THat which we call the Policy of a State, very nearly resembles the Oeconomy of a Private Family: the Ministers and Trea­sury-Officers of the One, are like the Steward and Caterer in the Other. And therefore it was, that an Ancient Author made no difficulty to say, That a Politick Court supported the State, in like manner as Oeconomy kept up the Grandeur and good Discipline of a single House. And as there are two sorts of Oeconomy; the one Honest, and Praise­worthy, the other Mechanick and Sordid, which a Lunatick person makes use of to pile up Riches any manner of way, thereby rendring himself odious to all Men of worth, 'tis very near the same thing with Policy, which may be also distinguish'd into two Classes, the one Lawful, the other Illegitimate. Which latter having only usurp'd the name of Po­licy as Usurpation has done, conceals it self under the Appellation of Conquest, On the other side, True Policy is not only beneficial but commendable, [Page 2]and permitted by the laws of God and Man. She is the Daughter of Prudence, and the Prince that makes use of her Profitably and Sincerely, wins to himself by that means, the Admiration of Foreigners, as well as the Love and Respect of his own Sub­jects; and frequently merits the Epithetes and Sir­names of Great, and Wise. On the other side, False Policy is meerly slye cunning, wilely Craft, or in a word downright Knavery and Cheat, always covetous of other Mens Goods, leaving no Stone un­turn'd to aggrandize it self at any rate whatever, come what will come of it, and tacking, according to the Proverb, The Foxes to the Lyons Skin. And these two different sorts of Politicks, are as two Op­posite mirrours, that openly display the Inside of Princes, and shew their vertuous or wicked Incli­nations. Nor can I forbear divulging to the World that the Court of France, ever since the Death of Hen. IV. has very much studied the Practice of this same false Policy, on purpose to endeavour the Aggrandizing of her self by Cheat and Usurpation. And it may be said to have had extraordinary Success in this last Reign of Lewis XIV. under a false Idea of Conquest, having thereby augmented his Reve­nues to above two Thirds, and his Dominions above a Third Part; as might be easily prov'd, were it not visible to all his Neighbours, or if his Neighbours were not sensible of it by woful Experience. And I do farther averr, that it was almost impossible for France to aggrandize her self, and very way to en­large her Dominions as now we see her Limits ex­tended, or for her Monarch to raise himself to the present Pinacle of Grandeur, had she not made a smart use of Violence, Usurpation & Breach of Faith. [Page 3]To which I may moreover add, the Hypocrisie and Deceit which the King of France has us'd in these latter times of Religion, on purpose to trample un­der foot and appropriate to himself the Estates of his Subjects; and the Treacherous Leagues he has made with Foreign Princes the more easily to de­ceive 'em, and lay hold upon favourable Oppor­tunities to invade their Territories, when least they dream'd of any such thing, but lay reposing under the Security of a Peace; and all this to make him­self Master of their Dominions, when it was not in the Power of their Allies to assist 'em. Formerly indeed the Romans, who were Pagans, made use of the same Maxims and the same Stratagems to grow great upon their Neighbours, and to make them­selves universal Masters of the World. And no Lewis XIV. believes he cannot fail of obtaining the same Success in his vast Expectations by treading the same landable and worthy Steps.

We have seen, that since the Church-Men, for most part greedy Heapers of Wealth, have intru­ded into the Ministry of the Court of France, they have instill'd into the Government Sentiments like their own; that is to say, Sentiments of Usurpa­tion and Covetousness, and a Liberty to do what­ever they please: and as it is usually seen, that a Master endeavours to bring up his Disciples in his own Sentiments, and to be of his humour; so the Cardinals of Richlieu and Mazarine inspir'd into Lewis XIII. and Lewis XIV. eager Desires to make themselves Great by Usurpation, infusing into 'em by all the ways imaginable, that a Prince was always cry'd up in his Undertakings, let 'em be good or bad provided that they prosper'd in their Enterprizes, [Page 4]because the People adore, and like the Sun-flower, turn toward the Glitter of Prosperity. That it was neither necessary nor beneficial for a King to be good, sincere or merciful, only that 'twas sufficient to appear so; in regard it was frequently dangerous to be so indeed; and for that it became a King above all things, to be always his own Master, by acting quite the contrary, when his Affairs requir'd it, whether it were to make himself Great, or for his own Ho­nour; seeing that Men judge rather by the Eyes then by the Hands; every body having the Liber­ty to behold and consider the Actions of Kings, but not to handle 'em; that is, to examine and dive into 'em; those are Mysteries conceal'd, like the Oracles of the Pagans in times of Old. Lewis the XIV. is so strongly perswaded that the People are only taken with Appearances, and gaudy Shew, that he affects no more then only to appear out­wardly honest, sincere and Religious; when in reality and at the bottom of his Soul there is nothing of all this in him, as has been seen by all the World, ever since his first coming to the Crown. Seeing there is no better way to judge of the Inward Heart then by the Constancy of a Mans outward Actions; then which there can be nothing more plain, if we consider the Opressions, the Exacti­ons, the Cruelties committed during the whole Course of his Reign, as also his Usurpations upon his Neighbours. Nor can the more Moderate of his Subjects alledge any thing fairer in his Excuse, then only this, that his Design is to aggrandize himself; and that this is the surest Means to render himself formidable as well to his Friends as to his Enemies both at home and abroad. Therefore to [Page 5]become Great according to Lewis the Fourteenth's method, there was a Necessity for him to fail of his Word and faith, so soon as he found the Keeping of either prejudicial to Him; to break his Alliances concluded and solemnly sworn with his Neighbours and nearest Relations, so soon as an Opportunity presented it self to invade their Territories. It may be said, that this Monarch has made an excellent Use of Cardinal Mazarine's Lessons. For that same Prelate being both Crafty and Cunning, and some­what of a Cheat besides, fail'd not frequently to lay before his Prince the Example of Alexander VI. who notwithstanding his being the Vicar of Christ, never forbore to falsify his Word, when he found there was a necessity for it: tho' never any man promis'd things with more solemn Oaths, and his Deceit prov'd successful to him: Nor was Fordinand, King of Castile and Aragon, beholding for his Grandeur to any thing, so much as to his Breach of Faith. The Emperour, Charles V. was always wont to swear By the Faith of a Man of Honour, when he had a Design to act contrary to what he promis'd. This Mazarine maintain'd as a Maxim never to be contradicted, and that it behov'd a Soveraign to observe this Rule, if ever he design'd Grandeur and Puissance, never to stick to, or govern himself according to the esta­blish'd Laws of a Monarchy, when they agreed not with his present Interest, and the Politicks requisite to enlarge his Power: because the same Laws that were made in former Ages, were good and whole­som at that time, but could not always so continued. As much as to say, that a King may break and trample over the Fundamental Law; of a Realm, when they concur not with his Ambition and his [Page 6]Inclination to plunder his Neighbours, and ruin his Subjects. For this reason it is, that for some Years since, we have seen Lewis XIV. practise all these Maxims with a vehement Swing, but with little Circumspe­ction; consulting neither the Laws of his King­dom, nor the Prerogatives of other Princes. How­ever observing this Rule, never to threaten before­hand, but to execute his Design at the same time that he set forth his Manifesto, that his Adversary might have no time or leisure to oppose his Tor­rent.

Morevover, Men judge of the Inclinations of Princes by the Ministers and Great Personages that are in favour near their Persons: and the Deceas'd Prince of Orange, William the First, was wont to say in his time, with great Reason and upon solid Grounds, That a True Judgment might be given of the Natural Disposition of Philip II. King of Spain by the Cruelties which the Duke of Alva, his Chief Minister committed without fear of punishment in the Low-Countries. If it may be lawful to say the same thing of Lewis XIV, What Sentiment ought we to have of that Prince? If we look narrowly into the Inclinations and Proceedings of the Mini­sters that have serv'd him all the whole time of his Reign, to begin from Mazarine till this very time, we shall find 'em to have been all Birds of Prey, and most Cruel and Insatiable Blood-suckers of the People. Cardinal Richlieu was the First who laid the Foundation of this Policy now practis'd by the Court of France: for that same Minister abusing the Simplicity of Lewis XIII. made himself abso­lute Master in the Kingdom. He was naturally Vio­lent, nor could he endure any Companion; all [Page 7]People must submit to Him; He Exil'd, and Im­prison'd; he cunningly got rid of the Baron d'Ancre, of Monsieur de Thou and Cinqmarc; chose rather to establish the Security of his Person and his Fortune by Rigour and Violence, then to hazard either by Clemency, or by too much Complacency with those that were belov'd by the King, and so he triumph'd over all, even over the Protestant Party, which was very numerous in France, and which he endea­vour'd to oppress by all manner of ways, against the Edicts of Pacification, and ruin'd 'em all by ruining Rochell; which that he might the better bring to pass, he deceiv'd the English and Hollanders, who in good Policy were bound to have ventur'd all to have preserv'd that Important Place, which was another State within the State it self, and was a kind of Sanctuary and Place of Retreat for all the Malecontents of the Court. And it may be said that the Loss of that City was the Source of all the Calamities that befell Charles the I. King of Eng­land. for France not only rais'd the Tempest in the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland: sent Mo­ney into England to Kindle the Fire, and feed the Civil War, but encourag'd Oliver to lay hands upon the Person of the King: in hopes at that time to bring down the Power of that Formidable Monar­chy by Sea, as is easie to judge by the Entertain­ment which the Court of France gave to the Princes of the Royal Family of England in that Conjuncture.

Moreover after what a Treacherous manner did France act with the Old Duke of Lorrain, that he might have an Advantage to usurp his Country. For Cardinal Richlieu under pretence of Friendship drew him to Lion, where Lewis the XIII. then lay with [Page 8]a Powerful Army, under a false pretence, that it behov'd him to come and pay his Respects to that Monarch. Thither the Prince, suspecting nothing but honest and fair dealing, repair'd, and was re­ceiv'd at first with Extraordinary Honour and Ci­vility, not only by the King and the Cardinal, but by all the Grandees of the Court, who were or­der'd to treat him Splendidly. But that was but the Bait to draw him on: for when the poor Duke, laden with the Honours of the Court, and satisfi'd with his Kind Reception, was about to return home, he was stopp'd by the Cardinal's Order; nor could he procure his Release, but by delivering back into the hands of France a great part of his Territories, which afterwards occasion'd the loss of all the rest, under pretence that the Prince was an active stirring Soldier, and devoted to the House of Austria. But indeed, because the Policy of the Court of France could not brook so near her a So­veraign Prince, whose Territories were a Goad in her sides, and might serve for an Inlet into France out of Germany.

Now in regard it is the Policy of a Minister of State, to the end he may be lamented and desir'd after his Death, to justifie his Conduct in the Eyes of the People, Richlieu was willing to have for his Successour a Minister that should out-do him, and finish what he had begun: therefore he recommen­ded Cardinal Mazarine, an Italian by Birth, and of mean Extraction, naturally covetous, and deceitful in whatever he undertook, covering himself with the Foxes Skin, the better to deceive others and play his own part, not caring for whatever People said of him, nor what Mischief was laid to his [Page 9]charge, so he could bring about his Grand Design, which was to get Money; so that all the whole time of his Ministry he was call'd The Horsleech of the People. By good luck, he came to his Ministry during the Regency of a Credulous Queen and a Young King, whom he Christen'd, that he might acquire to himself the more Respect and Venera­tion. It was easie for him both to imprint in the mind of this Young Prince, and instill into him Precepts according to his own Humour, which were to Sacrifice every thing to his own Interest; Ho­nour, Word, Alliances, Edicts, Promises, Oaths, when all these Vertues were opposite to his Aggran­dizement: That it behov'd a Prince that would be great, to accommodate himself to the Necessity of Affairs: that it was sufficient for a Prince to be Vertuous, when he could not dispence with being otherwise: that it was good and commendable to know what was just and honest, but not always ex­pedient to practise it. That there were some Vices which no way hinder'd a Prince from Governing well: that Solomon was subject to Women, yet look'd upon to be the Greatest and Wisest of all Kings: for that there is always a Distinction to be made between the Domestick and Publick Life of a Prince, his Royal and his Private Vertues. Cardinal Mazarine having thus found out the Geni­us of his Disciple, 'twas an easie thing for him to imprint in his Mind these New Lectures of Po­licy, which afterwards serv'd for a Basis and Foun­dation to the Reign of Lewis XIV. who together with the Queen-Mother, out of pure Gratitude de­liver'd into the Cardinal's hands the Keys of all the Favours and Honours of his Kingdom, upheld him [Page 10]in despite of all the Princes of the Blood, and not­withstanding all the earnest Importunities of the Parliament and People, underwent all the Dangers of a Civil War for some Years; and not being able to live without the Cardinal'd Presence, the King sent for him twice out of Banishment, and receiv'd him with those Honours that were no way due to him, even to the going several Leagues to meet him, and to express his excessive Joy for his Return by mutual Embraces. I shall not here enlarge upon the Authority and Power which that Italian Cardinal had in France; 'tis sufficient to say, That the King, during his Minority, had all the Deference and Re­spect for that Prelate which a Son could have for a Father, and that it was the Cardinal who only reign'd in France. In lieu of which, he promis'd the King and Queen, That he would make him the Greatest Monarch in Europe. In order whereunto, he was to do Two things. The First, was, To heap up Treasure, and augment his Revenues. The Se­cond, was, To lay aside all Scruples of Con­science, when the main Concern was, the Aggran­dizing his Kingdoms. The first Tryal of Skill which the Cardinal made in the behalf of France, was during his Nunciature when the Peace was concluded at Chirasco, where the crafty wilely Minister deceiv'd the Pope his Master, the Princes of Italy, and the King of Spain, in favour of the French Court; and so well Cully'd the Duke of Savoy, that he wrested out of his Hands that Impor­tant Place of Pignerol, to deliver it into the Hands of France; which was an Acquisition that all the King's Money and Power could not obtain before, though he had had an aking tooth for it a long [Page 11]time. And this same Cheat, and cunning piece of Knavery it was, though the Court of France paid for it in good Ready-Money, that purchas'd him the Good-Will of all the Court of France, and the Friendship of Cardinal Richlieu; which Mazarine still improv'd, and kept tite by Presents which he sent him out of Italy, from time to time: and so well he understood to inveigle all the rest, that he was call'd into France in the Year 1639. where, a little time after his arrival, the Death of Father Joseph the Capuchin, became the Life of Mazarine. This Capuchin was he who serv'd Cardinal Richlieu in all his Intrigues both within and without the King­dom; and who was sent into England, during the Reign of Charles I. to sow Division, and raise a Civil War, which cost that Nation Rivers of Blood. So that the Capuchin had good reason to say, at his return out of England, That he had set Fire to those Sparkles which would kindle such a Flame as would not easily be extinguish'd; in Acknowledgment of which, the Court of France promis'd to get him a Cardinal's Cap to cover his Blad Pate. But he was not so happy as to see himself clad in Purple, Death seizing him in the Habit of a Saint of a Franciscan. After which, the Court of France bent all her Sol­licitations in favour of Mazarine. To which Car­dinal Richlieu was the more willing to give his Consent, as being glad to see himself succeeded in the Ministry by a Person of no less Rank then he was; who, though he were inferiour to him in Birth, yet was his Equal in Dignity, Both Princes of the Church; yet not without some secret Jealousies be­tween 'em. But the King and Queen favour'd him, in Consideration of the business of Pignerol, and his [Page 12]declar'd Devotion for the Interests of France; so that he was advanc'd to the Purple toward the End of the Year 1641. Immediately after his Promotion, he went to take Possession of the Principality of Sedan, which the two Cardinals had wrested from the House of Bouillon by Violence; forasmuch as that Principality border'd too near upon France, and also durst make Head against it, but at a time when France was not so powerful as now it is. 'Tis true, that the Duke of Bouillon, Frederick Maurice, who was then Sovereign of the Place, had very much contributed to the loss of it, by changing his Religion, upon his marrying the Countess of Berghe. For being at that time Governor of Maestricht, and in the Service of the States of the United Provinces, whose Protection warranted his Territories from all Assaults of France; yet finding himself no longer acceptable to the Prince of Orange, his near Kinsman, nor to the States them­selves, he desir'd leave to lay down his Commission and retire to Sedan, there to lead a private and quiet Life, and wholly to employ himself within his prin­cipality to the Propagation of the Roman Religion, which he had embrac'd; in which Employment he made some Progress during some Years. After which, he met with Business much more conside­rable, by reason of the Refuge which he gave to the Count of Soissions, one of the Princes of the Blood, and who was retir'd in discontent from the Court of France, by reason of some Quarrel with Cardinal Richlieu; and this Count was follow'd by the Duke of Guise. Now the Duke of Bouillon thought to have avoided all Occasion of Trouble, by giving notice to the Court of France of the Retreat of those two Princes: but the Cardinal, a subtle and crafty [Page 13]Politician, seeing he could not hinder it, persuaded the King to approve what he had done, till an Op­portunity of Revenge presented it self, as it appear'd not long after by the King's taking the Field, in order to besiege the City of Sedan. Nor had the Duke, at that time, any other way to preserve him­self, but by clapping up a League in all haste with the Emperor and Spain, by which they were to assist him against France with Seven thousand Men, and Two hundred thousand Crowns in Ready-Money. But the Emperor only perform'd his Pro­mise, and sent him some Forces under the Conduct of General d'Amboi. Nevertheless, the Germans, together with about Four thousand Men which the Duke of Bouillon had rais'd at his Charges, de­feated the French Army under the Command of Chatillon; the Fruit of which Victory was, the taking of Doncheri, not far from Sedan. And this lucky Beginning of the Duke made the Court of France begin to look about 'em, as being afraid lest that petty War should kindle a greater. Thereupon the Duke of Brezé was sent the same way with Five and twenty thousand Men; and the Cardinal persuaded the King, and all the Court, to march as far as Rethel. But unfortunately for the Duke of Bouillon, Lamboy quitted him, with all his Men, being order'd to march to the relief of Aire, which the French had besieg'd. So that the Duke finding himself constrain'd to shut himself up within the Walls of Sedan, and seeing himself besieg'd, began to think of an Accommoda­tion, so much the rather, because the Count of Soissions, who had been the Occasion of the War, had shot himself in the head with a Pistol Bullet. This was no more then what France desir'd, as having [Page 14]at that time a War with Spain, several discontented Princes and Lord; within the Kingdom, who waited only for an Opportunity to rise, and the Siege of Aire begun; uncertain therefore of Success, and having so many Irons in the Fire, she durst not ven­ture the besieging of Sedan, which they were con­vinc'd that the Duke would defend with the last drop of his Blood; besides that he had Great Men that took his Part at Court, as not being willing that Place should fall into the King's hands, which, upon many Occasions, serv'd 'em for a Retiring Place. Wherefore being also no less desirous to spite Car­dinal Richlieu, who was look'd upon as the first Au­thor of that War, they persuaded the King, who was advanc'd as far as Meziere, to hearken to an Ac­commodation. Thereupon the Cardinal seeing it was not to be avoided, offer'd his Mediation to the Duke of Bouillon, to the end that the Affair passing through his Hands, the Duke might think himself beholding to him for this Kindness, though his De­sign were to ruine the Duke some other way. To which purpose, he made great Protestations to the Duke, who took all for Gold that glister'd; and being but a new Catholick, believ'd that what­ever that same Prelate and Prince of the Church assur'd him, was sincere, and truly honest. But whatever Protestation his Eminency made, he had always a Reserve which he kept close in his Breast: and the better to cover his Design, and shew his Good-Will, he would needs enter into a Treaty, as a Security for the Duke's Sincerity; and a Gauranty on the King's behalf, That His Majesty would per­form the Agreement to the least tittle of the Stipu­lation, the better to lull the Duke asleep, and draw [Page 15]him to the Court. Thereupon the Articles being sign'd on both Sides, the Duke went forthwith to pay his Respects to the King at Meziere, where he was entertain'd with Court-Holy-Water, fair Words and Complements, and receiv'd by the King, the Car­dinal, and all the Lords, with all the Honours ima­ginable due to his Dignity. the Cardinal also gave him large Demonstrations of Friendship, and made him extraordinary Promises, on purpose to engage him to have a Confidence in him, and make him believe that he had forgot the injurious Manifesto which the Duke had printed against him. Yet all this was nothing else but Snare and Decoy. For his Eminency told the King, in the presence of all the Court, That he could not do better then to entrust an Army under the Command of the Duke of Bouillon, as one that so well deserv'd the Honour, seeing that with a handful of wretched Germans he had beaten the Army of France; so that there was nothing which he might not well expect from his Valour and Ex­perience, when he should once come to Head the Valour of the French. This the Duke took in good earnest, and so fell into the Snare; and though he had been forewarn'd by the Cardinal's Enemies, that the more Affection and Kindness that Minister shew'd, the less he was to be trusted; yet he was so easily wrought upon, as to accept the Command of an Army in Italy; and that was the very Place where the Cardinal was desirous to keep him. For being in the Post, he forgot himself to that degree, as during the Sickness or Lewis XIII. to give the Duke of Orleance a Letter of Credence to be admitted into Sedan, together with the Queen-Mother, and the Children of France, under pretence of retiring [Page 16]thither after the King's Death, to avoid the Op­pression of the Cardinal, tho' the Count of d'Au­bijoux, who went to him in Italy, promis'd him with great Oaths and Imprecations, that he would never deliver the Letter, unless there should be an Absolute Necessity. But the King escap'd that Sickness, and the Cardinal having notice of every thing to the smallest Circumstance, gave him an account of every particular, and thought it a favourable Oppor­tunityto revenge himself for what was past, and to put the Principality of Sedan into the Hand; of France without the Effusion of Blood. For he seldom se­parated the Remembrance of an Injury and the de­sire of Revenge. It happen'd at the same time that the Duke of Orleance finding his Brother very infirm and sickly, and believing that during the Minority of the Young King, when the Cardinal would have all the Power in his hands, he should lead but an ill life in the Court of France, and seeing himself ex­pos'd to the Resentment of his Adversary, he be­thought himself of making a League with the Spa­niards by the mediation of a Gentleman, whose Name was Fourraille, whom he sent to Madrid. But the Cardinal having got an Inkling of it, sent his Secretary Chavigni, privately to give the King no­tice of it, and in the mean time he left no Stone unturn'd to discover the Contents of the Treaty that had been concluded at Madrid; and he set so many Engines at work, that he found a way to get a Copy of it from some Secretary to the Duke of Orleance. So soon as he had read it, he sent it to the King by the same Chavigni, and order'd him to assure his Majesty that the Copy was drawn from the Origninal it self; and for this same Piece it was that [Page 17] Cinqmarc and du Thou were apprehended, and that the King order'd his Brother the Duke of Orleance to be very narrowly watch'd, who finding it Im­possible for him to make his Escape out of France, took a Resolution to submit himself to the King's Mercy, and implore his Pardon; and wrote a very submissive Letter to the Cardinal, which he sent him by one of his Favourites; wherein he set forth his Repentance in very moving Expressions, and his desire to be beholding for the Favour of his Reconciliation with the King to his Eminency, who willingly embrac'd the Opportunity of gaining the Duke of Orleance's Friendship, and of having at his Beck an Instrument to ruine the Duke of Bouillon. Thereupon he made the Duke of Orleance's Peace with the King, upon Condition that he should de­liver into his hands the Original of the Treaty. But the king's Brother protested that he had burn'd the Original, and had only kept a Copy sign'd with his own Hand, and Counter-sign'd by the Secretary of his Commands; by vertue of which Copy both Cinqmarc and de thou were both arraign'd, and the Fatal End they came to is well known. But to re­turn to the Duke of Bouillon, you are to understand that Fontraille, who was sent into Spain to conclude the Treaty, that he might bring it the sooner to pass, and imprint a higher Opinion of the Business in the Court of Madrid, would needs insert the Duke of Bouillon's Name in the Treaty without his Know­ledge; and promis'd that he should not only ratifie it, but allow Sedan for a Place of Refuge; tho' the Duke never ratify'd the Treaty, nor ever caus'd his Name to be inserted; but quite the contrary had always oppos'd it, when the Duke of Orleance [Page 18]had formerly made some Overtures to him of the same nature. However there needed no more to ruine him; so that the Cardinal dispatch'd away a Cour­rier forthwith into Italy, with Orders for seizing his Person, which was done at Casal by the General Offi­cers, who commanded under him, from whence he was conducted by a numerous Convoy to the Castle of Pierre-en-Cize. And there it was that the Duke first understood, That he had been compre­hended in the Treaty of Madrid, of which the Duke of Orleance had given him a Copy sign'd with his own Hand; and that he at the same time had discover'd the Queen's and the Duke's Design to retire to Sedan, upon the King's Decease. The crafty Cardinal observ'd by this Confession how much he was fear'd and dreaded, which serv'd to render him more absolute then ever, and impower'd him to revenge himself of his Enemies more loftily and more in­exorably. For whatever Excuse the Duke of Bouillon could make, and tho' it could never be prov'd that he ever sign'd or ratify'd the Treaty, or gave any order for the inserting of his Name there­in, there was no other Choice for him to make, but either to lose his Head or his Principality of Sedan. Which was no more then what France had sought a long time, and for the bringing of which to pass, there was no foul Play which the Minister had not put in Practise, no Snare that he had not laid to entrap the Innocent. The Dutchess of Bouillon, ha­ving notice of her Husband's Imprisonment, and of the danger he was in of his Life, sent her Sister in Law to Court, to let the Cardinal know, that if the Duke were put to death, she would deliver Sedan to the Spaniards, to which purpose she had already [Page 19]sent to Brussells to sollicit their Approach to the Town. But Mademoiselle de Bouillon, arriving at the Court of France, and understanding that du Thou had been condemn'd for only being privy to, and concealing Cinqmarc's Design, chang'd her note, and was so far from delivering the Dutchesses Me­naces to the Cardinal, according to her Instructi­ons, that she told the Cardinal she had Orders to enter into a Negotiation, and to engage for the Life and Liberty of her Brother. This was that which the Cardinal expected, and therefore with­out giving her any time to recollect her self, the Treaty was concluded, That the Dutchess should de­liver Sedan to the King of France, and that the Duke her Husband should be put into possession of other Lands of equal value in the Kingdom; and that at the same time that the French Garrison should enter the Town, the Prisoner should be releas'd. Thereupon, Cardinal Richlieu not being able to go himself, sent his Coadjutour in the Mi­nistry, who took possession of it, and secur'd it to all Intents and Purposes. Thus that Important City which had withstood the King, fell into his Hands, partly through the ill Conduct of the Duke of Bouillon, but chiefly through the Snares which the Policy of France laid for him, ever since he quitted his Religion and the Service of the States. For in good Policy they ought to have preserv'd that City which gave Protection to the Protestant Party.

The Death of the Cardinal happening in one and the same year, the Queen being declar'd Re­gent, and Duke of Orleance Chief of the Council, the Duke of Bouillon returrn'd to Court, flattering himself with being restor'd to his Dominions, consi­dering [Page 20]that his Misfortune did not befall him but for the good Services which he was ready to have done those Two Illustrious Persons, that now sate at the Helm of State, and who had engag'd him without his Knowledge. But when he came to Court, he only found a change of the Regency, but not of the Ministry, which was still cunning and wilely: For Mazarine, who succeeded Richlieu in the Government, out-did his Predecessor. He found that the Disciple knew more then the Master; that he had a double portion of Avarice and Self-Interest; that Italian Knavery had succeeded French Refinedness, and that he had no mind to let go the Prey which he already held fast in his Gripes, and for which he had labour'd conjoyntly with is Predecessour. 'Tis true, that when the Duke of Bouillon first ar­riv'd, he receiv'd a world of Complements from the Queen, the Duke of Orleance, and all the Court; but when he came to talk of Business, all that Cour­ship vanish'd, nor could he obtain so much as Audience either of the Queen or the Duke of Or­leance, till at length by dint of Pressing Importunity he got so much favour, that the Abbot de la Riviere, a Favourite of Orleance's was appointed to conferr with him about his Pretensions; and that meerly to be ridd of him: Bouillon therefore seeing he could do no better, fell upon the Matter with the Abbot, and told him, That he was willing to fulfill the Treaty made with Lewis XIII, but that the Evacu­ation, the Verification in Parliament, and so ma­ny other Formalities absolutely requisite, would infallibly take up a tedious Space of several Years: therefore till all those Ceremonies were at an end, that'twas but just that Sedan should be restor'd him [Page 21]to be surrender'd back into the King's Hands, so soon as he should be put into Possession of the Equi­valents: that considering the Present Posture of Affairs, he foresaw long Delays and infinite Cavils; whereas if Sedan were in his Hands, it would be look'd upon as the King's Business, no less then the Enlarging of France by the Acquisition of a Sove­raignty, and a City of great Strength and Impor­tance. That if these Reasons would not work up­on the Queen nor Monsieur, he desir'd the Abbot to lay before'em, that the One or the Other might happen to dye before Things could be brought to that perfection, as to be fit to be put in Execution, which would inevitably prove the Ruine of his Fa­mily; and that they were engag'd as well in Ho­nour as in Conscience not to expose him to that Extremity. To this he added, That tho' the Queen and the Duke had the least reason in the world to distrust his Words, nevertheless he offer'd to give his Children in Hostage, or to submit to whatever Precautions they desir'd to take, for the Security of the Young King. But this was like knocking at a deaf man's door; for the Abbot, who had his Instructions, told him with a great many Complements, That he had only Orders to hear him; but that he would make a faithful Report of what he had said; adding with great Protestations, That it should be none of his Fault that he had not a favourable Answer: but that was a thing which was never intended. So that Bouillon finding that the Abbot never came at him more, resolv'd to ad­dress himself directly to the Queen and the Duke of Orleance: but both the One and the Other knew so well how to avoid meeting him, that he could [Page 22]never find an Opportunity to speak to 'em. Which put him into a Rage, and caus'd him to let fall some hard words against the Queen and the Duke, as being too forgetful of what he had done for 'em. However Bouillon, unwilling to return Home with­out a positive Answer, apply'd himself again to the Abbot: but then he could never find the Abbot at home, his Servants having Orders still to deny him whenever Bouillon came to ask for him. Nay, it happen'd one day, that tho' he knew that the Ab­bot was at home, by certain Persons of Quality that waited in his Antichamber to speak with him, yet the Abbot was so unmannerly as to send out one of his Servants to tell him bluntly in the hearing of those Gentlemen, That the Abbot was gone abroad; which put the Duke of Bouillon into such a Rage, that he bid the Servant tell his Master, That had it not been for the Respect which he bore the Duke of Orleance, he would have return'd him such a Treatment for his Sawciness, that should have stuck to him as long as he liv'd.

This Transport of Passion in the Duke made a great noise at Court, so that the Queen, and the Duke of Orleance were glad of this pretence to ridd them­selves of a Person whose presence continually Re­proach'd 'em with his past Services, and the Car­dinal propos'd in Council a second seizure of his Person. But Bouillon having notice of it underhand, took Post for Turenne, there to spend the Remain­der of his days, having lost not only the Impor­tant City of Sedan, but the promis'd Equivalent besides. Nor does the Court of France do any thing more for the Family of Bouillon, then only lull 'em asleep with Cardinals Caps and Benefices of [Page 23]the same value. Thus we send Trifles to the In­dians, and bring away their Gold and Silver.

I would fain have the French Emissaries tell me what reason the Most Christian King had to make himself Master of the Principality of Orange, to beat down the Fortifications of the Castle in the year 1667. when the Sovereign was under Age, and afterwards utterly to demolish the Castle and Walls of the City, and not content with the same De­solation, to sollicite the Corporations to submit themselves to the King, threatning, if they refus'd, to burn and totally ruine the Inhabitants, as after­wards the French Forces did, notwithstanding their Independant Sovereignty. I am perswaded the best reason those Emissaries can give, is because the Po­licy of France cannot brook a Foreign Sovereignty within her Dominions: and so it was the Interest of the Court to make themselves Masters of it, be­fore the Sovereign was in a Condition to withstand their Power, by means of his Friends and Confede­rates: and all the while they pretended that they had done the Prince of Orange a signal Piece of Service, because they had spar'd him the Expence of a Gar­rison. But if such be the Charity of the Most Christian King, what may we expect from his Se­verity?

Without Question the same Spirit it was that in­spir'd France to seize upon Burgundy and Franche Comé, without any pretence of Claim, after the Pyrenaean Treaty, and without any other reason, but because Spain being weak, was not able to defend her self, and because it is really the Court of France to aggrandize her self so soon as she finds an Oppor­tunity, without any respect to Treaties or Alliances. [Page 24]And it may be said, that the Ministry of Maza­rine was a continu'd Chain of Oppressions, and that he made it his Study all his Life-time to extinguish the Nobility of France by all the ways imaginable, whether right or wrong: tho' he were cunning e­nough to support 'em during the Troubles which happen'd in the Kingdom during the reigning King's Minority.

But so soon as he had manag'd 'em, so soon as he had humbled their Power by ruining 'em: for he who deprives a Prince of Money, takes from him the Soul of Authority; the Princes of the Blood did nothing but cry out and openly reproach the Court, that she was full of nothing but Craft, Ar­tifice and juggling Tricks to abuse the People and the Confederates; but they might cry as loud as they pleas'd, the Ministry went its own way, and the Cardinal let 'em say what they pleas'd, provided he did his own business. For it may be said of him, that his Tongue bely'd his Heart, and that his Coun­tenance quite differ'd from his inward Thoughts. He was often wont to say, that the French were na­turally Turbulent given to Novelty, and prone to Sedition, and that the Court was full of Restless Spirits. Which was the Reason that he always en­deavour'd to cut 'em out Employment without the Kingdom. But in regard he had no reason to be satisfy'd with the People, he was the Inventor of the greatest part of the Taxes now raging in France, the Father of the Publicans and Toll-gatherers. He suck'd the Blood of the Subjects, in imitation of the Grand Signior, for the Support of the Soldiery, preferr'd before the People, at the Expence of the People, and tho' it should be to their utter Ruin; to [Page 25]the end he might be able to quell 'em, when ever they should be inclin'd to Mutiny and Insurrection; In­sinuating into the Young King, that the Preserva­tion of his Crown depended upon his Soldiers; as heretofore the German Legions vaunted to hold the Empire in their Hands. And in pursuance of that Maxim we have seen, that during this Reign, the Court of France has practis'd this Lesson, which has ruin'd her People, that she has impoverish'd her Subjects, depriv'd the Nobility of their Privileges, and all this meerly by keeping great Armies on foot, to serve her at all times with both Hands to ruin the People, when ever they went about to shake off or complain of the Excessive Taxes and Imposts with which they are daily overwhelm'd: to chastize the Parliaments when they refus'd to verifie the Edicts and Impositions which the Kings sends to 'em: as also that she may have her Legions al­ways ready to invade the Dominions of her Neigh­bours, when they least dream of any such Acts of Hostility; or are otherwise employ'd, relying up­on the Faith of Treaties. As we have seen how that after the Peace of Nimeghen, when France finding her Treasures quite exhausted, and her numerous Ar­mies ruin'd by Sickness & Hardships, was constrain'd to make fresh Provision, fearing a Change of Fortune, as she had already felt at the Battle of St. Dennis. For this reason she sought Peace to break the Union, and obtain'd it in despite of those who well fore­saw that France would no longer keep it after she had once recover'd Breath, or that she found a Pro­pitious Opportunity to break it. For since the King of France falsisy'd his Oath to observe the Pyrenaean Peace, so solemnly sworn upon the Altar, Since­rity [Page 26]is fled from the Court of France, and return'd to Heaven, from whence it descended, and Corruption has taken the Place of Justice and Integrity. In regard the Ministry of France was only meditated to aggrandize the King. And therefore the de­ceased Sieur de Colbert, Chief Minister, never scrupled to assert, That the King might break and make Laws at his own pleasure; Privileges being Chimera's odious and offensive to it, and that Law was only the Inclination, Reputation and Autho­rity of the Prince.

When the King of France has a mind to make himself Master of a Country, or only of a single Town, he never considers the Outward Situation, but the Inward Condition of it; by whom it is go­vern'd, who defends it; and the Louidores are most commonly the Cannons with which he attacks it. And therefore Pompone, formerly Embassadour at the Court of Sweden, had in some measure good Reason to say, that France with her Money would always do what she pleas'd; and that it was by means of that Metal, that she was at that time become Mistress of his Swedish Majesty's Cabinet, and that she became Mistress of so many Places after the Peace of Nimeghen, under pretence of Appendences and Dependences, of which a great Volume might be made. This is a Truth not to be deny'd, since we have seen it with our Eyes, and that we still be­hold the Inhabitants of those Places groaning un­der the severe Servitude of the Despotick Govern­ment of France. But in regard that Usurpation cannot always long subsist, and for that so many Princes are at last awaken'd from their Oppression, the Court of France finding her self very much embar­rass'd [Page 27]to preserve what she has usurp'd since the Peace of Nimeghen, all her Policy could find out no better Expedient then to propose a Truce while the Emperour and the Empire were engag'd in a War against the Turk.

The Court of France had two Prospects in de­siring this Truce. The first, That in detaining all the Places of which she had made her self Mistress, she at the same time lull'd asleep the Court of Vienna on the Rhine side, that she might oblige the Empe­rour to continue the War with the Grand Signior. Secondly, Not to observe the Truce any longer then till one or other of the Two Empires were reduc'd to a Low Condition. Had it been the Em­perour's misfortune to have lost Vienna, then the Bu­siness was concerted and decreed, That the King of France was to have invaded the Empire with a powerful Army, and to have been proclaim'd Em­perour with a high hand. On the Other side, if the Turks were beaten, he was to declare War against the Emperour, to prevent him from growing too great by his Conquests. But the latter falling out for the good of Christendom, presently France without any regard had to Truces or Alliances, openly attacqu'd Philipsburgh, carry'd it, and af­terwards march'd with his Army into the Palatinate which he over ran with Fire and Sword, and by Violence, and Conflagrations, got sure footing all along the Banks of the Rhine. where we to this day behold the sad and deplorable Remainders of the Rage and Fury of the French Armies. However in regard the Violence never wants a Pretence, and that the most Impious Actions veil themselves in like manner with some Outward Appearances; [Page 28]the King of France to justifie himself before all the World, out of a kind of Generosity pretends to declare the Reasons why he was constrain'd to re­sume Houstile Arms, to the end he might perswade all Christendom of his sincere Intention; to establish the publick Repose, while his Soldiers in all Places ruin'd and burnt whole Provinces, and carry'd away the Goods and Cattel of the Poor Inhabi­tants.

To this purpose the Most Christian King fol­lows his begun Hostilities with a Manifesto, where­in the Principal Reasons that France alledges to co­ver her Breach of Faith, are first, That she was well inform'd that so soon as the Emperour should have made a Peace with the Turk, he had resolv'd to bend all his whole Force upon the Rhine against France. To which I shall answer hereafter in Par­ticular: but in general thus much is to be said, that the Most Christian King, after he had broken the Truce, desir'd to make a Peace upon two Conditions. First, That the Truce for Twenty Years might be chang'd into a Perpetual Peace: and Secondly, That the Cardinal de Furstenbergh might be put into the Possession of the Electorate of Cologne; and that afterwards the King would en­deavour to bring the Cardinal and the Chapter to such Accommodations as should be propos'd for the Satisfaction of Prince Clement of Bavaria; that is to say, to cause hm to be declar'd Coadjutour to the said Electorate.

As to the first point the Politicks of the Court of France were very fine Spun and extreamly Crafty; seeing that while the Emperour and the Empire were engag'd against the Turks, it was the proper [Page 29]time for her to appropriate to her self all the Places, Lands and Signiories which by the Truce were not left to the enjoyment of France but for Twenty years, of which three were expir'd, and which the King was fully perswaded in his Conscience that he could not justly keep, but must be forc'd to restore at the Expiration of the Truce.

As for the Possession of Cologne by the Cardinal of Furstenbergh, (the detaining of which from the said Cardinal was another specious Pretence for his re­suming Arms) all Europe is sufficiently acquainted with the Engaging Reason which the Most Chri­stian King had to make himself Master of that Arch­bishoprick: seeing the Cardinal and the King were all one, and so by means of that Possession, the King of France had one Foot in the Empire, and upon the Territories adjoyning, belonging either to the States of the United Provinces, or the Palatine and Brandenburgh Electors. But because it will be a difficult matter for us to treat otherwise then con­fusedly of the Policy of France in general, we shall descend to Particulars, thereby to render it more Intelligible, beginning with the Holy See.

The Kings of France have always held themselves highly honour'd with the Title of Eldest Sons of the Church, and would have made War upon any one that should have ventur'd to dispute that Title with 'em. In like manner, they have all along given Marks of their Filial Obedience, and a de­vout submission to what ever came from the Holy See. And to have seen Lewis XIV. persecute the Huguenots in France, there is no body but would have sworn that he had been the most Zealous Ca­tholick in the world. Nevertheless we have seen [Page 31]the contrary, and that what he has done in refe­rence to the Protestants, was only to ward off the Accusations that might have been charg'd upon him for openly opposing the Holy See, while he affronted, as all the world knows he openly did, Pope Innocent XI. only because the Holy Father would not give way to his Usurpation of the Regale in France; which produc'd the Assembly of some Prelates of the French Clergy in the Year 1682. wherein the Arch­bishop of Paris who presided there, being flatter'd in case of a Rupture, with the hopes of being Pa­triarch of the Kingdom, or in case of an Accommo­dation, with the expectation of a Cardinals Cap, got all the Prelates who were present at the Assem­bly, to degrade the Papal Authority, and of a Uni­versal Pontiff, to make him a Simple Bishop, sub­jected to Councils. And the King constrain'd all the Preachers in the Kingdom, and Rectors of U­niversities to declaim and teach a Doctrine in Op­position to the Authority of the Pontiff Nay, the Business went so high, that the Court of France un­dertook to govern Rome it self, in opposing the Sup­pression of the Franchises of Embassadours Quar­ters in Rome; which indeed were no more then a Sanctuary for Robbers and Bankrupts. More­over, the King of France, that he might remain peaceable Possessour of the Regale, went about to set a foot an Old Pretension of the Duke of Parma to the States of Castro, and Ronciglione, supposing 'em Guarranties only of the Treaty of Pisa, which was a Pretence to seize upon the City and Country of Avignon, which the Court of France had for a long time look'd upon as an Estate that lay convenient for her, and only sought an Opportunity to detain [Page 30]it, without being oblig'd to make Restitution; and which had taken effect, had not Innocent the XI. been a quiet and peaceable Pontiff, suffering with a Christian Patience while he liv'd, all the Affronts of the Court of France, referring the Revenge of 'em, as he was often wont to say, to his Crucify'd Saviour; and to him it was, that the Holy Father appeal'd, when France sent him a Copy of the Extract of the Registers of the Parliament of Paris, in the ensuing Words.

After the Court of France had put these unheard­of Affronts upon the Holy See, and thus debas'd the Authority of the Sovereign Pontiff, instead of ma­king use of those means which the Catholick Church and Councils have put into his Hands to bring back Princes and People to their Christian Duty, the Pope out of a peculiar Fund of Charity and Piety, contented himself with making appear to all the World, the Justice of his Proceedings and the In­justice of the French Court, declaring all along, that he was perswaded that the Truth of Affairs had never been truly represented to the King of France; only that the Artifices and Passions of those who are no Lovers of Peace had infus'd into him an Idea altogether different. Otherwise that it was never to be believ'd that the King would have harbour'd in his Mind those Injurious Sentiments contain'd in Cardinal d'Estree's Letter: his Holiness having ne­ver fail'd to shew himself a true Father to all Catho­licks, but more particularly to France; who upon several Occasions had receiv'd various Testimonies of his Indulgence and Esteem; but instead of being repay'd with Grateful Acknowledgement, his Holiness had been expos'd to most heinous Injuries [Page 36]and Affronts not only offer'd to his Person but the Holy See, by extending the Regale to above half the the Churches in France that are no way subject to it; but by the Second General Council of Lion, by prescription of almost 400 Years by the Testimo­nies and Evidences of Edicts of several Kings, De­crees of Parliament, and Registers of the Chamber of Accounts, as also by the Opinion of the most ce­lebrated French Lawyers, ought to be exempted from it.

The Pope loudly complain'd of the Violence done to the Convents of the Carognes and Urbanistes; and that, only for applying themselves to the Holy See, in Opposition to an Invasion of their Privi­leges, and the Canonical Rules of their Orders, which imports, That Abbots and Superiours ought to be Elective, and continue for three Years toge­ther. In contempt of which, the King had intro­duc'd Abbots of his own Nomination. Besides the Rending away of Five Abbies, without the consent of the Apostolick See, to erect a Commandery, and applying to Other uses the Revenues possess'd by several Monks and Nuns, according to the Will of the Donours.

But that which was more enormous, was the King's Prohibiting the Bishops to have any Recourse to the Pope, according to their Duty and the Cu­stom of all Times, to ask his Counsel in matter of Religion; as also in reference to what concern'd Prince Clement of Bavaria: tho' in granting him the Eligibility for three Churches that were Legally possess'd by the deceas'd Electour of Cologne, all Christendom saw that the Pope had no other Aim then the Publick Good. For besides the high Va­lue [Page 37]which it behov'd him to have for that Illustrious House, the Merits of the Electour his Brother, who had so gloriously defended Christendom against the Invasion of the Turks, his Holiness had done nothing in that particular, but only imitated the Liberality of his Predecessours, who conferr'd the like and greater Favours also upon Persons much Inferiour in Birth, Age and Merit, then Prince Clement, and that too at the Request of the Kings of France.

And for the Bull granted to Prince Clement, the Pope could not be accus'd of any Injustice for so doing, since that Affair was exactly and seriously examin'd in a Consistorial Congregation at Rome. Besides that the King of France had neither any Rea­son nor Right to intermeddle in that Affair, since it was a Business that only related to a German Arch­bishoprick, and an Electour of the Empire, which no way concern'd France either directly or indirect­ly, but the Pope only in respect of Apostolick Con­firmation, and the Emperour, as to the Investiture of the Pincipality in admitting him into the Ele­ctoral College, to which belongs the Right of Electing a new Emperour, and which has a very great Sway in managing the Affairs of the whole Empire. So that the Pretence for War which France lays hold on from the Proceedings at Cologne is to be imputed to the King's Passion, and his own Interest.

After what past in the Assembly of some Part of the Clergy at Paris, where among other things, the King caus'd the Regale to be adjudg'd his Right, notwithstanding the Appeal of the Bishops of Alets and Pamise, to the Pope; and the Propositions so injurious to the Apostolick See, supported by Royal [Page 38]Edicts, enjoyning every Body to receive and pub­lickly profess and teach 'em in such a manner as was never yet practis'd, His Holiness had great Reason to refuse his Bulls to the Ecclesiasticks no­minated by the King to supply the vacant Bishop­ricks, because they were present at the said Assembly of 1682. and there openly declar'd themselves E­nemies of the Apostolick See; and for that the Canon Law, and the Agreement made with France, that the Pope should be judge of the Capacity of the Persons nominated, prove moreover, That the said Ecclesiasticks nomianted by the King, were not Per­sons proper to be entrusted with the Instruction of the People, but absolutely addicted to their pleasures, and their worldly Interests, seeing that they never scrupl'd to revolt against their Spiritual Chief, and to betray the Liberty and Privileges of the Church, to the end they might gain the King's Favour, and augment their Temporal Means. Upon this, the Court of France being desirous to vex the Pope, made choice of the Marquis of Lovardin for his Embassadour to Rome, because he was a Known Enemy of the Apostolick See, and was both able and willing to affront and molest his Holiness No wonder then if he never had Audience of the Pope, seeing that according to the General Rule, no Mi­nister should be sent to a Soveraign Prince, but such a one as is acceptable to the Prince with whom he is to negotiate: besides that it is not sufficient for a person to be sent by a Prince, to entitle him to the Prerogatives of an Embassadour, but according to the Laws of Nations, he must be acknowledg'd for such a one by the Soveraign to whom that Mi­nister is sent. Therefore the Court of France had [Page 39]no reason to complain that the Pope refus'd to give Audience to the Marquis. Nor indeed would any Soveraign have suffer'd the Marquis, as he did, to enter Rome with Armed Force, as it were to de­prive him of one Part of his Sovereignty, and on purpose to affront him after such a manner, unheard of even among Barbarians themselves.

'Tis observable that when France has any occasion to court the Favour of the Holy See, she sends Pre­lates, Cardinals and Bishops for her Embassadours; in regard it is a Thing both decent and becoming Ecclesiasticks to be submissive to the Pope; besides that they are allow'd Admittance, when Seculars are excluded. But when France has a mind to af­front the See, she sends a Lawyer or a Sword-man, who neither depends upon the Pope, nor expects any Kindness from him, and who dares ruffle him stoutly, when it is to promote the Interests of France. But France seeing the Pontiff inflexible, and that he was not to be gain'd either by his Nephew nor by the Cardinals that were most Intimate with him, resolv'd either to rid him out of the world or to wait for his Death. But Old Age sparing France the Labour of her first design, he was no sooner dead, but France began her old Custom of making Parties, and scattering her Louidores up and down Rome, to purchase a Pope of her own Faction; and the Lot fell upon a Venetian, Ottoboni, who took upon him the Name of Alexander VIII. France thought him her Friend, and attributed the whole Glory of his Election to her self. But she found him to be a Venetian, that is to say, one that conceal'd his real Sentiments as long as he liv'd, and never declar'd himself till he came to lie upon his Death-Bed; but [Page 40]then he did it in such a Manner as was no way for the Advantage of France. Now in regard he was very Old, and desirous to make the best of those few Years he had to live, to raise the Fortune of his Family, the French Ministers fail'd not to be li­beral of their inchanting Golden Philters, to allure his Kindred into the Interests of the French Court. But how willing soever, or how Importunate to Ob­lige their Uncle to do something in favour of the King, they could never procure from him any thing more, but only that while he held the Pon­tificate he did France neither good nor harm. How­ever, the Italians say this of him, That he did like the Swan, that is, he Sung a little before his Death. Nevertheless France suffer'd patiently that petty Mortification, and the loss of all her Presents to the Family of the Ottoboni, in hopes to have at length a Pontiff more favourable to her Purposes. At last after much canvassing, most Voices were for a Neopolitan, of the Family of Pignatelli, whom the Cardinals of the French Faction would not ex­clude, upon his promise to the French Cardinals that the French Court should have no reason to be dissatisfy'd with his Pontificate. But being elected he forgot the Promises he had made, the rather be­cause the Imperial and Spanish Embassadours dis­swaded him, as much as lay in their Power, from the observance of 'em. The Court of France there­fore finding that they had to do with one that was not less weak in Mind then infirm in Body, press'd it upon him that he would occasion the damnation of a great number of People that were without Pastours, if he persisted in the Refusal of his Bulls to the Bishops of France, who were present at the As­sembly [Page 41]of the Clergy in the Year 1682. And at the same time the French Cardinals, according to their Instructions, gave the Pontiff to understand, that a War was very near breaking out in Italy, and that he would be answerable for the Blood that should be spilt; seeing the Most Christian King's Patience was at an end, and that most certainly he would withdraw himself from his Obedience to the See of Rome, and set up a Patriarch in his own Kingdom, and thereby retain several Millions that went every year to Rome. Thereupon, those Fears that usually seize People superannuated, and the Delicacy of Conscience without any necessity of a Pontiff, made him determine to satisfie the Court of France, upon frivolous Promises that the Bishops should submit, tho' to the prejudice of the Holy See; since the King retracted nothing of what he had done publickly against the Authority of the Pontiffs and the Religion of the See, and for that the Re­gisters of the Parliament of Paris (containing the Inju­rious Appeal of the King's Advocate-General) still remain upon Record, and for that France will one day revive it again, when she finds a favourable Op­portunity to humble the Court of Rome.

Neither the Pope nor the Holy See are to judge of the Catholicity of Lewis XIV. or his Court by the Passion which he has shown in persecuting the Huguenots within his Kingdom. So far from that, seeing that while the French Monarch persecuted the Huguenots in his own Realm, and destroy'd their Churches and their Exercises, he succour'd Count Teckeli, the Head of the same Sect, that were re­volted from their Soveraign in Hungary: and the Court of France was not only more closely Ally'd [Page 42]for his sake with the Ottoman Port, to which he al­so gave considerable Assistance, but made Vows for the Prosperity of the Mahometans, and repair'd their Mosques even as far as Vienna it self. More­over, I have frequently heard the Director of my Conscience say, and have heard several of the queint Doctors of the Sorbonne preach, that the Fruits of the Christian Religion were Charity, and that he who was void of it could not be a True Catholick; that Charity was a Vertue which produc'd a Patient Spirit, that it was benign, that it was not covetous of other mens Goods, nor sought its own advanta­ges; that it neither commits Injustice nor possesses any thing unjustly got: that it endures every thing, believes every thing, bears with every thing; ne­ver carries it self insolently or dishonestly. This is the Character of a True Christian, according to the Learned. Now if the Pope finds but one of these Vertues in the King of France, I mean that Since­rity which Pope Gregory requir'd from a true Ca­tholick, which consists in fulfilling by our Actions what we have promis'd in Word: in that case I agree, that the Pope may not only embrace him as his Eldest Son, but canonize him after his Death, and I will be the first that will pay my Homage to the Great St. Lewis. If it be enquir'd, From whence this way of proceeding arises, so different and irregular in reference to the Holy See, more especially in a King who adorns himself with the Title of Most Christian; I answer, that 'tis from hence, because that whatever he took in hand was for the Service of that Great and Ambitious Design which aim'd at nothing less then to be the Master of all Europe. To which purpose he had it in view, [Page 43]by the Persecution of the Religionaries of his King­dom to acquire to himself the Suffrages, the Esteem, the Assistance of all the Roman Catholicks, in the midst of those great Designs which he had to in­vade the Empire by means of that Succour which he gave the Turk. There is nothing makes the King of France so sick at heart, as the Prosperity of the Emperour. He would willingly make War against Heaven, because God did not give him all the Earth to himself, or at least because he thinks his Neighbour has the better share, and possesses the more lovely part. For this Reason you see that France is always upon the Enquiry; Her Emissaries continually inform themselves what Territories, what Splendour others enjoy, that their Monarch may have an Opportunity to fall upon This or t' Other, or Both together. Envious Persons are as it were the Animated Skeletons of Demons, that are nourish'd only by their own Torments. Agrip­pina, the Mother of Nero, was wont to say, That there was nothing in the World which a Prince ought not to Sacrifice for a Crown. And therefore it was, that Katherine de Medicis, Queen of France, finding her self ready to sink under the Burden of the Civil Wars, after the death of her Son Francis II. and not knowing any longer, after she had tyr'd 'em all out, to what Saint to recommend her self, went to the Devil with her three Younger Children, Charles IX. the Duke of Anjou and the Duke of Alanson. And the Medal is still to be seen with this Device beneath her Figure, engrav'd in Copper, and the Figures of her three Children which she offer'd to the De­mon, Soit, pourvu que je regne. Let it be, so I may reign. If these Miserable Women have carry'd [Page 44]their Ambition so high for a single Crown, what may it not be Lawful for Lewis XIV. to do, so he may gain the Universal Monarchy? For still what­ever he does, the French have a Name for it; they call it Grandeur of Soul. They offer Incense at this very day to the Divinity of Lewis the Great, and below his Statue, the Head of which is environ'd with a Glory, there are written these Blasphemous words, Numini Ludovici Magni. This is the Reli­gion, and this is the Idol of the Court of France, and of their Emissaries, that compass the Earth to make Proselytes to embrace and adore the Interests of France. If among such proceedings as these, if in such a Dreary Chaos, the Holy See can find out Ca­tholicity, I will acknowledge him to be like God himself, who alone can bring Light out of Dark­ness.

But Lewis the XIV. was not content with the Crown of France, nor to make himself Emperour, but to be the Universal Monarch of the World, and then not having any more to conquer here below, like the Gyants of Old he would have built a Tow­er to scale Heaven, and Dragoon the Inhabitants of the Eternal Mansions. However the Soveraign KING of Kings, who derides the Folly of Men, has in a good Measure confounded the Counsels of France, and dissipated all her Great Designs; parti­cularly since the raising the Siege of Vienna, upon the 12th. of September 1683. a fatal day for France, but glorious for the Emperour and Empire, and Happy for all Christendom. This unexpected Blow, contrary to the Hopes and Expectations of Lewis the XIV. and his Ministers, constrain'd him to seek a Truce, which was granted him for Twenty years; [Page 45]and by which the Policy of France had a fair Pro­spect of Keeping those Towns of which she was Mistress; and on the other side had gain'd time to see the Issue of the War between the two Empires, with a Design however, as already has been said, no longer to observe the Truce, till the King beheld the Fate of the Two contending Parties. If the Emperour fell, then the King was to march in Per­son into Germany, and cause himself to be proclaim'd Emperour and Protectour of the Christians, at the Head of his Army. If the Grand Signior had the worst of it, then the King was to send his Forces to his Aid, by ravaging all Germany, and dividing the Forces of the Empire, as he did under imagi­nary Pretences; which was more then openly to Succour the Turks, who in Truth had broken with the Christians barely upon the Sollicitations of Count Teckeli and the King of France, promising great As­sistances, if they happen'd to prove the weakest, and in that alone the French Monarch may be said to have kept his Word. 'Tis also no less true that his own Interest was at the Bottom, he not enduring to behold the Prosperity of the Imperial Arms; and fearing least the Emperour, proving Victorious, should one day re-demand the Towns and Territories which he had usurp'd from him.

France then seeing the Emperour's Success, the Christians winning Battel after Battel, the Turks dri­ven beyond Belgrade, his Design upon Cologne fru­strated, the Baron of Plettenberg chosen Bishop of Munster, the Baron of Elderen elected Prince and Bishop of Liege, and by this means all the vast De­signs of Lewis XIV. quite ranvers'd, she was no longer to be restrain'd within the Bounds of a Truce, [Page 46]so that her Fury fell first upon Phillipsburgh, which the Emperour not being in a Condition to defend, the King carry'd the Town, the 29th. of October 1688. and thus neither Decorum, nor the Interest of the Christians; neither promis'd Faith, nor all the Ca­tholick Religion it self, could hinder the perfidious Victor from declaring openly for the Infidels and Enemies of Christ and the Christian Name. How­ever if on the one side France in some measure wreck'd her Revenge by the War which she un­justly declar'd against the Emperour, it may be cer­tainly said, that the Acquisition of Philipsburgh cost King James his Crown, as being at the same time abandon'd by Lewis the XIV. to his Evil Fortune. The Council of France soon after, but too late, ac­knowledg'd their Fault, and could find no other way to excuse the Blunder, but by entring into a War with England, Spain, and the United Provinces, at the same time that they declar'd War against the Em­perour: and this same mistaken piece of Policy occasion'd that strict and sincere Confederacy, which we see at this day, between the greatest part of the Christian Princes to preserve themselves from the Invasions of France; and Lewis the XIV. to wreck his Revenge upon 'em for the sad Fate of K. James, his most dear Allye, whose Misfortunes were only the Consequences of his having follow'd the Coun­sels of France and her pernicious Politicks, was ob­lig'd to raise Great Armies and equip a Numerous Fleet, to restore K. James to his Throne; tho' hitherto he has not been able to accomplish any thing in his Favour, but rather has liv'd to see the Disappointment of all the Hopes that flatter'd his first Attempts. Whereas if the Ambitious Monarch [Page 47]had turn'd his whole Force against the Empire on­ly, and bent all his strength on that side, he might have gone a great way into the Empire, and have given Mahomet, his Dear Friend and Allye, a fair Opportunity to recover his Losses. But while he labour'd the Re-mounting of two unhors'd Princes, he ruin'd both the One and the Other. And here it is that we ought to adore the Divine Providence that confounded and strook with a suddain Stupidity the Counsels of France, on purpose to dissipate those unjust Designs which her False Politicks had sug­gested to her, no less then the Assailing of all Europe at a Time; according to the Proverb, Covet all, and Lose all.

There is no question but that France was sensible of her Errour, after the Revolution in England; for which reason she discharg'd all her Fury upon poor Germany, where the French Soldiery exercis'd the utmost Extremities of Cruelty and Barbarism, be­cause that Electorate belong'd to the Emperour's near Relation and Confederate.

France being thus Embark'd upon this Tempestu­ous Sea, the Prosperity of the Imperial Arms, the Revolution in England, and the strict League of all the Confederate Princes for the Defence of the Common Cause could not choose but raise prodi­gious Storms about his Ears; and therefore finding there was no repairing the Fault she had commit­ted, she was constrain'd to caress and promise the Ottoman Port whatever Succour the Infidels de­manded both of Men and Money to oblige the Turks to continue the War. With a Design however to deceive and forsake 'em, so soon as the Court of France should find it convenient to agree with the [Page 48]Emperour. But in regard the French have drawn in the Ottoman Port, and blinded with their Pre­sents the Principal Ministers, and more especially the Mufti, who holds his Dignity for Life, 'tis al­most impossible to open the Eyes of the Grand Sultan, who is willing to flatter himself with the Hopes of recovering that part of Hungary which he hast lost. So that as long as the French are able to domineer at the Port as they do, 'tis in vain to send Embassadours thither, to make proposals of Peace, since it so absolutely behoves the Court Politicks of France to hinder it, by all manner of means, cost what it will, either by Money or Poyson, as we have seen. 'Tis not long since, that the French per­ceiv'd, that the Ministers of the Mediatours had made some Progress in the Interim that our Mini­ster was hastning to the Port; but their Emissaries both at Constantinople and Adrianople overturn'd with Money all the Measures that had been taken. So that there is nothing but an Insurrection in the Ottoman Empire, that can ranverse the Practices and Machinations of France; and this is that which the Christians ought to meditate, if they desire a Peace between the two Empires; and there are ways to bring it about, if they would but put 'em in Practice.

Nor is it to be question'd but that France drives on all the Intrigues imaginable in the Ottoman Court, where she is in daily fear, least early or late a sud­den Truce should be clap'd up between the two Empires, by reason of some unexpected Insurrecti­on, as I have already said. And therefore it is, that the Court of France endeavours to supplant her Confederate, and to make a Peace with the Empe­rour and the Empire, by restoring several Places [Page 49]which she now holds in Germany; because that Lewis XIV. and his Ministers see very well, that they can­not continue the War, so long as the Confedera­cy continue their Union, as hitherto they have done: that being alone by himself to bear the Bur­then of so many Enemies, he stands in need of Nu­merous Armies to oppose the same Adversaries that environ him on every side, in Germany, Flanders, Bra­bant, Catalogna, Navarr and Piemont; but above all, the Conjoyn'd Fleets of England and Holland, that threaten his Coasts, and enforce him to an Ex­cessive Expence to guard himself from a Descent: his Trade being quite lost, his Subjects reduc'd to utmost Misery, and his Exchequer decreasing every day, through the decay of Trade, and the Poverty of the Inhabitants of his Kingdom. We must be­lieve, that France would fain have a Peace, while she thinks she has some Advantage, before any Ter­rible Blow befall her, which would enforce Lewis the Great, to accept of such a Peace as it would please the Emperour and the Confederates to afford him. 'Tis no less certain then, that his Imperial Majesty, together with the Confederates, have no more to do then to continue the War a little longer, to compass their Ends upon France, that can never be able to make Head against 'em for any long time. Which is the reason that we find her already begin­ning to change her Batteries, at the same time that she sees her self oblig'd to alter her Designs in re­spect of the Empire. Formerly nothing would serve Lewis the XIV. but the Imperial Crown for himself, and the Title of King of the Romans for the Dauphin his Son. But now no more of that: The Grapes are out of his Reach, and therefore [Page 50]he cries, They are sowre. All those vast Designs ha­ving fail'd, and all his Lofty Enterprizes being come to nothing, the Policy that France made use of when the Turks were marching to the Siege of Vienna, is now no farther useful: the End failing, the means must of necessity surcease. Formerly France was all for dethroning the Emperour; but now 'tis well if she can keep the Crown upon her Monarch's own Head, in preserving by the force of her Arms what he has usurp'd from his Neighbours. Heaven has alter'd the Face of Affairs, by the ill success of the Ottoman Armes, and thereby confounding the Coun­sels of France; the designs of both being the same, and both acting in order to the same Ends.

And as the Designs of France are chang'd in re­spect of the Emperour, who is the Chief and Head of the Empire, so they may be presum'd to be the same in regard of the Electours, who are the Members of it: Formerly, 'twas the Policy of France to caress 'em one after another, to dazle 'em with the Gran­deur of Lewis the Great, and perswade 'em to side with the Interests of that Monarch; sparing neither for Promises nor Presents to render 'em inclinable to elect French Coadjutours. But afterwards they were clearly convinc'd that this was the Apple of Dis­cord which the King of France threw into the Em­pire, to the End he might swallow 'em up one after another. Now therefore let us see what new course he takes to manage the Princes of the Empire. They can now no longer be serviceable to him in ma­king the Dauphin King of the Romans, in regard they have Check-mated him on that side already. So that they have spar'd him a world of Trouble, and a great deal of Money which he was wont [Page 51]to throw away by Shovel-fulls upon that Occasion' Much less is it to be thought that Lewis has now any Hopes of being Emperour, since I am told, that the Book entitul'd, The just Pretensions of the King to the Empire, written by the Sieur Aubri, Advocate in the Parliament of Paris, serves now to no other use, then to wrap up Butter and Cheese in the Chandlers Shops.

The Ministry of France now labours to separate the Electours and Princes of the Empire from the common cause (not by the means of Gold or Silver because he finds 'em incorruptible) but by inva­ding their Territories by Fire and Sword, as he has done the Palatinate, the Dioceses of Cologne, Mayence and Treves, with a design to enforce 'em to per­swade the Emperour to accept of a Separate Peace; by which means France will remain the Mistress still of the Greatest part of all her Usurpations. To which purpose she makes a dextrous Use of the easie Access which the Monks and Jesuits have to the Persons of the Roman Catholick Princes, and to intrude among the Ministers of State, every where extolling the King's Catholicity, and his great design to have exterminated Heresie, had not King James been dethron'd. But some have said very well in Answer to those Emissaries, that all those forward Acts of seeming Zeal were no other then a sort of Clumsie Trapans; that they must go and tell their Stories to Children and Fools, for that they were no Strangers to the King of France's Religion.

There is one thing very Remarkable, that Lewis XIV. designing the Destruction of the Empire, was the occasion of the strengthning it, and of under­propping [Page 52]it in some measure with new Supports, by adding a Ninth Electour to the Electoral College, and more particularly by the Choice which the Em­perour and the Electours have made of the Duke of Hanover, to supply that Place, to the great Grief of the Court of France, who with all her wilely Stra­tagems and false Politicks, could not prevent it. The Election of a King of the Romans, of Prince Clement of Bavaria, to the Electorate of Cologne, of the Baron of Elderen to the Bishoprick of Liege, of the Baron of Plettenberg to that of Munster, but more especially the Revolution in England, were bitter Morsels for the Most Christian King to swallow, and still lie heavy upon his Stomach. And whenever France comes once to see the Bottom of her Exche­quer, there is no question but her Fall will be very great, since it was her Money that only upheld her in all the Courts of Christendom, that she has plai­ster'd over all her Usurpations, and that she has lull'd several Princes asleep, whose real Interest it was to oppose her. Silver is a sort of Mettal every where acceptable, and the Avarice of the Switzers has spread it self into several Courts, according to the saying of Alexander, That there was nothing inaccessi­ble to Silver: tho' Matchiavell upholds, That 'tis a hard matter for Steel to keep possession of that which is purchased with Gold. Nevertheless we have seen the Contrary both in Germany and Flanders, where the King of France bought several Places with good rea­dy Money, and has held 'em for several Years. But give me leave to add this Reason for it, I mean the little good Correspondence at that time between the Princes of the Empire, and the Powder of Gold which their Jupiter rain'd among 'em. That Mo­narch [Page 53]not only got great Footing within the Terri­tories of his Neighbours, but made his Possession good. Witness Strasburg, Hunninghen, and several other Places upon the Rhine, as Mayence and several Fortresses in the Diocess of Cologne, if Heaven, by a Blow that France little expected, had not linked together that Sacred Union, in the Empire, for the Common defence, which all the gilded Politicks of France could never prevent, nor her Poyson put a stop to. And this is a Truth never to be contra­dicted, that the Sincere Union of the Princes of the Empire preserves 'em from being corrupted, and early or late will render 'em Victorious over the Common Enemy, and put 'em in a Condition of being able to recover what they have, and fix 'em in the Possession of what they hold untouch'd. No wonder then that the French destroy and ruine Ger­many where they come, because they find they can­not hold it, but must surrender back all their Usur­pations: tho' by the Havock which they make, they are in hopes to weaken the Strength of their Enemies. 'Twould be but Justice then, and what the King of France has no such reason to wonder at, that he should be one day constrain'd to repay the Damages, for the Spoil which his Armies have com­mitted, in pursuance of his Infernal Politicks.

During the Reign of Philip the II. King of Spain, it may be said, that France and Spain divided Europe between 'em; and that they were truly the Two Scales of a Ballance, which the Other Soveraigns endeavour'd to keep in an Equilibrium, and sided sometimes with the One, sometimes with the Other, as their Interest directed 'em, in order to keep an Equality of Force, for fear of being swallow'd up [Page 54]by the Strongest. But since King Philip's time, it may be said, That Spain has been continually sink­ing lower and lower; that she has been in good part the Prey of France; and that had it not been for the Allies, the French at this Hour would have been not only Masters of the Low-Countries, but of Madrid it self. And indeed it may be said, that the Duke of Alva lent the first helping Hand to the fall of the Spanish Puissance, by his Proclamation con­cerning the Tenth Penny in the Year 1569. by his Depriving the People of the Liberty of Conscience, and the Massacers that succeeded, and which was the real Cause of the Revolt of part of the Low-Countries, and the Fountain and Original of all the Misfortunes that afterwards befell that Monarchy, which instead of striking Dread and Terrour into all Europe, and the Other World, is dwindl'd away to that degree of Impuissance wherein we now behold it; govern'd 'tis true, by one of the best Princes in the World, leading a Pious and Exemplary Life, and void of any Vicious Inclination: and it may be certainly said, that the People and Grandees of the Kingdom are happy under so Just a King, if they understood their Felicity, and would but correspond with the Pacifick Genius of their Prince. But most com­monly the Ministers and their Adherents make their Advantage of the Good Nature of their Prince to fill their own Purses by emptying his, and by that means deprive him of his Ability to withstand the Sworn Enemy of Spain, who environs him on every side, and who for more then one Age together, has study'd nothing but his utter Ruine, and makes a dextrous use of his Imbecility. The King of France has been a long time acquainted with the Consti­tution [Page 55]of the present Catholick King, and upon that Knowledge it is that the Policy of France has built her Designs, and so well understood to carry on her Affairs, that she brought about a Marriage of that Monarch with a Princess of France, Daugh­ter to the Duke of Orleance, and that meerly to be inform'd of what past even in this Catholick Maje­sty's Bed-Chamber, as was seen by the Relations frequent in the Court of France, and which meerly serv'd for Sport among the French Ladies, who are naturally enclin'd to Gossipry, Tittle Tattle, and Railliery. And therefore 'tis a pernicious sort of Po­licy in the Court of Madrid, to bestow the Daugh­ters of Spain upon France, and to match their Sove­raigns with the Daughters of France: and of this there are recent Proofs that make us sensible. For it is certain that the Marriage of the Infanta Maria Teresa to Lewis XIV. has brought nothing but War and continual Trouble upon Spain, and still will be­come the Occasion of More, by reason of the Dau­phin's Pretensions, n case the Catholick King hap­pens to dye without Heirs. 'Twill be in vain then to alledge that Lewis the XIV. at his Marriage re­nounc'd his Claims with a Solemn Oath: for if he brake his Oath, and all the Princes blame him for doing an unlawful, and unjust Act, tending to Usurpa­tion, a Sin against Reason and Conscience: 'tis pre­sently told ye, that he could do nothing to the Pre­judice of a Third Person, meaning the Dauphin of France, the only Offspring by that Marriage; and usually in such differences between Soveraigns, the longest Sword carries it. Ratio ultima, Regnum, was the Motto which Cardinal Richlieu caus'd to be engrav'd upon the Armes of France. Or if it be not [Page 56]reason, 'tis the definitive Will of Kings, and be­comes Reason, if once it proves successful. The want of Issue by the Catholick King's second Mar­riage with the Princess Palatine of Newburgh, increa­ses and swells the Ambition of France; and 'tis very probable, that Lewis the XIV. would not be wil­ling that the King of Spain should happen to dye (which God forbid) during his being enga'd in a War with almost all Europe; in regard that not ha­ving his Hands free, he could not so easily fall upon Spain with a sufficient Force, as he might be able to do, to make himself Master of that Monarchy, in prosecution of his Hopes and Pretensions, if his Ca­tholick Majesty did not prevent him, in his Life­time. 'Tis the Policy of France to insinuate into the Grandees of Spain desires of enriching themselves, while they have an Opportunity; to the end that after his Death, they may be able to erect Petty So­vereignties in every Corner of the Kingdom, for there is not any Prince among 'em who wants a Pretension, with a promise to every one that she will stand by Him, and grant him her Protection against all Assailants; They not considering all this while, that France will at last swallow 'em all up, one after another, and that they will become the Sport of Lewis the Great, their secret Enemy. Who in the mean time by this means enfeebles Spain, ex­tenuates the King's Treasure, and deprives him not only of the power to recover the Places he has lost, but to defend those which he has yet in his Possession, which the French wrest from him by degrees, be­cause that Spain is not in a Condition to make a Po­tent Opposition; as Experience had taught us too apparently, not only during the War, but also in [Page 57]time of Peace. For that since the Pyrenaean Peace, Spain has suffer'd the Usurpation of a great many Provinces, as Burgundy, Franche Conté, and Consi­derable Portions of the Low-Countries and Catalonia. And all this, because that Spain is a languishing and sickly Body, whose Forces waste by degrees, through the too much softness of the Soveraign, and the Greedy Covetousness of the Grandees of the Kingdom. Whereas if the Catholick King would make use of his Authority; forsake his Cabinet and Head his Armes, there is no question but that the Face of his Affairs would quickly alter. It be­hoves him for the replenishing of his Coffers to squeeze the Spunges that have swell'd themselves with his Treasures, and enrich'd themselves at the Expences of his Crown and People. A Prince that leads a Soft and Effeminate Life is neither fear'd by his Enemies, nor belov'd by his People. He is lookt upon as a Statue, and resembles those that wish for mighty Things, as if they design'd to leave only their Dreams to Posterity. Whereas a Monarch ought with his own Sword to make the Pen that is to write his History: that is to say, that his Valour and Prowess ought to afford his Historiographer, Mat­ter: otherwise he only serves to fill up the Cata­logue of the Kings, and the Day of his Birth, and the Day of his Death are the most Illustrious and Memorable Parts of all his History. A King re­ceives his Crown from his Ancestors, but his Re­nown must spring from himself. The Council of Spain falls asleep presently after a Peace, and many times after a Truce, not considering that France is always awake, and that she never lays down her Armes but that it Costs the King of Spain some or [Page 58]other of his best Towns. It would be superfluous to set forth in Painting to the Spaniards, the misery of their Condition, should they once fall under the Despotick Dominion of France. They need no more then cast their Eyes upon the lamentable and wretched Estate to which the French are at this day reduc'd; while some are forc'd to wander about the World, expos'd to utmost Misery, to Hunger and Cold, and all this meerly to avoid the Cruelty and Tyranny of their Monarch; and they that remain behind, lie Groaning under the weight of his Iron Scepter that continually bruises 'em to death with his Oppressions and his Imposts. The only way therefore for the Spaniards to prevent their Ruine, is to countermine the Policy of France: to suppli­cate their Monarch to appoint his Successour in his Life-time; to the end he may be bred up in the Court of Madrid, and be ready to oppose the Invasions of France after the King's decease. But more especially, to beg of the Emperour to put a speedy End to the Turkish War, that he may have his Hands at Li­berty to be assisting to Spain at a time of need.

'Tis also an Affair of Great Importance, and most Essential toward the Preservation of the Remainder of the Low-Countries, and not to relie as the Council of Spain does upon her Neighbours; which is the reason that they neglect to send the True Succour, which it would behove 'em to send in time into those Provinces which were within a Fingers Breadth of being utterly lost, during King James's Reign. And indeed there happen so many Changes and Revolutions in the World, that a well advis'd Mo­narch ought never to relie upon the Forces of Other Princes but his own.

While the Provinces of the Spanish Low-Coun­tries were govern'd by Interested Vice-Roys, who preferr'd their own private Concerns, before the Preservation of the Provinces, with which they were entrusted, we still found that France seiz'd up­on City after City, and is now in Possession of whole Provinces; and it may be said that a better thought never came into her Head, then when she abandon'd the Conquest of Italy (where she Ex­hausted her Men and Money) to turn her Forces upon Flanders, where all Appearances seem'd more easie, since she saw well that Governours were sent thither only to enrich themselves: among whom the Greatest Part minded more the getting of a Million into their Purses, then the preservation of the Best City in the Low-Countries! To avoid which Mischief, there is a necessity of having a Prince for Governour, whose particular Interest it is to pre­serve 'em, who will march at the Head of his Ar­my, lay out the Subsidies of the People, in defraying the Necessary Expences of the People, and take care for the Timely Returns of Money; for that the Low-Countries can never subsist without an Army well pay'd.

We have met with all these Advantages in the Person of his Electoral Highness the Duke of Ba­varia; and it may be said without flattery, That the Choice which his Catholick Majesty made of that Prince for the Government of the Low-Coun­tries, was one of the best and most imortant Hits of State that Spain has been for some time guilty of. Twas such a Blow to France, as broke all the Mea­sures she had taken, during the Government of Gastanaga; nor could Lewis XIV. ward off this [Page 60]Blow which the King of England gave him, without ever giving him warning to guard himself.

'Tis a thing no less observable then wonderful, That the Council of Spain having no more then this little Corner of the Earth to guard, should neglect it as They do; seeing that good Policy re­quires, that Spain should drein herself, rather then part with it, were it for nothing else but to serve her as an Amuzement to the Arms of France, as we have found it to have been in all the last and present Wars, and the Counterguard that keeps the most Christian King from Marching to the very Walls of Madrid it self. The reason of this Carelessness may well be thought to be the Popular Errour of the Inhabitants of Flanders and Brabant, who tell the Hollanders, when they upbraid 'em with their Re­missness as to their own Preservation, 'Tis you that ought to defend us, for the sake of your own Interest. And indeed, there is some reason for this Opinion. But the chief reason proceeds from the Avarice of the Spanish Ministers, who shroud themselves under this Mistake, which serves 'em to heap up Wealth, while the King their Sovereign is engag'd on every side to preserve himself.

The Policy of France, together with her Louid'ors, works now the same Effect with the which formerly Philip II. wrought by virtue of his Doublon's. For I have heard say, That ev'n in Time of Peace, there was not any Place in the Low-Countries where Lewis XIV. had not his Creatures and his Cabals rea­dy to declare themselves in Time and Place, and when an Opportunity requir'd. And certain it is, That if this were not the whole which was then said, 'tis [Page 61]a good part of the Truth. For having beheld what we have seen in our days, in reference to that impregnable City of Luxemburgh, and the Acquisi­tion of the whole Province that follow'd, we ought to be convinc'd, that that same Place of so great mo­ment was not obtain'd by the Bravery and Courage only of the French. There is no better way then, to disappoint those Treacheries, then by often chan­ging the Garrisons, and sometimes the Governors themselves; but above all things, to Pay well, and Punish without Exception, when there is the least Fault committed. The Low-Countries are, at pre­sent, like an Insolvent House, that must be re-settl'd by good Oeconomy, and by affording the Inha­bitants the Means of being able to contribute to­wards it.

The Low-Countries have a long time been the Mark at which the Court of France has aim'd. Upon the least Dispute, or Pretence of a Quarrell with the Court of Spain, in she pours with all her Fury upon the Low-Countries, like an impetuous Torrent; plun­ders, burns, and never retreats without some consi­derable Loppings which she dismembers from the Body of the Tree. Which nevertheless is not a Mischief never to be remedy'd; since the Sea it self is many times restrain'd by Causeys and Mounds, though it be an Element a thousand times more to be fear'd then the Policy and Pride of Lewis XIV. And this is that which the Duke of Bavaria, and the rest of his Brave Confederates must do, to stop and curb the rapid Inundations of France. They must look upon the French Monarch as one that thun­ders in all his Forces and his Fury upon those Places where he is sure to find but little Resistance, and [Page 62]from such Victories as those he reaps his greatest Honour. I confess, that a Prince who is violent, and a Usurper, is happy so long as Fortune goes hand in hand with his Natural Humour. But in regard she grows weary, for the most part, of al­ways carrying one Man upon her Back, we also find that the same Prince becomes unprospe­rous, when Fortune changes her Mind, or ra­ther, when there is an Opposition made against him. And therefore, if we may build upon out­ward Appearances, and if there be any thing of Prognostication in the Presentiments of Wise and Judicious Men, the Low-Countries may well hope, by the Blessing of Heaven, the prudent Conduct of their Great and Sage Governor and Leader, and the sincere Intentions of the Confederates, to be soon deliver'd from the Yoke and Barbarity of France, and enjoy the Fat of a fruitful Soil, that has so long fed so many Thousands of Foreigners, both Men and Beasts.

From the Low-Countries I cross over into England, where I find, that the Revolution which hap­pen'd in the Year 1689. affords a large Field, and ample Matter to supply my Discourse. The Court of France not only cry'd The Town's our's, but Eu­rope's my own so soon as she beheld James II. upon the Throne of Great Britain. I shall not here en­large upon the Accident that set him in the Throne. But certain it is that, France and He had long and passionately waited for the happy Minute; for that according to their Saying between 'em, Charles II. was a meer Slugg, and had neither vigour nor cou­rage to put in Execution the Projects that France was a Brewing. But far from that, Charles II. wanted [Page 63]neither Policy nor Ingenuity, and might have gone to his Grave with the Character of Prudent and Ver­tuous, but for his scandalous Inclinations for Women. However, it may be assuredly said, That the Match to which he was in a manner driven against his own Consent, made him disgust Matrimony, and threw him into a Vein of wanton Courtship. 'Tis true, 'twas a Weakness in him too apparent for his Honour; but France, and his Brother the Duke of York, knew how to make their Advantage of it. And therefore the Joy of Lewis XIVth's Court was not to be con­ceiv'd, so soon as both He and his Adherents under­stood the Death of that good Prince, and the Eleva­tion of James II. to the Throne; the Jesuits rejoyc'd in particular; and never was such Posting backwards and forwards between Versailles and London, as after the King of England's Death came to be publickly known at the French Court. And there was some reason for it; for that then it was, that the French Council began to take terrible Resolutions, in order to the putting in Execution a Design that France had kept conceal'd in her Breast for many Years before. She began with the Revocation of the Edict of Nants; a Thing which she durst not meddle with, so long as King Charles was alive, (though that Prince, in his heart, was none of the Devoutest Religionaries; but a Politician much more, and one who observ'd his Measures, by reason of his Parliament, that was well inform'd that England was the Garrantee of that Edict.) But so soon as James II. became sole Master in England, the Court of France gave her self her full swinge, and push'd on her Design upon Europe, might and main, because that then there was no longer any fear of England, which was the only Puissance that [Page 64]could either disappoint or advance her Enterprize. And this was a Truth at all times so well known by the Kings of England, that Hen. VIII. made a Medal of Gold, upon which was engrav'd a Hand stretch­ing it self out of a Cloud, and holding a Pair of Scales that were equally poiz'd, with this Motto, My Friendship turns the Beam.

But in King James's Time it was not England turn'd the Scale, but France, while England like an Ox, ignorant of his own Strength, tamely sur­render'd her Neck to the Golden Yoke of Lewis XIV.

Formerly the Policy of France sent to the Court of England Lovely French Nymphs to cultivate the Hearts of the English Lords, and of the Monarch himself. But during King James's Reign, another sort of Vermin were made use of, and Monks and Jesuits were sent in Shoals, that like so many Caterpil­lers and Locusts devour'd the Country; and who had already dispers'd themselves over all the Kingdom, and had made themselves Masters of the King and his Privy-Council, to the great grief of all his good Subjects. What a Heart-breaking must it needs be to the sounder Party at Court, to see a Father Peters Chief in the Privy-Council, pearch'd upon one of the highest Dignities in the Kingdom, slighting and domineering over the Lords and Peers of the Realm, as having got the Soveraign Authority into his Hands, and for that the King and the Queen (a Princess transported altogether by her Passion) suffer'd them­selves to be deluded and govern'd by this Tartuff of a Hypocrite, and he over-rul'd by Father La Chaise, who had all his Orders from the Court of France. By which it may be easie to judge in what Condition [Page 63] France was at that time; what Devils haunted both the Court and the Kingdom, trampl'd o're the Necks of the King's best Subjects, and were just exposing the People to the Rage of Queen Mary's Reign, who allow'd her Subjects no other Choice but of the Mass or the Faggot.

They who seriously consider the Policy of France in respect of England, during the Reign of King James the II. will find the Game but very ill play'd, seeing that in so short a time it gave an occasion to a Revolution so dangerous to France. But so it hap­pen'd, because that Lewis XIV. not foreseeing the Consequences, after he had once given a loose Li­berty to the Monks and Jesuits, was no longer Ma­ster of the Affair; and those Vermin pusht on King James with so much precipitancy, that he being de­sirous to do too much at once, they ranvers'd at the same time all the Designs of France, and cast him headlong from the Throne into an Abyss, from whence he will never be able to rise again so long as he lives: nor will all the Power of France, nor the detestable Wealth and Politicks of the Jesuits be able to restore him again.

If the Court of France were so excessive in their Rejoycing upon the Coronation of King James, we may assure our selves, that they were no less drown'd in Tears of Grief and Rage upon his A­bandoning the Crown. And then it was, that all the best Head-pieces, both Jesuits and Courtiers, met together which way to apply some proper Re­medies to a Blow so fatal and so unlookt for: and then it was that Lewis XIV. acknowledg'd his Error in following the Marquis of Louvois's Counsel, which was to attack Philipsburgh in­stead [Page 64]of Maestritcht, and give the Prince of Orange an Opportunity to pass un-disturb'd into England. But that which deceiv'd France, was an Army of Forty thousand Men which King James had a foot, of which a great part were Irish, and a Fleet of Forty Men of War riding out at Sea; which indeed was a Force sufficient both by Sea and Land to have resisted so small a number as attended the Prince in­to England. But it may be said, that that same great Body was a meer Monster, all Arms but no Head, and whose Veins were fill'd with Water only instead of Blood. And if France had bethought her self to have sounded in the first Place, the Heart of King James, she would have found there more of Cowar­dice then Courage, and without question she would have march'd her Troops to the Lower instead of sending them to the Upper Rhine. But by this we see that there is a certain Destiny which all the Wisdom, all the Force and Industry of mortal Man cannot escape.

But now the Constitution of the Court of Eng­land being chang'd by the Alteration of the Govern­ment, there was a necessity for the Court of France to change her Batteries, and to employ all her Politicks which way to dethrone the reigning King, whether by the Sword, by Fire or by Poyson, 'twas indifferent to her, provided she attain'd her Ends: and for the Truth of this, we have sufficient Proofs; the Testimony of Grandvall at his Death, and the authentick Depositions of Dement, who is still living to the Shamne and Confusion of France; the Remem­brance of which will be a lasting Stain to her Ho­nour; a Fact which her succeeding Princes will deny, as a Reproach to their Posterity, and for which Hi­stories [Page 65]only furnish us with the Example of Darius, King of Persia, who not being able to vanquish his Enemy Alexander in Battel, treacherously labour'd to have won the Grecian Soldiers either to kill or be­tray their Prince. And for that it was that the Ma­cedonian Victor upbraided Darius's Embassadors, when they came to sue for Peace, and to return him Thanks for the Civilities he had shew'd to his Mo­ther, his Wife and his two Daughters; to which Em­bassadour the Macedonian Monarch thus began his Answer. Tell your Master, that Thanks are superflu­ous among Soldiers that make War one upon another; and therefore if I were Civil and Courteous towards his Re­lations, 'twas only to satisfie my self, and not out of any Affection that I bear to him; for 'tis not my Humour to insult over the Miserable. I never attack Prisoners nor Women, I only assail those that I meet with Weapons in their Hands, and who are in a Condition to defend them­selves. So that if he sincerely desir'd Peace, I should consider what I had to do, but seeing that he still continues by Letters and Money to sollicit my Soldiers, to betray me, and my Friends to Kill me, I am resov'd to pursue him to the uttermost of my Power, no longer as an Enemy, but as a Poysoner, and a Ruffian, &c.

'Tis not to be deny'd, but that when any man de­signs to murther his Enemy, 'tis because he dreads him with a more then Ordinary Fear, and to de­prive his more valiant Adversary by such a Coward­ly and detestable Action of the Honour of vanquish­ing him in Battel. But such Assassins never come to good End: for Darius perish'd miserably, being murder'd by his own Subjects, and at the same time lost both his Life, his Diadem and all the Wealth of Persia. But to return to our Subject.

During the Reign of King James, France sent into England whole Legions of Monks and Jesuits, under pretence of Propagating the Faith, and to screw themselves into the most considerable Families of the Realm, under pretence of Religion, as also to assist this Unfortunate Prince, to observe his Footsteps and dive into his secret Thoughts, to the end he might not be able to avoid the Chains which the Court of France had prepar'd for him. But now the Emissaries of France have alter'd their Language; and whereas at that time they preach'd nothing to the English but Peace and Obedience there; now they breath nothing but Fire and Flame, Sedition and Murder where e're they come, fomenting Rebel­lion in all parts of the Kingdom, and ready once more to fire the City of London, if they believ'd the Conflagration would contribute any thing to their wicked Designs.

The whole Policy and Craft of France is at a great Loss at this Conjuncture, to find that all her Machi­nations against the Life of the King of England, at present prosperously Reigning, are still disappoint­ed. Nor is it less a bitter Choak-Pear to Lewis XIV. the Proudest Monarch upon Earth, to see himself at last constrain'd to acknowledge his Britta­nick Majesty the Lawful Monarch of the Three Kingdoms, and sue to him for Peace; and all this after he had Vaunted before all the World that he would never lay down his Arms till he had restor'd King James to his Throne, not without a prophane and Daring Application of the words of God the Father to the Son. Sit thou at my Right hand till I make thy Enemies thy Foot-stool. Now after such a Bounce, a man would think it should be a trouble to [Page 67]the Court of France to find her self constrain'd to dis­miss this poor unfortunate Prince. But there will be no such Thing: For when Persons that have been profitable to the Court of France become once un­serviceable, she never scruples to send 'em packing in cold Blood. 'Tis true that she observes some Mea­sures, and lets yee know her Mind at first by Hints and indirect Whispers: but if you do not understand her Mute Language and Dumb Signs, she fails not to inform your Stupidity with plain and down-right Expressions: it being a Maxim of the French Court, never to love the Unfortunate. But you'l say, what Benefit can accrue to Lewis XIV. by keeping King James in France: 'tis not for the Benefit of his Counsel; for he could never give or take any him­self; nor is it out of any heat of Concupiscence for the Queen of England; for he has much handsome and Prettier in his Seraglio of St. Cyr, where Ma­dam de Maintenon out of her Pious Care, for several Years together has kept in good decorum a numerous Bevie of young handsome Ladies, who are as it were so many Victims which she offers to the Di­vinity of Lewis the Great; and though that Monarch had not that Reserve for his little Pleasures, the Court is full of Coquetts, and the Mothers are such Ninny­hammers as to carry their Daughters thither, to try whether or no their good Fortune will advance 'em to the Embraces of that Great Monarch, and all this in hopes to raise the drooping condition of their Fa­mily. Insomuch that I have known some Parents condescend to that point of Panderism, as to Lesson their Daughters and instruct 'em what they were to say and do, in case the King should happen to take notice of 'em. So that most assuredly, it would not [Page 68]be no Queen Jemmykin that the Sultan of France would throw his Handkerchief, unless it were with that Limi­tation that Alexander observ'd who refus'd to exercise at the Olymptick Games, unless he might have Kings for his Competitors, And thus Lewis XIV. grown more Great perhaps then formerly, would have the World believe, that he'll no longer be a Gamester in the Sports of Love, unless he may have Queens for the Objects of his Passion. However, the King grows old, and therefore let us be so favourable to him as to believe, that if the Court of France did entertain King James and all his Train at St. Germains, 'twas not for any Affection the French Monarch bare him, but because the English Fugitive who generally, feeds upon Chimera's, fancy'd Himself, and endeavour'd to perswade the Court of France that he had a Great Party in England; not only all the Roman Catholicks, but all the Fanaticks in the Kingdom. That the Quaker Penn, who indeed is no other then a Jesuit in Masquerade, assur'd him of the Absolute Devotion of that whole Sect to his Party and Service. But the Court of France has been well inform'd, that all these Assurances were meer Illusions, seeing that neither Catholicks nor Quakers are admitted into the Par­liament, nor into any the meanest Offices in the Kingdom; and that it would be a very difficult thing not to say an Impossibility to embody all those that go by the Name of Jacobites, scatter'd up and down in several Parts of the Kingdom, and for the most part known to be such. Besides that, we find that no sooner a Dozen of these Rebels meet together, but they are presently discover'd; a visible Sign of the Care that Divine Providence takes for the Preser­vation of their Brittanick Majesties; and that the [Page 69]same Providence watches over 'em, while they, without intermission, labour to settle the Govern­ment, to protect the Nation against their Enemies, and to re-advance the Honour of the British Name, beyond what the Princes, their Predecessors, have done for several Ages.

There is no question to be made but that the King of France, or his Council, is very well inform'd of the Constitution of England, and that it will be in vain for their Enemies to attempt any thing there, so long as the King and his Parliament are united together, as we find 'em at this Day. Insomuch, that this good Correspondence has furnish'd the King with powerful Supplies, to oppose his Enemies both by Sea and Land, tho' their Number were double to what it is at this Day. For that so long as the Eng­lish have a formidable Fleet upon their Coasts, who shall be so daring as to attack 'em? Not France, I'm sure. Besides, that if they can but come to grapple with their lurking Enemy, the French would soon be constrain'd to quit their Coasts. So that all things being consider'd, there is nothing more for France to do, but to give over the War with England; for that unless they be Masters of the Sea, their Trade is lost, and they are absolutely ru­in'd, not being able to sell their Wines, their Bran­dies, and other Products of the Kingdom; besides that, they are fore'd to drein themselves of all their ready Money to pay the King's Subsidies; with a number of Impositions and Taxes with which the Kingdom swarms. And which is worst of all, their Harvests having fail'd for Two Years together, from whence shall they have Corn if they be not Masters of the Sea? more especially being at War with the [Page 70]Hollanders, and excluded out of Spain, which has several times supply'd their Wants. So that 'tis no marvel that the French begin to be weary of the War, especially with England; and that he no longer ob­serves any Measures with King James, who at pre­sent resembles one of one those petty Saints, to whom they will not put themselves to the trouble of light­ing up a small Wax Candle, because they neither cure any Diseases, nor are able to make their Guardi­an's Pot boil.

France has begun a War, which she will not get quit of when she pleases her self. Her Monarch has a long time acted Orlando Furioso, and affronted both in Word and Deed, a Prince that was not in a Condition to defend himself; but now that Provi­dence, by a miraculous Conduct, has plac'd the in­jur'd Prince upon the Brittish Throhe, 'tis not for the Court of France to think, that God, by his Pro­vidence has so highly exalted that Prince, has con­ferr'd upon him the Government of several King­doms and Provinces, and put so great a Power into the Hands of the only Prince that France is afraid of; a Prince that has so well united the greatest part of the Princes of Europe, in order to make a vigorous War against the common Enemy, who by degrees has so largely usurp'd upon their Domini­ons, and all this only to render more conspicuous the Honour of Lewis XIV. as his Emissaries give out. 'Tis never to be believ'd; and they that ima­gine it, must be either void of Sence, or be of the Number of those Phanaticks that have no more Wit then to adhere to King James.

But if France can get nothing by a War with Eng­land, she may be much a loser, considering the pre­sent [Page 71]Condition of her Affairs. For should the Eng­lish once happen to set Foot in France, they have not forgot their Right to Normandy, Guienne, Poitou, and Languedock. When the English quitted Calais, they promis'd the French Governour, who came to take possession of it, to return when their Sins were not so crying loud as those of the French. At least the Court of France is not to believe that the Eng­lish will let 'em alone in the quiet Possession of Dun­kirk; a Place that is no more the Patrimony of the Kings of France, then Strasburgh. They that sold both the one and the other of those Cities, had no right to make the Bargain: France treated with those that were under Age. Now we know that what an Infant Sells or Contracts for, is lyable to be cancell'd. Charles the Second had neither conquer'd nor pur­chas'd Dunkirk; he found it annex'd to the Crown upon his return to his Kingdoms; nor was it for him to sell it, to satisfie the Avarice of his Chancel­lor. So that the Kings his Predecessors, have still an undeniable Right, either to regain it by Force of Arms, or recover it by Treaty of Peace, with much more Equity and Justice, then the Chamber of Metz can pretend, to make Reunions to the Crown of France.

The words surrender back, are doubtless very hard of Digestion to Lewis the Great, who pretends at all times to be the only Person that can restore Peace to Europe: and therefore he ought in the first place to understand what Restitution is. The Greatest and Wisest of Kings assures us, That De­struction presses close upon the Heels of the Proud; and as I have already said, Fortune grows weary of always carrying the same Prince upon her Back. [Page 72]There are many Reasons why France should sink, af­ter all the Cruelties she has committed, and which are not yet at an end. People trail their Chains after 'em for some time without much complaint; but 'tis with a design to break 'em upon the first Op­portunity: and there is no question to be made, but that if the English once set Foot ashore with their Prince at the Head of 'em, but that the greatest part will receive him as their Deliverer. And I dare be bold to affirm, that there are at Present a Great Number in France who wish it, and wait for their Deliverance, and that there is hardly a Lord at Court, or a Prince of the Blood, who does not pray for the bringing down their Monarch, and the Prosperity of the Confederates Armes. The Race of Valois ended in France for less Crimes then those that Bourbon has committed. But there is a precise Time appointed for humbling the Monarchs of the World, conceal'd from Humane Know­ledge, and it is a Folly to go about to penetrate in­to a Secret which Divine Providence has reserv'd to it self. However we see the King of France tries all Ways and Means to Support himself, like a Man that strives against Death. He ruins his Subjects to maintain his Armies; he Impoverishes 'em, to constrain 'em to turn Soldiers. He calls in all their Money, embases it, and pays 'em with New Money enhaunc'd above a Third part of the True Value, to fill his Coffers. He seizes upon all the Church-Plate, and what belongs to private Persons, and coins it into Money; and the better to inveigle the People as it were to follow his Example, he sends his own Plate First of all to the Mint, and sends for it back the next day. There is not [Page 73]any Tax, or Toll, or Imposition that has escap'd the Invention of his Flint-Skinners; so that the greatest part of all the Handycraft Tradesmen and Peasants have abandon'd their Farms and their Houses, to wander about and beg their Bread, or else to seek their Livelihoods in foreign Countries. I have often with my own Ears heard very good Men and Old Catholicks cry out, When will the Prince of Orange, meaning the King of England now reigning, come and deliver us from all our Mise­ries. Rightly judging, That the English are They who can only give that Lucky Blow; by reason that their nearness to the Coasts of France facilitates their Entrance into the Kingdom. The Court of France knows this to be true, and therefore takes so much care to line their Coasts: tho' the King of France's whole Army would not suffice to guard a Compass of 300 Leagues in Extent so well as they should do, to prevent the Enemies landing in some part or other: Where they that land have no more to do then only to stand the First Shot; for the Se­cond Discharge will prove very moderate; and for the Third, there will be no occasion to fear it.

I affirm then, that the English alone are able to harrass France more then any of the Confederates, to put her to an Excessive Expence, which dreins her Treasury, forces the King to oppress his Sub­jects that he may replenish his Coffers, provokes the Malecontents to shake off the Yoke of a Despotick Government, and to desire a Government like that of England, which beyond all contradiction is the most Just and most Equitable, as well for the King, as for the People; every one there enjoying their [Page 74]Rights and Privileges, the King his due Preroga­tives, and the People their Repose.

If any one of the Republicks of Europe be able to infuse Jealousies and Fears into France, it is the Republick of the United Provinces, which is at present the most potent, the most Illustrious, the most glorious, and the most wealthy Republick in the World. I acknowledge that Venice may dispute the Point of Antiquity with her: otherwise there is no Comparison to be made between 'em. No wonder then that her Neighbouring Puissance has drawn upon her the Envy of France. The Policy of her Ministers, ever since the Beginning of this Reign, has very Judiciously exercis'd it self in finding out the most clever and probable ways to swallow up those Provinces, either by Conquest or by Ruining 'em, to which purpose Measures have been taken a long while ago. And Lewis XIV. at the Beginning of the War 1672. did ve­rily believe to have compass'd his Designs: having invaded the States at a Time when they rely'd upon the Faith and Sincerity of Treaties, and had neither any Forces a foot, nor any General to lead 'em; Good Husbandry being Natural to Republicks in Time of Peace. Nevertheless France could not strike that Blow so home as she desir'd, without the Con­sent of England; and therefore it was that the Court of France was so careful to improve their Friendship with Charles II. sparing neither for Money nor the Allurements of Pleasure to inveigle and fasten him to their Interests, and to cause him to bury in Obli­vion all the Benefits he had receiv'd from the Re­publick and the House of Orange. Nor would France [Page 75]quit her Hold, till England had in conjunction with her, declar'd War against the United Provinces, where the Embassadors of France had for some Years labour'd underhand by the Inticing Baits of Gold and Silver to gain Creatures within the Republick, since which time the Count d'Avaux understood so well to follow their Steps, that he out-did 'em. For that being Young, and a Courtier, he made his Love of Women serviceable to get him Admittance into certain Families that had some share in the Go­vernment; and there were few Cities where he had not his Creatures, who gave him Intelligence of all things that past in Council; and some there were, who like Nicodemus's came to him by Night, not daring to appear in the day-time.

The Greatest Policy of France was always to fo­ment Division between England and the United Provinces; afraid of nothing more then a good Correspondence and Union between the Two Puissances. Nor did she see any way more Probable to compass her Ends upon the United Provinces then by sticking close to England; which had fallen out luckily for her, during the two preceding Reigns while she amus'd those two Princes with Hopes of sharing in the Conquest. And upon this Score Lewis XIV. had very little trouble to perswade James the Second to close with him; for that in his Heart he was an Enemy to the United Pro­vinces and the House of Orange; besides that he was besieg'd by the Monks and Jesuits, and parti­cularly by Father Peters, who kept him under the awe of the Ferula, putting him in hopes of Great Rewards from Heaven, in case he would lend his [Page 76]Helping hand to destroy the Hereticks; perswading him that the United Provinces were the Center of Heresie. So that he added to his private Hatred that Biggotry, which those Hypocrites of Monks continually blew in his Ears. And indeed, all things were in a ready forwardness to recommence, in Conjunction with France, a new War against Hol­land. The King's Inclinations were altogether bent that way, and the Thing would have had the Effect desir'd, so soon as James the Second had once ob­tain'd to be Master of his Parliament, had abolish'd the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, and lay'd low the Heads of some of the principal Lords, the best Affected toward the Wellfare of the Kingdom, and the Preservation of the Privileges of the Nati­on. But the Revolution in England falling out so unexpectedly toward the end of the Year 1688. and the Year following fended off the Blow, and broko all the Measures of those Two Princes; to which we may add, the rejecting of the Cardinal of Fur­stenburgh from being Archbishop of Cologne. All these Events, so contrary to the Expectation of Lewis XIV. very much contributed toward the Pre­servation of the Low-Countries. For there is no doubt but the Cardinal, who is a Man dangerous, turbulent, actuared by the Demon of France, to whom he has sold and devoted himself, since he with­drew himself from his Obedience to the Emperor, his lawful Sovereign, was int oduc'd into the Chap­ter of Cologne, only to be the Tool and Organ, by whose means the Most Christian King might the more easily disturb the States of the United Provin­ces. But all these ways failing, tho' not his good Will, and finding he could not be assisted, either [Page 77]by Cologne, nor England, nor by the Bishop of Mun­ster, as in the preceding War, France could no lon­ger contain her self, but under pretence of assisting King James, presently declar'd War, and fell upon the United Provinces to prevent 'em from aggrandi­zing themselves by the sincere and strict Union which they were about to make between the King and Queen at present prosperously reigning. But in regard that frequently Revenge never considers the Danger to which it exposes it self for the satis­faction of its Rage, in like manner the King of France has drawn upon himself, all of a sudden, the the most numerous, and the soundest part of the Pu­issances of Europe, who will never lay down their Arms till he has made those Restitutions, which they shall think convenient for the Welfare of Europe; there being no other way of Reliance upon the Pro­mises and Faith of the Most Christian King.

I believe that Lewis XIV. spake just according to the Sentiments of his Heart, when he happen'd one Day to say, That he neither Fear'd nor Lov'd the Hol­landers, who nevertheless fill'd him full of Jealousies and Fears, and often broke his Measures. And yet 'tis to that warlike Nation, that he is at this Day be-holding for his having got the upper-hand of Spain: For as France formerly made use of the Hollanders to humble Spain, so the Spaniards are now glad of succour of the United Provinces to humble the Pride of France: And the Moderation and Flegin of the Hollanders, proves very effectual to abate the Fury of the French, which only affrights those that fear it, and are not acquainted with it.

In the Year 1672. the United Provinces alone made Head against the Two Potent Kings of France and England, were Victorious at Sea, and constrain'd the latter to make a Peace, and the other su'd for the Peace of Nimeghen. Tho' through a remissness Injurious to the Honour of the Parties, the Plenipo­tentiaries, out of a Complyance not to be endur'd, suffer'd the slipping in of those Words, That the King of France being desirous to restore Peace to Europe, &c. Whereas it was he that begg'd for it, and made such Condescentions to the City of Amsterdam, that she consented to it; so that to speak properly, 'twas she, and not Lewis XIV. that restored Peace to Europe. But in regard it was made without any great Precau­tions, and without taking any other Guarranty, then the Sincerity of a Prince who never had any, therefore it lasted but a short while; and within the space of Six Years, the Peace-Restorer committed several Hostilities, took many Cities and Fortresses, so that there was need of a new Peace, and a Truce follow'd, to the end he might retain what he had usurp'd. Nor were all these Treaties Mounds suffi­ciently strong to restrain the impetuous Torrent. He breaks through all the Tyes of Sanctity and Reli­gion, and falls upon Philipsburgh, the loss of which was attended with several other scurvy Inconveniences. Now upon what Foundation could the States of the United Provinces treat with a King that observ'd no Rule of common Morality, but broke his Faith, his Word, his Promise, even with the Emperor himself. Certain barbarous People, whom Alexander the Great would have oblig'd to swear Fidelity to him, re­turn'd him answer, That they never swore any Oaths, [Page 81]but gave their Word, which they kept inviola­bly; from whence I observe that they were not French.

The Ministry of the Court of France imagines with it self, that Lewis XIV. not having usurp'd any thing upon the Republick of the United Pro­vinces, during the Peace, nor won any Place from her, during the War, that it would be always an easie thing for their Monarch to make a Peace with her: besides that, the Hollanders are greatly inclin'd to Peace, by reason of their Trade, which is much obstructed in time of War; neither is it the Interest of a Republick, to enlarge her Confines, or to add new Provinces to those she has already, but to preserve Uni­ted what already she possesses, and to secure her Frontiers the best she can. But tho' France may be in the Right, as to some Circumstan­ces, yet is she deceiv'd in the main: For it is not so easie to make a Peace with the Hollanders, as the King of France imagines. Those Peo­ple, tho' naturally good-natur'd and easie, are not readily twice deluded. That Prudence which never forsakes the Counsels of their Soveraigns, has seen, by the Consequences of the Peace of Nimeghen, that there is no trust­ing to France; but that all her Promises and Treaties were only meer Amusements, that is to say, a sort of Recoiling to fetch the [Page 82]greater Leap: he must be a very mean Politi­cian, and very dull-sighted, who does not per­cieve, that France had a great mind to have made her self Mistress of the United Provinces, their Wealth, and their Religion; those three things so precious and so necessary, that the Inhabitants neither can nor ought to lose 'em, but with their Lives. And therefore as they ventur'd all to purchase those Blessings, so they will use their utmost Endeavours to preserve 'em, as the most precious Jewels of the Re­publick. For the Hollanders are not like King James, who left the care of his Crown to the Count of Lausune, while he ran away before the Battel of the Boyne, and before his Person was in any evident Danger.

France knows not as yet the strength of the United Provinces, as being ignorant of what she can do, if once she be hard put to it: See­ing that if they could find the way, not only to shake off the Chains of Servitude, but to make head for several Years against one of the most Potent, and one of the greatest Monarchs of Europe, Philip II. and come off with Ho­nour, why should the Ministers of France flat­ter themselves under this Reign that they are able to destroy 'em? 'Tis only because Men are apt to flatter themselves that they can compass what they desire; and generally they never [Page 83]care to be dis-abus'd, in regard that Hope sup­ports, and in some measure, satisfies an ambi­tious Mind. Usually the Court of France is crowded with Flatterers, who make no other Prayers then for the Glory of their Monarch, and sing no other Hymns then in his Praise; all their Opera's sound forth the Grandeur and the Conquests of their new Deity, Jupiter-Bourbon. They perswade him that he was sent into the World to reign by himself, and to sub­due all the People of the Earth under his Do­minion; they have given him the Sirname of Dieu-donné, or God's Gift, and they make their Oblations to the immortal Man, Viro Immor­tali. To which purpose they have erected his Statue in the Piazza of Victory, at Paris, to the end that all his Subjects should pay the same Homages to his Figure as to his Person. Marshal de la Fueillade would needs pay it the first Honours: For being a Collonel of the Foot-Regiment of Guards, he march'd his whole Regiment before the Idol, saluted it with his Pike, and order'd all his Soldiers to salute it with a Royal Volley; insomuch that at first there was no Body durst pass by it, without some kind of Genuflexion. And by that Sta­tue it is that Men may make a shrew'd Con­jecture of the Design and good Intentions of Lewis XIV. since he had caus'd to be engrav'd upon the Predestal of the Idol, the Hollanders, [Page 84]as well as other Nations link'd and chain'd to­gether like Slaves under his Feet. By which 'tis easie to discern, as in a Mirror, the very inside of Lewis XIV. and his kind Intentions toward the United Provinces, in case he could attain his Ends. And he discover'd his wicked Pur­poses so openly, after he thought himself as­sur'd of King James, upon his Elevation to the Throne by the hasten'd Death of Charles II. that 'twas the publick Discourse in the Court of France, how they were going to fall upon the Hollanders, and that they would drown their Provinces under Water, to the end they might never rise again, to vex the King by their opposing his just Designs. This was the common Language of the Court, and he that should have contradicted it, would have been Empal'd after the Turkish manner. I must con­fess, that at present they see with other Eyes at the French Court, and their Language is quite another thing. 'Tis the main Business of the Court at this time to flatter and caress the Hollanders, by that means if she can to dis­burthen her self of a War too ponderous for a Kingdom groaning under Famine and many other Calamities; and which are more likely to encrease then abate. So that if the United Provinces, together with the rest of the Con­federates, do but stand their station, tho' they should gain no ground upon the Enemy, France [Page 85]must be forc'd to condescend to what Condi­tions they please.

But say some of the more peaceful and qui­et sort of People, what Assurances have we of being able to constrain the King who makes Head against all the Confederates, to restore to Spain so many Towns and Fortresses, and so well fortifi'd, which he has in his Hands, to the end the Hollanders may enlarge their Bar­riers? I answer, That in this War the King of France is in an Association with the Turk, who by the Diversion he makes, cuts out Work for the most considerable Forces of the Empe­ror and Empire: That the Ottoman Empire consists of a capricious and giddy-headed Peo­ple, who have been several times of late, and indeed upon all the most considerable Occasions defeated, and that by consequences there is no­thing of certainty for France to trust to on that side, who only sways the Port by the force of her Money, and a few frivolous Promises. So that there needs no more then an Insurrection of the People, or a humour of the Grand Sig­nior, the Prime Visier, or the Mufti, to pro­duce a Treaty of Peace and overturn all the Hopes of France. Besides, that if we do but consider the bottom of things, we shall find that this War which the Turk continues with so many Disadvantages, costs the French Year­ly [Page 86]those Summs which they are unwilling to boast of. Secondly, Lewis XIV. alone by himself, is bound to pay and maintain above Four hundred thousand Men, to make head against his Enemies. Whereas the Confede­rates are not bound to keep so many Men in constant Pay; for the supply of which, every one bears his Proportion: nor does he that is most burthen'd bear a Fourth part of the Load of France. 'Tis true, the Body of the Confe­derates is a bulky Fabrick, but it moves upon several Engines which makes it go the surer. Now I dare maintain, that 'tis impossible for the King of France, to act alone by himself, above Six Years, as he does, against a Confe­derated Body, without ruining his People. At the long-run the Soldier turns the Citizen out of his House, and reduces him to beggary for want of Trade: The Taxes devour that little which the Inhabitants have heap'd up during the Peace. The Treasury fails be­cause the Springs are grown dry; the Mer­chant is ruin'd by his Losses. The Customs and Gabells, which were formerly the best and most ready Money the King had, by reason of the great quantity of Salt that us'd to be utter'd all over the Kingdom, must needs be very low, when People want Money to buy Bread more then Salt, And 'tis not long since that I heard one of the Farmers say, That the [Page 87]Gabells, of Salt are fallen above half in half; and it is the same thing with all the other Farms in France. A Monarch without a full Exchequer, is like a Man without Hands and Eyes.

Of all the Soveraign Puissances at present in Confederacy with France, there is not any one can contribute more to her Ruine, then the united Provinces, and that two ways: the one by preventing all Commerce and all man­ner of Trade with France, and forbidding un­der severe Penalties the carrying of Provision and Corn to the Enemies Country; in regard that Merchants are greedy of Gain, and care not whether they supply Friends or Enemies; insomuch that 'tis said of some People, to ex­press their Extraordinary Thirst after Profit, that if there were a Fair or Market in Hell, they would carry their Goods to the Infernal Gate, so they might put 'em off. The Other way to Ruine France, is to make themselves Masters of the Sea, which they might easily do in respect of the French, and by that means prevent any thing for going or coming out of the French Ports. Add to this, the Necessi­ty that France is in to send for Horses into the United Provinces, to remount her Caval­ry, which it is in the Power of the States with ease to prevent.

Besides all this, the United Provinces have had a vast advantage over France during the Continuance of this War, by the Trade which she has driven all along into the Indies, Italy, Turky, Spain, England, the Baltick Sea &c. whereas the French have only Italy and Turky free to themselves: for if they will have any thing from the Baltick Sea, they must put up Swedish or Danish Colours to protect 'em from the English. On the other side, I must confess that several Merchants Ships of both Nations fall into the Hands of the French Capers, and a far greater Number then those that are taken either by Dutch or English. but then we must consider that there are a hun­der'd English and Dutch Ships for one miserable French-man, continually trading upon the Sea; and many times our Capers meet with French Prizes that are hardly worth the Taking. Then again the Number of French Privateers sur­passes double and Treble the Number of the Dutch; in regard that the French Merchants having nothing else to do with their Vessels, turn 'em all into Privateers, that so they may not lie idle. Insomuch that all the Ports of France are become Nests of Pyrates and Sea­rovers only. Nor do we find all this while that their ill-gotten Purchases enrich either the Soveraign or the People. For according [Page 89]to the common Proverb, That which is got with the Flute is spent with the Drum. And there­fore it is, that the Inhabitants of St. Malo's and some other Ports of France are not a little trou­bled, that they have no better employment then to addict themselves to Pyracy; but their Trade with Holland and Spain being quite ru­in'd for the present, they are constrain'd to turn Sea-rovers for their Subsistance.

Now then we may assure our selves that 'tis so far from being the Interest of France to ruine and destroy the United Provinces, that 'tis the Study of all her most serious Policy to gain their Friendship, and inveigle 'em by fair Promises to accept a Peace, either sepa­rate or general, because the Intercourse be­tween the two States in times of Peace, brings more Profit to France then all the rest of Europe besides. But this Peace is not to be obtain'd by France either from the United Provinces or from any other of the Confederates but upon safe Conditions. For to such a Dilemma has the Most Christian King reduc'd himself, by begin­ning an Unjust and Cruel War, neither pro­vok'd nor compell'd to it by any other Motives then those of an Inordinate Ambition. So that it may be said of the Sun, which Lewis XIV. has made choice of for his Impress, that it re­sembles the Sun in March, which stirs and [Page 90]raises the Humours of the Body, but has not Heat sufficient to consume their Malignity.

To say Truth, France may be look'd upon as one of the worst Neighbours in the World: for she lets no Prince along that has the Mis­fortune to lie near her. So that after Lor­raine, the Spanish Low-Countries and the Uni­ted Provinces had felt the Effects of her Fury, she began again to prosecute her Old Designs upon Savoy. And the First course she took to get footing in that Family, was by the means of several Matches with French Prin­cesses, to the End she might have her Spies and Creatures in the very Beds of those Prin­ces. For that is one of the most Refin'd Pieces f French Policy for the King to make the Matches himself and to give 'em their Dowry, to engage 'em the more Cordially to his In­terests. And at the same time he sends 'em home to their New Spouses, full of Great Idea's of the Monarch of France, and the vast Obligations which they owe him, besides that before their Departure, he causes 'em to Swear upon the Holy Evangelists, That for the future they shall be absolutely devoted to France; that they shall uphold the Interests of that Crown at all Times and against all Persons whatever, in the Courts where they reside, and shall inform either him or his Ministers of all that passes in their Husbands [Page 91]Cabinets; and blindly obey the Orders that are sent 'em by the King, or given by his Minister re­siding in the Court. And then there is no rea­son to wonder at the Troubles which Hen­rietta Maria, and Christina, the Daughters of Hen. IV. marry'd by Lewis XIII. into England and Savoy, occasion'd in those Countries. The first never ceasing till by her ill Conduct and exasperating her Husband to act contrary to the Laws of the Kingdom, she had brought Charles I. to an Untimely End; and her go­ing into England may be said to be as it were the Source and Leaven of all the Misfortunes that ensu'd in our days.

Leaving England, take a view of the greatest part of all the other Courts of Europe, and you shall find French Princesses who play their Parts with the Louidores of France. In Tus­cany, we have seen the present Grand Duke, that he might procure his own Peace at home, send a Bill of Divorce to the Grand Dutchess, his Wife, (who is a Princess of the House of Orleance) and return her back to France, to undergo the same hard Fortune as Henrietta Maria, wasting the remainder of her Days in a mean Condition, depending upon the incon­stant Humour of the King of France. To whom such a return cannot choose but be a tacit Reproach of the Misfortune befallen her [Page 92]for upholding his Interests: But in regard that Large Consciences are all the Mode of the Court of France, they can never be injur'd by Petty Stings or little Keckings. If you look upon Portugal, you shall find there Mademoi­selle d' Aumale marry'd to two Brothers one af­ter another tho' the first were alive at the time of the second Marriage. King Alphonso VI. somewhat morose by nature, and not wil­ling to comply with the Counsels and Caresses of that Princess, the Court of France found a way to be rid of that Prince, who was ba­nish'd to the Islands of Tercera, and his Mar­riage after dissolv'd by the Duke of Mercoeur, the Queen's Uncle, made a Cardinal at the Sollicitation of France, and sent Legate into Portugal with a design to out the Nuptial knot (a Secret all this while unknown to the Pope, who was ignorant of the Contrivances of the French Court) and tho' that during the Three first Months of the Marriage it was given out that the Queen was with Child, yet they parted the Wedded Couple for all that, under pretence of Impotency, and marry'd her to Don Pedro, Successour to the Crown and her Husband's Brother; and if Charles II. of Eng­land would have consented to a Divorce be­tween Him and Queen Katherine, the Court of France had design'd him the Princess of Nevers. Spain has several times experienc'd [Page 93]to her cost, the fatal Consequences of Matches with France: and his Royal Highness of Savoy at present ruling, had been within a Finger's breadth of losing his Territories, had he pursu'd his Journey into Portugal, to espouse the Infanta, at the earnest Solicitation of the Princess his Mother who is a French Woman, and by the Perswasion and Management of the Court of France, who were very Industri­ous to procure that Match, on purpose to re­move the Duke out of his Dominions, and oblige him to stay in Portugal in Hopes of a Crown, while France took the Opportunity to make himself Master of Biemont and Savoy.

France has been a long time contriving and studying for a favourable Pretence to colour the the Execution of this Design. Harry the Great in his time agreed with the Duke of Savoy, that upon his resigning up to him all the Pre­tensions that the Duke had in Milanois, he should oblige himself to conquer it, and af­terwards exchange it for such Lands as the Duke held on this side the Mountains, which consist in Genevois, all the Principality of Nissa, the County of Foussigni, and a part of Savoy as far as the Alps; to the end it might be in his Power to call himself Master from the Pyre­neans to the Alps. But the Tragical End of Hen. IV. put a stop to that Enterprize. How­ever [Page 94]it did not quench the greedy Thirst of the Court of France, which was rather en­creas'd then abated, as we have seen, by what was aim'd at by the Match with Portugal, which Heaven prevented by a Kind of Mi­racle, his Royal Highness having already taken leave of his Estates.

The Court of France has always so narrow­ly watch'd the Duke, that she thought it im­possible for him to escape her Trains, or to withdraw himself from the King's Pleasure, who had so near a Relation at the Court of Turin, that he had Intelligence of every thing which was acted there, and of every Petty Resolution that was taken; and the main Bu­siness was to hold the Duke under the King's Ferula; but above all, from holding any Cor­respondence with the House of Austria. And for proof of the Truth of this, it may be remem­ber'd that the Duke of Savoy could not go for his Diversion to Venice with his Electoral High­ness of Bavaria, but he was follow'd and watch'd by the Envoy of France, who was then at his Court, and who knew so well to work and undermine with his Louidores, that he was inform'd of all that past at that Inter­view. Which gave the First Occasion that Kindl'd the Fire of the War at present be­tween France and Savoy. And tho' there be [Page 95]a great Disproportion between the two Con­tenders, nevertheless the Duke gives no small disturbance and trouble to the Court of France, whether it be by the Alliances which the Duke has enter'd into, or by the Constitution of the Italian Climate, which has always cost France a world of Men, as having been always call'd the Church-yard for the French; and notwith­standing the inequality of Puissance, the King has been constrain'd to keep up a numerous and chargeable Army on that side, to which he is oblig'd to send, at vast Expences out of the Dauphinate and Provence, his Ammuni­tion and Provision, for their Subsistance. More­over France never imagin'd that the Duke of Savoy could or durst have undertaken any thing against her. For which reason the Po­licy of France ne'er thought it worth while to fortifie her Frontiers on that side, to prevent in time of War the Savoyards from entring into Provence and the Dauphinate. Nor was ever the King more surpriz'd, or madder, then when he heard that the Confederates had got footing in those two Provinces. So that had it not been for the Accident that befell his Royal Highness, and the unhappy Conse­quences of his confiding too much in the Je­suits of Ambrune, which was in part the Cause of the Return of his Army, certain it is that the Duke had enter'd Victorious into Grenoble. [Page 96]The Dread of his March reach'd not only to Lion, but as far as Paris. A good part of the Inhabitants of the Dauphinate and Provence had already quitted their Country, but the Great­est part impatiently waited for the Conqueror's coming to deliver them out of their Misery, and break their Chains: but they were fru­strated in their Hopes for the Reasons above mention'd. The Court of France always flat­ter'd her self till now, that if she restor'd to the Duke of Savoy some Town that she had taken from him, that he would be glad to re­new his Alliance with her: Nay, she believ'd it an Honour which he would sue for; but she found her self deceiv'd. For she met with a Haughty and undaunted Prince, who would not listen to any Proposals that tended to dis­unite him from his Confederates: and besides, knowing France too well, his Royal Highness was absolutely convinc'd that there was no relying upon the Promises and Word of a King, much less upon the Faith of his Ministers, who glory in deceiving those with whom they have to deal, if any Benefit redounds from thence to France. The Court of France had her Aim and her Prospects in her Offers which she made last to the Duke of Savoy, and it was the Strife of her Policy to bring him off from the Confederates, and to have render'd him liable to their Ill Opinion; who would doubt­less [Page 97]have abandon'd him, and thereby have left France at her Liberty to have invaded his Country. For should France resign to the Duke all the Places she had taken from him, but keep Pignerol and Casal in his Hands, that were still no more then lying alwayes between the Ham­mer and the Avnil. His Royal Highness there­fore having drawn his Sword against France, that continually oppress'd him, it behoves him never to sheath it again, till he has pro­cur'd his full Freedom, and secur'd himself from future Dangers, seeing he may well ex­pect to be sincerely succour'd by the Confe­derates, who never will forsake him, but al­ways stick by him as hitherto they have done. So much the rather, because they may be able in case the Catholick King dyes without Issue, to seat him in a better Station, to which he has already Great Pretensions by the Marriage of Charles Emanuel, in the Year 1561. with Ka­therine, Infanta of Spain, the Daughter of Philip II. So that by the Addition of Piemont to Milanois, he may take upon him the Name and Title of King of Lombardy: Which is an Advantage he can never attain to, if he de­part from the Interests of the House of Au­stria, to embrace the Promises of France, which early or late will deceive him.

'Tis never to be thought that France will [Page 98]ever mend, or that she will act for the future with more Fidelity then hitherto she has done. To trust to her, would be for a Man to put a willing Cheat upon himself. The Black­moor can never change his Skin, nor the Leo­pard alter his Spots: So France can never help her Usurping upon her Neighbours: Am­bition is an inveterate Disease that has seiz'd her, never to be Cured, but by the Prospe­rity of the Confederates. I know very well that they flatter his Highness with a Match between the Duke of Burgundy (the Dauphin's Eldest Son, and who in his Turn may wear the Diadem of France) with one of the Young Princesses of Savoy: but this is still to cast Oyl into the Fire, and give France a New Handle to lay hold on, who is ready enough to grasp all Advantages without giving her an Oppor­tunity. These are Baits, which the Emissaries of France throw about at a venture, to try whether they will take or no. If not, how­ever it fails not to make some Impression in the Breasts of the Ladies, who being Members of the Frail Sex, easily fall into the Snare, and willingly feed themselves with worldly Ho­nours, never considering what they will cost 'em, nor the Dangers that attend 'em.

The Antipathy between the Danes and Swedes, whether it proceeds from any Hatred [Page 99]of the two Nations one of another, or from Interest of Trade, by reason that the Dominions of Both Kings lie so close together, has in some measure parallel'd 'em with France and Spain. Which is the Reason that the King of France has always endeavour'd to procure their Ami­ty; or at least to have the one or the other on his side. And this has been his Care all along during this War, which, began in 1672. at what time Sweden declar'd openly for France. Tho' he repented of it afterwards; whether it were by reason of his Ill Success and the Advantage of the Electour of Brandenburgh, during that War, or the Infidelity of the Court of France, so far from observing her Word, that she never pay'd the Money which she promis'd to that Crown, but on the other side depriv'd the Northern Prince of his Dutchy of Deux Ponts. Which ill Usage lost the French all their Credit in the Court of Sweden, where they were afterwards look'd upon as Cheats: insomuch that the Good Cor­respondence formerly between those two Na­tions turn'd into Hatred and Scorn. After this Change, in regard the Policy of France found it Convenient to have one of these two Northern Princes tack'd to her Interests, she cast her Affection upon Danemark, and so well ply'd the Ministers of that Court, with her Louidores, that now she governs 'em as she [Page 100]Pleases, and makes 'em daunce to the French Ayres. I must acknowledge that the King of France pays the Violins, but still Levis XIV. has the Pleasure to see the Danes dance and foot it to his advantage. The Siege of Rat­z [...]nburgh cost France Three hunder'd Thou­sand Crowns, which were pay'd at Hambo­rough, upon throwing the First Bomb into that Fortress. For the Policy of the Court of France would needs venture that Summ at a time when she had little reason to have spar'd it, in hopes that this Siege would have made a notable Diversion, and that all the Princes of the House of Luneburg would have recall'd all their Forces from the Low-Countries and the Rhine, to defend that Place. But here the French were cully'd by the Danes. For the Difference was made up between both Parties, France not being able to prevent the Reconciliation, which seem'd to her, to have been Impossible. But this is not the First Attempt of the Court of France that has come to no­thing: So that it cannot be said that she takes her measures so truly as never to be mistaken; as her Emissaries give out with high applause. For to hear them Chatter, a man would swear that the Resolves of the Cabinet of their Great Monarch were the Decrees of Heaven that never err; which France does often and more frequently then she would her self.

In the Present Conjuncture, France ready to sink under the Burthen of a Long & Chargeable War, makes use of Danish Flags and Vessels, to get Corn and Naval Stores for her Men of War. In short, at present she embraces the Danes whom she contemn'd before, as her on­ly Patrons and Deliverers to whom she can have Recourse: and she would fain have the King of Danemark declare War against the Uni­ted Provinces. The Minister of France resi­ding at Coppenhaghen, is continually beating his Brains day and night, to furnish the Da­nish Ministers with Pretences to begin a Rup­ture; he promises Ships and Money to assist 'em, and that tho' it should be their Misfortune to come by the worst, yet upon the making of the Peace he would never forsake 'em, no more then he did he Swede when the Peace of Ni­meghen was concluded. The Louidores of France are most alluring Baits at the Court of Coppenhaghen, but their Interest so undeniably requires 'em to hold a good Correspondence with the Hollanders rather then with any other Nation, that only that Consideration out-b [...]llances all the Golden Persuasions of the French Embassadour Bonrepos; who having quitted his Religion to please his Ma­ster, labours by all the Artifices of Fallacy and Deceit, to become serviceable to him, in [Page 102]acknowledgment of the Honour done him in sending him upon an Embassy for which he thought him a more fit Person then any Body else, by reason of his Employment in the Sea Affairs under the Marquis of Segnalai.

But that which most embarrases France and Danemark both together, is this, that Swede­land, which is the far more potent Kingdom of the two, being engag'd in a strict Alliance with the Emperor and the United Provinces, and having also Pretensions to Danemark, will not be wanting to cross the Enterprizes of the Danish King, who, all things being consi­der'd, can ne'er hope for any great Assistance from the French, in the Present Conjuncture. Moreover such is the Jealousie between those two Nations upon the score of Trade, that the Danes are always afraid least the Swedes should be too hard for 'em, and agree with the Hollanders to furnish 'em with all the Wood and other Naval Stores, which other­wise they fetch from Danemark, and which would be a loss to 'em that France would never be able to repair.

If the King of France cannot oblige Dane­mark to break with the United Provinces, he is bound at least to procure as much Succour as he can from the North, and to make use [Page 103]of Danish Colours, to pass freely without mo­lestation, with promise to reimburse all the Losses which the Danes shall sustain by their Protection: in regard the Danish Ministers readily foresee that so great a Number of Pass­ports which they give, for Money, to al Ves­sels, and all sorts of Nations that desire 'em, must at length open the Eyes of the Confe­derates, and force 'em to put a stop to a Trade that only serves to carry Counter band Goods into France, contrary to Justice and Reason, and to the prejudice of the Treaties. Bonre­pos does all he can to continue this Game, and he keeps by him whole Reams of Blank Pass­ports, to fill 'em up in favour of those who desire 'em; and to encourge 'em to sail France he gives 'em to some, and promises 'em to others, and bequeaths himself a hunder'd Times a day to the Devil to assure 'em of the Honesty and Sincerity of his Master. In short, that Embassadour takes a world of Pains; so that if he succeed in his Negotiation, the King his Master may well bestow upon him the Collar of the Order of St. Lewis, in recom­pence of his Toil and Labour, and in exchange for his Religion.

The Count d' Avaux, a Cunning and Craf­ty Minister, at present the French Embassa­dour at Sweden, is so well known in the World, [Page 104]that we should do him wrong to write his Panegyrick. He acted his part so well during his Embassy at the Hague, that his Master sent him to King James to assist him with his Counsel during the Heroick Expedition of that Prince in Ireland. His Instructions are not altogether the same with those of Bonre­pos's at Coppenhaghen, because those two Courts are not both of one Opinion; and for that the Promises of France have not that Reputation at Stockholm as at Coppenhaghen. And there­fore while Bonrepos presses the Danes to a Rup­ture, d' Avaux only sollicits the Court of Swe­den to stand Neuter, and to continue their Trade with France, or instead of that, to grant Passports to such as shall desire 'em, to the end that Sweden and Danemark may be equally con­cern'd, in case the Confederates should take disgust at the Great Number which the Dan [...]s give out to all Commers. And indeed it is to be said, to the Praise of Sweden, that that Crown has always acted sincerely with her Confederates, and even with France it self, at a time when Sweden could not have reap'd any great Advantages by a Correspondence with her; and when no less sedulous Endeavours were us'd to have drawn off the Court of Sweden from her. France has always courted Sweden, to remove the Obstacles that continu­ally lie in her way: which is the Reason of that [Page 105]Infidelity of the French, who break with their Allies at all times, when the Humour takes 'em; and well understand that Sweden, being so potent and considerable, is able to counter­poize Affairs, provided she will but concern her self: For in that respect she has always observ'd a very prudent Conduct, neither does the approve all the Invasions of the French. She knows the Truth of what M. Lyonne re­ports in his Memoirs, where he says, That there is not any State, which is not bound to oppose the Aggrandizement of the Court of France; and Sweden above all the rest seeing that if the King had taken the Low-Countries, he would have ta­ken no further notice of her, as believing he had no more Occasion for her. This is a solid Ex­pression and to the purpose, and ought to make a deep Impression in the minds of those who have prejudice against the Court of Sweden, either deluded by the Flat­teries of the Ministers of France, or some base and sordid Interest of their own, which greatly prevails in the world, and leads a world of People astray. But certain it is, that Swe­den has long since sounded the Ambition and Arms of France, more especially at the Peace of Osnabrug; and if at any time she hearkens to the Ministers of France, 'tis without doubt because she finds some little pleasure in drein­ing France, and doing her but little Good.

'Tis also certain and visible that the Mini­sters of Sweden and Danemark, who reside in Foreign Courts, and more especially in those of the Confederates, are frequently and vigo­rously assail'd by the Emissaries of the French, on purpose to fish out, how Squares go among the Confederates, and may well retort upon the French Satans, the Words of the Lord's Prayer, Lead us not into Temptation, but deliver from Evil: but above all, from the Evil Spirits of France, that continually environ us. For indeed a man ought to be shod with Frost-Nails, to preserve himself from falling in such slippery Ground, and he that can surmount those Temptations, may well be number'd in the Catalogue of Upright Ministers, and Faithful to the Interests of his Master.

Corruption or Bribery is now a General Mischief in the world, but never any advanc'd the Price of it so high as the King of France: for most certain it is, that that one single Expence amounts to above Twenty Millions a Year. For it is a Thing past all dispute, that France upholds her self more by her Gold then by her Sword. 'Tis true, she is many times put to her Plunges in times of War, which dreins her Exchequer, and enforces her to ad­vance her Coin; by which she gains consi­derably. [Page 107]Formerly instead of enhauncing her Money, France made use of another Strata­gem, which was to coin Louidores rais'd in value, but mix'd with a baser Alloy then those that went current in the Kingdom, which were distinguish'd by a little Mark quite diffe­rent from others. And some there are in the Court of Danemark, who if they durst own the Thing, could bring a Cloud of Witnesses to make it out; as having experienc'd upon several Occasions the full swing that French Knavery allow'd it self. I know likewise, that the Thing was murmur'd at, but the Cheat pass'd for that time, upon promise of doing better the next time. Therefore Charles II. King of England, who was well acquainted with the Knavery of France when he receiv'd any French Pension, which was usually pay'd him in Louidores, order'd the Receivers to cut 'em in two pieces, to see what Mettal they were made of; and then caus'd 'em to be refin'd into Guinea's. So natural it is for the Court of France, not to leave any Cheat omitted to defraud all those that relie upon her.

As for Poland, in regard it is a Kingdom re­mote from France, it can do her neither any great Good, nor any great Harm; nor is there much Trade or much Communication [Page 108]between the Two Nations. Corn is the Only Merchandize wherein Poland abounds, and which it Transports from Dantzick into Fo­reign Countries. But the Kings of Poland may in some measure sometimes be profitable to the Designs of France, tho' it were only to molest the Emperour in many occasions that may and frequently do fall out. For this Rea­son the King of France takes Great Care to send an Embassadour with Money to the Dyets, upon the Election of a New King; or else if they are not marry'd, to offer 'em a Prin­cess born in France; and 'tis very probable that the French Embassadour Beauvais, and Cardinal Fou [...]bin, who was then at the Dyet in Poland, contributed very much to the Electi­on of the Present King; for which he has not been ungrateful. However he was guilty of two Bold Strokes, which tho' they were great­ly for his Honour, were no way delightful to France. The First was the King of Poland's March to the Relief of Vienna, which was ef­fectually perform'd with the loss of 60000 Turks to the great Grief of Lewis XIV. and contrary to his Expectation and his Wishes. and tho' some Remains of Decorum and Ho­nour retain'd the Court of France from open­ly displaying her Resentment, yet the Silence of the French discover'd how much they were vex'd and mortify'd by it, at a time when all [Page 109] Europe resounded with loud Acclamations of Joy and Gladness, and all the Churches, with Thanks givings to Heaven. Only the Sorrow of France notoriously display'd it self, by her Prohibiting the Bishops of the Conquer'd Cities in the Low-Countries to suffer Te De­ums to be sung within their Diocesses.

The second Blow which his Majesty of Po­land gave to the Contrivances of France, was the Marriage of Prince James to one of the Princesses of Newburgh, Sister to the Empress, notwithstanding all the Oppositions of the French Ministers, and particularly of the Mar­quis of Arquin the Queen's Father; wherein the Contests grew so high, that the King of France order'd one of his Ministers to tell his Majesty of Poland, That since he could not hinder the Marriage, he would hinder the Prince from being King. But in these two Affairs the Polanders were guided by their real Interests; which was to bring down and ru­ine the Turks, their sworn Enemy and near Neighbour, as also assure to themselves the A­mity and Alliance of the Emperour, and the Im­perial Protection for the Prince his Son, when the Throne should become vacant.

But if the King of France prov'd unsuccessful in the main, he has had his fatisfaction in Part. [Page 110]For it is visible that his Intrigues in the Court of Poland have a long time hinder'd his Polish Majesty from being Master of Gaminieck: for what could else have hinder'd him but the French Louidores? more especially seeing the Polanders, ever since this War have had only to deal with a beaten, baffl'd Enemy, whom their Prince had defeated, and forc'd to rise from before the Walls of Vienna with Igno­miny and a Prodigious Slaughter. Neverthe­less these Great Advantages produc'd no great Effect; tho' the Pope still continu'd his Sup­plies of Money to carry on the War. But the reason is plain: for the Pernicious Policy of the Court of France, who was resolv'd to march to the Succour of the Turk, her dear Confederate, wrought so powerfully at the Court of Poland, by means of the Queen, and Great Presents, that the Louidores which tar­nish'd the Honour of Poland, surmounted the Pope's Piety and his charitable Assistance both together. Moreover, the King of Poland being naturally Thrifty, and rightly judging that the Prince his Son may one day one day have need of ready Money, to hoist him into the Throne, had so much power over himself, and so much presence of Mind as to keep both the Assistance of Rome, and the French Pension. His Maje­sty of Poland who is a wise and an understand­ing Prince, knows also that Money is a good [Page 111]Moveable at a time of Need, and by a Knack of Prudence, the Criticks may call it Pitiful, Mechanick, and below himself if they please, he provides an Apple against he comes to be adry. But if this be the King's Weakness, 'tis the Strength of the Prince his Son.

The Policy of France has this particular Gift, that it carefully studies the Inclination of Princes, the weak sides, and where lies the strength of those Courts into which she strives to introduce her self, and get to be Mistress or Misrule. Thither she sends such Persons as are proper for the Genius of the People, either as Publick Ministers, or private Spies. For Example, to sent to the Courts of Italy, where Gallantry and Courtship abounds, such Per­sons whose Principal Vertue consists in hard Drinking would be an Idle Thing, and spoil all. No, the Court of France is more refin'dly cunning then so; she reserves her Lovers of Bac­chus's Liquor for the Courts of Germany, where the Temper of the Climate induces the People to drink, on purpose to steel their Bodies against Cold Weather, and there it is that frequent­ly between the Pear and the Cheese, they strike the Home-strokes and do their Business, when the Wine has warm'd their Courage. As for the Court of Poland, 'tis a Place where neither Courtship nor the Pleasures of the [Page 112]Table are predominant, but the Powder of Gold prevails with a witness; and indeed not only there, but in most part of the Courts of Europe. There are few Courtiers and fewer Women, so void of Ambition as to be proof against the Attacks of Money: I mean, that can refuse to embrace his Interests, who courts 'em in Showers of Louidores. They are such Irresistible Temptations to those that are short of Money, as it usually happens in the Court of Poland, where Money does not tumble about proportionable to the Expence, and where the Courtiers are not so thrifty as the King. The French Men and French Women, who generally affect a Port answerable to the Grandeur of their Prince, many times sacri­fice their Fortunes and their Honour, to ren­der themselves useful to their Country; and such are easily gain'd: A Director of Consci­ence works Miracles upon the Minds of such People: and therefore the Policy of France is very Careful to maintain French, both Men and women, in the Court of Poland; and the Ministers of France are so dextrous as to re­commend French Men to serve him, with the Character of Publick Ministers his Polish Courts, without any Expence to his Polish Majesty; while France takes care to provide 'em a Maintenance; and by that means, the Court of France is inform'd of all that passes, [Page 113]not only in respect of the Affairs of Poland, but also of all that comes to the knowledge of the Ministers in those Courts where they re­side: those Ministers having sold themselves to France, and only acting and actuated by the Spirit and Counsel of France their Benefactress. As we have seen by Experience at the Hague, during the Residence of the Sieur Moreau: and of which the Proceedings against Grandval and Demont are authentick Proofs. We ought to be convinc'd, that France would never have pay'd those Ministers, but that she receiv'd some Benefit by 'em; more particularly in a time of War, when she cannot send Embas­sadours to Princes in Confederacy against Her. For tho' that France has not any publick Mini­ster in the Courts of her Enemies, neverthe­less we find she is inform'd of every thing that passes there; she neglects nothing, but makes a dextrous Use of the Weak side of Princes that are willing to listen to her, and takes her Advantage of all Opportunities. 'Tis the chiefest, and indeed the Main Policy of France, to surprize her Friends, as well as her Enemies; and therefore they had need be always upon their Guard, and always distrust­ful of whatever France proposes to 'em.

The Kingdom of Portugal since the loss of the Battel in 1578. was possess'd by the Moors, [Page 114]and after that by the Spaniards till the Year 1641. at what time John of Bragansa, assisted by France, and being the next Heir to the Crown, was declar'd King of Portugal; after a general Revolt of the Kingdom, which not being able any longer to endure the Oppression of the Spaniards, shook off their Yoke under the Reign of Philip IV. The Kings of Spain always thought they had an Ample Right to Portugal, by vertue of a Donation from the Cardinal of Portugal the lawful Heir of the Crown after the Death of King Sebastian, his Brother, who dy'd without Issue. That Car­dinal being unwilling to quit the Priesthood, was push'd forward by the Sollicitations of the Jesuits, who besieg'd him in such a man­ner, that they never let him rest, till he had made a Donation of the Kingdom of Portugal to Philip II. King of Spain; which could not be done to the Prejudice of the Lawful Heirs, whom the Spaniards, contrary to their Politicks, suffer'd to live and grow up in Portugal. Nor did they lie asleep, but lay'd hold of the first Opportunity, as has been already said. And certain it is, that France, spurr'd on by her own Interest, contributed toward it with all her Power: for indeed the Policy of France requiring the pulling down and ruine of Spain, she could not take a better Course, then to dismember and rend a whole Kingdom from [Page 115]the Spanish Puissance; in regard that Spain de­creasing in Dominions and Revenues, must needs decrease in Strength.

France, during the Reign of Lewis XIII. and the Minority of Lewis XIV. had great cause to fear the Strength of Spain, but very little, to be afraid of the Strength of Portugal, tho' separated from Spain. Quite the contrary, Portugal might well make use of France to molest Spain, which visibly decreas'd and perhaps will never be in a Condition again to pull that Thorn out of her Foot; and to re­duce Portugal under her Obedience. For af­ter that Revolution which follow'd that of the Low-Countries, Spain languish'd away by degrees, and Portugal encreas'd both in Strength and Riches, and is become so Potent, that a­lone by her self she can make head against Spain, which at this day resembles a strong Man con­sum'd and wasted by Inward Sickness and Di­stempers, and easily overturn'd by the puny strength of a Child.

The Portuguezes therefore, who are good Politicians, understanding their own Interest, leagu'd themselves with the Greatest Enemies of the Spaniards, that is to say, the English and French, who in a time of necessity might openly declare for 'em, if Spain should hap­pen [Page 116]to be in a Condition to attack 'em. But now Portugal has no need of Assistance against Spain: much rather she ought to fortifie her self against France, which in this Reign has look'd with a Covetous Eye upon the Wealth that arrives at Lisbon from the East and and West Indies; and I am perswaded, that the Court of Portugal is truly convinc'd of it. Which was the reason that enduc'd 'em, to the no small Vexation of France, to seek the Friendship and Alliance of the House of Au­stria, by the Marriage of Don Pedro to the Princess of Nieubrug.

However the Policy of France, that under­stands without all doubt the Design of the Portuguezes, is careful at present to embrace the Friendship of the King of Portugal, to the end that during the War she may have the free use of his Ports, to fetch Provisions and Neces­saries which she can have no where else. And we have seen, not long since, that the French Men of War wanting Seamen, and searing to be attack'd by the English and Hollanders, sup­ply'd themselves from the Coasts of Portugal. So that considering the Need which the French have of the Portuguezes, would Don Pedro and his Council make the best of so favourable an Opportunity, there is no doubt but the House of Austria, would grant him very Advanta­geous [Page 117]Conditions, in case the Portuguezes would joyn with the Confederates and declare War against France. And her Interest ad­vises her to it; for that if the Dauphin, after the death of the Catholick King, should get the upper hand in Spain, there's no question to be made but he would revive the Pretensions of Alphonso King of Arragon, and Philip II. King of Spain: for by the same reason that for­merly the Policy of France requir'd her to sup­port Portugal, it would be then her Interest to ruine & make her self Master of it. 'Twere well that all the other Courts of Europe would do as France does, who foresees things at a Great Distance, and continually builds Designs up­on a Basis of Probable Futurity: and for fear of being deceiv'd usually forms three or four Contrivances which way to bring about one and the same Thing; so that [...] one fail, ano­ther may hold. This is a Piece of Human Prudence that not only prevents Surprize, but shews they way to undertake several En­terprizes, which else a Man would never have thought of. 'Tis a Maxim to be observ'd by all Sovereigns, to mistrust even their nearest Allies, and so to act, as if they were just ready to come to a Rupture; more especi­ally they that border upon France, that never observes Peace or Treaty any longer then she finds it for her Convenience.

The City of Paris abounds in Persons full of Curiosity and Invention. Among the rest, there are a Great Number of old Practitioners, who employ their Wits, to get Money, in searching for Claims and Rights in Old Parch­ments, a good part of which has serv'd to feed the Rats and Mice, and to invent and set up Titles: so that if they are but largely pay'd, they will prove their Benefactors Descent from the Royal Race, tho' before that, he could hardly reckon a Groom among all his Prede­cessors. These Antiquaries tell yee, that Por­tugal is deriv'd from Po [...]tus Gallorum. Thus you you see a Foundation lay'd for the French to pretend, that Portugal belongs to France. Moreover there are still to be seen among the Archives certain Ancient Registers (or if they are not there, they can find 'em elsewhere) containing the Expences that France was at some Ages since, in assisting the Portuguezes against the Moors of Castile and Andalusia, in the Reign of King Henry, who was of the House of Lorrain, and marry'd the Natural Daughter of Alphonfo King of Arragon, who gave him an Army to conquer Portugal, or Lu­sitania, from the Moors. Now there would not need so much, were this Affair once brought before the Tribunal of Metz, which is the Sove­raign and Irrevocable Court of Judicature to de­termine [Page 119]the Right of the Dependences and Ap­pendences of France. However the Germans would have the first Right; in regard it was to the assistance of that War-like Nation that Henry was beholding for the Conquest of Lusitania, as also of Algarva, which is the reason that the Germans enjoy such Privileges all over Portugal. But there's the Mischief of it, that if the Case should come to be argu'd before the Despotick Tribunal of Metz between the Germans and France, that Court would never do the Germans Justice.

As for the Switzers, they are compos'd of Thirteen Cantons, which are as it were so many Separate Provinces, free and indepen­dent one from another. These Cantons ha­ving withdrawn themselves from their Subje­ction to the Emperour by reason of the hard usage which they suffer'd under the German Governours, bethought themselves of a Demo­cratick Government, which they have upheld till this present time after they had sustain'd several tedious Wars, and fought a great number of Battels, always Victorious, protected by Hea­ven, and by that means becoming so powerful as to be sought to by the Emperour and the Neighbouring Princes. They very rarely sent Embassadours to the Potentates, their Confederates, unless it were to renew an Al­liance, [Page 120]or upon some Extraordinary Occasion However the same Princes have generally their Ministers residing among them, but more-especially France, whose Embassadour keeps his Station at Soleurre, tho' it be one of the meanest Cantons, and that Berne be one of the most powerful and the largest: for which we shall give the Reason in due Place.

Any Prince who desires the Assembling of a Dyet in Switzerland, must request it by his Embassadour or Minister there residing; but he must pay for it: and therefore they never refuse it to those that desire the Meeting, which would not else be summon'd, and con­sequently there would be no notice taken of the Business there intended to be propos'd. This same Coldness, natural to the Switzers, makes me believe, that that Nation cares not so much for the Friendship of their Confede­rates, as for their Money. However it be, this must be agreed in their behalf, that they are not only faithful to what they promise, but stout upon all occasions, as we may see by fourteen Battels which they fouth with the Emperour F [...]derick, and three others which they won from Charles the Bold, the last Duke of Burgundy, and all the Brave Atchievements which they per orm'd in Italy, as well for, as against France, under the Reign of Charles the VIII. Lewis XII. [Page 121]and Francis I. And for that reason it is, that since that time the Greatest Potentates of Eu­rope have always sought their Friendship and their Alliance; and that the French have ca­ress'd 'em with a great deal of Artifice and Money; not so much out of any Kindness which the French have for the Switzers, or for the need which they have of their Men in time of Peace, but for fear least the Cantons should enter into a Solemn Engagement with the House of Austria. For which reason France is careful to stipulate in all the Treaties which she renews with the Cantons, that they shall not send above such a number of Men to any other Foreign Princes, and those only for the Guards of their Bodies.

The Embassadour of France has made choice of Soleurre for the Place of his Abode, because the Inhabitants of that Canton are all zealous Roman Catholicks; who pin their Faith with great Submission upon the Sinceri­ty of their Curate: and the Embassadour re­sides here, to shew the Particular Honour which his Master has for the Roman Catho­lick Cantons, above the Evangelick, and that the Monks and Priests may have free Access to him, who bear a great Sway among the Catholicks. Moreover, the little Summs of Money which the Embassadour scatters a­mong [Page 122]the Chief of 'em, procure him Crea­tures, that still will be inclin'd to the Interests of France, and readily stoop to the Lure. And by this means it was, that the French got leave to build the Fortress of Huninghen, which as long as it stands, will be a Hook in the Noses of the Inhabitants of Bale, to lead 'em which way the Policy of France shall judge most con­venient for her purposes. Nor is it long since the Governour of that Fortress made an Essay whether the Cannon of that Place would reach as far as the City, that he might take his Measures accordingly. For whatsoever Protestations of Friendship France at present makes to the Cantons, Lewis the XIV. had rather be their Soveraign, then their Confe­derate; that Monarch has a long time cast a Covetous Eye upon Bale and Geneva, and had e're this, been Master of 'em, had not other Considerations kept him within Bounds; and were he once Master of those Barricado's of Switzerland, the rest would soon be expos'd to the Misfortune of lying fit for his Conve­nience. He is a Fox; but he has Lyon's Claws; and he makes use of his Head to de­ceive the Catholick Cantons, under the Speci­ous Pretence of Propagating Catholicity; but he reserves his Paws for the Protestant Cantons.

There is no question, but that among the Switzers, among whom there are some who have travell'd and seen the World, there are to be found several Persons sufficiently quick-sighted & Politick, and such as understand how Things are carry'd. 'Tis not long since a Dif­ference happen'd in the Canton of Glaris, which France first kindl'd, and fomented to the ut­most of her Power; but Innocent the XI. quick­ly stifl'd it, by his Wisdom and Piety.

I am convinc'd that those Persons are deep­ly sensible of the Affronts which France puts upon 'em from time to time, and with what Scorn she treats their Embassadours, the last of which, were forc'd to return without being able to procure Audience of the King, after sedulous Applications to Colbert Croisy, Se­cretary of State for the Foreign Affairs. But the more prudent sort of Switzers, you'll say, would fain have the Lyon chain'd, and his Claws par'd before they fall upon him. To which I Answer, That the Switzers may con­tribute very much toward the Chaining of the Lyon, as furious as he seems to be, and yet not openly declare themselves neither; by de­manding the dismantling of Huninghen, and for want of so doing, by recalling their Men out of France, which compose the greatest part of the French Infantry, and are the only [Page 124]Combatants well seconded by the Cavalry, upon which the French depend for all their Success. The King of France is now Con­vinc'd of the Value of the Switzers, and so has been, ever since Louvois's Ministry. Formerly they were not well belov'd at Court, nay, they were contemn'd; but since the Altera­tion of the Face of Affairs, they are at present consider'd, for the Benefit which France receives from 'em, like Twins that are ty'd together, and must dye together. I must confess that the Establishment of the Swiss Regiments is worth some Money to that Na­tion, and discharges the Country of abundance of idle lazy People: but I'll maintain it, that the French Service is the Plague and Destru­ction of vast numbers of Young Men of Good Protestant Families that ruine themselves by the Debaucheries of Wine and Women, which always terminates in a Revolt against their Religion and their Country. Which would never happen, if they serv'd the Protestant Princes. The Court of France knows well that she cannot fasten an Officer of Quality to her Interests with a stronger Tye, so as to make him absolutely forget his own Country, then by the Change of his Religion. And therefore she Labours underhand by means of the Women and Monks; and those Snares take Effect with the greatest part that are at­tack'd [Page 125]by those Vermin, as was seen by the Example of the Two Stoupa's.

Not to reckon the more Inferiour Sort, all the Swiss Officers and Soldiers, as well those that serve in France, as those that are sent to the Mines in Sweden, I look upon 'em equally lost both to their Families and their Country; for they never return again, unless they make their Escapes by some sort of Stratagem: but it may be said, that the Pleasure and Voluptu­ousness of France is so great, that they are pleas'd with their Misfortune. There they are bred, and there they dye, to make room for other New Commers, who are Tempted thither like Young Pigeons with the smell of Roasted Dogs.

France has had no place from whence to supply her self during this War, but the Swiss Cantons: Some Seamen she may get indeed from the North: but for Land-Soldiers, of necessity it behoves her to caress and embrace the Hel­vetian Body, without whose Assistance the French would never be able to bring such Nu­merous Armies into the Field: And the Swit­zers are the Only Persons upon which the King of France may depend, so long as he keeps his Word with 'em, and that he pays 'em what he contracts for, and what he promises. Nor [Page 126]will they stand to the Losses of his enhauncing and re-inhauncing his Money. They must have their Money pay'd according to the old value set down and agreed upon in ther Con­tracts; that is to say, the Louidores at Eleven Livres; and the White Crowns at Sixty Sols. For the Switzers are thrifty Husbands, and send a good part of their Pay to their Parents in Switzerland, where there is no Variation of the Coin admitted.

Now it being so certain, as I have already said, that France stands in need of the Switzers in this Conjuncture, this is the reason that the French Embassadour residing in Switzerland, has Orders not to disgust 'em, nor give 'em the least Subject of Complaint, but in every Canton to caress all those in particular who have the best Interest, and carry the greatest Sway, on purpose to prevent 'em from entring into a more strict Alliance with the House of Austria, the King of Great Britain, and the State of the United Provinces. For which reason it was that the French Minister us'd all his Power and Interest to stop the Levies which M. Cox, the King of Great Britain's Envoy would have rais'd not long ago. But if the Bu­siness did not then succeed, France is beholding for it to the want of Management in those that understood not the right knack of dealing [Page 127]with the Switzers, seeing afterwards others found the way to discover the forward Incli­nations of that Nation toward the Confede­rates, by the Levies that were made under­hand, which is a terrible Blow to France, in regard that those new Regiments draw away a Great Number of their fellow Country-men out of the French Service, especially the Pro­testants. However, we do not find that France dares to make any great noise about it, moderating and restraining her Passion, till a more propitious Opportunity: but in regard the Cantons on the other side may be assur'd that she Barrels it up, and that if at present they escape Scot-free, yet whenever it lies in her Power, France will never forget such heinous Provocations; therefore 'tis now the Swit­zers Interests to labour with the rest, the hum­bling France, now the Confederates are fol­lowing her so close at the Heels. For the Lower France is brought, the more the French will caress the Switzers, and seek their Assi­stance; whereas in their Prosperity they slight and domineer over 'em, and would utterly subdue 'em, were it in the Power of the Court of France, that resembles Fire or the Sea, which never will acknowledge they have e­nough. But at present, the Policy of the Mini­sters prompts em, as the wisest Course, to tem­porize, and to oppose whatever is transacted to [Page 128]the Prejudice of France, rather by Remonstran­ces and Presents, then by Force and Menaces.

As for the Turks, they have been all along Enemies of Christ and the Christians; because the Gospel destroys their Alcaron. The Sultan takes upon him the Title of Musulman, or Most Faithful, as the King of France assumes the Title of Most Christian. Yet we know, that the Turkish Emperours have establish'd their Dominion by Cruelty only, and that their Throne is soder d together with the Blood of a Great Number of Martyrs, and an Infinite number of all sorts of People and Nations; yet notwithstanding all this, the Turk is at present the sole Refuge of France, and she embraces him as her only Patron: She is enter'd into a strict Alliance with the Ottoman Port; fur­nishes him with Money, Cannon, and other Warlike Ammunition; supplies him with Able and Expert Officers and Engineers, to the great damage of the Christians. And which was more pernicious, the Policy of the Court of France exerted it self to that degree, as to persuade the Turk to break the Truce with the Christians, two Years before it came to be ex­pir'd, meerly to support the Rebellion of the Hungarians, who according to the Opinion of the Ministers of France, were to contribute toward the Ruine of the Empire and Empe­rour of the Christians. Had the Bishop of Perefixe been living at this time, he must have [Page 129]been forc'd to have recanted what he asserted in his History of Henry IV. where he says, That the Valour of the French was made choice of by God, to support the Christian Religion. See­ing that the Court of France labours nothing more earnestly then to destroy the same Reli­gion. She never minds whether or no the Turks change the Churches into Mosquees, or set up the Standard of Mahomet above the Cross of Christ, provided her Monarch satisfie his Ambition and become Master of the Empire.

Tho' the Turks are People both Barbarous and altogether Infidels, nevertheless they ob­serve this Maxim, never to abandon those that put themselves under their Protection, and to keep their Words and Promises; and this is one of the Points of their Law. And there­fore it is, that they acknowledge that all the Misfortunes and Losses which they have su­stain'd during this War, have proceeded from their Breach of Faith and Truce. And this it was which spurr'd 'em on about two Years ago to send their Envoys to Vienna, with Offers of Peace to the Emperour. Which hotly ala­rum'd the Court of France; but she, being Subtle and Crafty, took an Occasion to insinu­ate into the Turks, That they might continue the War without any Scruple of Conscience, see­ing they had offer'd Peace to the Emperour, that he had refus'd it, and continu'd his Ho­stilities against them; That now the Turks [Page 130]were to look upon the War as purely defensive on their side; and the French Embassadour at the Port, understood so well by Considerable Presents to gain the Grand Mufti to his side, who is the Oracle of the Ottoman Court and consulted in all Cases of Conscience, that the Infidel Pontiff embrac'd the Franch Divinity, and made it out to the Sultan and the People, after the Return of the Envoys, that they might continue the War without any scruple, and that their Submission to the Christians, was a sufficient Expiation for the Crime they had committed. Nor is it a difficult thing to persuade the Turks to these Things, who naturally hate the Christians, and are easily induc'd to under­take their Destruction, and so Self-interested, as readily to yield to the Temptations of Pre­sents. Moreover their Extraordinary Inclinati­on and their Interest to recover Hungary which they have lost, persuades 'em without any Re­luctancy to embrace the Proposals of the Court of France, and to renew the League between 'em from time to time, upon the Assurances, Promises, and Oaths of the French Embassadour, that his Master will make no Peace with the Emperour, wherein the Turk shall not be com­prehended. And yet all the World knows how earnestly the Ministers of France sollicit the Confederates to make a Peace without mentioning the Turk in the least: and it was an Argument of the French at Rome to spur up [Page 131]the Pope, that a Peace would give the Empe­rour great Advantages, and strengthen him to carry on his Conquests to the very Walls of Constantinople (for which France would not be a little Sorry.) But when these Projects of France were made known at the Ottoman Court, and that the Grand Visier upbraided the Em­bassour with 'em, he appeas'd the Prime Mini­ster by telling him, That what the Court of France had done in respect to that Affair, was only to deceive his Enemies, and to amuse 'em with Frivolous Offers, on purpose to put a stop to their Preparations against the next Cam­paign, and to make the People the more un­willing to contribute toward the War. It may be, some Persons well affected to France, take this to be a Calumny, and will not believe that the Most Christian King persuaded the Turk to break with the Christians. But to convince 'em, I shall here insert what past at the Pyre­nean Treaty, where Lewis XIV. espous'd the Infanta of Spain, renounc'd all the Pretensions which that Princess might have to Spain or the Low-Countries, and consented with an Oath, That if ever he Pretended to what he had rencun­ced, that his Pretension should be accounted Null and Void, and that if he proceeded to force of Arms, he besought all Princes and Free States (observe the Expressions) to repute it unlawful, unjust, and wickedly attempted, a Piece of Tyran­nical Ʋsurpation against Reason and Conscience. [Page 132]This Protestation is to be met with in the Sixth Article of the Renunciation of the King of France belonging to the Pyrenaean Treaty in the Year 1660. Nevertheless, we have seen how Lewis XIV. brake this Peace so solemnly sworn in a few Years afterwards, immediately upon the death of Philip IV. King of Spain, on purpose to renew the renounc'd Pretensions of his Queen, which have since cost so much Christian Blood, and still are like to cost more before the Conclusion of the War.

These Things being consider'd, all Men must be convinc'd, that France fomented the War in Hungary, that she encourag'd the Turks to besiege Vienna, that she design'd the Dethro­ning of the Emperour, and to have set up her Monarch Lewis the Great, in his Place. But she met with many Disappointments. The Great Victories of the Christians, the Conquest of Upper and Lower Hungary, but above all, the Taking of Belgrade, together with the fre­quent Revolutions in the Ottoman Court, ran­vers'd all the Affairs of that Empire: and then it was that all the Persuasions, nor all the Pro­mises nor Presents of the French could make any Impression upon the Turks; all the Policy of the Court of France was reduc'd to this last Shift, which was to persuade the Ottoman Port to continue the War but one Campaign more, and then if the Face of Affairs did not alter, but that their Misfortunes continu'd, she [Page 133]would consent to a Truce such as the Turks should think fit to make. This Expedient wrought well for the French: For in the Year 1690. the Infidels re-took Belgrade by Assault, which puff'd 'em up to a high degree. Nor was it then a difficult thing to persuade 'em that their Misfortunes were at an end, that Heaven was now going to punish the Empe­rour for refusing the Peace which they had offer'd him; and that to second this happy beginning, the King his Master or the Dau­phin (who was call'd the Young Sultan at the Port) would come in Person with a numerous Army; and make a Considerable Diversion up­on the Rhine. But in regard the Turks have never yet seen any Effects of these Mighty Pro­mises, the French Embassadour is forc'd from time to time, to bear the Brunt of most bloody Reproaches from the Lips of the Grand Visier, and to endure many a rugged Storm without going to Sea. And the least affront put upon him is that of Dog; That his Master is a man of no Faith, and worse then a Christian; and that if he does not keep his Word for the future, the Port will make a Truce with the Emperour, and leave him to himself. But these are Reprimands which the French never boast of; and the Em­bassadour has Flegm enough to stay till the Tempest be over, and never to return to the Charge with his Flamms and Excuses, till the first firing be over, and that the Grand Visier's [Page 134]Fury be abated; and then with new Presents he makes fresh Promises, and like the Chil­dren, promises to do better next time. A sad Conjuncture for a Monarch, who believes him­self to be the first and greatest in the World, and ranks himself like Philip of Macedon and Alexander the Great, in the Number of the Gods, to be forc'd to such mean Submissions, and to suffer continual Affronts and Reproa­ches from an Infidel, to preserve the Friendship and Assistance of the Turks. But this is now the Depth of the Policy of France, rather to Cringe and Creep, and become a kind of Tri­butary to the Ottoman Port, then to make Re­stitution of what he has usurp'd from the Chri­stians: rather to allow Liberty of Conscience to the Turks then to the Huguenots. And this I have been assur'd, that Chasteauneuf, the French Embassadour, not knowing one day which way to appease the Grand Visier, offer'd him that Liberty in his Masters Name, and that he should give leave to the Turks to erect Mos­quees at Tholoun and Marseilles. The same Offers have also been made to the Governour of Algiers in any place of Bretaigne that he should make choice of, provided he would send his Men of War into St. George's Channel to rob the English and Hollanders. And if these Offers did not take effect, 'twas because the Grand Signior stood in need of the Algerines to serve against the Venetians, and re-inforce [Page 135]his Fleet in the Levant. Nevertheless, these Offers fail'd not to work with the Grand Mufti, who like the Romish Ecclesiasticks, loves the Propagation of his Faith and the Free Exercise of his Religion; and who being swee­ten'd up withall, by some Considerable Present openly declar'd for the French Sultan. But as submissive as France is yet a while to her Ally, that she may preserve his Friendship, you shall see that he will leave him in the Lurch, and deliver him up a Prey to the Emperour, so soon as he can find a way to make Peace with the Confederates. And then that Sepa­ration would infallibly beget a War between the two Sultans, were the Turk in a condition to revenge himself. However his want of Strength to commence a War will not hinder him from loading the French Merchants that reside in his Dominions with Terrible Oppres­sions; and so the poor Merchants must pay for the Infidelity of their Monarch. But the Court of France never troubles her Head about That, provided she can but compass her own Ends. And for the Obtaining of those, she will never Spare for the Blood or Estates of her own Sub­jects, nor did she ever value the Lives and Li­berties of so many poor Christians as have been sacrific'd during this War with the Turk, to the Ambition of Lewis the Great.

But we are now ascending if we can, to the Pinacle of French Policy, so high that few or [Page 136]none can reach it; that is to say, the Depopu­lation of France, and consequently the Ruine of the Kingdom for Religion's sake. For it is well known that the Protestants of France have always made a Considerable Body of that Realm, and tho' they have been Persecuted and Massacred under divers Reigns, more-especial­ly in the Reigns of Charles IX. and Henry III. nevertheless they have still reviv'd again and considerably encreas'd their Number; yet al­ways faithfully devoted to the Service of their Soveraign: and that Fidelity obtain'd all those Edicts of Pacification and Liberty of Consci­ence, which were granted 'em by Henry IV. and Lewis XIII. For as the Historians them­selves confess, the Huguenots were the Men that fix'd the Crowns upon the Heads of Henry IV. and his Off spring Lewis XIII. and Lewis XIV. now Reigning, whose Crown, when he was Young and in his Minority, the First Prince of the Blood would have wrested from him, pre­tending that the Succession belong'd to him by Right of Birth after the Death of Lewis the XIII. openly asserting his Claim as well by word of Mouth as publick Manifesto's, at the Time of the Parisian Baricado's. Nor could the King himsel forbear to give Truth her due, in seve­ral Declarations and Edicts, and by Letters written to the Protestant Princes. And indeed so Signal a Piece of Service, and a Devotion so faithful to the Person of this Monarch gave the [Page 137] Protestants all the Encouragement in the World to hope for an Irrevocable Protection, and an Enlarg­ment of their Liberties & Assurance of Safety both for themselves and their Posterity, not only during the Reign of this King, but also of his Successours. Nevertheless, notwithstanding all these Signal Ser­vices, they only obtain'd the Title of Faithful Sub­jects, which the King affected to bestow upon 'em in all his Edicts and Declarations. Nay their Fi­delity was so disserviceable to 'em as to create no­thing but Fears and Jealousies in the Prime Mini­sters and Courtiers; and augmented the Natural Hatred of the Jesuits, who all together from that time forward meditated nothing more then to a­base and ruine the Protestant Party, and inspir'd into the Young Prince distrustful Sentiments of those to whom he was beholding for his Crown; perswading him, that if the Huguenots were so powerful as to settle him in his Throne, they would be able at another time to throw him down again whenever he refus'd 'em any Privilege which they demanded. These Disturbers of the Repose of France having thus found the Monarch dispos'd and inclin'd to follow their pernicious Counsels, the Jesuits, Directors of the Prince's Conscience, fail'd not to improve those Sentiments so Opposite to his Real Interests and his Promis'd Faith; and for the Expiation of some Great Sin, impos'd upon him, by way of doing Pennance, the cancelling some Privileges granted to the Protestants by the King his Predecessours, and with an Oath confirm'd by [Page 138]the Reigning Prince. And as it is usual for Scorn to degenerate into Hatred, the King having lay'd a Design to ruin the Ʋnited Provinces, thought it then high time to begin with the Destruction of the Protestants of his Kingdom. And then it was that every Body study'd who should be most for­ward to second the Bloody Design of their Sove­raign, and to invent new Torments for the more quick dispatch of the Great Work, as the Court of France call'd it: and the King himself could not refrain himself from saying, That he would have the satisfaction, in his Life-time, of having the Ho­nour to destroy Heresie, and that he had rather leave the Dauphin a Beggarly, then Heretical King­dom; and thus enflam'd, Men, Women, Children, Monks and Ministers of State, all cry'd out, To the Sack, to the Sack with the Churches of the Hugue­nots; and every one according to his Power lent a willing hand to the Diabolical Work. Madam de Maintenon, an Old Female Sinner, was the Je­suits faithful and sedulous she-Intelligencer, who for that purpose held their Cabals both day and night: the Marquis of Louvois sent away the Dra­goons into the Provinces, and St. Ruth put in Ex­ecution with great delight the Cruel Orders that were dispatch'd from Court, and recommended to his Executioners and Hangmen the Care of tor­menting the poor Creatures with all sorts of Bar­barism and Cruelty. And while this Tragedy was acting in the several Provinces, the Chan­cellor Tellier, sent forth Declaration upon Declara­tion [Page 139]against the Protestants, and issu'd out the Re­vocation of all their Edicts, Privileges and Liber­ties, with so much Satisfaction, that as he was sea­ling the Revocation o of the Edict of Nants, he could not forbear declaring, That it was the great­est Blessing that ever overjoy'd him in his Life, and that he could be content, after he had seen that happy Day, to dye; and he was so impious as upon that Bloody occasion to repeat the Song of Simeon: and indeed God took him at his word: for within a few days after he deliver'd France from that same Monster of Men. However the Persecuti­on did not cease with the Life of that Minister, who left very good Disciples behind him: for that Father La Chaise, finding one day the Kin gin a Good Humour, obtain'd an Order from him for a General Massacre of the Huguenots all over France, grounding his Persuasions upon the Constancy of some of 'em, with whom the Prisons and Con­vents were cramm'd; and upon the Hypocrisie of the New Converts, who when Opportunity ser­ved, would be as so many Enemies within the Kingdom, and that therefore there wanted a little Blood-letting to cure the Mischief. And if this Order were not put in Execution, the Protestants were beholding to the Two First Princes of the Blood, Condé and Contí, who took it out of Father La Chaise's Hands, and return'd it to the King. This Persecution, which produc'd nothing but Hypocrites and forc'd Catholicks, constrain'd a vast number of People to quit France, and retire [Page 140]with their Effects into Foreign Countries, contrary to the Expectation of the Court, and the Policy of the King and his Ministers, who never intended to dispeople the King­dom, as the Spaniards did their Country, by expelling the Moors: and for fear of falling into the same Blunder again, they committed another as bad: setting forth Ri­gorous Prohibitions, forbidding all People to stir out of the Kingdom, guarding the Passes and ordering all to be brought back Prisoners that should be taken upon the Frontiers, and filling the Prisons, convents and Galleys with their Captives, which was very near the same thing as expelling 'em the Kingdom.

All this so barbarous and unheard-of Usage was pre­meditated, however, notwithstanding the outward shew of Piety, to be serviceable to the King's Design, as having been for some Years contriving the Utter Ruin of the Protestants: and therefore rightly judging that the Po­tentates their Confederates would never consent to their Destruction, in regard their Downfall would only serve to aggrandize France, and augment her Strength in order to the carrying the whole Universe before Her; there­fore the Policy of the Court of France very sillily believ'd that the Persecution of the Huguenots would draw all the Catholicks into her Snares which she had thus baited with her Pretended Zeal But the same Catholicks being more discreet and wary, and well acquainted with the Tricks and Finesses of France compar'd the French Zeal to Crocodiles Tears, that weep to drill Passengers with­in their reach, and then darting themselves upon their Prey, seize and devour it. Nay, the Pope himself smelt out the Cheat, and did all that lay in his Power to oppose it; as was apparently seen by the Business of Furstenberg.

But tho' the Event has shew'd us that France was mista­ken in her Calculation, yet she still goes on with her Prosecutions of the Protestants, tho' less at one time then another, in regard that 'tis the best way for Princes to [Page 141]go through with Follies begun, and for that the King's meaning was to make all Europe believe, that he had no other End then to make Proselytes, and to propagate the Catholick Religion, which is a thing that most prudent and moderate Persons of the same Religion could never perceive by what is past, nor discover in any Prospect of Futurity. Nor has the King of France procur'd the least Advantage to the Roman Church by his Oppressi­ons within his Kingdom, or by his persuading and in­veigling the Duke of Savoy to persecute the Vaudois with the same Severity; quite contrary to the Sentiments of In­nocent XI. who openly disapprov'd Violence in Matters of Religion, and who could not forbear saying, That at the same time that the French Embassadour made Bon­fires at Rome, and rejoyc'd for the Destruction of the French Huguenots, That his Heart bled Tears of Blood: foreseeing that all those Forc'd Conversions would one day prove extreamly Prejudicial to the Church: and that the King of France did but dispoil himself of the Lovely Robe of Primitive Charity, to put on the Old Rags of Paganism, dy'd with the Blood of so many Martyrs.

Moreover these abominable Proceedings of France have only serv'd to render the Catholicks suspected to the Pro­testants, and to beget a Scorn and Hatred of 'em in Pla­ces where before they liv'd together in Brotherly Love and good Correspondence.

But what is more Considerable, and for which Rome and all the Catholicks will have just Reason eternally to reproach France, and complain of her Monarch Lewis XIV. is this, That he preferr'd the Advance­ment of Mahometism before the Support and Preserva­tion of the Catholick Religion in England, quite ruin'd by the Dethroning of King James, whom he forsook in his Greatest Necessity; more-especially seeing that unfor­tunate Prince had never fallen into such an Abyss of Mi­sery, had he not follow'd the Pernicious Counsels of [Page 142]his Confederate who incens'd him to persecute his Sub­jects in England, as he had done his own in France; and to alter the Religion and Laws of his Realm, to serve the Interests and Designs of France.

But the English, more Prudent and Circumspect then the French, foreseeing the Tempest that began to gather already over their Heads; and of which the Conse­quences could not but produce a Shipwrack, like to that which had swallow'd up the Protestants of France, seeing that the Dragoons began already to cross over out of France into England, where there was a Father Peters ani­mated with the same preposterous Zeal as Father La Chaise; and a Chancellor Jefferies no less wicked and bloody then Tellier or Louvois; the English, I say, be­holding the Scaffolds erected, and the Fires just ready to be kindl'd, withdrew themselves in time from the Yoke that France was preparing for their Necks; and by that Resolution for ever dash'd the vain-glorious Hopes of all the English Catholicks.

In short, the King of France has great Reason to repent of Two Things; his Persecution of the Protestants of his Kingdom, and his last Siege of Philipsburgh. For that those two Things were the Original Cause of the War, and the Basis of all the Calamities with which France is at present overwhelm'd; and which daily augment beyond any Help or Remedy, which all the Policy of that Court, all the Wiles, the Artifices and Knavery of her Ministers, and all the Bigotry of her Male and Female Hypocrites can apply to stop their spreading, or prevent the sme Destiny from befalling the Reign of Lewis the Great as befell Anticohus, sirnam'd Epiphanes or, The Illustrious: there being so great a Uniformity in their Manner of Acting, the Beginning and Progress of their Atchievements, that we have great Reason to hope, that their Exits will be the same.