a Protector (after the Blow given) should be chosen out of such of the Nobility as should be warned and reserved.

In this Moneth likewise was there a great conference and consultation betwixt Garnet; Catesby, and Francis Tresham, concerning the strength of the Catholicks in England, to the end that Garnet might by Letters send direct Advertisement thereof to the Pope; for that his Holiness would not be brought to shew his in­clination concerning any Commotion or rising of the Catholick part, until such time as he should be certainly informed that they had sufficient and able Force to prevail.

And in August following, Garnet, in a con­ference had about acquainting of the Pope with the Powder-treason, named and appointed Sir Edmund Baynam for to carry [...]at message to the Pope, yet not to him as Pope, but to him [...] a temporal Prince, and by him doth Garnet [Page 98] write Letters in that behalf; as also for staying of Commotions, under pain of Censures, well knowing that before his Letters could be an­swered, the House of Parliament (according to their designs) should have been blown up, and the whole State overthrown. But this trick he used like a thief, that going to steal and take Partriches with a setting dog, doth rate his dog for questing or going too near, until he have laid his net over them, for fear the game should be sprung, and the purpose defeated.

In this Moneth also doth Garnet write to Baldwine the Legier Jesuit in the Low-Coun­treys, in the behalf of Catesby, that Owen should move the Marquess for a Regiment of horses for him the said Catesby, not with any intent, as it was agreed, that Catesby should undertake any such charge, but that under co­lour of it, horses and other necessaries might be provided without suspition to furnish the Traitors.

In September following doth Parsons the Jesuit write to Garnet, to know the particulars of the Project in hand, for the journey to Saint Winifrides Well in this Moneth. It was but a Jergon, to have better opportunity by co­lour thereof, to confer and retire themselves to those parts.

In October doth Garnet meet the other Tray­tors at Coughton in Warwickshire, which was the place of Rendevouz, whither they resorted out of all Countreys.

Upon the [...]st of November, Garnet openly prayeth for the good success of the great Action, concerning the Catholick cause in the begin­ning [Page 99] of the Parliament; and prayer is more then consent. For, Nemo orat sed qui sperat & cre­dit. He in the prayer used two verses of a Hymn, Gentem auferte perfidam credentium de finibus, ut Christo laudes debitas persolvamus alacriter.

Now was the Letter with the Lord Mountegle, whose memory shall be blessed, on the fourth of November, by the providence of the Almighty, not many hours before the Treason should have been executed, was it fully discovered.

On the 5th of November, being the time when the Traitors expected that their devilish practise should have taken effect, they convented at Dunchurch under colour of a great hunting match, appointed by Sir Everard Dighy, as be­ing a man of quality and accompt thereabout, purposing by this means to furnish themselves with company for their intended Insurrection and Rebellion; for that men being gathered to­gether, and a tumult suddenly raised, the Trai­tors thought, that every or most of them would follow the present fortune, and be easily persua­ded to take part with them, and that they might easily surprise the person of the Lady Elisabeth, then being in those parts, in the Lord Harring­tons house.

Upon the 6th of November, early in the Morning, Catesby and the said Confederates dispatched Thomas Bates with a Letter to Garnet the superior of the Jesuits, who was (as they well knew) then ready at Coulton near unto them, earnestly intreating his help and assistance, for the raising of Wales, and putting so many as he could into open Rebellion. At what time Garnet, and Greenwell (who then of purpose was there [Page 100] with Garnet,) then certainly perceiving that the Plot was indeed discovered, and knowing them­selves to be the chiefest Authors thereof, prophe­sied the overthrow of the whole order of the Jesuits, saying that they feared that the discove­ry and miscarrying of this practice, would utter­ly undo and overthrow the whole Society of the Jesuits. But Greenwel the Jesuit being carried with a more violent and firy spirit, posteth up and down, to incite such as he could to rise up in open Rebellion. And meeting in Master Abing­tons house with Hall another Jesuit, adviseth him the said Hall likewise to loose no time, but forthwith to seek to raise and stir up so many as he could. But Hall seeming to deliberate thereof, whether seeing no end of so rash an at­tempt, or fearing by that means to be himself apprehended, Tesmond told him that he was a Flegmatic [...] [...]ellow, and said, A man may herein see the difference betwixt a Flegmatick man (such as he meant Hall was) and a Cholerick, as he said himself was; and further added, that he was resolved to do his best endevors for the raising of a Rebellion, under this false pretext and colour, That it was concluded that the throats of all the Catholicks in England should be cut. So persuading himself to incite them to take Arms for to stand upon their Guard and Defence; and with this device he posted away into the County of Lancaster: afterwards Hall the Jesuit, othertherwise called Oldcorn, being urged by Humphrey Littleton with the evil suc­cess of their intended Treason, that surely God was displeased and offended with such bloody and barbarous courses, in stead of an humble [Page 101] acknowledgment of the Justice of God, and a sense of the wickedness of the Treason, fell ra­ther Satanically to argue for the justification of the same, and said, Ye must not judge the cause by the event: for the eleven Tribes of Israel were by God himself commanded to go and fight against Benjamin, yet were they twice overthrown. So Lewes of France fighting against the Turk, his Army was scattered, and himself died of the Plague. And lastly, the Christians defending the Rhodes, were by the Turks over­come. And these he applyed to the Powder-treason, and persuaded Littleton not to judge it ungodly or unlawful by the event.

Observe here a double consequent of this Powder-treason: 1. Open Rebellion, as hath been shewed both immediately before, and more at large in the former Arraignment: and since that blasphemy in Garnet, the Superior of the Jesuits: for he having liber­ty in the Tower to write, and sending a Let­ter (which Letter was openly shewed in the Court before him) to an acquaintance of his in the Gatehouse, there was nothing therein to be seen but ordinary matter, and for certain ne­cessaries: but in the Margent, which he made very great and spacious, and underneath where there remained clean paper, he wrote cunningly with the Juice of an Orange, or of a Lemmon, to publish his Innocency, and concerning his usage, and there denieth those things which be­fore he had freely and voluntarily confessed, and said, that for the Spanish Treason, he was freed by his Majesties Pardon, and as for the Powder-treason, he hoped for want of proof against him, [Page 102] to avoid that well enough: but concludeth blas­phemously, applying the words which were spoken of our blessed Saviour, to himself in this damnable Treason, and saith, Necesse est ut unus homo moriatur pro populo, It is necessary that one man die for the people; which words Caiphas spake of Christ. Wherein note his Prevarica­tion and Equivocation; for before the Lords Commissioners, he truly and freely confessed his Treasons, being (as himself under his own hand confessed) overwhelmed tanta nube testium, and yet ad faciendum populum, in his Letters which he wrote abroad, he cleareth himself of the Powder-Treason. And thus much concerning the two Circumstances subsequent, which were Rebellion and Blasphemy.

The Circumstances concurring, are concern­ing the Persons offending and offended. For the principal Person offending here at the Bar, he is, as you have heard, a man of many names, Garnet, Wallye, Darcy, Roberts, Farmer, Phil­lips: and surely I have not commonly known or observed a true man, that hath had so many false Appellations. He is by Countrey an Eng­lishman, by Birth a Gentleman, by Education a Scholar, afterwards a Corrector of the Com­mon Law Print, with Mr. Tottle the Printer, and now is to be corrected by the Law. He hath many Gifts and Endowments of Nature, by Art Learned, a good Linguist, and by Profession a Jesuit, and a Superior, as indeed he is Superior to all his Predecessors in devillish Treason; a Doctor of Jesuits, that is, a Doctor of five Dd. as, Dissimulation, Deposing of Princes, Dispo­sing of Kingdoms, Daunting and deterring of [Page 103] Subjects, and Destruction. Their Dissimulation appeareth out of their Doctrine of Equivocation. Concerning which it was thought fit to touch something of that which was more copiously de­livered in the former Arraignment, in respect of the presence of Garnet there, who was the Su­perior of the Jesuits in England, concerning the Treatise of Equivocation, seen and allowed by Garnet, and by Blackwell the Arch Priest, wherein under the pretext of the lawfulness of a mixt proposition to express one part of a mans mind, and retain another, people are indeed taught not only simple lying, but fearful and damnable Blasphemy. And whereas the Jesuits ask why we convict and condemn them not for Heresie; it is for that they will Equivo­cate, and so cannot that way be tryed or judged according to their words.

Now for the antiquity of Equivocation, it is indeed very old, within little more then 300. years after Christ, used by Arrius the Heretick, Socrat. Hist. who having in a general Counsel been con­demned, and then by the commandment of Con­stantine the Emperor sent into Exile, was by the said Emperor upon instant intercession for him, and promise of his future conformity to the Ni­cene faith, recalled again: who returning home, & having before craftily set down in writing his Heretical belief, & put it into his bosom, when he came into the presence of the Emperor, and had the Nicene faith propounded unto him, and was thereupon asked, whether he then did indeed, and so constantly would hold that faith; he (clapping his hand upon his bosom where his paper lay) answered and vowed, that he did, and [Page 104] so would constantly profess and hold that Faith (laying his hand on his bosom where the paper of his Heresie lay) meaning fraudulently (by the way of Equivocation) that faith of his own, which he had written and carried in his bosom. For these Iusuits, they indeed make no vow of speaking truth, and yet even this Equivocating, and lying is a kind of unchasti­ty, against which they vow and promise: For as it hath been said of old, Cor linguae faederat naturae sanctio, veluti in quodam certo Connubio: Ergo cum dissonent cor & loquutio, Sermo concipi­tur in Adulterio, that is, The law and Sanction of Nature, hath (as it were) married the heart and tongue, by joyning and knitting of them together in a certain kind of marriage; and therefore when there is discord between them two, the speech that proceeds from them, is said to be conceived in Adultery; and he that breeds such bastard children, offends against Chastity. But note the heavy and wofull fruit of this Do­ctrine of Equivocation. Francis Tresham being near his natural death in the Tower, had of cha­rity his wife permitted (for his comfort) to come unto him: who understanding that her husband had before directly and truly accused Garnet of the Spanish Treason, least belike her husband should depart this life, with a consci­ence that he had revealed any thing concerning the Superior of the Iesuits, a very little before he died, drew him to this, that his own hand be­ing so feeble as that he could not write himself, yet he caused his servant then attending on him, to write that which he did dictate, and there­in protested upon his salvation, that he had not [Page 105] seen the said Garnet of 16. years before, and thereupon prayed that his former con­fession to the contrary might in no wise take place. And that this paper of his Retractation which he had weakly, and dyingly subscribed, might after his death be delivered to the Earl of Salisbury: Whereas Master Garnet himself hath clearly confessed the Spanish Treason, and now acknowledged the same at the Bar; and he and Mistress Vaux and others directly confess and say, that Garnet and Tresham had within two years space been very often together, and also many times before. But Qualis vita, finis ita. And Garnet himself being at the Bar afterwards, urged to say what he thought of such the de­parture of Francis Tresham out of this life, an­swered only this, I think he meant to Equivocate. Thus were they stayned with their own works, and went a whoring with their own Inventions, as it is in the Psalm. So that this is indeed Gens perfida, according to the Hymn, a perfidious peo­ple, and therefore Iurat? crede minùs, non Iurat? credere noli. Iurat, non Iurat hostis, ab hoste cave.

For their Doctrine of Deposing of Princes, Simanca and Philopater are plain (as hath in the former Arraignment been more amply de­clared, and was now again at large to Garnets face repeated.) If a Prince be an Heretick, then he is Excommunicated, Cursed, and Deposed, his children deprived of all their Right of Suc­cession, himself not to be restored to his Tem­poral Estate upon repentance; and by an He­retick they profess that he is intended and meant, namely, whosoever doth not hold the Religion of the Church of Rome. Nay there is an easier [Page 106] and a more expedite way then all these to fetch off the Crown from off the head of any King Christened whatsoever, which is this, That Prin­ceps indulgendo haereticis amittit Regnum, If any Prince shall but tolerate or favour Hereticks, he loseth his Kingdom: Nay whereas Garnet in defence of this usurped power of the high Priest of Rome, alledged, Nos Sanctorum, &c. out of the Decretals, in the very next Title before that, there is another Decree that passeth all we have recited, wherein it is shewed, that Zachary the Pope deposed Childerick of France, for nothing else there specified, Sed quia Inutilis, but onely for that he was reputed unprofitable to Govern.

Now as concerning their daunting and deter­ring of Subjects, which is a part of the Jesuits profession: It were good that they would know & remember, how that the most Noble & famous Kings of England, never were afraid of Popes Bulls, no not in the very midnight of Popery, as Edward the Confessor, Hen. 1. Edw. 1. Ric. 2. Hen. 5. Hen. 4. &c. And in the time of Henry the seventh, and in all their times, the Popes Legate never passed Callis, but stayed there, and came not to England, untill he had taken a so­lemn Oath to do nothing to the detriment of the Crown or State.

For the persons offended, they were these: First the King, of whom I have spoken often, but never enough: A King of High and most Noble ancient descent, as hath been briefly de­clared, and in himself full of all Imperial ver­tues; Religion, Justice, Clemency, Learning, Wisdom, Memory, Affability, and the rest. [Page 107] Then the Queen, and she in respect of her hap­py fruitfulness, is a great blessing, in so much that of her in that respect, may be said that she is, Ortu magna, viro major, sed maxima Prole, Great in Birth, Greater in her Marriage, but to all posterity greatest in the blessed fruit of her Womb, as having brought forth the greatest Prince that ever England had. 3 The Noble Prince, of whom we may say with the Poet, Quae te tam laeta tulere secula? qui tanti ta­lem genuere parentes? Never Prince, true heir Apparent to the Imperial Crown, had such a fa­ther, nor ever King had such a son. Then the whole Royal Issue, the Councel, the Nobility, the Clergy, nay our Religion it self, and speci­ally this City of LONDON, that is famous for her Riches, more famous for her People, (having above five hundred thousand souls with­in her and her Liberties) most famous for her Fidelity, and more then most famous of all the Cities in the world for her true Religion and service of God. Hold up thy head (Noble City) and advance thy self, for that never was thy Brow blotted with the least taint or touch, or suspicion of Disloyalty: Thou mayest truly say with the Prophet David, I will take no wicked thing in hand, I hate the sin of un­faithfulness, there shall no such cleave unto me: Therefore for thy Fidelity thou art honoured with the Title of THE KINGS CHAM­BER, as an inward place of his greatest safety: And for thy comfort and joy this day, hath BRITAINS great King honoured thee with the proceeding upon this great and Honourable Commission, after the heavy and dolefull Ru­mours [Page 106] [...] [Page 107] [...] [Page 108] this other day, when it was certainly known that King IAMES was in safety, well did the fidelity of this City appear, (whereof I was an eye-witness) Vna voce conclamaverunt omnes, Salva Londinum, salva Patria, salva Re­ligio; Iacobus Rex noster salvus: Our City, our Countrey, our Religion is safe, for our King IAMES is in safety.

The observations are many, and only in a word to be touched. The first is, that in the Spanish Treason before mentioned, and this Powder-treason, there was the same order, cause, and end. The order was, first to deal by secret practise and Treason, and then by force and in­vasion. The cause which they pretend, was the Romish Catholick Religion. The end was the finall destruction of the Royal succession, yea even Occidere regnum, to overthrow and dissolve the whole Kingdom.

2. Note, that even the Enemy hath acknow­ledged that our State is so setled and established, as neither strength nor Stratagem can prevail, unless there be a party made in England.

3. We shall never have Bull more to come from Rome to England, because they shall never have a party strong enough to incounter with so many Lions.

4. All their Canons, Decrees, and new-found Doctrines tend to one of these two ends: either worldly pride, or wicked policy, for the ampli­tude and inlargement of the Popes authority, and for the safety of the Jesuits, Priests, &c.

5. Observe that Baynam, a Layman, and one of the Damned crue, and so naming him­self, was sent to inform the Pope as a temporal Prince.

[Page 109] 6. I conceive their fall to be near at hand, both by Divinity and by Philosophy. For the first, there are now in England about 400. Priests: so many were there in Israel in the days of Achab. Who, saith God, shall go and deceive Achab, that he may fall? a lying spirit in the mouths of his 400. Prophets undertook and effected it; their fall was near, when once a ly­ing Spirit had possessed the Priests, according to the vision of Micheas, as now it hath possessed the Jesuits. 2. The imitation of good for the most part comes short of the pattern: but the imitation of evill ever exceeds the example. Now no imitation can exceed this fact, and there­fore their time is at an end.

7. Many condemn it now, that would have commended it, if it had taken effect, for this, say they, is Enumero eorum quae non laudantur nisi peracta.

8. They and their adherents spread abroad false rumors; as that the King should have broken promise with them concerning tolerati­on: which mixture of Gods service rather then he would suffer, he would lose Children, Crown, Life, and all. Nay, they may see there is no such hope left, for that his Majesty bringeth up his Royal Issue in the true Religion and service of the Almighty.

Lastly observe the wonderful providence of God in the admirable discovery of this Superior Jesuit to be party to this Treason, and that in two respects.

First, in respect of the means of secrecy used by him in conference only with Catesby of the Laity.

[Page 110] Secondly, They had a strong and a deep Oath given them both for secrecy and perseve­rance.

Thirdly, They hereupon received the holy Sacrament.

Fourthly, They were allowed and taught by the Jesuits, to equivocate upon Oath, salvation or otherwise, and how then should it be dis­covered?

Fiftly, their secret intelligence was such, as that it was unpossible by the wit of man to be found out. And therefore the second thing is, how this Treason, being long sithence plotted, the providence of God did continually from time to time divert and put off the executing thereof, by unexpected putting off the times of assembly in Parliament. For the Parliament begun the 19th of March in the first year of his Majesties Reign, and continued till the 7th of Iuly fol­lowing, before which time the Conspirators could not be ready; from thence it was pro­roged untill the 7th of February, against which time, they could not make the Myne ready, in respect that they could not dig there, for that the Commissioners of the Union sare near the place, and the wall was thick, and therefore they could not be provided before the 7th of February; and on the 7th of February the Parliament was proroged untill the 5th of October. After this they found another Course, and altered the place from the Myne to the Cellar. O blessed Change of so wicked a work! Oh but these fatal Engineers are not yet discovered, and yet all things are prepared! Oh prorogue it once more: and accordingly God put it into his Majesties [Page 111] heart (having then not the least suspicion of any such matter) to prorogue the Parliament, and further to open and inlighten his understanding, out of a mystical and dark Letter, like an An­gel of God to point to the Cellar, and command that to be searched, so that it was dis­covered thus miraculously, but even a few hours before the Design should have been executed.

The Conclusion therefore shall be this, Qui cum Iesu itis, non itis cum Iesuitis: for they courage themselves in mischief, and commune among themselves secretly, how they may lay snares, and say, that no man shall see them. But God shall suddenly shoot at them with a swift arrow, that they shall be wounded; In so much that whoso seeth it, shall say, This hath God done; for they shall perceive that it is his work.

Then were repeated the proofs for every of the particular accusations aforesaid, by the express and voluntary confessions of Garnet, and of his Complices themselves, and of two credi­ble witnesses sworn at the Bar, and openly heard viva voce, and acknowledged by Garnet him­self to be men without exception.

THen Mr. Garnet having licence of the Court to answer what he could for him­self, spake, and divided all which had been objected, to his re­membrance, into 4 parts, viz.

Containing matter of
  • 1 Doctrine.
  • 2 Recusants.
  • 3 Iesuits in general.
  • 4 Himself in particular.

In doctrine he remembred two points.

1. Concerning Equivocation, whereunto he answered, that their Church condemned all lying, but especially if it be in cause of Religion and faith, that being the most pernicious lye of all others, and by St. Augustine condemned in the Priscillianists: Nay, to lie in any cause is held a fin, and evil, Howsoever of 8 degrees which St. Augustine ma­keth, the lowest indeed is to lie for to procure the good of some without hurting of any: So then our Equivocation is not to maintain lying, but to defend the use of certain Propositions. For a man may be asked of one, who hath no Authori­ty to interrogate, or examined concerning some­thing which belongeth not to his cognisance who asketh, As what a man thinketh, &c. So then no man may Equivocate, when he ought to tell the truth, Otherwise he may; And so St. Au­gustine upon John saith, That Christ denied he [Page 113] knew the day of Iudgment, viz. with purpose to tell it to his Disciples; and so St. Thomas and others, who handle this matter. Chiefly under the Title of Confession. 2. For the second point, which was the Power of the Pope in deposing of Princes, his Answer was three-fold. 1. That therein he onely propounded and followed the ge­neral Doctrine of the Church. 2. That this Do­ctrine of the Power of the Pope, was by all other Catholick Princes tolerated without grievance. 3. That yet for his own part, he always made a difference in the matter of Excommunicating and Deposing of Princes, betwixt the condition and state of our King, and of others, who having sometimes been Catholicks, did, or shall after­wards fall back. As for Simanca and other Writers, whatsoever they set down of the Depo­sing of Hereticks, it is to be understood of those Princes, who having sometimes professed the Faith of the Church of Rome, do afterwards make a defection from the same.

2. For Recusant [...], 1. I desire them not to im­pute any offence or crime of mine, to the prejudice of the cause of Religion. 2. Concerning their not going to Church, whereas it was urged by Mr. Attorney, that the grounds of their not going to Church, was the Excommunication and Bull of Pius Quintus, and that now they may go, for that his Majesty is not denounced Excommuni­cate; I answer, That it followeth not; for the Arrians and Catholicks had the same Service in their Churches, yet came they not together. And I know divers my self, who before that Bull, refused to go to Church all the time of Queen Eli­zabeth, though perhaps most Catholicks did in­deed [Page 114] go to Church, before it was about the end of the Council of Trent, where this matter was discussed by twelve learned men, and concluded not lawful. And this was occasioned, for that Calvin himself held it not lawful for any Prote­stant to be present, not onely at our Mass, where­in perhaps they may say there is Idolatry, but not at our Even-song, being the same with theirs.

3. Concerning the Iesuits, he saith, That if any were privy to such horrible Treasons, it was impious, especially in men of their profession: But said, That he talked with some of them about it, and that they denied it.

4. Touching my self, The Negociation into Spain was indeed propounded unto me, and I was also acquainted with the Negociation for Money, but ever intending it should be bestowed for the relief of poor Catholicks: But when they were there, they moved for an Army; which when they afterwards acquainted me withall, I misliked it, and said, It would be much disliked at Rome. Onely I must needs confess, I did conceal it, after the example of Christ, who commands us, when our Brother offends, to reprove him, for if he do amend, we have gained him: Yet I must needs confess, that the Laws made against such concealing are very good and just, for it is not fit the safety of a Prince should depend upon any other mans Conscience. So that I am verily per­swaded, if they yielded to me, it had been good. But what their intent and meaning was in desiring an Army, I knew not; and I was charged not to meddle therein, no not with the money which was to be sent for Pensions, though it was to maintain the Title of the King.

[Page 115] The Earl of Salisbury then demanded, To Earl of Salisbury. maintain whose Title?

Garnet answered, The Title of the King of Garnet. Spain.

The Earl of Northampton asked him, Why Earl of Northam. he did not oppose himself against it, and forbid it, as he might have done? For, Qui cum pos­sit non prohibet, jubet.

Whereupon Garnet answered, That he might Garnet. not do it; and for sending of Letters, and com­mending some Persons thereby, he confessed he did it often, as they were commended to him, with­out knowing either their Purposes, or some of their Persons: for he never knew Mr. Wright for whom he writ.

The Earl of Salisbury then replied to Garnet, Earl of Salisbury. I must now remember you, how little any of your Answers can make for your purpose, when you would seek to colour your dealing with Baynham, by professing to write to Rome to procure a countermand of Conspira­cies. And yet you know, when he took his jour­ney towards Rome, the blow must needs have been passed before the time he could have arrived to the Popes presence, (such being your zeal and his haste for any such prevention) as it was about the 20th. of our October when he passed by Florence towards Rome.

To which Garnet made no great answer, but Garnet. let it pass. And then went on with his defence of sending▪ Letters in commendation of many of those with which he had been formerly charged; and so confessed, that he had written in commend [...] ­tion of Fawkes, thinking that he went to serve as a Soldier, not knowing then of any other pur­pose [Page] [Page] [Page 116] he had in hand. And as for Sir Edmond Baynham, what he or Mr. Catesby intended, he knew not in particular; onely Mr. Catesby asked him in general the question, of the lawful­ness to destroy Innocents with Nocents, as ha [...] been before objected against him; which at first, I thought, said Garnet, had been an idle question▪ though afterwards I did verily think, he in­tended something that was not good. Whereupo [...] having shortly after this received Letters fro [...] Rome, to prohibit all Insurrections intended b [...] Catholicks, which might perturb this State▪ Garnet informed Catesby thereof, and told him That if he proceeded against the Pope's will, h [...] could not prevail. But Catesby refused, an [...] said, He would not take notice of the Pope's plea­sure by him. Notwithstanding he shewed t [...] Catesby the general Letter which he had re­ceived from Rome; but said, he would infor [...] the Pope, and tell Garnet also in particular wha [...] attempt he had in hand, if he would hear it which afterwards he offered to do, but Garn [...] refused to hear him, and at two several times re [...] quested him to certifie the Pope what he intende [...] to do.

And when Sir Edmond Baynham (as [...] pretended) was to go over into Flanders for [...] Soldier, Garnet thought good to send him to th [...] Popes Nuncio, and to commend him to othe [...] friends of his, That they should send him to in [...] form the Pope of the distressed estate of the Ca [...] tholicks in England: the rather, that the Po [...] having a Lay-man there, might be acquainte [...] with all their proceedings: And that Baynha [...] might then learn of the Pope, what course [...] [Page 117] would advise the Catholicks in England to take for their own good; but wished Baynham in no case to use Garnet' s name to the Nuncio in that behalf.

Then were the two Witnesses called for, both of them Persons of good estimation, that over­heard the Interlocution betwixt Garnet and Hall the Iesuit, viz. Mr. Fauset, a man learned, and a Iustice of Peace; and Mr. Lockerson. But Mr. Fauset being not present, was sent for to appear; and in the mean time Mr. Lockerson, who being deposed before Garnet, delivered upon his Oath, that they heard Garnet say to Hall, ‘They will charge me with my Prayer for the good success of the great Action, in the beginning of the Parliament, and with the Verses which I added in the end of my Prayer,’

"Gentem auferte perfidam
"Credentium de finibus,
"Ut Christo laudes debitas.
"Persolvamus alacriter.

‘It is true indeed (said Garnet) that I prayed for the good success of that great Action; but I will tell them, that I meant it in respect of some sharper Laws, which I feared they would then make against Catholicks: And that An­swer shall serve well enough.’

Here Garnet replied, That for the two Gentle­men that heard the Interlocution, he would not charge them with Perjury, because he knew them to be honest men; yet he thought they did mistake some things, though in the substantial parts he confessed, he could not deny their relation. And for the main Plot, he confessed, that he was [Page 118] therewithall acquainted by Greenwell particu­larly, and that Greenwell came perplexed unto him to open something, which Mr. Catesby with divers others intended: To whom he said, He was contented to hear by him what it was, so [...] as he would not be a [...]known to Mr. Catesby, or to any other, that he was mad [...] privy to it. Where­upon Father Greenwell told him the whole Plot, and all the particulars thereof, with which he protested that he was very much distempered, and could never sleep quietly afterwards, but some­times prayed to God that it should not take effect.

To that the Earl of Salisbury replied, That Earl of Salisbury. he should do well to speak clearly of his devo­tion in that point; for otherwise he must put him in remembrance, that he had confessed to the Lords, That he had offered Sacrifice to God for stay of that Plot, unless it were for the good of the Catholick Cause; and in no other fashion (said his Lordship) was this State be­holding to you for your Masses and Oblations. Adding thus much further, That he wondred why he would not write to his Superiour Aqua­viva, as well of this particular Powder-Trea­son, as to procure prohibition for other smaller matters.

Garnet faintly answered, He might not dis­close it to any, because it was matter of secret Garnet. Confession, and would endanger the life of divers men.

Whereunto the Earl of Northampton re­plied, That that matter of Confession, which Earl of Northam. before he refused to confess, because he would save lives, he confessed it now to endanger his [Page 119] own life; and therefore his former Answer was idle and frivolous.

Then Garnet told the Lords, That he com­manded Greenwell to disswade Catesby, which Garnet he thought he did; and if Catesby had come to him upon Allhallow-day, he thought he could so far have ruled him, as he would have been per­swaded to desist.

Then said the Earl of Salisbury, Why did you refuse to hear Catesby tell you all the par­ticulars, Earl of Salisbury. when he would have told you, if you had been desirous to prevent it?

Garnet replied, That after Greenwell had told him what it was which Catesby intended, Garnet. and that he called to mind what Catesby said to him, at his first breaking with him in general terms, his Soul was so troubled with mislike of that particular, as he was loath to hear any more of it.

Well then (said the Earl of Salisbury) you see his heart. And then turning to the Lords Com­missioners, Earl of Salisbury. he desired leave of them, that he might use some speech concerning the proceed­ing of the State in this great cause, from the first beginning until that hour; and so began to this effect, That although the Evidence had been so well distributed and opened by Mr. At­torney, as he had never heard such a mass of matter better contracted, nor made more intel­ligible to the Jury, to whom it was not his part to speak, nor his purpose to meddle with Mr. Garnet in Divinity, or in the Doctrine of Aequi­vocation, in which latter he saw how he had plaid his Master-prise: yet because he had been particularly used in this service with other of the [Page 120] Lords Commissioners, by whom, nothing was more desired, next the glory of God, than to demonstrate to the world with that sincerity and moderation his Majesties Justice was carried in all points, he would be bold to say some­what of the manner of this Arraignment, and of the place where it was appointed. For the first, he said, That seeing there was nothing to which this State might more attribute the infinite goodness and blessings of God, than to the protection of the true Religion, which had groaned so long under the bitter persecutions of men of his profession; he confessed, that he held himself greatly honoured to be an Assistant amongst so many great Lords, at the Seat of Justice, where Gods Cause should receive so much honour, by discrediting the person of Gar­net, on whom the common Adversary had thought to confer the usurpation of such an emi­nent Jurisdiction: For otherwise, who did not know, that the quality of poor Henry Garnet might have undergone a more ordinary form of Trial, and happily in some other place of less note and observation? And so his Lordship took an occasion to declare, That the City of London was so dear to the King, and his Ma­jesty so desirous to give it all honour and com­fort, as when this opportunity was put into his hands, whereby there might be made so visible an Anatomy of Popish Doctrine, from whence these Treasons have their source and support, he thought he could not chuse a fitter Stage than the City of London, which was not onely right­ly termed, The Chamber of his Empire, but was by his Majesty esteemed as his greatest and safest [Page 121] Treasury, who accounteth no Riches compara­ble to his Subjects Hearts; and acknowledg­eth, That such a Circuit did never contain so many faithful Subjects within the Walls: a matter well appearing to his own eyes amongst others, upon the decease of the late Queen of precious memory, when he attending most of the Peers and Privy Counsellors of this King­dom, who were accompanied with no small number of Noble and Faithful Gentlemen, had seen them all stayed from entry within the Gates of this City, until they had publickly de­clared with one voice, That they would live and die with the King our Sovereign Lord. To you therefore, Mr. Garnet, (said the Earl of Salisbury) must I address my self, as the man in whom it appeareth best what horrible Trea­sons have been covered under the Mantle of Religion, which heretofore had been Petty-Treason for a Protestant to have affirmed: such hath been the iniquity of false tongues, who have always sought to prove the Truth a liar: of which impudent calumnies the State is so tender, as you do best know (Mr. Garnet) that since your apprehension even till this day, you have been as Christianly, as courteously, and as carefully used, as ever man could be, of any quality, or any profession: Yea, it may truly be said, that you have been as well attended for health or otherwise, as a Nurse-child. Is it true or no, said the Earl?

It is most true, my Lord (said Garnet) I con­fess Garnet. it.

Well then (said the Earl) if your strange Do­ctrine of Equivocation be observed, and your Earl of Salisbury. [Page 122] hardiness of heart to deny all things; let it not be forgotten, that this Interlocution of yours with Hall, over-heard by others, appears to be Digitus Dei; for thereby had the Lords some light and proof of matter against you, which must have been discovered otherwise by vio­lence and coertion, a matter ordinary in other Kingdoms, though now for born here; but it is better as it is for the Honour of the State, for so were your own words, that you thought it best to tell the truth at last, when you saw you were confounded Tanta nube testium. In which I protest, that I do confidently assure my self, that you would as easily have confessed your self to be Author of all the Action, as the Concea­ler, but that his Majesty, and my Lords, were well contented to draw all from you without Racking, or any such bitter torments. Then speaking to Garnet, he said, I pray you, Mr. Garnet, what encouraged Catesby that he might proceed, but your resolving him in the first Proposition? What warranted Fawks, but but Catesby's Explication of Garnet's Argu­ments? as appears infallibly by Winter's Con­fession, and by Fawkes, that they knew the point had been resolved to Mr. Catesby, by the best Authority.

Then Garnet answered, That Mr. Catesby was to blame to make such application. Garnet.

To that the Earl replied, That he must needs be bold with him, to drive him from the Earl of Salisbury. trust he had, to satisfie the world by his denials, by putting him in mind, how after the Inter­locution betwixt him and Hall, when he was called before all the Lords, and was asked, not [Page 123] what he said, but whether Hall and he had conference together, desiring him not to equi­vocate; how stifly he denied it upon his Soul, reiterating it with so many detestable execra­tions, as the Earl said, it wounded their hearts to hear him; and yet as soon as Hall had con­fessed it, he grew ashamed, crying the Lords mercy, and said, he had offended, if Equivoca­tion did not help him.

To this Garnet answered, That when one is Garnet. asked a question before a Magistrate, he was not bound to answer before some Witnesses he pro­duced against him, Quia nemo tenetur prodere seipsum. Then Garnet falling into some professi­ons of his well-wishing to his Majesty, and being put in mind of the answer he had made concern­ing the Excommunication of Kings, wherein he referred himself to the Canon of Nos Sancto­rum, he answered, That his Majesty was not yet Excommunicated.

Then the Earl of Salisbury bad him deal Earl of Salisbury. plainly, for now was the time, Whether in case the Pope, per sententiam Orthodoxam, should Excommunicate the Kings Majesty of Great Britain, his Subjects were bound to continue their obedience?

To this he denied to answer, by which the hearers might see his mind.

From that matter he began to make request, that where he had confessed the receiving of two Brieves or Bulls from the Pope, in the Queens time, by which all Catholicks were for­bidden to adhere to any Successor that was not obedient to the Church of Rome; his Majesty would be pleased to make a favourable [Page 124] interpretation, because he had shewed them to very few Catholicks in England, in the Queens time; and when he understood that the Pope had changed his mind, then he burnt the Bulls.

To that it was said, That belike the Pope changed his mind, when the King was so safely possessed of his Estate, and Garnet with his Ac­complices began to feel their own impiety; and so, as Catesby said to Percy, did resolve roundly of that Treason, which would speed all at once.

Then Garnet began to use some speeches, that he was not consenting to the Powder-treason. Garnet.

Whereupon the Earl of Salisbury said, Earl of Salisbury. Mr. Garnet, give me but one Argument that you were not consenting to it, that can hold in any indifferent mans ear or sense, be­sides your bare Negative. But Garnet replied not.

Then Mr. Attorney General spake in An­swer Mr. Attor. of Garnet more particularly to this ef­fect. 1. For Equivocation, it is true indeed, that they do outwardly to the world condemn lying and perjury, because the contrary were too palpable, and would make them odious to all men: But it is open and broad lying and forswearing, not secret and close lying and perjury, or swearing a falshood which is most abominable, and without defence or example. And if they allow it not generally in others, yet at least in themselves, their confederates and associates in treasonable practises, they will both warrant and defend it, especially when [Page 125] it may serve their turn, for such purposes and ends as they look after. 2. Concerning the usurped power of the Pope in deposing of Princes, neither is it the general Doctrine of the Church, as he falsly said, neither allowed or tolerated by all Princes, who are otherwise of their Religion, as may appear out of the French discourse written to the French King against the re-admitting of the Jesuitical Faction. And whereas he would pick a thank, in seeming to spare and exempt King Iames our Sovereign; it is not possible to avoid their distinction of being Excommuni­cated de jure, if not de facto; howsoever if it be true also, that the Pope doth, de facto, every year once curse all Hereticks. For Recusants not going to Church, the example of the Ca­tholicks not joyning in service and prayer with the Arrians, who denied a main Article of the Christian Creed, doth no ways hold, neither can it agree to us, of whom no such impious blasphemy can be shewed or imagined. That Garnet said, He knew some, who, before the Bull came, went not to Church, it may be true perhaps in some one or two perverted and per­verse men like himself: But whereas he pro­duced the Council of Trent, as if there the mat­ter had been determined, and thereupon in­ferreth, that after that all Romish Catholicks refused to meet with us at Church in time of prayer, it is a gross error; for the last Session of that Council was in the year of our Lord 1563, which was in the fifth year of Queen Elizabeth; whereas I shewed, and am able to justifie and prove, That their Romish [Page 126] English Catholicks came to our Service in our Churches until the nineteenth year of her Ma­jesty, which was many years after that Council was ended.

Concerning Garnet himself: First, for that answer of his, that he knew of the Powder-Trea­son by Confession; it is true which before was spoken, that such Acts as this is, Non laudantur nisi peracta, are then onely commended when they are performed; but otherwise, first, Greenwel's was no Sacramental Confession, for that the Confitent was not Penitent: nay, himself hath clearly delivered under his hand, That the Powder-Treason was told him, not as a fault, but by way of consultation and ad­vice. 2. It was a future thing to be done, and not already then executed. 3. Greenwel told it not of himself that he should do it, but of Fawkes, P [...]y, Catesby, Winter, and others; and therefore he ought to have discovered them, for that they were no Confitents. 4. He might and ought to have discovered the mis­chief, for preservation of the State, though he had concealed the persons. 5. Catesby told it unto him extra confessionem, out of Confessi­on, saying, They might as w [...]ll turn him out, as have kept him out. Lastly, by the Common Law, howsoever it were (it being crimen laesae Majestatis) he ought to have disclosed it. Now for that Garnet denied, that he was a principal Author and Procurer of this Treason, but onely that he had received knowledge thereof; the contrary is clear and manifest, both out of his own Confessions, by himself acknowledged, and apparently proved, in that [Page 127] he resolved Catesby concerning the lawfulness and merit thereof, and that he prayed for the good success of the Powder-Treason, which is more than either consultation or consent. Be­sides, he must remember him of the old Ver­sicle, Qui non prohibet quod prohibere potest, consentire videtur. Garnet might have com­manded Greenwell that told him of the Powder-Treason, to have desisted, but did not: but Greenwell went still on with the Treason, and when it was disclosed, went into the Coun­trey to move Rebellion, which doubtless he would never have done, if Garnet had for­bidden him: therefore he said, he might say with the Orator Tully, Cui adsunt testimonia rerum, quid opus est verbis? Moreover Mr. Attorney added, how Garnet writ first for Tho­mas Winter, then for Kit Wright, after that for Guy Fawkes, then for Sir Edward Bainham, and afterwards for Catesby for a Regiment of Horse; and that Garnet was for the Infanta, and by his Breeves intended to keep out the King, except he should tolerate and swear to maintain the Romish Religion. Then Mr. Attorney spake of the Interlocution betwixt Garnet and Hall, and said, That in all their speeches they never named God, nor confessed their innocency; but as soon as they spake to­gether, Hall spake first, and then Garnet said, He suspected one, whose name, they that were set to over-hear them, could not hear, to have disclosed something against them. But it may be other­wise, for he said he was much subject to that frailty of suspicion. He said, He received a Note from Rookwood, that Greenwell was gone over-Seas; [Page 128] and another, that Gerard was gone to father Parsons, and that Mistress Anne was in Town (meaning Mrs. Anne Vaux) and many other things were by them uttered in that con­ference.

By this time came in Mr. Forset, who being deposed, affirmed likewise, that their examina­tion, and the matter therein contained were true; saying further, that both of them took notes of that which they heard of Garnet and Hall, as near as possibly they could, and set down nothing in their examinations, but those things, wherein both their notes, and perfect memories agreed and assented, and that many things that were very material; and of great moment, were left out of their examinations, because both their notes and memories did not perfectly agree therein.

And now one of the Letters, which were written with sack, washewed to the Court, by which appeared that Hall and Garnet had inter­locution together. Mr. Atturney here inferred that the necessary end of Justice was, vt poena ad paucos, metus ad omnes perveniat, and urged the examination of Garnet, wherein he confessed that when Tesmond alias Greenwell, made relation to him of the great blow by the Powder-trea­son, who should have the protection, Green­well said, the Lords that should be left alive should choose a Protector. And further Mr. At­turney urged the writing of another Letter writ­ten with sack to Sayer, alias Rockwood, a Priest in the Gate-house; But of this point much is formerly mentioned.

Here Mr. Attorney ending, my Lord of [Page 129] Northampt. spake to the Prisoner this speech following.

THough no man alive can be less apt or wil­ling Earl of North. than my self, to add the least grain or scurple of improvement to the weight of any mans calamity, that groans under the heavy bur­then of a distressed state, Vel gravatis addere gravamina, whereof I have as many witnesses as the world hath eyes: yet as the case stands now in this trial, Mr. Garnet, between my dear Soveraign, ex cuius spiritu, as one of Alexander said, nos omnes spiritum ducimus, and you that were so well content to let the course of conspi­racy run forward to the stopping of this breath before the time, which God by nature doth pre­scribe between his honour, and your error, his just proceedings and your painted shews, his sin­cerity and your hypocricy; I could wish it pos­sible that in a person of some other quality, you might hear the Ecchoes of your unperfect and weak answers, and thereupon judge more in­differently and evenly of the true state of your cause than you have done hitherto, being distra­cted with fear, or forestalled by prejudice, or, to borrow your own phrase, which is more proper to the point than any I can use, oppressed tanta nube testium, with so thick a cloud of witnesses, as concur with one voice, heart and spirit, for the conviction of your audacity.

I confess that never any man in your state gave less hold or advantage to examiners, than you have done in the whole course of proceed­ing, to us that were in Commission: sometime by forswearing, as upon the confession of Hall [Page 130] your fellow: sometime by dissembling, as about the places of your Rendezvous, which was the lapwings neast: sometimes by earnest expostula­tion: sometime by artificial Equivocation: sometime by Sophisticating true substances: sometime by adding false qualities: yet sat su­perest, as may appear, to the defeat of your in­ventions, and the defence of the Kings Majesty, quia magna est veritas, & praevalet.

Your parts by nature simply considered, and in another person, would rather move compas­sion, than exasperate humanity: for whom would not the ruine of such a person touch, as is in ap­parance temperate, and in understanding ripe? But our end at this time is the same with Decius in Livie, ut quem vos obrutum reliquistis, ignem &c. that we may quench that fire by prevention, which you have only raked up in ashes, ut no­vum daret incendium, that it might cause a new combustion so soon as it might hit upon matter that were fit and sutable. Wherefore I must ra­ther draw your answers to the true touch for discharge of rumors, than verberare aërem, beat the air: For the substance of all your eva­sions and slie shifts, is as the Inn-keepers of Chal­cis confessed of his dishes to his guests, admiring tantam fer [...]ulorum diversitatem, that they were only compounded of pork, howsoever your fine cookery may vary them.

The two Buls that in the late Queens time entred the land (with a purpose by their lowd lowing to call all their calves together, for the making of a stong party, at the shutting up of the evening against our dead Soveraign) were grased in your pastures, Mr. Garnet, or to speak [Page 131] more properly (because they durst neither en­dure the light, nor admit the air) they were staul-fed at your crib, as your self confess, and therefore, Serve nequam, ex ore tuo te judico. And what answer make you to this? mary that the purpose was imparted to very few: so much the worse: For out of publication grows discovery; and yet experience hath justified, that those ve­ry few were the very souls and spirits of that pack of Conspirators, and such as for want of patience and temperance to tary the time, when the game had been brought to bearing, should have played the chiefest parts in the late smoak­ing Tragedy. You say the Buls were after sacrificed in the fire by your self. But not before the Kings good Angel had cut their throats, and the best part of their proof were past, and your hopes dead of that good which in likeli­hood they should have brought with them. For to what use could these dumb beasts serve in seeking to prevent that lawful and undoubted right, which heaven had now proclaimed, and earth acknowledged? But let the proof be what it will, I look into the root. I wonder Mr. Garnet, what Apostle warrants you in undertaking wick­ed Plots, in hope that good may follow; neglect­ing what all Laws (and the Laws of England above all) what all States and Nations conclude of men, that slily practise, and combine for anticipation of the future rights of lawfull Suc­cessors.

In excuse of Letters written with your own hand by Thomas Winter to father Creswell, when he was employed about the procurement of an Army to Invade, with supplies of Treasure pro­portionable [Page 132] for the quicker execution of so despe­rat an Enterprise, you answer, that the Persons were commended in your Letters, not the Plot: spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici? as though the minister had any other errand or instruction, than the main Plot it self: as though you, Mr. Garnet; being then Magister in Israel, and Rector chori, could or would be ignorant of their pre­fixed end; as though so grave a Person as your self, were likely to set his hand to Blancks like a baby, and to leave the rest to the disposition of a man wholly transported with fiery humors: Or as though in this very point other mens con­fession in particular, beside your own in genera­lity, had not left us marks and traces evident and plain enough to descry doubleness with di­versity. You confess privity to a practice, but not for an Army: foreknowledge of a course for getting Treasure, but with a purpose, as you conceived, to employ it wholly for the re­lief of Catholicks. So as the reason of the reservedness of Catesby, Winter and the rest toward you, must be undoubtedly their suspi­cion of your over great affection and duty to the Queen; For otherwise it is certain they would have trusted you as well with their inten­tion, as with their means: with their hopes, as with their instruments: especially considering how hard it was for them to compass their own vast desires, without help both of your credit, and of your industry.

Wright was in like manner, and with like ex­pedition commended by you afterward for the quickening of Winters project, if any life were in it, upon the slacking of the passions of Spain, [Page 133] with the propositions of peace, that no time might be lost, no stone left unremoved, that might give a knock to the peace of our policy: your head wrought upon all offers, your hand walked in all Regions, your spirit steered all attempts and undertakings: and yet if protestations, qua­lified and protected by Equivocations, may cary weight; all this while your mind was, as good pastors to be, patient, your thoughts were obedi­ent, and your counsels innocent. But now to search your cunning somewhat nearer to the quick, we must observe, that when your hopes of Invasion began to cool by likelyhood of peace, your desires of supplies by the cold an­swers that came from Spain, your expectation of new mischief to be wrought at home without Complots abroad: when malice it self was cast into so desperate a swoun, as neither Rosa solis when Spain relented, nor Iscobah when Tyrone submitted, nor dissention within the Kingdom when discontentments ended, could put it by any fresh adventure into life, when you for your own part, Mr. Garnet, having bin once washed and regenerated in the fountain of the Kings free Pardon, from the leprous spots of former Treasons, were determined to begin up­on another stock, and return as a dog to the vo­mit (though washing can avail no man (as the Preacher warns) that iterum tangit mor­tuum, toucheth the dead the second or third time after he hath been made clean:) for se­cretly Catesby resorts to you, as Mahomet might to Sergius, (for now I speak according to the matter, and not the men) to enquire whether it were lawful, considering the necessiity of the [Page 134] time, to undertake an enterprise, for the ad­vancement of the Catholick Religion, though it were likely that among many that were no­cent, some should perish that were innocent. A man that is Religious in any kind, or but morally honest in his own kind, would expect that a Priest, a Iesuit, (which title doth im­ply salvation, and not destruction, nay, the Superior of English Iesuits) upon this rash demand, should have resorted for a safe resolu­tion to Gods own Book, where he should have found, that God was pleased to withdraw his wrathful hand from Sodom, so as there had been only decem justi, ten justmen within that Town, and for their sakes; that the wise housholder in St. Matthew, marking how hard it would be, when the corn was ripe, to make se­paration, gave order to his servants to abstain from plucking up the tares, ne simul eradica­rent triticum, least withall they plucked up the wheat by the Roots. Ye should have found in the stories of the Church, that the godly Bishops in the first spring of Religion, suspend­ed process against the Priscillian Hereticks, ne Catholici cum illis perirent, least the Catholicks might also perish with them. And the Church of Millain taxed Theodosius the Emperor, quod insontes unâ cum sontibus trucidâsset, that he had proceeded both against the guilty, and the guiltless with one stroke, and with one measure of severity. But far beside the Holy writ, or holy presedents, your answer, Mr. Garnet, was such, as I both abhor to think, and quake to utter, that if any great advantage were to grow to the Church this way, they might destroy them all.

[Page 135] Tantae ne animis coelestibus irae? O Mr. Garnet, be not offended though I ask of you, as a wor­thy Emperor did once of a Traitor, in a case by many degrees inferior to this, Quid facit in pectore humano lupi feritas, canis rabies, serpen­tis venenum? But that which ought most to torture and afflict the spirit (if you be the child of him, whose Name and Badge you bear) is, that your Doctrine was confidently delivered, and so speedily digested, and con­verted to nutriment from such a mouth as yours, considering that (according to the Pro­phet) knowledge should depend upon the lips of the Priest, as Rookwood, Bates and others, that did shrink at the horror of the Project when it was first laid down, received satisfacti­on upon the very sound of your assent, though masked with the title of a man as grave and learned, as any in the land. And Catesby doubting of the fickleness of mens affections, in cases that concern the soul, used your ad­mittance as a charm or spell, to keep quick spirits within the circle of combined faith, which otherwise perhaps when Hell brake loose, would have sought liberty. Your Charter only (whereupon I beseech you for your own souls health, to meditate for the time you tarry in this world) was the Base whereon some grounded their bad conscience in proceeding with this Plot, not only to the destruction of their bodies, but to the perill of their souls, without sound and true repentance, which by the merit of Christs passion, will serve in qua­cunque hora peccator ingemuerit. For though Christ were joyfull that he had not lost one of [Page 136] those whom his father gave him in charge, and came to save, and not to destroy; yet your ad­vise was to destroy them all: Such was your burning charity.

Some man surprised with a question upon the sudden, might answer sharply and shrewdly at some time, I confess, without thinking or in­tending ill: But this man, Mr. Garnet, cannot be you, that having confessed clearly under your own h [...] [...] suspicion and fear of some [...]sch [...] [...] [...]nd intended in their hearts, by t [...] [...] of Nocents and Innoce [...]ts and [...] [...]uod dubitas ne feceris. It seems the heart of Catesby was a fertile soil for sprowting of stinking weeds hastily, into which the seed of your securing confidence was cast. For the Powder-plot which in Ianu­ary was barly embryo, became formatus foetus in the March next following, it quickened the next December, when the Pioneers began to dig in the thick wall: Catesby not long after impart­ed his conceipt secretly to you, of the great likelihood he foresaw of a lucky time of birth, and thereupon was Guy Fawks sent over by your knowledge and encouragement, to deal with Sir William Stanley, about the drawing down of Forces somewhat nearer to the Sea side for speedy transport, which if need were, might carry torches at the solemnity. But what is your answer to this employment of Guy Fawks? For­sooth that your purpsoe was only, to commend him as a Souldier, but not as a Conspirator. O unlucky Treason, that comes to be excused by so poor an Advocate! when Fawks himself meant nothing else than to be a Souldier, having [Page 137] so strange a part to play soon after in the Pow­der-train, but used this retreat as a colour to dis­guise the secret purpose that did onely tarry time, and to eschew those watchful eyes, that nearer hand would have observed both his in­lets and his outlets in that place more narrowly. The point is clear, the confessions are direct, the purpose is palpable. All the lines of your level are drawn to the centre of the Powder-mine. All Letters are either drawn or enterlined manu Scorpionis, to use the word of Hierome; and yet under pain of censure we must believe, that all this while you were in charity, because all this while (which it grieves me to remember) you were not afraid to communicate.

But now to weigh your Answers that con­cern the Powder-plot it self, which is paramount in respect of the Longitude and Latitude to all that have been, or shall ever be: Your self can­not deny, Mr. Garnet, that Green-wel's over­ture, as you say in Confession, coming after the notice which you took of Catesbies question about Innocents, was but a fruit of your own Do­ctrine, an effect of your own instruction, and a conclusion drawn wholly out of your own propositions and principles. Now when we press to know what reason drew you to the con­cealment of a Project so pernicious both to Prince and State, without revealing it either to the King himself, tanquam praecellenti, to use St. Peter's term, or to his Ministers subordinate; you start to the shift of Confession for a formal help, which comes too short in respect of Cates­by's first discovery, which your own words aver plainly to have wrought with you. I will not [Page 138] argue in this place what course a Confessor should take, or how far he ought to strain for the securing of a Princes life, that otherwise is sure to perish by the rage and ignorance in­vincible of a base Villain, (whose life answers not in value the least hair of a Princes head) because time suffers not: But I am sure, that for a matter of less weight than this, and a crime of less importance than the life both of Prince and State, Confession received a deep wound for a long time, more than a thousand years past, in the Church of Constantinople. For God forbid that matters of such weight should hang by such feeble threeds. But to this excuse of tenderness in the point of Confession, I would answer by making a great doubt, Whe­ther this course of conference were a Confession or not: for against your bare words, which Equivocation supports, I object some likeli­hood, That since you kneeled sometimes, and sometimes walked up and down; since matter of conspiracy were interlaced with matter of Confession, not for ease of conscience, as should appear, but for advice in execution; since Green­wel was absolved instantly, which excludes the shift of reference; and Greenwel should be found to lie to the holy Ghost, in case this were a true Confession, in promising (Mr. Garnet) as you say, to disswade the project, which he prosecuted even to the last point, as is evident: and after the Powder Camp brake up, I con­clude, that though this discovery were by confession, yet it was no Supersedeas to your former knowledge from Catesby, your trusty friend: and if it were none, then it can be no [Page 139] protection for faith putrified. What need we seek light through cobweb-lawns, when the drift of your whole device in seeking to con­clude from one what you learned of another, and from all what you affected and abetted in your heart, doth evidently prove your counsels to have been carried along with such a temper of reservedness, as whensoever mischief should be brought to light, the world might rather wonder at your caution, than commend your fidelity.

By shaping such weak answers to demonstra­tions so manifest, you must either work by the Ring of Giges, in making your audacity and presumption invisible; or hold a very weak conceit of our capacities, in supposing that they can be either dazled or deluded by such poor Sophistry. For though you pretend to have received a deep wound in Conscience at the first revealing of the plot, to have lost your sleep with vexation of spirit, to have offered and prayed to God for his preventing grace, to have required Greenwel's help and furthe­rance in crossing and diverting the design; yet all this while you suffered the project to proceed, you helped and assisted their endea­vours that were labourers, you wrote earnestly Letters both to Baldwin and to Creswel for their furtherance of ordinary means, you gave or­der for a prayer to be said by Catholicks for their prosperous success, you kept measure with the two first dimensions of Frier Bacon's Brasen Head, Time is, Time was, till (thanks be to God) the third time was past; you had ever an ear open to listen for the crack, and were in the [Page 140] same agony for the Powder-plot, that Charles the Fifth was for the Popes duress, giving or­der in all his Dominions, that Prayers should be made for his release, when in the mean time he kept and held him in his own hand prisoner: the least word of your mouth, or labour of your pen, might have secured both Prince and State; while you pretend to have broken both your sleeps and your brains, and that with a greater advantage to the cause which you would ad­vance, than can ever grow by combustion and conspiracy. But your tenderness herein was suitable with another dutiful desire of yours to disswade Catesby from the Plot, at his coming into Warwickshire, who never meant to come thither, but as to the Rendezvous when the Parliament had been blown up, and the storm had been blown over. It may be that your mind was perplexed and disquieted upon the meditation of strange events, for so was the mind of Cain, Achitophel, and Iudas that be­tray'd his Master: the reason is very pregnant in the Word of God it self, that cum sit timidia nequitia, dat testimonium condemnationis, since wickedness is cowardly and timorous, it gives evidence of condemnation against it self: Et semper praesumit saeva perturbata conscientia; but Sathan prevailing, his Angels execute.

I will now conclude this address to you, Mr. Garnet, by observing some special points, how strangely and preposterously the Devil, in this last project of Powder, hath altered his old pro­perties. For the curse that God laid upon the Serpent, after the first transgression, was, Ut gra­diretur super pectus suum, to creep upon his [Page 141] breast; but now we find him mounted upon the wings of an Espray, to the highest Region of the Air, and among the Fire-works. The other part of his curse was, that he should eat Pulverem, that is, dust or powder: But now since Sodom was destroyed by Sulphure, and the Wife of Lot transmuted into Salt, the proper materials of that mean by which Satan wrought in this hot fire, it appears that the Serpent from eating powder (which was a plain devise) fell, for a worse purpose, to snuff Gun-powder. Then the Serpent did insidiari calcaneo, now capiti, from which the body draweth both sense sense and influence. Then he began to Eve with a modest question, Cur praecepit Deus, Why hath God commanded? now with a resolution, Praecepit Deus, God hath commanded. His words in those carried a flourish of great comfort, Ne­quaquam moriemini; but now terror, Moriemini, for a great advantage destroy them all. The De­vil at that time did onely nibble about the Text of holy Writ, tanquam mus ponticus, as Ter­tullian terms Martian; but now he draws the grounds of Equivocation concerning Princes lives: Out of the very Scripture, and by Scho­lastical Authority, Sathan tempted Christ with a fair offer, Dandi omnia, of giving all upon the top of the Pinacle: But now he sets upon the great Lieutenant of Gods Authority and Dig­nity, with an auferam tibi omnia, both Life and Crown, ex penetralibus ubi Christus non est, as we are taught by his Evangelist. The Dra­gons ambition extended no further, than the sweeping away with his tail of the third part of the Stars in the Firmament: But now the [Page 142] plot of him and his Disciples was, to sweep away the Sun, the Moon, and the Stars, both out of Star-Chamber and Parliament, that no light be given in this Kingdom to the best Labourers. In the time of Saul, the Devil was so modest as to suspend his Illusions and Oracles, till the Visions of the Prophets began to cease: But now though we have both Moses and the Pro­phets, & firmiorem sermonem propheticum, yet he ruffles among the robes, & inaudita fundit oracula. In the beginning of the Christian Church, the very name of Christ was sufficient to make Sathan pack, and to quit the possession of tormented men; but he hath learned a more cunning trick of late, under the banner of Christ, to fight against the Lieutenants of his Imperial Majesty. In one point I find no change, that is, in labouring and working by all means, to draw men from their trust in Gods direction, to a tickle kind of confidence in themselves, and their own weak knowledge of good and ill. And as that error was the cause of Adams exile from Paradise, which was hortus conclusus; so had such another almost divided us and our heirs both from our lives and Estates, Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos.

I have stood the longer on this point, to let you know how idlely, and yet how wilfully you strive against both the Providence of God, and the Justice of the Land; Quae tuo te jugulavit gladio. The more you labour to get out of the Wood, having once lost the right way, the fur­ther you creep in. For the wisdom of the world is folly before God; and unpossible it is, that those counsels or proceedings should either [Page 143] have good proof in this world, or reward in the next, that are embrued with blood, and pursued with tyranny. If then there be no other way to Heaven than by the destruction of Gods An­nointed and their Heirs, I will conclude with you, Mr. Garnet, as Constantius did with Asce­sius, Erigito tibi scalam, & in coelum solus ascen­dito; set up a Ladder for your self, and climb up to Heaven alone, for Loyal minds will not sute themselves with such bad company. The worst I wish to your person standing now to be convicted at the Bar, is remorse and repentance, for the safeguard of your Soul; and for the rest, Fiat justitia, currat lex, & vincat Veri­tas.

Hereunto Garnet said, That he had done more Garnet. than he could excuse, and he had dealt plainly with them; but he was bound to keep the secrets of Confessions, and to disclose nothing that he heard in Sacramental Confession.

Whereupon the Earl of Nottingham asked him, if one confessed this day to him, that to mor­row Earl of Notting▪ morning he meant to kill the King with a dagger, if he must conceal it?

Whereunto Garnet answered, That he must conceal it. Garnet.

Then the Earl of Salisbury desired liberty of him to ask him some questions of the nature of Earl of Salisbury. Confessions.

Garnet said, His Lordship might, and he Garnet. would answer him as well as he could.

Why then (said he) must there not be Earl of Salisbury▪ Confession and Contrition before Absolution?

Yes, (said Garnet.) Garnet.

[Page 144] Then he demanded, Whether Greenwel were Earl of Salisbury. absolved by him or no?

Garnet said, He was. Garnet.

The Earl then asked him, What Greenwel had done, to shew that he was sorry for it, and Earl of Salisbury. whether he did promise to desist?

Garnet answered, that Greenwel said, He would do his best. Garnet.

To that the Earl replied, That it could not be so; for as soon as Catesby and Percy were Earl of Salisbury. in Arms, Greenwel came to them from Garnet, and so went from them to Hall at Mr. Abington's house, inviting them most earnestly to come and assist those Gentlemen in that action. Hereby (saith he) it appears, that either Greenwel told you out of Confession, and then there needs no secrecie; or if it were in Confession, he pro­fessed no penitency, and therefore you could not absolve him. To which the Earl added, That this one circumstance must still be remem­bred, and cannot be cleared, That when Green­wel told you what Catesby meant in particular, and you then called to mind also what Catesby had spoken to you in the general before, if you had not been so desirous to have the Plot take effect, you might have disclosed it out of your general knowledge from Catesby: but when Catesby offered to deliver you the particulars himself, as he had done to Greenwel, you refused to hear him, lest your tongue should have be­trayed your heart.

To this Garnet weakly replied, That he did what he could to disswade it, and went into Garnet. Warwickshire with a purpose to disswade Mr. Catesby, when he should have come down. And [Page 145] for Mr. Greenwel' s going to Father Hall, to per­swade him to joyn, Garnet said, he did very ill in so doing.

To that the Earl of Salisbury replied, That Earl of Salisbury. his first answer was most absurd, seeing he knew Catesby would not come down till the 6th. of November, which was the day after the blow should have been given; and Garnet went into the Countrey ten days before. And for the second, he said, That he was onely glad, that the world might now see, that Jesuits were condemned by Jesuits; and Treason and Trai­tors laid naked by the Traitors themselves; yea, Jesuits by that Jesuit, that governs all Jesuits here, and without whom, no Jesuit in England can do any thing.

Garnet (as it should seem) being here mightily touched with remorse of his offence, prayed God Garnet. and the King, that other Catholicks might not fare the worse for his sake.

Then the Earl of Salisbury said, Mr. Gar­net, Earl of Salisbury. is it not a lamentable thing, that if the Pope, or Claudius Aquaviva, or your self, command poor Catholicks any thing, that they must obey you, though it be to endanger both body and soul? And if you maintain such Do­ctrine amongst you, how can the King be safe? Is it not time therefore the King and the State should look to you, that spend your time thus in his Kingdom?

Garnet said very passionately, My Lord, I would to God I had never known of the Powder-Treason. Garnet.

Hereupon the Lord Chief Justice of Eng­land said, Garnet, you are Superior of the Je­suits; Lord Chief Just. [Page 146] and if you forbid, must not the rest obey? Was not Greenwel with you half an hour at Sir Everard Digby's house, when you heard of the discovery of your Treason? and did you not there confer and debate the matter toge­ther? Did you not send him to Hall, to Mr. Abington's house, to stir him up to go to the Rebels, and encourage them? Yet you seek to colour all this, but that's but a meer shift in you; and notwithstanding all this you said, No man living but one did know that you were privy to it; then belike some that are dead did know it. Catesby was never from you, (as the Gentlewoman that kept your house with you confessed) and by many apparent proofs, and evident presumptions, you were in every parti­cular of this action, and directed and command­ed the Actors; nay, I think verily, you were the chief that moved it.

Garnet said, No, my Lord, I did not.

Then it was exceedingly well urged by my Garnet. Lord Chief Justice, how he writ his Letters for Winter, Wright, Fawkes, Baynham, and Cates­by, principal Actors in this matchless Treason. Besides, his Lordship told him of his keeping the two Bulls to prejudice the King, and to do other mischief in the Realm; which, when he saw the King peaceably to come in, then being out of hope to do any good, he burnt them.

Here Mr. Attorney caused to be read the Confession of Hall, alias Oldcorn the Jesuit, under his own hand, (which, he said, was Omni exceptione majus) against him, wherein he confessed, That Humfrey Littleton told him, That Catesby and others were sore hurt with [Page 147] Powder, and said that he was exceeding sory that things took no better effect; whereat Hall wished him not to be discouraged, nor to mea­sure the cause by the event: For though the xi. Tribes of Israel went twice by the special com­mandment of God against the Tribe of Benja­min, yet they both times received the over­throw. So Lewis the French king in his voy­age into the Holy-land against the Infidels, was overthrown, and his whole Army discomfitted, though his cause were good. And so likewise the Christians when they defended Rhodes against the Turks, lost the City, and the Turks had the upper hand. And this he confessed, and applied to the fact of Catesby and others for the Powder-treason, and said, It would have been commendable when it had been done, though not before.

After this Mr. Attorney opened, how Fran­cis Tresham, a dilinquent Romanist, even in articulo mortis (a fearful thing) took it upon his salvation, That he had not seen Garnet in sixteen years before, when Garnet himself had confessed he had seen him often within that time: and likewise, that Garnet knew not of the Spanish Invasion, which Garnet himself con­fessed also, and which two things Tresham him­self had formerly confessed to the Lords; yet for a recantation of these two things upon his death bed, he commanded Vavasor his man, (whom I think (said Mr. Attorney) deeply guilty in this Treason) to write a Letter to the Earl of Salisbury: And to shew this his desperate recantation, Mr. Treshams Letter was offered to be read.

[Page 148] But before the reading thereof, my Lord of Earl of Salisbury. Salisbury said, Because there was matter incident to him, and to that which should be read, he thought fit to say something. To which pur­pose he said his desire was, truly to lay open what cause there was for any faith to be given to these mens protestations, when they, to colour their own impieties, and to slander the Kings Justice, would go about to excuse all Jesuits, how foul soever, out of an opinion that it is meritorious so to do, at such time as they had no hope of themselves. Such is it to be doubted that Sir Everard Digbies protestations might be at the Bar, who sought to clear all Jesuits of those practices, which they themselves have now confessed ex ore proprio. That such was also Treshams labour, who being visited with sickness, and his wife in charity suffered to come to him, this Letter was hatched by them, and signed by himself some few hours before his death, wherein he taketh that upon his salva­tion, which shall now by Garnet be disproved.

Then the Letter was read, being to this ef­fect, That whereas since the Kings time he had had his pardon, and that to satisfie the Lords who heretofore examined him, he had accused Garnet; that now, he being weak, desired that his former examinations might be called in, be­cause they were not true: and set down upon his salvation, that he had not seen Garnet in sixteen years before.

Then my Lord of Salisbury shewed and said, Earl of Salisbury. It was a lamentable thing: for within three hours after he had done this, he died; and ask­ed [Page 149] Garnet what interpretation he made of this testamental protestation?

Garnet answered, It may be, my Lord, he Garnet. meant to Equivocate. Here was the examina­tion and confession of Mrs. Anne Vaux offered to be read also, to confirm Treshams perjury, who confessed that she had seen Mr. Tresham with Garnet at her house, three or four times since the Kings coming in, and divers times before; and that he had dined with him, and that Garnet al­ways gave him good counsel, and would say sometimes to him, and others, Good Gentlemen, be quiet: for we must obtain that which you desire by prayer. She confessed also, that they were at Erith together the last Sommer.

After all this, Garnet being demanded, if these examinations were true, he affirmed they were. And then were his own examinations likewise read to the same effect, wherein he both confessed the seeing of Mr. Tresham, and his sending into Spain about an Invasion.

Here my Lord of Salisbury concluded, That Earl of Salisbury. that which was said of Mr. Tresham, and o­thers, was not done against charity to the dead, but upon inevitable necessity, to avoid all their slanderous reports and practises: for he said, That even now there was currant through­out the Town, a report of a Retractation un­der Bates his hand, of his accusation of Green­wel; which are strange and grievous practises to think upon. But this day shall witness to the world, that all is false, and your self condemn­ed not by any but by your self, your own con­fessions and actions. Alass, Mr. Garnet, why should we be troubled all this day with you, poor [Page 150] man, were it not to make the cause appear as it deserveth? wherein, God send you may be such an example, as you may be the last Actor in this kind.

Hereupon my Lord Admiral said to Garnet, that he had done more good this day in that Pulpit which he stood in (for it was made like unto a Pulpit wherein he stood) than he had done all the days of his life time in any other Pulpit.

Then was another examination of Mrs. Anne Vaux read, wherein she confessed that Mr. Gar­net and she were not long since with Mr. Tresh­am, at his house in Northamptonshire, and stay­ed there.

After this, my Lord of Salisbury said, Mr. Garnet, if you have not yet done, I would have Earl of Salisbury. you to understand that the King hath com­manded, that whatsoever made for you, or a­gainst you, all should be read, and so it is, and we take of you what you will. This Gentle­woman that seems to speak for you in her con­fessions, I think would sacrifice her self for you to do you good, and you likewise for her: There­fore, good Mr. Garnet, whatsoever you have to say, say on a Gods name, and you shall be heard.

Then Garnet desired the Iury, that they would allow of, and believe those things he had denied, Garnet. and affirmed, and not to give credit unto those things, whereof there was no direct proof against him, not to condemn him by circumstances or presumptions.

The Earl of Salisbury demanded of him, saying, Mr. Garnet, is this all you have to say? [...] of Salisbury. [Page 151] if it be not, take your time, no man shall in­terrupt you.

To whom Garnet answered, Yea, my Lord. Garnet. Mr. Attur.

Mr. Attorney humbly desired all the Lords Commissioners, that if he had forgotten to speak of any thing material, that their Lordships would be pleased to put him in mind of it: Who was assured by my Lord of Salisbury, that he had done very well, painfully, and learnedly.

Then Mr. Attorney desired the Jury might go together, who upon his motion going to­gether forth of the Court, within less than a quarter of an hour returned, and found Henry Garnet guilty.

Whereupon Mr. Sergeant Crook prayed Serjeant Crook. judgment.

Then Mr. Waterhouse the Clerk of the Mr. Water­house. Crown demanding what he could say for him­self, why judgment should not be given against him?

Garnet made answer, that he could say no­thing, Garnet. but referred himself to the mercy of the King, and God Almighty.

After this, the Earl of Northampton made a Learned Speech, which in it self was very copious; and the intention being to contract this Volume as much as might be, and to keep onely to matter of Fact, it was thought conve­nient to omit the same.

Then the Lord Chief Justice making a pi­thy preamble of all the apparent proofs and Lord Chief Justice. presumptions of his guiltiness, gave Judg­ment, that he should be drawn, hanged, and quartered.

[Page 152] And my Lord of Salisbury demanded, if Earl of Salisbury. Garnet would say any thing else?

Garnet answered, No, my Lord. But I hum­bly desire your Lordships all, to commend my life Garnet. to the Kings Majesty, saying, That at his plea­sure he was ready either to die or live, and do him service.

And so the Court arose.

A true Relation of all such things as passed at the Execution of Mr. Garnet, the Third of May, Anno 1606.

ON the Third of May, Garnet, accor­ding to his Judgment, was executed upon a Scaffold, set up for that pur­pose, at the West end of St. Paul's Church. At his arise up the Scaffold, he stood much amazed, (fear and guiltiness appearing in his face.) The Deans of Pauls and Winchester be­ing present, very gravely and Christianly ex­horted him to a true and lively faith to God­ward, a free and plain acknowledgment to the World of his offence; and if any further Trea­son lay in his knowledge, to unburthen his Conscience, and shew a sorrow and detestation of it. But Garnet impatient of perswasions, and ill pleased to be exhorted by them, desired them not to trouble him; he came prepared, and was resolved. Then the Recorder of Lon­don [Page 153] (who was by his Majesty appointed to be there) asked Garnet if he had any thing to say unto the people before he died; it was no time to dissemble, and now his Treasons were too manifest to be dissembled: therefore if he would, the world should witness, what at last he censured of himself, and of his fact; it should be free to him to speak what he listed. But Garnet unwilling to take the offer, said, His voice was low, his strength gone, the people could not hear him, though he spake to them; but to those about him on the Scaf­fold, he said, The intention was wicked, and the fact would have been cruel, and from his Soul he should have abhorred it, had it effected. But he said, He onely had a general knowledge of it by Mr. Catesby, which in that he dis­closed not, nor used means to prevent it, herein he had offended; what he knew in particulars was in Confession, as he said. But the Recorder wished him to be remembred, That the Kings Majesty had under his hand-writing these four points amongst others:

1. That Greenway told him of this, not as a fault, but as a thing which he had intelligence of, and told it him by way of consultation.

2. That Catesby and Greenway came to­gether to him to be resolved.

3. That Mr. Tesmond and he had conference of the particulars of the Powder-Treason in Essex long after.

4. Greenway had asked him, who should be the Protector? But Garnet said, That was to be referred till the blow was past.

These prove your privity besides Confession, [Page 154] and these are extant under your hand. Garnet answered, Whatsoever was under his hand was true. And for that he disclosed not to his Ma­jesty the things he knew, he confessed himself justly condemned, and for this did ask forgiv­ness of his Majesty. Hereupon the Recorder led him to the Scaffold to make his Confession publick.

Then Garnet said, Good Countrey-men, I am come hither this blessed day of The Inven­tion of the holy Cross, to end all my crosses in this life: The cause of my suffering is not un­known to you; I confess I have offended the King, and am sorry for it, so far as I was guilty, which was in concealing it, and for that I ask pardon of his Majesty. The Treason intended against the King and State was bloody, my self should have detested it had it taken effect; and I am heartily sorry, that any Catholicks ever had so cruel a design. Then turning himself from the people to them about him, he made an Apo­logy for Mrs. Ann Vaux, saying, There is such an honourable Gentlewoman, who hath been much wronged in report; for it is suspected and said, that I should be married to her, or worse; but I protest the contrary, she is a vertuous Gen­tlewoman, and for me a perfect pure Virgin. For the Popes Breeves, Sir Edmond Baynams going over Seas, and the matter of the Powder­treason, he referred himself to his Arraignment, and his Confessions; for whatsoever is under my hand in any of my Confessions, said he, is true.

Then addressing himself to Execution, he kneeled at the Ladder foot, and asked if he [Page 155] might have time to pray, and how long? It was answered, he should limit himself, none should interrupt him. It appeared, he could not constantly or devoutly pray, fear of death, or hope of pardon, even then so distracted him; for oft in those Prayers he would break off, turn and look about him, and answer to what he over-heard, while he seemed to be praying. When he stood up, the Recorder finding in his behaviour as it were an expectation of a Par­don, wished him not to deceive himself, nor beguile his own Soul; he was come to die, and must die; requiring him not to equivocate with his last breath, if he knew any thing that might be danger to the King or State, he should now utter it. Garnet said, It is now no time to equivocate; how it was lawful, and when, he had shewed his mind else-where. But, saith he, I do not now equivocate, and more than I have confessed, I do not know. At his ascending up the Ladder, he desired to have warning before he was turned off. But it was told him, He must look for no other turn but death. Being upon the Gibbet, he used these words, I commend me to all good Catholicks, and I pray God preserve his Majesty, the Queen, and all their Posterity, and my Lords of the Privy Council, to whom I remember my humble duty, and I am sorry that I did dissemble with them; but I did not think they had had such proof against me, till it was shewed me: but when that was proved, I held it more honour for me at that time to confess, than before to have accused. And for my Brother Greenway, I would the truth were known; for the false reports that are, make [Page 156] him more faulty than he is. I should not have charged him, but that I thought he had been safe. I pray God the Catholicks may not fare the worse for my sake; and I exhort them all to take heed they enter not into any Treasons, Rebellions, or Insurrections against the King. And with this, ended speaking, and fell to praying: and crossing himself, said, In nomine Patris, & Filii, & Spiritus sancti; and prayed, Maria mater Gratiae, Maria mater misericordiae, T [...] me à malo protege, & hora mortis suscipe. Then, In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiri­tum meum. Then, Per crucis hoc signum, (cros­sing himself) fugiat procul omne malignum. Infige crucem tuam in corde meo Domine. Let me always remember the Cross. And so returned again to Maria mater Gratiae, and then was turned off, and hung till he was dead.

PAPERS OR LETTERS OF …

PAPERS OR LETTERS OF S r EVERARD DIGBY, Chiefly relating to the Gun­powder-Plot, and written by him during his Imprisonment in the Tower.

Never before Published.

Licensed,

William Iane.
Ian. 31. 167 [...].

TO THE READER.

WHere and when the Originals of the fol­lowing Papers or Let­ters of Sir Everard Digby were found, will appear by the Certificate at the end of this Preface.

It is thought fit to publish them all just as they were found, though all of them do not concern the Plot; that it may not be pretended, that any thing tending either to his Vindication or Honour is omitted or suppress'd. His Letter to his Sons is full of good counsel, proper for a dying Father: And the Verses, though they be not excellent, yet have a good tincture of Piety and Devotion in them.

The rest seem most of them to be writ­ten with juice of Limons, or some such [Page] thing, and are not made up and directed in the form of Letters, but several of them written in small pieces of Paper, that so they might the more easily be con­veyed away without suspicion, by those who were permitted to come to him.

Where any words are worn out, or so decayed, that they could not be read, there is a space left: Where any Letters or Words were doubtfull and obscure, the Transcriber hath conjectured as well as he could, and Printed them in a different Character.

This unfortunate Gentleman, Sir Eve­rard Digby, who from a mistaken Zeal, was engaged in this horrible Conspiracy, was not, as I have been credibly in­formed, above 24 years of age, at the time of his death.

As for the Papers themselves, whoever shall diligently peruse them, may receive abundant satisfaction in these following particulars.

First, That this Gentleman was verily perswaded of the lawfalness of this Design, and did engage in it out of a sincere, but ignorant zeal, for the advancement, as he thought, of the true Religion.

Secondly, That although, after his Imprisonment, when he heard it was cen­sured [Page] by those of his Religion as a great sin, he call'd in question the lawfulness of it, yet he was never fully convinced that it was so great a sin.

He says indeed, That the censure of Paper 1. this Action by some of his Religion, call'd his Conscience in doubt of it; but withall, that this doubt which he had Ibid. of his good estate proceeded onely from the censure of others; and that for Ibid. some good space he could do nothing, but with tears ask pardon at Gods hands for all his errours, both in actions and intentions, in this business, and in his whole life; which the censure of this, contrary to his expectance, had caused him to doubt. So that here was no clear conviction of the heinousness of this horrible crime; onely if it were a sin, which, from the opinion of others concerning it, he had some doubt it might be, he asks forgiveness of God for it among the other errors of his life: But had he been fully convinc'd, he would not onely have declared his repentance for it after another manner, but have made a full discovery of this wicked Plot, and of those that were engaged in it, which it is plain from these Letters, he declin'd to to do to the last: And surely that cruel [Page] expression, upon supposition that the Plot had taken effect, I do not think there Paper 9. would have been three worth the sav­ing that should have been lost, is but a very ill sign of his repentance.

Thirdly, That it is very probable, that afterwards, before his death, he received satisfaction of the lawfulness of it, and that from his Brother, or one whom he calls so, as may appear by these passages: I give (saith he) my Brother Paper 4. many thanks for his sweet comforts, and assure him, that now I desire death; for the more I think of Gods mercy, the more I hope in my own case, though others have censured our in­tentions otherwise than we understood them to be: And though the Act be thought so wicked by those of judg­ment, yet I hope my understanding it otherwise, with my sorrow for my error, will find acceptance at God's hands. And towards the end of that Letter, he seems to be yet much better satisfi'd, when he says, that he onely Ibid. owed 200l. which he had kept in his hands for the good of the BEST CAUSE. Which plainly shews what opinion he had of it himself, though out of regard to the opinion of others he begg'd Gods [Page] mercy if it were an error: And in the conclusion of the next Letter (which must be written afterwards, because he says, that then he had not been ask'd the Paper 5. Priests name, concerning which, he had desir'd his Brothers advice in the former Letter) he intreats his friends to pray Ibid. for his not sufficient striving against Temptations, since this business was undertook. Where by Temptations he doth in all probability mean, the doubt­ings he had entertain'd about it. But that which is more then all this, is, that in his long Letter to his Sons, though he do earnestly recommend his own Re­ligion to them, yet he gives them not one word of caution against such Pra­ctises and Conspiracies upon account of Religion, as that for which he was to suffer: Which it cannot be imagined he would have omitted to do, had he been throughly convinced of the impiety of such Practises.

Fourthly, That he thought it lawful to deny anything upon his Examination, that was to the disadvantage of his Re­ligion, or might bring others into dan­ger, without any regard to truth: which is a strange liberty for a conscientious man to take, or to think Religion doth [Page] allow: and yet he owns it so frankly, that no man can think he had the least doubt concerning it, as is evident from these Passages.

My Lord Chief Justice asked me, Paper 1. if I had taken the Sacrament to keep secret the Plot, as others did? I said, that I had not, because I would avoid the question, At whose hands it were?

If I be called in question for the Paper 4. Priest in my Letter, I propose to name him Winscombe, unless I be advised other­wise. And speaking of the same Priest, he saith, I have not been asked his Paper 5. name; which if I had, should have been such a one as I knew not any of. And in the next Letter, You forgot to tell me whether Winscombe be a fit name; Paper 6. I like it, for I know none of it. By all which it appears, that he made no manner of scruple, to give in a false name upon examination.

Fifthly, That this was a real Plot, wherein several Popish Priests and Je­suites, and other Persons of Quality of that Religion were engaged: And not onely so, but that if it had taken effect, an Association of Foreign Princes of that Religion, by a Solemn Oath, like that Paper 9. of the Holy League in France, was de­sign'd, [Page] to have assur'd the business after­wards.

And is it not strange, that after all this, men should have the face to dis­claim a thing so notorious to all the world? and to lay it upon the Kings Ministers, as a State-Contrivance, on purpose to make the Papists odious?

Why was not this said before, by those who were likely, and most concern'd to know it? This Gentleman seems not to have had the least suspicion of any such matter: None of the Conspirators either at their Examination, or Trial, or Exe­cution, complained of it, that they were deceiv'd and dwn in; and if they had, they had nevertheless been Traitors: None of the Apologists of that time for this black Conspiracy, neither Bellar­mine, nor Eudaemon Johannes, nor any other that I have seen, do suggest any such thing, which they would most cer­tainly have done, had they known the least ground for it. Nay, the late History of the English Jesuites, written by More, a Jesuite, and publish'd at St. Omers in 1660, doth fully own this horrid Con­spiracy of the Papists, and chargeth it Hist. Pro­vinc. An­glic. Soc. Iesu. l. 7. pag. 310. solely upon them; onely he endeavours to clear the Jesuites of the contrivance of [Page] this Design, acknowledging they were guilty of the concealment of it.

But now to come threescore years af­ter, and to think to baffle all the Re­cords and Histories of that Time, by a bold and groundless surmise, that all this was a Contrivance of Secretary Ce­cil, without the least proof or evidence produced for it, is a confidence onely be­coming such a Church, and such a Cause. To conclude this matter, Though the Priests of the Roman Church are able to impose so far upon the easie credulity of their People, as to persuade them every day to deny their Senses, and to believe contrary to what they plainly see; yet have they no reason to expect the same civility and compliance from us, whom they know to have, above an hundred years ago, taken up an obstinate resolution to believe our own Senses, against the confidence and presumption of any Church in the World.

J. T.

THe several Papers and Let­ters of Sir Everard Digby, which are (as we have been credi­bly informed) the Original Papers and Letters written by him, con­cerning the Gun-powder Treason, were found by us Sir Rice Rudd Barronet, and William Wogan of Grays-Inn Esq in the presence of Mrs. Ursula Giles, and Mr. Tho­mas Hughes, about the month of September, 1675. at the House of Charles Cornwallis Esqwho was Executor of Sir Kenelm Digby, (Son and Heir to the said Sir Eve­rard) tied up in two Silk Bags, amongst the Deeds, Evidences, and Writings of the said Sir Kenelm Digby.

Rice Rudd,
William Wogan.

IESUS.

1. I Have not named any either living or Paper 1▪ dead, that should have hurt my Lord Salisbury: and only intended these General Informations to procure me access of some Friend, that I might inform my know­ledge, for I never intended to hurt any Creature though it would have gained me all the world. As yet they have not got of me the affirming that I know any Priest particularly, nor shall ever do to the hurt of any but my self. At my first examination the Earl of Salisbury told me, that some things should be affirmed against me by Gerrat the Priest, who, saith he, I am sure you know well. My Answer was, that if I might see him, I would tell him whether I knew him or no, but by that name I did not know him, nor at Mrs. Vauxe's, as he said I did, for I never saw a Priest there. Yesterday I was be­fore Mr. Attorney and my Lord Chief Justice, who asked me if I had taken the Sacrament to keep secret the Plot as others did. I said that I had not, because I would avoid the question of at whose hands it were. They told me that five had taken it of Gerrard, and that he knew of the Plot, which I said was more than I knew.

Now for my Intention let me tell you, that if I had thought there had been the least sin in the Plot, I would not have been of it for all the world: and no other cause drew me to hazard [Page 170] my Fortune and Life, but Zeal to Gods Re­ligion. For my keeping it secret, it was caused by certain belief, that those which were best able to judge of the lawfulness of it, had been acquainted with it, and given way unto it. More reasons I had to perswade me to this belief than I dare utter, which I will never, to the suspicion of any, though I should to the Rack for it, and as I did not know it directly that it was approved by such, so did I hold it in my Conscience the best not to know any more if I might.

I have before all the Lords cleared all the Priests in it for any thing that I know, but now let me tell you, what a grief it hath been to me, to hear that so much Condemned which I did believe would have been otherwise thought on by Catholicks; there is no other cause but this, which hath made me desire Life, for when I came into Prison death would have been a Welcome Friend unto me, and was most desired; but when I heard how Catholicks and Priests thought of the matter, and that it should be a great sin that should be the Cause of my end, it called my Conscience in doubt of my very best Actions and Intentions in question: for I knew that my self might easily be deceived in such a Business, therefore I protest unto you that the doubts I had of my own Good State, which only proceeded from the censure of others, caused more bitterness of grief in me than all the miseries that ever I suffered, and only this caused me wish Life till I might meet with a Ghostly friend. For some good space I could do nothing, but with Tears ask pardon at Gods hands for all my Errors, both in Actions [Page 171] and Intentions in this Business, and in my whole life, which the censure of this contrary to my expectance caused me to doubt: I did humbly beseech that my Death might satisfie for my Offence, which I should and shall offer most gladly to the Giver of Life. I assure you as I hope in God that the love of all my Estate and wordly happiness did never trouble me, nor the love of it since my imprisonment did ever move me to wish life. But if that I may live to make satisfaction to God and the world where I have given any Scandal, I shall not grieve if I should never look Living Creature in the face again, and besides that deprivation endure all wordly misery. I shall not need to clear any living body either private or publick, for I never named any body, but reported that those that are dead did promise, that all Forces in those parts about Mr. Talbot would assist us, but this can hurt nothing, for they openly spoke it. You must be careful how you send, for Mr. Leif­tenant hath stayed the Book, but I thi [...] it is Pap [...] Book, b [...] the lette [...] are alm [...] worn ou [...] take no notice of it. Let my Brother see this, or know the Contents, tell him I love his sweet comforts as my greatest Jewel in this Place, if I can I will Convey in the Tables a Coppy of a Letter which I sent yesterday; it is as near as I can understand the meaning of the Instruction. I perceive it works with the Lords for I shall be sent to them. Oh how full of Joy should I I dye if I could do any thing for the Cause which I love more than my Life! Farewell my

2. BEsides the Trunk of Armour which was Paper 2. sent to Mr. Catesbyes, I did carry but one other Trunk with me, which had in it Cloathes of mine, as, a White Sattin Dublet cut with Purple, a Jerkin and Hoase of De-roy colour Sattin laid very thick with Gold-lace, there were other Garments in it of mine, with a new black Winter Gown of my Wifes, there was also in the Trunk 300l. in Money, and this Trunk did I see safe at Mr. Littletons House after the blowing up of the Powder

Since that Mr. Adis cannot spare time from his business to sell such goods as shall be necessary to defray the expence of my Wife, Children and Family, and my own Charges, my desire there­fore is that one Andrew Knight of Newport, dwelling near the house where these goods are, should have power given him to make sale of such things as shall be thought necessary for these purposes.

by me Everard Digby. W. Waad. Locum ten. Turris.

3. SInce the Writing of the other which I send Paper 3. you, I have been with the Lords, whose chiefest questions were what I meant by the Message, which I should send you to Coughton, about laying up that which I delivered, which, said the Lords, were either a Priest or Money: but I denyed the sending of any such Message, [Page 173] they asked me of Father Wallies being there, which I denyed: also they asked me what Let­ter Mr. Catesby did send to him, but could tell them of none: it seemeth that Bate hath confessed thus much, whether he hath been tortured or no, I know not: they asked me what Company I kept the Sunday Sevenight before the day: to which I could not answer, for I did not remember; but they told me that I was in the Company of Father Walley, Father Greenway, and Father Geratt at Mrs. Vauxe's: I told them that I had been in their Companies, but not there or any where else with others but my self; they said Mr. Greenway came to Huddington when we were there, and had speech with Mr. but I told them it was more than I took note of, and that I did not know him very well, that he would be very care­full of himself; my Lord of Salisbury told me he had received my letter, but if the King should propose such a course he had no need of me. I was not much pressed in these matters, and so they dismissed me for this time. Farwell my Dearest.

4. SInce my late writing, I have been exami­ed Paper. about the knowledge of Foster and Hamon. I give my Brother many thanks for his sweet comforts, and assure him that now I desire death; for the more I think on Gods mer­cy the more I hope in my own case: though others have censured our Intentions otherwise than I understood them to be, and though the Act be thought so wicked by those of Judgment, yet I hope that my understanding it otherwise, [Page 174] with my Sorrow for my Error, will find accep­tance at Gods hands. I have not as yet acknow­ledged the knowledge of any Priiest in particu­lar, nor will not do to the hurt of any but my self, whatsoever betide me. I could give unan­swerable reasons both for the good that this would have done for the Catholick Cause, and for my being from Home, but I think it now needless, and for some respect unfit. I do per­ceive the Lords will come hither no more, which caused me to write, which Coppy I send you. I have some guess that it worketh, but the Lieu­tenant maketh all shew to me of the contrary; for, saith he, the Catholicks are so few in number as they are not to be feared on any terms, for on his knowledge there were not above 4000. in all England. Besides he said they were easily pacifyed, I would not at all argue the matter with him, but if the number should be objected by the Lords unto me, why may I not Answer it thus, that it is certain there is at least 400 Priests in England, therefore by all Conse­quence there must be more Catholicks: if there be inconvenience in it let me know and I have done. If I be called to question for the Priest, in my Letter I purpose to name him Winscombe, unless I be advised otherthwise. I do desire my Brothers advise for Sir Oliver, for his Rents I never received any, and only owe 200l. which I kept in my hands for the good of the best Cause, out of which I had paid 30l. There is one hundred pounds yet to be paid by my Cosin John to him, and the Bonds for that and three more he hath paid, are in my Guilt Box, at least there I left them: I durst not make a [Page 175] perfect note for his Estate, because I know not his course, and whether it would be hurtful for me to put it from my self to him, as

5. I Do not well conceive my brother, for I did Paper 5. never say that any other told me but Mr. Catesby about the Lords particulars: and for affirming that a Priest in general said something of Intentions of redress, I did understand Tar: Notice to give approbation, I have not been asked his name, which if I had should have been such a one as I knew not of. Howsoever my Brother is informed, I am sure they fear him for knowledge of the Plot, for at every exami­nation I am told that he did give the Sacrament to five at one time, who they say have confessed it I do not know who they be; sure I am that I never yet did confess to know him nor any of the three. I do it not in regard of my self, as it shall appear at the Barr, for whatsoever I could do for him or any of his, I would do it though it cost me never so much sufferance: but I have been sparing in that, because I may do more in publick, which will I think be best, as you wish I will do, and what else may clear me from Scandal, not with any hopes or desire of favour; my little friends Curtesie is very com­fortable, intreat them to pray for the pardoning of my not sufficient striving against temptations since this business was undertook. Farwell, God send you can read.

6. YOu forgot to tell me whether Win­scombe Paper 6. be a fit name: I like it, for I know none of it. You need not fear this Lord for he never looks in the tables nor dare shew them to any. Tell my brother I do honour him as befits me, but I did not think I could have increased in so much, loving him more as his charitable Lessons would make me. Your in­formation doth much comfort me, but I pray you after my Death let me not want good Pray­ers, for my need is great though my trust in God is not small, as occasions falls out you will know. Farwell.

7. I Have found your pennywares but Paper 7. never that in the Wascoat till this night. The [...]bstance of my last writing was strictly examined about Mr. Darcy, who they said the first time was Blackwell, but after they told me it was Wallee or Garnet, I told them it was more than I knew, for I did not take him to be a Priest: they also urged me with Brook, Fisher and Browne and said they were Priests, and that Brook was Gerratt, but I answered I did not know so much, they told me that I had been at Mrs. Vauxe's with this Company and that I knew Gerrat there, but I denyed it. They did in a Fashion offer me the torture, which I wil rather in­dure then hurt any body, as yet I have not tried it the next time I will write more. I could scarce

8. YOu shall find is in this the Paper with the Reasons of my not ac­quainting Paper 8. an inward friend with the Business, was not for any particular wilfulness, or ill end; but I thought it not best for the Cause, nor did not think it ill, which was to be done, since necessity compelled, as I thought some­what to be done. I saw the Principal point of the Case, judged in a Latin Book of M. D. my brothers Father in Law, I neither can nor will draw in suspect for a world, but if he were deceived in that point by a prefixed day, let him think that I had more cause than he

9. MY Dearest the I take at the uncharitable taking of these mat­ters, Paper 9. will make me say more than ever I thought to have done. For if this Design had taken place, there could have been no doubt of other Suc­cess: for that night, before any other could have brought the News, we should have known it by Mr. Catesby, who should have proclaim­ed the Heir Apparent at Charing-Cross, as he came out of Town; to which purpose there was a Proclamation Drawn; if the Duke had not been in the House, then was there a certain way layd for the possessing him; but in regard of the assurance, they should have been there, therefore the greatest of our business stood in the possessing the Lady Elisabeth, who lying within Eight Miles of Dunchurch, we would have easily surprised before the knowledge of [Page 178] any doubt: this was the Cause of my being there. If she had been in Rutland, then Stoaks was near, and in either place we had taken suffi­cient Order to have been possessed of her; there was also courses taken for the satisfying the peo­ple if the first had taken effect, as the speedy notice of Liberty and Freedom from all manner of Slavery, as the ceasing of Wardships and all Monopolies, which with Change would have been more plausible to the people, if the first had been, than it is now. There was also a course taken to have given present notice to all Princes, and to Associate them with an Oath answerable to the League in France. I have not uttered any of these things, nor ever thought to do; for my going from Dunchurch I had this Reason. First I knew that Faux could reveal me, for I must make choice of two besides Mr. Catesby, which I did of him and Mr. Winter. I knew he had been imployed in great matters, and till torture sure he carryed it very well. Second­ly, we all thought if we could procure Mr. Talbot, to rise that party at least to a Composition that was not little, be­cause we had in our Company his Son in Law, who gave us some hope of, and did not much doubt it. I do answer your speech with Mr. Brown thus. Before that I knew any thing of this Plot, I did ask Mr. Farmer what the meaning of the Popes Brief was; he told me that they were not (meaning Priests) to undertake or procure stirrs: but yet they would not hinder any, neither was it the Popes mind they should, that should be under­dertaken [Page 179] for Catholick good. I did never utter thus much, nor would not but to you; and this Answer with Mr. Catesbyes pro­ceedings with him and me, gave me absolute belief that the matter in general was approved, though every particular was not known. I dare not take that course that I could, to make it appear less Odious; for divers were to have been brought out of the danger, which now would rather hurt them than otherwise. I do not think there would have been three worth Saving that should have been lost; you may guess that I had some Friends that were in danger, which I had prevented, but they shall never know it. I will do as much as my Partner wisheth, and it will then appear, that I have not hurt or accused one man, and how­soever I might in general possess them with fear, in hope to do the Cause good, yet my care was ever to lose my own Life, rather than hurt the unworthiest Member of the Catholick Church. Tell Her I have ever loved Her and Her House, and though I could never shew it, I will not live to manifest the Contrary. Her Go: I hope will remember me, who I am in temporal respects indebted to: your Sister salute from me, whose noble mind to me in this misery, I will never my Lord of Arundell may do much with the Lord and the Queen. One that you write of which dearly loveth him, and is dearly loved of him again, can tell him that I love him, and did manifest it in his sight, and he might have found it; last time as I saw him, was in his Company, as I think. I am sure when [Page 180] this was, he was there. If your Mother were in Town you should do it to her. Farewell, and where you cannot understand, send to me by your next, and I will Ex­plain.

Iesus Maria.

THere be many reasons (my dear Chil­dren) that might disswade me from putting Pen to Paper in this kind, and onely one which urgeth me to undertake this poor and fruitless pains. Wherefore to tell you what inciteth me to it, is my want of other means to shew my Fatherly affection to each of you: (which is so far from uttering, as my mind is willing to accept of poor means, ra­ther than none to bewray my disposition) if I would have been checked from the perfor­mance of these lines, by number and probabi­lities of reasons; I might then have called to mind the unlikelihood, that these would ever have come to your view; with the malice of the world to me, which (I do imagine) will not fail to endeavour to possess you with a loath­ness to hear of any thing that comes from me: as also I might, and do think, on my own disa­bility in advising, with many other disswasive reasons, which my former recited single stirrer­up hath banished.

Wherefore to begin with both and each of you, I send you by these my Fatherly and last blessing; which I have not failed to ask at Gods hands on my knees, that he will grant to descend so effectually on you (that his holy grace accompanying it) it may work in you the performance (on your part) of Gods sweet [Page 182] and just commandments; and on his part to you, the Guerdon that his mercy inricheth his Servants withall.

Let this end (Gods Service I mean) be the chief and onely contentious strife between you, which with all vehemency and desire each of you may strive to attain soonest. Let this be the mark which your thoughts and actions may still level at; for here is the chiefest Prise, to recompense the best deserver. Believe me in this (my Sons) that though my unripe years afford me not general experience, yet my va­riety of courses in the world (and Gods grace to illumine me) may sufficiently warrant the verity of this principle. If you make this your chief business, (as you ought to do, and for which end onely you were sent into the world) I doubt not but God will send you better means for your particular directions, than either the brevity of a Letter, or my ability can discharge. So that in this I will say no more, but pray that you may live as I hope to die, which is in the perfect obedience of the Catholick and onely saving Church.

I cannot but a little touch, what I could wish you did, and I hope will do to all sorts of people; it is a lesson I could never learn well my self, but perhaps see more▪ what is conve­nient for others, than that I were ever able to shew the force of wholesome counsel, and good instructions in my own life.

Above all things in the world, seek to obey and follow your Mothers will and pleasure; who as she hath been the best wife to me that ever man enjoyed, so can she not fail to shew [Page 183] her self equal to the best Mother, if you de­serve not the contrary. If it please God to send her life, (though you have nothing else) I shall leave you enough: And on the contrary, if I could leave you ten times more than my self ever had, yet she being taken from you, I should think you but poor. It is not (my Sons) abundance of riches that makes a man happy, but a virtuous life; and as they are blessings from God, and cause of happiness to a man that useth them well, so are they cause of mi­sery to most men even in this world.

You may read of divers men, who whiles they lived in private state, deserved the fame of all that knew them; but so soon as prospe­rous fortune, and higher degrees, had taken pos­session of them, they seemed not to be the same men, but grew into scorn of all the world. For example, Galba, whiles he lived in Spain as a private man, and, as it were, ba­nished his Countrey, by a Charge that pro­cured in him great pains and care; he was so well liked, that upon the death of Nero the Emperor, he was Elected in his room; but was no sooner in that Place, than he was plucked out of it again by violent death, as a man unfit for such a Charge, by reason of his alteration which that Dignity wrought in him.

You may see also in Otho, who succeeded him, that all the while of his prosperity, he lived a most dissolute life, and odious to all men; but he was no sooner touched with ad­versity, but he grew to a brave and worthy re­solution, making choice rather (not out of de­speration) [Page 184] of his own death, than that by his life the Common-weal sho [...] [...]e disturbed. And though I cannot but disallow the manner of his death, (by reason he knew not God truly) yet is it plain, that adversity brought him to that worthy mind, which contemned life in regard of his Countreys good; and which was so contrary to that mind that prosperity had missed in him. If then adverse Fortune were so powerful, more than prosperity, in Pagans and Misbelievers, to procure in them worthy minds; what may we expect the force of it should be in Christians, whose first Captain (not out of necessity, but free choice) made manifest to the world, by his own painful footsteps, that there is no other perfect and certain way to true happiness.

He hath not onely staid here in demonstra­tion of his verity, but hath sent to all those (who, the world knows, he highliest esteemed, and best loved) nothing but variety of misery in this life, with cruel and forced death; the which thing truest wisdom esteems as the best tokens of Love from so powerful a Sender, and as the best and certainest way to bring a man to perfect happiness.

I speak not this to conclude, that no man is happy but those which run this strict and best course. But to tell you (my Children) that if the world seek and prevail to cut you off from enjoy­in [...] my Estate and Patrimony in this world, yet [...] should not think your selves more unhappy [...] for God, it may be, doth see, that [...] other course more fit for you; or [...] would give great hazard to your [Page 185] Souls health, which he taketh away, by re­moving the occasion.

But howsoever you find your selves in for­tunes of this world, use them to Gods best pleasure, and think your selves but Bailiffs of such things for an uncertain time. If they be few or poor, your fear of making a good ac­compt may be the lesser; and know, that God can send more and richer, if it be requisite for his glory and your good: if they be many or great, so much the more care you ought to take in governing your selves, lest God, as holding you unworthy such a charge, by taking them from you, or you from them, do also pu­nish you with eternal misery, for abusing his benefits. You shall the better learn to make true use and reckoning of these vanities, if with due obedience you do hearken to your Mothers wholesome counsel; and what want you shall find in my instructions, you may see better de­clared to you by looking on her life, which though I cannot give assurance for any thing to be done in future times, yet can I not but very stedfastly believe, that the same Lord will give perseverance in vertue, where he hath laid so strong a foundation for his Spiritual building, and where there is such an humble and resigned will to the pleasure of her Lord and Maker.

The next part of my Charge shall be, in your mutual carriage the one to the other; in which, all reasons to move you to perfect accord, and entire love, do present themselves unto you, as the obligation of Christianity, the tie of natural and nearest Consanguinity, and the equality, or [Page 186] very small difference of Age. There is in none of these any thing wanting, that may be an impe­diment to truest Friendship, nor any thing to be added to them (for procuring your mutual and heartiest love) but your own consent and parti­cular desert each to other. Since then there is all cause in each of you for this love, do not de­prive your selves of that earthly happiness, which God, Nature, and Time offereth unto you: but if you think that the benefit which accord and friendship bringeth, be not sufficient to enkindle this love, (which God forbid you should) yet let the consideration of the misery which the contrary worketh in all degrees, stay your mind from dislike.

As no man in any Age, but may see great happiness to have been attained by good agree­ment of Friends, Kinsmen, and Brethren; so wanteth there not too many examples of such, as by hate and discord have frustrated strong hopes sowed in peace, and brought to nothing great Fortunes; besides the incurring Gods dis­pleasure, which still comes accompanied with perpetual misery. If you look into Divine Writ, you shall find, that this was the cause of Abel and Cain's misery, which the least hard hap that came to either of them, was to be murdered by his Brother.

If you look into Humane Stories, you need search no further to behold a most pitiful ob­ject, than the two Sons of Philip King of Ma­cedon, whose dislike each to other was so deeply rooted, that at length it burst forth to open complaints, the one of the other, to good old [Page 187] Philip; who seeing it, could not be put off from a publick hearing, called both his Sons, (Demetrius and Perseus) and in both their hear­ing made a most effectual speech of concord un­to them; but finding that it would not take effect, gave them free leave to wound his heart with their unnatural accusations, the one against the other; which staid not there, by the unjust hastning of their Fathers sudden death, but caused the murther of one of them, with the utter overthrow of that Common­wealth, and the misery of the Survivor. These things (I hope) will not be so necessary for your use, as they are hurtless to know, and effectual where need requires.

Besides these examples, and fore-recited ob­ligations, let me joyn a Fathers charge, which ought not to be slightly esteemed in so just a cause. Let me tell you, my Son Kenelm, that you ought to be both a Father and a Brother to your unprovided for Brother, and think, that what I am hindred from performing to him by short life, and voluntary tie of my Land to you; so much account your self bound to do to him, both in Brotherly affection to him, and in natural duty to me. And you, my Son Iohn, know I send you as Fatherly a Blessing, as if I had also given you a great Patrimony; and that if my life had permitted, I would have done my endeavour that way. If you find any thing in that kind to come from your Brother, take it the more thankfully; but if that you do not, let it not lessen your love to him, who ought [Page 188] not to be loved by you for his Fortune or Boun­ty, but for himself. I am sorry that I am cut off by time from saying so much as I did in­tend at the first; but since I may not, I will commend in my Prayers your instruction and guidance to the Giver of all goodness, who ever bless and keep you.

From my Prison this 23. of Jan. 1605.
Your affectionate Father, Eve. Digby.

†

Come grief, possess that place thy Harbingers have seen,
And think most fit to entertain thy self;
Bring with thee all thy Troops, and sorrows longest Teem
Of followers, that wail for worldly pelf:
Here shall they see a Wight more lamentable,
Than all that Troop that seem most miserable.
For here they may discry, if perfect search be made,
The substance of that shadow causing woe:
An unkind Frost, that caused hopeful Sprou [...]s to fade;
Not onely mine, but others grief did grow
By my misdeed, which grieves me most of all,
That I should be chief cause of others fall.
For private loss to grieve, when others have no cause
Of sorrow, is unmeet for worthy mind;
For who but knows, that each mans sinful life still draws
More just revenge, than he on earth can find.
But to undo desert and innocence,
Is, to my mind, griefs chiefest pestilence.
I grieve not to look back into my former state,
Though different that were from present case;
I moan not future haps, though forced death with hat [...]
Of all the world were blustred in my face.
But Oh I grieve to think that ever I
Have been a means of others misery.
When on my little Babes I think, as I do oft,
I cannot chuse but then let fall some tears:
Me-thinks I hear the little Pratler, with words soft,
Ask, Where is Father that did promise Pears,
And other Knacks, which I did never see,
Nor Father neither, since he promis'd me.
'Tis true, my Babe, thou never saw'st thy Father since,
Nor art thou ever like to see again:
That stopping Father into mischief which will pinch
The tender Bud, and give thee cause to plain
His hard dysaster; that must punish thee,
Who art from guilt as any Creature free.
But Oh! when she that bare thee, Babe, comes to my mind,
Then do I stand as drunk with bitterest woe,
To think that she, whose worth were such to all, should find
Such usage hard, and I to cause the blow,
Of her such sufferance, that doth pierce my heart,
And gives full grief to every other part.
Hence comes the cause, that each tear striveth to be first,
As if I meant to stint them of their course.
No salted meats: that done, you know my heart would burst
With violent assaults of your great force:
But when I stay you, 'tis for that I fear,
Your gushing so will leave me ne'er a tear.
But ah! this doubt, Grief says, I never need to fear,
For she will undertake t' afford me store;
Who in all her knowledge never cause of woe did hear
That gall'd her deeper, or gave witness more
Of earths hard usage, that does punish those,
That guiltless be, with Fortunes cruellest blows.
Though further cause of more than utterable grief,
As others loss, I could dilate at large,
Which I am cause of, yet her suffering being chief
Of all their woes, that sail in this deep Barge
Of sorrows Sea: I cannot but reflect
Hereon more deeply, and with more respect.
On which dear object when I look with grieved mind,
Such store of pities see I plead her case,
As hardest heart cause of compassion there would find,
To hear what could be said before that face,
Which I have worng'd in causing so to weep,
The grief whereof constrains my Pen to sleep.

† Iesus Maria.

WHo's that which knocks? Oh stay, my Lord, I come:
I know that call, since first it made me know
My self, which makes me now with joy to run,
Lest he be gone that can my duty show.
Iesu my Lord, I know thee by the Cross
Thou offer'st me, but not unto my loss.
Come in, my Lord, whose presence most I crave,
And shew thy will unto my longing mind.
From punishments of sin thy Servant save,
Though he hath been to thy deserts unkind.
Iesu forgive, and strengthen so my mind,
That rooted vertues thou in me maist find.
Stay still, my Lord, else will they fade away,
As Marigold that mourns for absent Sun:
Thou know'st thou plantest in a barren clay,
That choaks in Winter all that up is come.
I do not fear thy Summers wished heat,
My tears shall water where thy shine doth threat.
FINIS.

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