THE HISTORY OF Peter D'Aubusson, Great Master of RHODES.

PEter D'Aubusson, whose Hi­story I have undertaken to write, was by providence chosen out among the French about two hundred years since, to set bounds to the Conquests of the Infi­dels. And He it was that sav'd Rome from the destiny of Constantinople, de­fending Rhodes against all the force of Mahomet the second, Emperour of the Turks.

He was the Son of Reginald D'Aubusson, Lord of Monteil-au-Vi­conte in Marche, and Margaret of Comborn, both of the most An­cient and Illustrious Houses in the Kingdom. He receiv'd from nature▪ [Page 2] together with a Noble Birth, a strong and proportionable body, fit for great undertakings; a quick wit, and ver­tuous inclinations.

As he was born valiant, and that the fiery constitution of his body, could not away with an idle life, he took upon him the profession of Arms, so soon as he was of Age to handle a sword.

The Truce which had been con­cluded between France and England, by the address of Cardinal Sainte Croix, Legate to Pope Eugenius the fourth, and the Peace which follow'd, oblig'd him to seek for Employment and Honour in Germany.

The Emperour Sigismund had po­tent enemies both at home and a­broad. The Hussites made war a­gainst him in Bohemia; and though they seem'd inclinable to a submission after the bloody Battel of Pragne, where they lost above twenty thou­sand men, yet Rebellion was all they had in their thoughts. They were also so much the more to be fear'd, by how much they were highly inrag'd [Page 3] at their defeat, and that rage redoubl'd in some measure the zeal which serv'd for the pretence of their Revolt.

But the greatest mischief was in Hungary, where the Turks made hor­rible havocks. Sigismund, who was at that time tak'n up with the affairs of the Council of Basle, not being a­ble to oppose himself against the Tor­rent which threatned to overflow all Germany, sent away with all speed, Albert Duke of Austria his Son-in­law, to repel the Barbarians.

Aubusson by chance, or rather by a particular Providence of Heaven, got a Command in this Army. For provi­dence having design'd him to a Pro­fession and a Trust that concern'd the Defence of Christendom, so order'd it, that he should perform his first feats of Arms against the enemies thereof.

The Prince march'd with all the hast he could, and though far infe­riour in number, he no sooner disco­ver'd the Ottoman Army, but he fell on with out any farther deliberation. The beginning of the Combat favor'd [Page 4] the Imperialists. They overturn'd at first whatever Resistance oppos'd them, and made a very great slaugh­ter. Aubusson, who felt his courage kindl'd upon sight of the Infidels, flew a great many with his own hand, and fought, alwaies in the formost Ranks. But when the Victory seemd to have been assuredly on Al­berts side, the Turkish Cavalry sur­rounded that of the Christians, and fell upon them so impetuously, that they made them give way, and broke them upon the first charge. The dis­order was not long. Aubusson ral­ly'd all the Troops about him, and renew'd the fight under the conduct of a Hungarian, whose name is not re­corded in Histories, though his valor deserves to live eternally in the me­mory of men.

This brave person, remarkable for his tall size of body, and his undaun­ted Air, together with Aubusson, su­stain'd, almost without other Assi­stance, all the whole power of the Enemy; and with his battle-axe in his hand, after he had beat down se­veral, [Page 5] made his way through the rest. Which Action so Resolute, as it terri­fi'd the Turks, so it reincourag'd the Christians. All Alberts Troopes follow'd this new Leader, who seemd to be sent to them from Heaven; and as if they had at the same time been inspir'd with fresh Vigour, they charg'd the Barbarians so rudely, that eighteen thousand lay dead upon the place, the rest thought of nothing but Flight.

While the Arms of Sigismund had this happy success in Hungary, his affairs prosper'd no less in other pla­ces. The Hussites, weak'nd by their Losses, and either terrifi'd by the Threats, or gain'd by the Promises of Emperor, at length return'd to their duty, The Treaty of Prague put an end to all the Troubles of Bohemia, and upon a sudden the Imperial Au­thority was re-establish'd.

All things being thus calm'd, and Albert having disbanded his Troops, Aubusson attended the Nobility that went to the Emperour's Court. There he was receiv'd as one that contribu­ted [Page 6] highly to the Victory in Hun­gary; and that which was related to Sigismund touching the Valour of the young French Gentleman, engag'd that Prince to give him publick marks of his esteem and acknowledgment. But Aubusson not only attracted the praises and favours of the Emperour, by his first exploits in War: for he also gain'd his good will and kindness by his carriage near his person, and the care which he took to please him.

Sigismund was endu'd with all the noble Qualities of a great Prince. Be­sides that he was valiant, wise, reli­gious; he lov'd Learning in particu­lar, and had a great value for learned men, whom he preferr'd upon all oc­casions, before persons that had no­thing to recommend them but their Birth. He was himself learned, per­fectly well read in History. He under­stood and spoke the Latine tongue, as he made it appear at the Council of Constance, by the testimony of Gerson Chancellour of the University of Paris, who was present there, and was [Page 7] charm'd with the last speech of that Prince. For that reason he could not endure ignorance in his Courtiers; and would say sometimes, that he was asham'd of the Electors, who had not the least tincture of Learn­ing.

Though Aubusson were endu'd with a Martial soul, and that the love of war overswayd his Inclinations, yet had he a disposition and a Genious for Learning. He had a quick and piercing wit; a happy memory, and a solid judgment. So that it was no difficult thing for him to conform himself to the humour of the Emperor, having in a short time fitted himself for all manner of addresses. After he had study'd the languages as much as was requisite for a Souldier to know; he apply'd himself to the un­derstanding of all the noble sciences. He learnt the Mapps, the Mathe­maticks, and above all the rest, that part with concernes the Art of war. But History was his Principal studie; He made a kind of business & Exer­cise of it, reading more to instruct [Page 8] then divert himself. For he was not contented to charge his memory with great names, and strange Accidents, as many do that read; but he still made Judicious reflections upon what he read; proposing to himself, as ex­amples to follow, the actions of men Illustrious. Above all things, he ex­amin'd the lives of great men, and making advantage of their Vices, as well as of their Vertues, he became a Master to himself for the governing his own Manners.

Whatever love he had for reading, and what ever pleasure he took in it, yet he study'd the world more then books: and above all the world, and all books, the Emperor. As he had a free access to his person, and was with him every day, he was able to observe nere at hand his Maximes, his words his actions, and all his be­haviour. But among all the Vertues of Sigismund he was taken with none more then his Zeal for the Christian Faith; of which he shew'd so many real marks, not only in the Councils which he upheld by his authority and [Page 9] presence, but also by the wars which he undertook against the Infidels.

Thus the Court, which is usually the corrupter of youth, was to Au­busson a school of wisdom and ver­tue. Where, besides the love which it taught him to have for learn­ing, and to make a sound judgment of things, he acquir'd Integrity, and became a man of Vertue and Re­pute.

With such noble Inclinations as these, he might easily pretend to great employments in a Court where Ju­stice was done to merit. And certainly he had attain'd thereto, as much a stranger as he was, had not his For­tunes been overturnd by the Death of the Emperor.

Albert Duke of Austria, who suc­ceeded Sigismund, had not for Au­busson those kind thoughts as his predecessors. Whether it were that he did not naturally love the French, or whether the Favors of the deceas'd Emperour provok'd his hatred of a stranger

Aubusson quickly percev'd that the [Page 10] Emperor had got a new Master, and that the best course that he could take was to be gone. But though that Con­sideration might not have prevail'd with him to quit Germany, yet his duty would have oblig'd to return to France.

The Treaty at Arras for the accommodation between the two Kings▪ of England and France not taking ef­fect, as it was hop'd, the War broke out again between the two Kings: So that there happ'nd divers sieges, and divers fights, with more heat and animosity then ever. The English made great spoil in the Provinces of which they were not Masters; and the French divided among themselves, committed as great violences every where; so that what between a For­raign and a Civil War joyn'd toge­ther, the whole Kingdom was full of confusion and horrour.

This was the stare of the Affairs of France when Sigismund di'd, and that Aubusson forsook Germany to come and serve his own Country. John D'Aubusson Lord of Born, his [Page 11] Cousin-German, and Chamberlain to Charles the seventh, brought him to Court. So soon as he came there, his proper person, his sparkling counte­nance, his noble Air attracted the eyes of all upon him; but his pru­dent and honest carriage, his wit, his politeness, his pleasant conversation gain'd almost the hearts of every one.

In regard he was of the County of Marche, and younger Son of the Vicounts of that County, the Count of Marche, Governour of the Dol­phin, shew'd him great respect, and did him the honour to be his Patron. This Relation which Aubusson had to the Count, gave him opportunity often to wait upon the Dolphin, who was almost of Age. He obtain'd his love, being so happy as to share in the exercises and divertisements of the Prince. He had also the good fortune to please Charles the seventh, who saw in him at first sight some­thing that was great and not com­mon. But it was not long ere [...] shew'd by his actions, that what we [Page 12] conceiv'd of him, was not without good ground. He signaliz'd himself in a high measure at Montereau Faut-yone, whither he attended the Dolphin, who commanded at the Siege. The King who had been him­self a witness of the valour of Aubus­son, when he carry'd the City by As­sault, making his entry a little while after into Paris, commanded his at­tendance upon him to Court, with the chief of his Nobility. This Entry was one of the most magnificent that ever was made: And it may be truly said to be the first day that Charles began to reascend his Throne. Several Ci­ties follow'd the example of the Ca­pital; and those that stood out were for the most part reduc'd by force. Aubusson every where gave signal marks of his Courage; but upon one occasion he made it apparent that a young Warriour might be as well prudent as cunning.

At what time the power of the English abated in the Kingdom, that of the fair Agnes increas'd at Court. As she was wonderfully charming, [Page 13] and one that understood better then any woman of her sex, how to go­vern her Lovers, she obtain'd in a short while an absolute Dominion over the King. But according to the custom of women, whose credit arises from their Beauty, she made but an ill use of the Kings Favours. The Dolphin, who was not naturally very docible, could not endure a haughty and imperious woman, who had but little respect for him. On the other side, the great Authority of Charles of Anjou, Brother to the King of Si­cily offended him extreamly. He took it ill, that a Prince, for whom he had no kindness, should have so great a share in the confidence of his Father. So that the Favorite was no less a trouble to him then the Mi­stress.

But that which vex'd him most of all, was, that after the taking of Mon­tereau, where he fought so well against the English, that in Courtship they applauded him for it before the King, he had but a bad reception from his Father, instead of the thanks which [Page 14] he expected. For the King perceiving that this first Essay had puft up the mind of his son, he return'd▪ him un­der the Discipline of his Goverment, and remov'd him also from the Court. Whether he were jealous of a valour that made such a noise in the world; or whether, understanding the bad disposition of the Dolphin, he thought this first success of his might transport him too far, if he did not take care to curb him.

The Dolphin dissembl'd his dissatis­faction for some time; but a young Prince once provok'd▪ whose passions are violent, and who never wants bad counsel, is soon aweary of counter­feiting. And therefore to revenge him­self like the Son of a King, he went and put himself at the head of the Rebellious Nobility.

The Count of Marche, to whom the revolt of his disciple was no small dishonour, omitted nothing that might reduce him to his duty. Besides what he did himself, he made use of the management of Aubusson, whom the Prince lov'd, and who had found a [Page 15] means to preserve his favour with­out confederating in the revolt. Cer­tain it is that the Dolphin was of a jealous, & ticklish disposition, not easie to manage; and one of those who are of that head strong & obstinate humour, that they are seldom to be recover'd, when they have once fix'd upon their party. But Aubusson knew him very well, and understood which way to take him. For he had those sweet and insinuating charms, which are not incompatible with a fierce and fiery Disposition. But above all, he had a natural Eloquence, that always wrought it's Effect, and which per­swades so much the more, by how much it is the less distrusted. So that he had not much to do to make the Prince list'n to reason. He so dextrously mannag'd his passions, and mollify'd him in such sort by degrees, that when the Count of Eu, came afterwards to treat with him on the Kings behalf, he found him altogether enclin'd to lay down his Armes, and beg pardon.

The King was so satisfy'd with Aubus­sons address upon this occasion, that he [Page 16] employ'd him in other Negotiations of concernment. In all which he so be­hav'd himself, that Charles the fifth highly applauded the sharpness of his wit. Insomuch that one day, speaking of Aubusson, he said, it was a hard matter to find so much fire and so much prudence both together.

After the Princes were come to an accommodation, the War grew very warm between the French and En­glish, and much blood was shed on both sides. But the truces that were afterwards made, chang'd the whole face of affairs. France began to breath a more quiet Aire; and the pleasures which afterwards succeded the Toyles of war, had perhaps effeminated the hearts of the souldiers; if their Marches into Lorrain and Germany had not found them work.

Rene of Anjou, King of Sicily and Duke of Lorrain, requested aid of Charles King of France, his Brother in Law, against some places in the Coun­trey of Messin, that would not acknow­ledg his Iurisdiction. Charles present­ly appeares before Nancy with a [Page 17] great Army; of which one part went briskly to beseige Mets. The City defended it self with great courage and obstinacy. Upon which the Dol­phin, with whom the tediousness of the seige did not agree, found a fair occasion to satisfie his boyling and ambitious Humour.

The Emperor Frederick the third, dissatisfi'd with the Swisses, who pretended to have nothing to do with the House of Astria, and who under that pretence affected a kind of Inde­pendencie, not much differing from a Revolt; invited France by the medi­ation of Sigismund, Duke of Austria, to come and defend the Rights of the Empire. There needed no more en­couragement for the Dolphin, who had espoused the Sister of the Dut­chess of Austria, to enter Alsacia with an Army. Aubusson was one of the young Lords that attended him, and one who had the greatest share in the defeat of the Swisses near Basle: But the Duke having reduc'd some places, and cast a terror upon others, march'd back again sooner then was expected. [Page 18] Either because the Emperour, unwill­ing to draw upon himself ill will, for being the occasion of the war, in some measure disown'd it; or because the German Lord, who had conduct­ed the French Army into Switzer­land, and was to have been their guide through all the narrow and dif­ficult streights of the Mountains, be­ing slain, there was no safety in pro­ceeding farther.

In the mean time the Affair of Mets being brought to an accommodation, advantageous for the Beseigers, and honourable for the Beseiged; the Embassadors of the German Princes, whom the Dolphins march had alarm'd, came to demand a confirma­tion of the ancient Alliances between France and Germany. Their de­mands were granted them; and as there is a time when the Spirit of Peace is predominant, the truce was prolong'd for five years between France and England. The Court in such a quiet calm began to think of nothing but divertisement: and the Marriage of Margaret, Daughter of [Page 19] the King of Sicilie, with Henry King of England, occasion'd such extraor­dinary rejoycings, that they had al­most forgot their last troubles. Ne­ver was a more beautiful Court, nor a more numerous, then that of Nancy: For not to speak of the several Prin­ces and Princesses that were of lesser dignity, there were two Kings, and three Queens beside. The Earl of Suffolk, who was sent to fetch the new Queen of England, had with him the flower of the English Nobi­lity. Several daies were also spent in magnificent Turnaments, where the King of France, and the King of Sicily ran together.

But Aubusson soon grew weary of that which employ'd others so much to their delight. Besides that he na­turally lov'd war, he had Principles of Piety which did not correspond with a lazie and voluptuous life. On the other side, the victories of John Hunniades, and George Castriote, which they had obtain'd against Amurat, inspir'd him with a new zeal for Religion: and the Cruelties which [Page 20] the Turks exercis'd against the Chri­stians at the Battel of Varna, awakn'd in him the hatred which he had con­ceiv'd against the Enemies of Jesus Christ.

He could not but with great grief of mind understand the report which ran at that time, that Ʋladislaus King of Poland, and Cardinal Cesarini, the Popes Legate had been flead alive by those Barbarians. But it was joyful news to him, that the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, had obtain'd several advantages against the Sara­cens; and that the Soldan of Aegypt, had a little before rais'd his seige from before Rhodes. In the midst of these thoughts, he took a resolution to fight against the Infidels, and to the end he might be indispensably en­gag'd thereto, he fram'd a design at the same time to embrace the milita­ry order of St. John of Jerusalem. Heaven, that inspir'd him with these high thoughts, gave him the power to execute them with speed. He de­parted for Rhodes, not all the Charms of the Court being able to detain him.

[Page 21]The multitude of French Gentle­men that daily throng'd to Rhodes to be made Knights, had oblig'd the Grand-master to make an Order that none would be receiv'd, until the Treasury, exhausted by the late Wars, were somewhat replenish'd. Never­theless Aubusson was admitted; whe­ther it were that they saw in his per­son somewhat extraordinary that spake in his behalf, or that it were a peculiar favour, in respect to Lewis D'Aubusson his Uncle, one of the most famous Knights of Rhodes, and known in History by the name of the Commander of Charroux: Or whe­ther it were that the Grand-master were inspir'd to exceed his own Rules in favour of a Person, who was after­wards to be the support of the Order.

Our new Knight had no great diffi­culty to undergo the usual Examina­tions, though at that time they were much more strict than afterwards. For all things that render a Family Illustrious, were to be found with ad­vantage in his: For as to the antiqui­ty [Page 22] of it, the original of the House of Aubusson, is unknown and uncer­tain, as of most Families in the world. But that which may be certainly averr'd is this; that in the time of Charlemaine, the Ancestors of Pierre D'Aubusson were very famous in France. For the Kings of the second race having settl'd Counts to govern every Province, and these Lords al­wayes choosing the greatest Lords of their Province for their Lieutenants, Jeffrey, first Count of Marche, chose his Lieutenant out of the House of Aubusson, about the year 860. This Lieutenant to the Lord, whose name we know not, was call'd Vicount D'Aubusson from the name of the principal Place which he possess'd.

Turpin, who was elected Bishop of Limoges in the year 898, and whom Aymar of Chabanois extolls no less for the splendor of his Birth, then for the holiness of his Life, was the Son of the first Vicount of Aubusson, and Brother of Reginald the first, who was Vicount under his Father, [Page 23] under. Sulpicius the second, Earl of Marche, Son of Jefferey.

The dignity of Vicount remain'd above four hundred years in that Fa­mily of Aubusson, successively from Father to Son, till that Raymund the first having no Children, sold it to Hugues Earl of March, to the preju­dice of his Brother Ranulphus D'Au­busson, who continu'd the Posterity.

Piety and Liberality, which in those times highly distinguish'd the great Lords from those of mean extraction, were hereditary vertues in this Fami­ly. For, not to speak any thing of Bishop Turpin, so magnificent in all that concern'd the worship of the Al­tar; the Vicounts D'Aubusson, were alwaies very Religious, and gave con­siderable Donations to several Chur­ches and Abbeys.

These Lords and their Descendants signaliz'd themselves upon several Oc­casions, where the interest of France was concern'd Witness Guy D'Au­busson, who performed so many noble Acts, in the War with the English un­der Charles the fifth, who having re­ceiv'd [Page 24] many wounds in the defence of his Castle of Monteil, was tak'n Prisoner with his Wife and Children by the Enemy. Witness also John D'Aubusson, Lord of Borne, Antho­ny D'Aubusson, Lord of Villeneare, and Anthony D'Aubusson Lord of Monteil, who made their fidelity and their zeal for the service of Charles the seventh appear; whose Chamber­laines they were at such a time when all the Kings Officers were Peers of high quality.

Lastly, that which infinitely advan­ces the House of Aubusson, and per­haps distinguishes it from all others, is this, that being so ancient, it was never mix'd, but has still in the same County preserv'd the same Estate: so that Francis D'Aubusson, Duke and Peer, Marshal of France, and Col­lonel of the French Guards, possesses at this day the Signiory of Fueillade, which has been time out of mind in the possession of the Vicounts D'Au­busson his Ancestors.

But to return to our History, Au­busson was no sooner arriv'd at [Page 25] Rhodes, but he understood that there was a peace going to be made with Amurat, and that it was almost con­cluded by the Soldan of Egypt. In regard he had an extream passion to fight with the enemies of Christ, this news was not overwelcome to him, only he was in hopes that it would soon be brok'n.

In the mean time he set himself to study the duty of a true Knight. Pre­sently he understood that the Knights of Rhodes were to joyn together in Valour and Piety: that a cowardly Knight, or a Libertine, was something monstrous: that for them to live ac­cording to the intent of their Calling, there was a necessity for them exact­ly to follow the maxims of the Go­spel, and that they were not to draw their Swords, but in the defence of the Church, or for the relief of the Faithful: that for that reason they wore their Cross upon their Habit, and that their Impresse was, For the Faith. He oft'n revolv'd in his mind the vertues and the exploits of those ancient Knights that first made them­selves [Page 26] Masters of Rhodes, and after­wards so couragiously withstood Ot­toman the first King of the Turks.

But notwithstanding the peace, be­cause it did not hinder the roving of Turkish Pyrates, he several times put forth to Sea, and so well acquitted himself upon all occasions that pre­sented, that he obtain'd the com­mandery of Salins, in the first years of his service.

John de Lustic, who at that time govern'd the Order of St. John of Je­rusalem, and who was the first to whom the publick vogue gave the ti­tle of Grand-master, soon conceiv'd a high Opinion of Monsieur D'Au­busson, as well as James de Milli, who was Grand Prior of Auvergne, and who succeeded John de Lustic in the charge of Grand-master.

The affairs of Rhodes were calm enough, when the death of Amurath, or rather the ambition of Mahomet his successor, rais'd strange troubles over all Christendom.

Mahomet the second is so often mention'd in the story, that I am to [Page 27] write, that it will not be amiss to de­scribe him before I go any farther. He was one of those extraordinary perso­nages, who are not only endow'd with great Vertues, and great Vices; but one also freight with qualities al­together opposite. Never was there a Prince more wise, or more led away; more valiant, nor more effeminate, more a Master, nor more a Slave to his passions then he. Though he had a Countenance somewhat wild, and something of terrible in his eyes, he could put on a mild and engaging Aire when he pleas'd. His Serraglio follow'd him every where; and he gave himself up to his pleasures in the midst of the toyles of war; but he was melancholy and cruel in the height of his pleasures, killing some­times with his own hand his Favou­rites and his Mistresses in the heat of his debauchery; so soon he alter'd from love to choler and fury. He al­so committed these cruelties some­times in cold blood, more out of Po­licy then transportation. And it is reported of him, that when he re­proach'd [Page 28] the Souldiers for effemina­cie, and slackness in discipline; cer­tain among them taking the boldness to hit him in the teeth with a young Grecian whom he passionately lov'd, he caus'd her to be brought forth, and to be by them beheld at leisure; whereupon when the Souldiers dazl'd with her beauty, agreed that the Em­perors passion was not without good reason; Mahomet immediately stri­king off her dead with his Scimitar, laid her head at their feet, to let them understand, that Pleasure was not his Master, and that whatever prone­ness he had to it, he lov'd nothing be­yond his duty.

He was brought up by his Mother in the principles of Christianity, & in­structed by Maximus, Patriarch of the Greeks. However, he only made pro­fession of the Mahometan Religion, or ratherhe had no Religion at all; laugh­ing at his Prophet, and regarding less the Alcaron then the Gospel. He freely confess'd that the Christian Law was an admirable Law: but he so much abhorr'd the Christians, that when he [Page 29] met with one, he was alwaies wont to wash his hands and mouth, as if the very sight of a Christian had de­fil'd him.

He thought all things lawful to ob­tain his ends: and never kept his word, but when it stood with the con­veniencie of his affairs. For he pre­tended that he ow'd no respect to any one, and treated all men like slaves, not considering that he ow'd to himself the fulfilling of the word which he had giv'n to others, and that the laws of fidelity oblige the Masters as well as the Slaves. Yet was he just to his Subjects, and ad­minister'd justice equally to all his people. He thought much, spoke little, neglected nothing, inform'd himself of all things, and disguis'd himself often to see what pass'd in his Serraglio, and in his Army. He understood several Languages, and several Sciences, amongst the rest Astrology, which he study'd very much. He was a lover of learned men, and excellent Artists of any Nation whatever. Magnificent to­ward [Page 30] the one and the other. Obser­ving no moderation in reward, no more then he did in punishment. In­defatigable he was in war, a contem­ner of danger, resolute in bad for­tune, insolent or moderate in prospe­ritie, as occasion requir'd: cunning to conceal his enterprises, and disco­ver those of his enemies: Artificial in his management, making use of the vilest means to compass his ends: but ambitious to excess: accounting all his conquests as nothing, and still every day proposing new to himself. So predominant was the love of ho­nour in him, and Alexander the great so much his model, that he read his life continually, which he cau­sed on purpose to be translated into Arabic, and he did him the honour to imitate him even in his vices.

When Mahomet had taken possessi­on of the Ottoman Empire, after the death of Amurath his Father, he was presently for an universal Monarchy, and first he undertook to subdue the Empire of the Greeks. He began his military expeditions with the [Page 31] seige of the Capital, notwithstanding the peace which he had made with Constantine Paleologus, Emperor of Constantinople; or rather it was un­der the protection of a peace solemn­ly sworn, that the Barbarian turn'd his armes upon that side.

In regard Constantine had made no provision against an attempt which he did not mistrust, and for that the suc­cour which he receiv'd from the King of Arragon▪ the Pope, and the Re­publick of Venice came too late, he could not sustain the force of so great an Army; so that the City was car­ri'd by assault by the Infidels, not­withstanding the resistance of the Christians. Never was seen a more tragical spectacle, than that which was then beheld. They made a most horrible slaughter every where; no­thing escap'd the fury of the Souldi­ers. Women & Virgins of qualitie were publickly defil'd; and after­wards inhumanly massacred. The Images & reliques of the Saints were cut to pieces. The Resemblances of Christ thrown to the dogs; and the [Page 32] great Crucifix dragg'd about the streets, with most dreadful acclama­tions and imprecations. Constantine rather chose to dye in the defence of his Crown and faith, then to fall alive into the hands of the Barbari­ans. His head was carried upon a Lance round about the City; and that there might not any footstep remain of the family of the Paleologi, Maho­met caus'd the Princes and Princesses of the Blood-Royal to be slain in the midst of a magnificent Banquet, whereat he treated the Principal Offi­cers of his Army.

The taking of Constantinople cast a terror upon all the East, and oblig'd the Despote of Servia, the King of Cyprus, and the Emperour of Trebi­zond, to sue for the friendship of the Turk. Which they could not obtain, but upon paying a certain Tribute, as the Islands of Scio, and Meteline did. The Knights of Rhodes would not stoop to any such dishonourable condition; and though Mahomets Ambassador threatn'd the Knights with all that could be expected from [Page 33] a Potent and Victorious Prince, if they refus'd to pay him 2000. Duc­cats a year, the Grand-Master an­swer'd with a generous Christiani­ty, That the Order of Rhodes ac­knowledg'd none but the Apostolick See, which knew not what it was to pay Tribute: and that for his part he was resolv'd rather to dye a thou­sand deaths, then to suffer in his time, that the Government which he had receiv'd free, should become tri­butary; and that if Mahomet made war against the faith of Treaties, he hop'd that God, who is the revenger of injuries and impieties, would de­fend his own Worship against all the Ottoman Power.

In regard the Knights were fear­ful least so fierce an Answer might provoke Mahomet, they made it their business to provide against so formi­dable an enemy. But because the Society was then poor, and not able to maintain a long war of it self, they thought it their best way to engage the Christian Princes to their side, especially the King of France, upon [Page 34] whom they lookt upon as the best friend of their Order. The Commander D'Aubusson was chosen for this Em­bassage out of all the Commanders of the French Nation. Not only be­cause he had a particular knowledge and dexterity in managing affairs, but because he was known to the Court of France.

He departed from Rhodes at the time that James de Milli succeeded John de Lustic, Grand-Master of the Order, and arriv'd in France, a little after the Cardinal d'Avignon, whom the Pope had sent thither, to encite the French against the Turk. The Em­bassador of Rhodes was entertain'd after an extraordinary manner, either because the Court had a great esteem for him, or because they had a de­sign to keep him in delay. He saw through the gentleness and caresses which he receiv'd, which way the Court stood affected toward the Ho­ly-war. The King would not under­take it by any means, whether he thought his Kingdom too much ex­hausted to defray the expence of a [Page 35] war that might prove of a long con­tinuance; or whether he minded no­thing but his Repose, after his past toiles, or that the Charms of the fair Agnes had cool'd his zeal which he formerly had for the interest of the Church; or whether it were that he would not submit to the inclinations of his Son, who was retir'd male-content, to Philip Duke of Burgundie, the most zealous of all the Christian Princes, and one that had declar'd himself so much an ene­my of the Turk, that he solemnly swore to make war upon them.

The Cardinal Legate who was a Frenchman, and very understanding ing in affairs, appli'd himself wholly to effect this Negotiation. After many Conferences in vain with the publick Ministers, he treated at last in particular with the King, not be­ing able to obtain any thing. Calistus being advertis'd of the Kings disposi­tion, writ to him very sharp Letters; threatning him at length with the Thunderbolts of Rome, and the Ma­lediction of Heaven, if he refus'd [Page 36] the holy League. Those Letters wrought no effect, if they did not make it worse. The King was in­cens'd at the Popes threats, and not perswaded by his reasons. In such a ticklish conjuncture, there appear'd no probability of hopes for the Com­mander D'Aubusson. However he ceas'd not to act: and in regard that besides the character of an Embassa­dor he had other good qualities, which made him esteem'd by the King and his Ministers, he was heard more favourably then the Legate.

He represented at first that Chri­stendom was never in more eminent danger, and that there was nothing which we had not to fear, if the Pro­gress of the Infidels were not quickly stopp'd; that Mahomet since the ta­king of Constantinople aim'd at no­thing but Rome; that he was fall'n into Hungaria, to enter into Germany, with a purpose to make his way that way into Italy. That it was one of his maxims, that as there is but one God in Heaven, so there could not be but one Monarch upon Earth: That [Page 37] he had been constrain'd to raise his▪ siege before Belgrade, because he had not taken the right course, and for that he had been wounded him­self, but that his misfortune had no way disincourag'd him; that he was one of those great men that make the best advantage of their errors and misfortunes; or rather that he was like the fiercer sort of Beasts, who when they have receiv'd a wound and feel their blood begin to flow, are ne­ver more furious till then. That since his ill success in Hungary, he had drawn to his side the Soldan of Egypt, the Caraman and the Tartar, and that he would return with fresh forces to the siege of the Belgrade; and that his Generals who had tak'n almost all the Isles in the Archipela­go, would soon powre their fury up­on Rhodes. In short that those two Ramparts of Christendom being forc'd, not any of the Dominions of the Christian Princes could be safe, either by Sea or Land.

Aubusson, afterwards represented to the King, that being the eldest Son [Page 38] the Church, he could not forsake their interest without dishonour to himself. That as for the transport­ment of the Pope, it was but a tran­sportment of zeal, and that his good intentions deserv'd the pardon of a few sharp expressions. He added at length, that because there were in Rhodes more Knights of the French, then of any other Nations in the world the Monarch of France could not in justice dispence with succouring the Island, at a time when it lay only in his power to do it. That Alphonsus King of Aragon, so wise and so brave before he came into Italy, was not only effeminated by the delights of Naples, but embroyl'd with Pope Ca­lixtus; who though a native of Ar­ragon, had refus'd to give him the investiture of the Kingdom of Sicily, and to assure the succession to Ferdi­nand his natural son. That Henry King of Castile, as poor spirited, and more vitious then his Father, had bu­siness at home and abroad; and that his Rebellious subjects found him as much work, as the Moors of Granada [Page 39] his Neighbours and Enemies. Thas▪ Henry of England was not Master at home, and that the Duke of York who had usurp'd the Government, minded nothing but to sustain him­self against his Rivals. That the Em­peror Frederick liv'd an idle life, minding neither his own honor, nor the safety of Christendom. That be­sides, the war grew hot between the Empire and Hungary, and that La­dislaus at the same time was to make head against the Emperor and the Turk. That civil dissentions tur­moyl'd all Italy, and that the King­doms of Sweedland & Danemark were full of troubles, Christiern had been set up in the place of Charles, whose irregularities and crimes had render'd him unworthy of the Crown. That Alphonso King of Portugal, quiet enough at home, wanted not a good will, but that all he could do was but very little, if a Prince more po­tent then himself did not assist him. That thus France being the only Kingdom in Europe that enjoy'd a true peace; it was only from France [Page 40] that they could expect relief suffici­ent to ruine the designes of the Port, and for that reason parhaps it was that Heaven had freed it from the power of the English.

All these reasons propounded after a smart and insinuating manner, made a deep impression upon Charles's thoughts. That Prince who was so averse before to the Holy-war, began to desire it, and awaking from the profound sleep wherein his pleasures had lull'd him, he only follow'd the motions of his Piety and Courage. He gave liberty to Cardinal D'Avig­non to leavy a tenth upon the Clergy, to defray the expence of the war; he entred into a League against Maho­met with Hungarie, and that there might be no question of his faithful inclinations, he confirm'd the League by the marriage of Magdalene of France his Daughter with King' La­dislaus. As for the Knights, he pro­mis'd them all assistance, and imme­diately caus'd sixtie thousand Crowns in Gold to be paid to the Embassador of Rhodes.

[Page 41] Aubusson lay'd out that mony for provisions of war, according to the orders he receiv'd, and freighted away Ships laden with Canon, Armes, Powder and Lead. Then he depart­ed himself, after he had collected most of the money, which was due to the Order in several parts of Eu­rope.

The success of the Embassie, and the Letter which he presented to the Grand-Master from the King of France, made him to be acceptably receiv'd by the Knights and all the people. The Letter was very gene­rous and very obliging. For the King after he had only spok'n a word or two touching the gratifying of their desires, and excus'd himself for not having done more at the present jun­cture, frankly engag'd himself to give them farther assistance, and as­sur'd them of his friendship, in very civil and affectionate language, which Kings were not wont to make use of.

But whatever obligation the Order had to Charles the seventh, the Spa­nish [Page 42] Knights could not forbear to deal very rudely with the French Knights at a general Chapter, held a little after the return of the Embas­sador, and which was no less famous for the attempts of Hostile Nations or enemies of France, then for the number of famous Commanders that were present.

So soon as the Chapter war open'd, the Knight de Linian, Procurator of the Spanish tongue, stood up, and said aloud, that they ought not to pro­ceed any farther, without decreeing one Article which he ought to pro­pose, and which was very important, the publick tranquility. To which purpose, he requir'd, that all the dignities of the Order should be equal, and that there should be no distinction of Languages, nor of precedency, nor in any other marks of Honour. He was seconded in his proposal, by the Knight de Rivalta, Procurator of the Italian tongue, and the Procura­tors all England and Germany. But the French, who had alwayes match'd before other Nations, op­pos'd [Page 43] with all their might the Pro­posal of Linian, and above all the Commander D'Aubusson, who held a considerable degree in the Assembly, by vertue of his title of Constable of Rhodes, and Procurator of the Grand-Master.

The zeal which he had for the Ho­nour of his Country, made him speak louder and more earnest then the rest. To shew how unjust the Proposition of the Spaniards was, he declar'd in few words, that the French being the first Founders of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, deserv'd such honour as should distinguish them from other Languages that were associated with them, and which they had adopted: That those particular honours being the recompence of their vertue, it would be injustice to deprive them of them. That their Predecessors had peaceably enjoy'd them, without be­ing ever molested or oppos'd: That antiquity of Possession was a good Ti­tle for precedencie: And that in a well regulated Constitution all Inno­vations were of dangerous conse­quence: [Page 44] After all, that it was not a time then to dispute of such matters, and that they would incur the male­diction of the Church, according to the Popes Breif touching the celebra­tion of the Chapter, if they discours'd of any other matters, then what con­cern'd the general good of Christen­dom.

The Spaniards and their accom­plices often interrupted Aubusson, and endeavour'd to carry by force, what they could not obtain by justice. But finding at length that the French par­ty was the strongest, and that they were not all hearkn'd to, they flung out of the Assembly, and afterwards departed the Town, notwithstanding the prohibition of the Grand-Master: so that this Affair, which, as the Spa­niards pretended so much imported the publick tranquility, was but a trick to divide and break up the As­sembly.

But the Commander D'Aubusson had another occasion to stand up for the honour of France while he de­fended his own. The news being [Page 45] brought to the Grand-Master that Mahomet was equipping out a great Fleet, and that the Turks might at­tacque the Island of Rhodes, the Knight Villemarin a Spaniard, and a person of merit, but ambitious, and naturally turbulent, propos'd in Coun­cil with much heat, that he might immediately give order for all things necessary for the defence of the City, and made a large recital of what was needful, with all the marks of a se­dulous care. Aubusson who was Ca­stellaine of the City, and who besides that, exercis'd the Command of Cap­tain General in the absence of the Marshal of the Order, fearing least Villamarin, whose haughty and da­ring humour he knew, should usurp the charge of Captain General, an­swer'd him sternly, that there was no want of power; that he might set himself at rest for that; and that he had nothing to do to intrude him­self upon those duties that did not belong to him: That it was the Cap­tain General who was to take care for the security of the City: That that [Page 46] employment anciently belong'd to the Auvergnon Tongue, and that the Spanish Language bad nothing to do with it.

Villemarin made a semblance of submitting to his reasons, and gave no reply at that time, either to con­ceal his design, or to give himself time to consider what he had to do. But the next day, having consulted the Knights of his own Nation, which were return'd to Rhodes, whose beha­viour the Grand-Master had also par­don'd, he appear'd at the head of them in Council, and with an affect­ed Air of modesty, said, that the Spanish Language did not pretend to the charge of Captain General; but that he, and all the rest of the Nation desir'd that they might have the opportunity to perform their duties to the utmost of their power, as well as the French. Aubusson, who saw that this manner of proceeding, was only a meer fetch, and that the Spaniards, under pretence of demand­ing the exercise of their duty, had a design upon the Command it self, re­pli'd [Page 47] with more sternness and vigour then before, that the charge of Cap­tain General was annexed to the dig­nity of Marshal of the Order; that only belong'd to the Auvergnian Language, of whom the Marshal was the chief, to do the duties of it; and that Spain had nothing to do to meddle with France as to that parti­cular. The Council adjudg'd that Villemarin's wariness was without any ground; and the Affair was de­creed in favour of the French, to the disgrace of the Spaniards, who in vain protested against all that was done, in regard that their Protests could not be Register'd.

Notwithstanding the advantage which France had in these Contests, that hinder'd not, but that Peter Raymund Zacosta, a Castillian, was chosen Grand-Master, in the room of James de Milli, who dy'd at that time; the Spaniards were also divi­ded into two Languages, the one Arragonian, the other Castillian; in favour of the latter of which, there was a new Dignity created under the [Page 48] of Chancellor of the Order. Yet neither the credit which the Spa­niards had with the new Grand-Ma­ster, nor the animosities which they had conceiv'd against the French could hinder, but that the Comman­der Aubusson had alwaies his share in the management of Affairs, and was highly honour'd by the Chapter Ge­neral which was held at Rome.

To understand this part of the Hi­story, it is convenient to relate the reason which oblig'd the Grand-Ma­ster to pass into Italy, with the prin­cipal Knights, at a time when it was thought that they ought not to have been absent.

The Negotiation of the Embassa­dor which Mahomet sent to Rome, to treat of peace, or rather to lull the Knights asleep while his Arms were employ'd in other places, ha­ving not taken effect, the Grand-Ma­ster thought it convenient to lay up a bank for the War, and began to levy the Tax which had been impos'd up­on all the Estates of the Order.

[Page 49]The most part of the absent Com­manders, who lead lives irregular e­nough, and for whom great Revenues were not large enough to maintain their luxury, refus'd to pay that which was their due. However, to excuse themselves in some measure, they cry'd out that the Tax was too high, that Zacosta sought only to ruine them, and enrich himself; and that his Government grew every day more and more tyrannical. They also did him ill offices to the Princes which they found enclin'd to hear them. The Italians and French did all they could to animate against him the Duke of Venice and the King of Na­ples; but the Spaniards render'd him altogether odious to the King of Ar­ragon, already provok'd for that the Council of Rhodes had tak'n from an Arragonois the Commandery, of Emposta, to put Zacosta in his room. That Prince, who was one of the Greatest of his time, and who want­ed not for credit at Rome, inform'd the Pope of all, and advis'd him to send for the Grand Master, and to [Page 50] examine how he had carry'd himself. The Pope believ'd the King of Arra­gon, but to save in some measure the honour of the party accus'd, he or­der'd the General Chapter, which should have been held at Rhodes, to be held at Rome, where the affairs of the Order might be better consulted then in any other place. Zacosta, who was ignorant of the evil designs of his enemies, blindly obeys the Or­ders of the Pope, and his innocency seem'd to afford him strength to un­dergo the toil of a Voyage in the ex­tremity of old age.

In this famous Assembly it was, wherein Paul the second presided in Person, that the Commander D'Au­busson was highly preferr'd. For be­sides that at the opening of the Chap­ter, he was chosen for one of the Pro­curators of the Treasury, he was one of the sixteen Knights that were af­terwards elected, and who according to the Statutes of the Order, had a joint power to look after the most important affairs.

But his principal business was to [Page 51] justifie the innocence of the Grand Master Zacosta; to which purpose he ply'd Cardinal Ʋrsini and the Arch-Bishop of Milan, who were brought into the Chapter by the Popes order, being persons in whom the Pope had a great confidence. Af­ter he had well inform'd them of the loose life of the Knights who refus'd to pay the Tax, he easily made them un­derstand, that the Complaints which they made against the Grand Master had no other foundation then the dis­soluteness of his Enemies. But to re­move out of the Popes thoughts all apprehensions of any tyrannical Go­vernment exercis'd by the Grand Ma­ster, he engag'd several of the most sober and prudent Knights to give testimony to the Pope of the conduct and management of Zacosta.

The Pope was asham'd that he so easily believ'd the accusers of Za­costa; and to make him some kind of publick satisfaction, he caress'd him, and shew'd him more then ordinary favours before all the world. But as his Holiness had been inform'd by [Page 52] Cardinal Ʋrsini and the Arch-Bishop of Milan of the debauchery of the disobedient Knights, he consulted with the Grand Master how to reduce them to their duty. He also made a speech in Latin to the Knights that were assembled upon the obligation that lay upon them all together, to lead a life not only vertuous and re­gular, but holy and irreproachable. The zeal of the Pope rais'd up that of the Chapter. They seriously fell to consider what way to take to re­medy the disorders that were crept into the Order, and made Laws for the Reformation of Manners, which after they had been examin'd by the sixteen Knights, and some of the Car­dinals, were approv'd and confirm'd by the Pope himself.

Aubusson was extreamly rejoic'd that he had not labour'd in vain; but he had not the satisfaction to see the Grand Master himself put the Laws in execution; Zacosta dy'd as soon as the Assembly was broke up. The Pope was so much the more aggriev'd at it, because he lookt upon himself [Page 53] to be in some sort the cause of his death; for it was the general report that this journey to Rome had shorten'd the days of that venerable old man. He was buried with a mag­nificence extraordinary in the Church of St. Peter, before the Chappel of St. Gregory. The Marble that was laid over him, sufficiently testifies him to have been illustrious in piety, in cha­rity, and in wisdom; and his Epitaph might have serv'd him for an Apo­logy, had he had any need of it after his death.

Baptista Ʋrsini, Prior of Rome, was elected Grand Master, before the Knights were separated. He departed for Rhodes presently after his election, upon information that his presence was absolutely necessary there. When he came there he found the Treasury wasted, the Fortifications decay'd, good part of the Ammunition spent, and all the Inhabitants of the Island alarm'd at Mahomets preparations. The Barbarian puft up with his for­mer Conquests, advanc'd every day like a surious Torrent that finds no [Page 54] resistance, or which becomes more impetuous and rapid by the resistance which it meets with. The death of the generous Scanderbeg made him more insolent then ever; insomuch, that when he heard the news, he said, that he would now be soon Master of Christendom, since she had lost her Sword and Buckler.

The first step which the Grand Master made to remedy these disor­ders, was to recall all the Knights which the journey to Rome had scat­ter'd, or which the pleasures of Italy, or the affairs of the Order hinder'd from returning.

The Commander Aubusson, who was recall'd by name, came to Rhodes at the same time that two Gallies were preparing to succour the Island of Ne­gropont, into which Mahomet was enter'd by land with an Army of two hundred thousand men, by the help of wooden Bridges built upon great Barks in the Streight of Saint Mark, while Basha Mahomet, his Fa­vourite, assail'd it by Sea with a Na­vy of two hundred Sail.

[Page 55]The impatience which Aubusson had to fight the Infidels, made him eager for employment upon this occasion. The Grand Master had already nam'd the Knight Cardona to command the Gallies; so that all he could do for Aubusson, was to give him the Com­mand of a Troop of stout men, that were order'd to be the Companions of Cardona's Fortune. When the Gallies were ready, they set sail, and join'd with the Venetian Fleet, which the Republick sent to the relief of Negro­pont. The Fleet appear'd in view of the Isle when the Barbarians were ready for the assault; and Mahomet, who saw them coming, was not a lit­tle troubled. But all that preparation came to nothing, and the Knights were forc'd to lye still, and behold the City taken before their faces, through the cowardice or imprudence of the Ve­netians, who having the Wind and Tide favourable, instead of making use of the opportunity, stopt short, and fell to consultation, when it was time to act.

The Grand Signior was so enrag'd [Page 56] at the succour which the Order had given to the Venetians, and the incur­sions which they had made into divers parts of Turky, during his being bu­sied in Negropont, that without any farther deliberation he declar'd War against them. A Herauld publish'd the Declaration by sound of Trum­pet; and Mahomets rage went so far, that he vow'd in a furious passion that he would kill the Grand Master with his own hands, and cut to pieces all the Knights that fell into his power.

After a War so solemnly and out­ragiously declar'd, there was nothing thought upon in Rhodes but to make preparations to withstand the fury of Mahomet. They began with a gene­ral Assembly so soon as the Gallies were return'd; and Aubusson was in this Chapter one of the sixteen Knights who govern'd every thing, as he had been in that of Rome. He was also one of the Administrators of the Treasury, which were elected extraordinarily; for as there was lit­tle order in the Treasury, and for that the Chapter of Rome had very [Page 75] much exhausted it, they thought it convenient to trust the management thereof to six Knights of known in­tegrity and ability, giving them an absolute and independent power as to what concern'd the publick stock, without obliging them to give any account to the Grand Master, or the Council.

But besides those advantages which Aubusson had common with the rest of the Knights, he was also honour'd in particular with a new dignity. The Auvergnian language represented to the Council, that in regard they had a great number of Knights that faith­fully serv'd the Order, and few dignities that depended upon the Council, they demanded for a recompence of their service, that they might have bestow'd upon them some particular jurisdiction, as other languages had, that were less ancient and less nume­rous. The request seem'd but rea­sonable, so that the Chapter in favour of them made a new Capital Juris­diction; they gave them authority to assign a Commandery for the re­venue [Page 58] of the Charge, and declar'd at the same time, that the Baily whom they should elect, should enjoy his Commandery in the same manner as other Bailies; that is to say, that he should enjoy all the prerogatives and pre eminencies that are appropriated to Capital Jurisdictions and Comman­deries. They annex'd the Comman­dery of Luteil to the new Bailywick, and after that Aubusson was elected Baily, as he that was adjudg'd fittest for the dignity.

The first time that Aubusson took his place in Council as Baily, he spoke for Charlotte de Lusignan Queen of Cyprus. For that unfortunate Princess, whom the Rebellion of her Subjects had reduc'd almost to utmost extre­mity, could find no Sanctuary but Rhodes, after the ruine of her affairs. There she stay'd for some time, and was entertain'd at the expences of the Order.

But in regard her ill fortune had not broken her courage, she resolv'd upon a journey to Rome, to desire aid of the Pope against her rebellious [Page 59] Subjects, or at least to oblige him to thunder out against them the Ana­thema's of the Church. And that which made her absolutely determine upon that course, was the conveni­ency of the French Gallies then in the Port of Rhodes, which were sud­denly to set sail for Naples. But in regard she was very poor, and had not wherewithall to defray the ex­pences of her journey, she desir'd those Knights who seem'd to have most compassion and kindness for her, to speak to the Grand Master to sup­ply her with what was necessary to carry her into Italy.

The Baily Aubusson was very much troubled for the misfortunes of the Queen, and espous'd her interest. He wish'd with all his heart, that the condition of the affairs of Rhodes would have permitted the Knights to have restor'd her to her Throne, nor were there any dangers to which he would not have expos'd himself to serve her. But because there was no likelihood of undertaking any thing abroad, while the Order was in so [Page 60] much danger at home; he only re­presented, that since the Knights of St. John were not in a condition to restore a Queen dispoil'd of her King­dom, that had put her self under their protection, that they would at least relieve a Queen in necessity, who did as it were crave their Alms. That it was true, that the Treasury was not over rich, and that Mony was a precious thing in case of a Siege, but that there were certain occasions, wherein decency, generosity, charity and justice were to prevail above or­dinary prudence; and that after all was done, that the Springs of Pro­vidence were inexhaustible, and that Heaven was never wont to fail them that inconvenienc'd themselves to re­lieve the miserable. He spoke with so much earnestness, and with such a lively and encouraging Air, that the Council order'd, notwithstanding the opposition of the Knights, either wanting generosity, or over-prudent, that the Queen of Cyprus should be plentifully furnish'd with all things ne­cessary for her Voyage.

[Page 61]The Baily D'Aubusson was order'd himself, as one of the Managers of the Treasury, to give her what Mo­ney he should think fit; and he so well acquitted himself, that the Queen had no occasion to complain.

But to return to the preparations for War, though the Venetian found the Turk employment sufficient in Dalmatia; and that the Alliance which the Venetians had made with Ʋssumcassan King of Persia, after the taking of Negropont, had somewhat discompos'd the designs of Mahomet, however the Knights were careful to stand upon their Guard; and because the Walls were either ruin'd or weak in some places, they labour'd conti­nually in the repair of them, giving to Baily Aubusson the charge of look­ing after the Fortifications of the Ci­ty. He had apply'd himself in his youth to that Military Science, where­in betimes he became so expert that the most able Ingineers could teach him nothing. He was not content only to repair the breaches, but he added something new to the ancient [Page 60] Works. He caus'd the Moats to be made wider and broader; but be­cause it was nois'd about, that Ma­homet was preparing his Galleys a­gainst the Knights of St. John, and that the Turkish Army which had rais'd their Siege from before Scutari, might well come to Rhodes, the Coun­cil thought it necessary for fear of being surpriz'd, to plant their Cannon round the Walls of the City; which was also entrusted to Aubusson's care, who brought out all the great Guns and planted them upon the Walls and Ramparts, wherever occasion requir'd.

He was then Grand Prior of Au­vergne, having succeeded a little be­fore to the Chevalier Cottet, who dy'd about that time; and surren­der'd his Bailywick to the Knight de Rillac.

But while they were thus preparing to receive the Ottoman Army, the Grand Master Baptista Ʋrsini dy'd also; the loss of whom might have ruin'd Rhodes, had it not been re­pair'd with advantage. For in short, it was Aubusson himself whom the [Page 61] Knights assembl'd chose for Grand Master, Anno 1476. Never was E­lection more regular, nor with less disturbance then that. It was made according to all the forms which the Statute prescribes; and the sixteen Electors whom the Assembly chose out of the whole number of Lan­guages, to elect whom they should think most capable of the supreme power, gave their suffrages with one consent for Peter D'Aubusson Grand Prior of Auvergne.

At the name of Aubusson, the whole Assembly with redoubl'd shouts and acclamations testify'd their un­parallel'd joy. He only was sorry when he heard himself nam'd, and at first he refus'd a Command of which he did not think himself wor­thy. But I know not by what inward motive, which afterward prevail'd, he was forc'd to accept it, almost against his own will. Yet could he not re­frain from tears, when according to the custom, he was carry'd in his Seat to the Great Altar upon the Shoulders of the principal Comman­ders. [Page 64] There it was that confessing his weakness to sustain so great a bur­then, he receiv'd the submissions of the Knights, after he had solemnly sworn upon the Evangelists to ob­serve the Statutes of the Order.

The news of this Election was no sooner spread over the Island, but the people made Bonfires, and testify'd all the signs of publick joy. This caus'd every body to hope for a hap­py Government; neither was Maho­met so much fear'd, when they un­derstood that the Grand Prior of Auvergne had the Authority in his hands.

THE HISTORY OF Peter D'Aubusson, Grand Master of RHODES. Book Second.

SO soon as the Grand Master was acknowledg'd in Rhodes, his first care was to render to Pope Sixtus the Fourth that Obedience which is due from the Chief of an Order wholly devoted to the Sacred See.

To that purpose he held a Coun­cil the next day after his Election, and nominated the Prior of Lombardy, [Page 66] together with the Prior of Rome, for that Embassy.

Then he apply'd all his thoughts to the Government of a Dominion of which he had taken possession. And not to loose time, he began at the very first to act as Grand Master.

Though the Ottoman Army were as yet far enough from Rhodes, ne­vertheless the Island was not a little infested by the incursions of the Bar­barians. The Pyrats, who landed day and night in several parts, pilla­ged the Cities, burnt the Houses massacred and carried away many of the Christians.

The Grand Master thought it con­venient to put a stop to these disor­ders that so sensibly afflicted him, and for that purpose to build upon the Coast at such & such distances, several Forts and Towers to hinder the land­ing of the Pyrats. But because this design requir'd a great sum of Mo­ney, and that these Pyracies had ve­ry much exhausted the Grand Masters Revenue, he ordain'd for the raising those works, that all those Knights [Page 67] who obtain'd Commanderies by fa­vour only, should pay the value of the first years Revenue to the Order, so soon as they receiv'd their Com­missions, without which payment the Donation should be void.

The Grand Master also took in hand again, and went on with all those works which were discontinu'd by the death of the Grand Ma­ster. More especially he forwarded the new Wall of the Arsenal, and took upon himself the charge of looking after it. But in regard it was of high importance to look after the security of the Port, he order'd the Grand Prior of St. Gilles to provide a Chain to shut it up. He also at the same time gave order to the Cheva­lier Raymond, who commanded in the Castle of St. Peter, to widen the Mote so far for the Sea to fill it, that the Brigantines of the Castle might ride there secure from Enemies and Tempests.

The Castle St. Peter, which we shall have often an occasion to mention, was a strong place, scituated in Cana, [Page 68] between two Arms of the Sea, which form'd a Peninsula, built upon the ruines of the ancient City Halicar­nassus, near the place where was for­merly the Sepulcher of Mausolus, so famous for the love and grief of Ar­temisia. The Order of St. John is be­holding for that Fortress to the pru­dence and valour of one of the French Grand Masters. For Philibert of Nai­lac, Grand Master of Rhodes, desi­rous to make his best advantage of the consternation of the Infidels, af­ter the Battel wherein Tamerlain had taken Bajazet Prisoner, fitted out the Gallies of the Order, and sailed di­rectly for Caria with the choicest Knights of the Order. He took a Castle there from the Turks, the sci­tuation whereof seem'd to him to be of so much advantage, that he built in the same place another almost im­pregnable, which he call'd the Castle of St. Peter. This place it was which in the midst of the Turks Dominions serv'd as a Sanctuary for the poor Christian Slaves that can get away from their Masters. And here it was, [Page 69] if we may believe the Writers of that age, that certain Dogs, of a parti­cular breed, who by a strange instinct of nature, watch'd all the night long; and would fly upon the Turks, and fawn upon the Christians, as if they had known the one from the other.

Among all the Knights which the Grand Master employ'd according to the variety of occurrences, and which were always nearest his person, there was not one in whom he put more confidence then in Charles de Mon­tholon. He was a person of a very good judgment, and one that bare the character of being fierce in fight, tem­perate in counsel, and one that had a genius capable of every thing. This Knight acquitted himself of several Trusts that were put upon him for the defence of the City; and he it was that had the charge of fortify­ing St. Nicholas Fort.

While the Grand Master issued out his orders, and labour'd himself to have all things in readiness to sustain a Siege. Antonio Loredano, General of the Venetian Fleet in the Island of [Page 70] Cyprus, understanding that Riccio de Marino, a Cipriot by birth, and a person born for intrigue, and one of the most zealous Servitors of Char­lote de Lusignan, negotiated at Rhodes to the prejudice of Katharine Carna­ra, he sent an Ambassador to com­plain in the name of the Duke of Ve­nice, for that the Knights did enter­tain those that were Rebels to the Re­publick.

It is impossible to understand the grounds of that Embassy, nor the an­swer of the Grand Master, without being inform'd beforehand of the Claims of those two Princesses to the Kingdom of Cyprus, and wherefore the Republick took Katharine's part, and oppos'd Charlota.

John de Lusignan King of Cyprus, one of the weakest and most effemi­nate Princes that ever sway'd a Scep­ter, had only one natural Son, who was nam'd James de Lusignan, when he espous'd his Second Wife Helena, of the House of the Paleologi, and Daughter of the Despote of Moria. By this second Wife he had a Daugh­ter [Page 71] nam'd Charlote, who was married to John of Portugal, Duke of Co­nimbria. This Prince, who had both wit and courage, being at the Court of Cyprus, easily wound himself in­to the management of affairs, and depriv'd the Queen of all that autho­rity which the weakness of the King had permitted her to use.

The Queens Nurse, who govern'd all things before the marriage of the Princess Charlota, and was afterwards in little esteem, reveng'd the Queen's and her own disgrace, by poysoning the Duke of Conimbria. She had a Son whom she passionately lov'd, and whom during her grandeur, she had made a kind of absolute Minister of State. The death of the Prince re­stor'd to the Mother and the Son the authority which they had lost. But as persons of mean Birth usually for­get themselves, when rais'd above themselves, the insolence of the one and the other was so excessive, that they us'd the Dutchess most con­temptuously.

Charlota deeply resented both the [Page 72] death of her Husband, and the scorns put upon her when she was a Wi­dow. She complain'd to her Brother James de Lusignan, and her Com­plaints were not in vain; for this na­tural Son of the King, equally cruel and ambitious, kill'd with his own hand the Nurses Son, not so much to satisfie his Sister, as to govern in his room, and to open to himself by that means a way to the Throne. The Queen, who tenderly lov'd her Nurse, could not be brought to pardon James whom she mortally hated besides; so that to avoid the anger of a Woman, a Queen, and a Mother-in-Law, he was forc'd to conceal himself in the Venetian Consuls House, and at length to quit the Kingdom.

In the mean while the Dutchess of Conimbria, who was in the flower of her age, and in the full splendor of her beauty, was remarried with Lewis Son to the Duke of Savoy. Soon af­ter this marriage the King and the Queen dy'd. The King by his Will declar'd Charlota his only Heir. But the natural Son, whom ambition blind­ed, [Page 73] had no regard either to the Laws of Nature, or the last words of a dy­ing Prince. He made War upon his Sister and his Brother-in-Law, by the assistance of the Soldan of Egypt, who rather chose to have a Grecian Prince his Tributary, then any other. Marc Cornaro, a Gentleman of Ve­nice, who liv'd at Nicossa, and was ve­ry rich, did not a little help the Ba­stard to make himself Master of the Isle, and usurp the Crown. The U­surper therefore, to acknowledge his services, and to fix the Venetians at the same time to his interests, espou­sed Katharine the Daughter of Car­naro, after the Commonwealth had adopted her. But this new Domi­nion was too unjust to endure long or happy. The Uncles of Katharine, who shar'd in the Government, poy­son'd the King of Cyprus, with a de­sign to raign themselves. And it was in favour of his Widow that Michael Salamon came to Rhodes on the be­half of General Loredano, who was gone to Cyprus to restore Katharine to the possession of her Kingdom.

[Page 74]The Venetian Ambassadors deli­ver'd a Letter to the Grand Master from the Duke of Venice full of re­proaching and menacing Language. Afterwards he himself declar'd with much haughtiness, that since the Common-wealth had adopted Katha­rine Cornara, that it was an injury done to the Venetians, to favour Re­bels that caball'd against a Daugh­ter of St. Mark, and their lawful Queen.

So proud and surly an Embassy, no way pleas'd the Grand Master; how­ever he thought it not convenient to provoke the Venetians by too se­vere an answer, at a time when the order had their hands full. Nor could he stoop to qualify them with an answer too much beneath himself. And therefore he answer'd with a Gentility and sowreness mix'd both together, that the Knights of St. John neither meddl'd with the differences in the Kingdom of Cyprus, nor would they suffer any Traitors in Rhodes; but that the Island being a free Island, [Page 75] they denied admittance to no Chri­stians who desir'd to live among them like Christians.

Salamon, was not satisfy'd with the Grand Masters answer; and Lore­dano less. He thought his own pre­sence would do more then his Em­bassador; for which reason he hastens away to Rhodes. When his Gallies enter'd the Port, the Master sent four of the Grand Crosses to congratu­late his arrival, and to present him with all sorts of fresh Victuals; but being informed of the occasion of his coming, he sent to tell him plain­ly, that he could make him no other answer, then what he had already given him. That concise Declara­tion, caus'd the General to under­stand that his Voyage was lost: so that without considering any farther with himself, or so much as setting foot ashore, he return'd with all the choler that could inspire a fierce and daring person, for having tak'n so much pains so little to the pur­pose.

[Page 76]The haughtiness of the Venetians was not the only cause of the ill success of their Embassie. The kind­ness which the Grand Master had for Charlota de Lusignan, had a deep share therein. Though the Knights of St. John, had never openly de­clar'd for Katherine Cornara, nor were willing to contest with the Ve­netians, about their affair: certain it is, that in their hearts they were all for Charlota de Lusignan; whe­ther it were that they were satisfy'd in the Justice of her cause; or that the compassion which they took upon her misfortunes, caus'd them to em­brace her interests; or whether it were, that the most of them were taken with the Charms of her beauty. They had seen her several times at Rhodes, she was as yet young e­nough; for her misfortunes had not defac'd her beauty, nor depriv'd her of her natural gayity of humour. She spoke very pleasingly, and rea­dily, according to the natural Ge­nius of the Greeks; she drest her [Page 77] self after the French mode, and her disposition, her air, and manners plainly shewed her to be of Royal Extraction.

The Grand Master had always ad­mir'd in the person of Charlota, be­sides the graces of her body and mind, a prudence that exceeded age, and a constancy above all her sex. But the chiefest motive was, that she had put her self under the protection of the Knights; and for that she had already receiv'd all the assisting kind­nesses that she could in reason expect. Her acknowledgment also oblig'd them to shew her new marks of their esteem and affection. For she pub­lickly declared that she had been more oblig'd to the Knights of Rhodes, then to all her nearest Relations: and because the Commonwealth had adopted her Enemy, she was wont plea­sently to say, that if Katharine Corna­ra, were the Daughter of St. Mark of Venice, Charlota de Lusignan was the Daughter of St. John of Jerusa­lem.

[Page 78]But perhaps the great esteem they had for Lewis of Savoy, her hus­band contributed more then any o­ther reason, to make the Grand Ma­ster and Knights favourable to her interests. They were all perswaded that the order of St. John were be­holding for their preservation to the house of Savoy: and it was a com­mon opinion among them, that Amadeus the fifth, surnam'd the Great, coming to the relief of Rhodes, and having constrain'd Ottoman to raise his Seige, took for his impress these four Letters; F. E. R. T. that is, Fortitudo ejus Rhodum tenuit, his Fortitude kept Rhodes. And that in his arms he chang'd the Eagle of Savoy into the Cross of the Order, to let all the World know his de­votion to the service of the Knights, immortalizing the memory of an action that had been so serviceable to them. Nevertheless the whole Sto­ry is but a Fable without foundati­on or probability. For the devise, Lewis of Savoy, Baron de Vaud, who dy'd in the year 1301, stamp'd [Page 79] it upon his money, ten years before the Seige of Rhodes. And in the Cathedral Church of Agosta, upon the Sepulcher of Thomas de Savoy, the second of that name, there is still to be seen, a Dog lying at his feet, with this word engraven upon his collar, FERT, in Gotthick Let­ters, without any points, or sepa­ration of Letters. As for the Cross, the predecessors of Amadeus the fifth, carryed it instead of the Eagle, ei­ther as Earls of Piemont, the Arms whereof were the Eagle. Or in imi­tation of Amadeus the third, Earl of Savoy, who took the Cross upon him in the year 1147, and kept it at his return from Palestine, as a testi­mony of his expedition beyond the Seas. Amadeus the great also wore it himself in the year 1304. when he appear'd at the Treaty which he made with Stephen Coligny, Lord of Andelot. But though the Story of Amadeus be false in all the circum­stances, it pass'd for Currant at Rhodes, as well as in other places. And there­fore it is no wonder, if the Grand [Page 80] Master led by the Popular error respected Amadeus in Lewis, Char­lota's Husband, beyond either Ka­tharina Cornara, or the Venetians.

The Proposal which the sub-Basha of Pizzonne Governour of Lycia made to the Grand Master was heard more favourably then that of the Duke of Venice. There were at that time several Knights, and many subjects of the order, Slaves to the Turks. These Barbarians, in whom some­times covetousness serves as a Coun­terpoise to cruelty, had a desire to get Mony, and the Sub-Basha sent to Rhodes, a Merchant call'd Cachim Brahim, to traffick for the delivery of the Slaves. The Grand Master who stood in need of Men, and sought nothing more then the liberty of so many unfortunate Persons, was soon perswaded to treat with the Tur­kish Merchant; and he agreed also according to the Sub-Basha's com­mand, that there should be a Truce for a Month between the Order and the Turks, that they might treat without interruption.

[Page 81]During this Negotiation, there hap­pen'd one thing very remarkable: one of the Turks that belong'd to Co­chim Brahim, one day offer'd his service to the Grand Master, to bring him an accompt from Constantinople of the designs and readiness of the Ottoman Army; of which they had no certain news for a good while▪ He promis'd to make all possible hast, and after he had confirm'd his words by most terrible Oaths, he said that he could not resist that inward Mo­tion that compell'd him to serve the Knights, against his Law and his Prince. Though the Grand Master did not much rely upon the faith of a person who had all the looks of a Traitor, yet he thought it not convenient to re­fuse an offer, which if it fail'd, could do no harm. So without confiding in the Turk, or making any semblance to defy him, he gave him a pasport for his return; and out of hopes that God would be pleas'd to over­throw the designs of Mahomet, by the means of a Mahometan, he suf­fer'd the voluntary spy to go where­ever [Page 82] the Spirit which he spake of, conducted him.

But if Heaven on the one side seem favourable to the Order of St. John, on the other side, it seem'd no less incens'd against it. For a prodigious Tempest arose all of a sudden, when the Sky seem'd to be very serene. The Rain in an instant made an Inundation o­ver all the Countrey; and the wind threw down several houses in the Ci­ty; among the rest, the Archbishops Palace. That which was most deplo­rable, was, that the violence of the Storm shook the old Wall of the City, and overturn'd a good part of the new. Had the Enemy then come, Rhodes had been lost; so far had he been from finding resistance there, that he had only come to view the Image of a City tak'n and sack'd. The publick Consternation made the mischief more lamentable. The People that are presently alarum'd by any thing that appears extraordinary, took such a horrible Tempest, as a certain presage of their ruin: and the great­ness of the danger had certainly cast [Page 83] them into a general despair, had not the constancy of the Grand Master sup­ported them.

Scarce was the Tempest over, when a Contest which the Greeks and La­tins had, about I cannot tell what point of Doctrine, rais'd a Popular Tumult. Of a single despute, by de­grees they made a real quarrel, which came to blows. And as in quarrels about Religion, every one is apt to call his particular transportment a piece of merit, their Animosity and fury one against another wax'd so hot, that several had been kill'd upon the place, had not the Grand Master made use of all his policy and authority to appease the Tumult. He did not content himself to make both parties lay down their Arms; and to punish the most culpable, to keep the rest within the bounds of their duty; but he resolv'd to pull up the Root of the Sedition; and because the difference was about Religion, he engag'd the Arch-Bishop of Rhodes, and the Me­tropolitan of the Greeks to make a Reconciliation.

[Page 84]A pacification being thus made, and the walls of the City being almost repair'd; he made a visitation through the Island, to view himself, and to give order for the Fortification of those places that had need of defence. Ha­ving spent a whole month in this Visi­tation, at his return he found the Greek Spy, who inform'd him that the Infidels made very great prepara­tions, that their Fleet was to set sale with the first Wind from the streight of Gallipoll, and that it was certainly confirm'd at Constantinople, that the great Turk would set upon the Knights of St. John.

The Grand Master well know that it was one of the maximes of the Turkish policy to give out false reports, the better to conceal the true design. That it was their custom to keep an Enemy in suspence for several years, to the end he might exhaust himself with continual and needless preparations; that they came upon their Enemies, when they were weary of expecting them, and thought no more of them. But on the other [Page 85] side he was not ignorant that they did not always observe the same rules, nor the same method in War; but that it was one of their Stratagems to divulge the expedition which they intended, that people should not be­lieve it; or that it was design'd at a distance, and in the mean time to use all diligence imaginable to pre­vent the resistance and provision of the Enemy. And therefore he thought it the securest way to neglect nothing, and to provide against a siege, as if the intelligence of the Spy had been unquestionable.

After he had taken upon him the charge of Captain General of Rhodes, which the Council besought him to accept, he chose out for the defence of the City four Captains of assistance, as they were then call'd, and assign'd to every one their duty and their Post. Besides the Knights which he had already sent to Lango, he sent with the Title of Captain of assist­ance the Knight Grimaldi with the same Commission for the Castle of St. [Page 86] Peter, which the Lieutenant of the Baily of Germany was to visit by his order.

In the mean time Intelligence came that the Fleet of the Barbarians had set sail out of the Streight to the num­ber of two hundred Gallies, that they were then at the Island of Scio, and would soon be at Rhodes. This News made the Grand Master give order, that all the Country people should retire into the Forts, and that no per­son should stir forth, till the Light-Horse appointed for the Guard of the Island, had visited the Coasts, and and all places where the Turks could lye in Ambuscado. He order'd also that all Strangers and Vagabonds that were in Rhodes should be all enroll'd; and that the Knight Friqueroly should command them. That all Vessels that were in port should be stay'd, and that they should be furnish'd with all things necessary for their subsist­ance.

He sent at the same time a Brigan­tine to Scio to observe the Enemies Fleet, and he understood that the [Page 87] Infidels had in vain attempted the taking of Stalimene, where they had put all to fire and Sword; that from thence they sayl'd to Scio, where they had had no better success, but had made the same havock: that from thence they were fall'n into Lango. From whence, after they had wasted the whole Countrey, they were gone to Patmos, with a design upon the Castle of St. Peter, and thence to return to Rhodes: but understanding that the grand Master had put those Forts into a good condition, they had steer'd another course, and after they had comitted some spoil at Naxi, they were return'd at length to Constan­tinople.

This Intelligence somewhat enli­ven'd the Rhodians, however it did nothing slak'n the Industry and Vigilance of the Grand Master. He knew the tricks of the Infidels, and it was one of his Maximes, that it was equally dangerous to be lull'd asleep upon good news; as to be a­larum'd at bad. Moreover, he was [Page 88] advertiz'd by his Spies, that the Turk was absolutely resolv'd to besiege Rhodes; that that expedition was de­ferr'd till the next year, and that Ma­homet would command in Person. How untrue soever this intelligence might be, the Grand Master made his best advantage of it.

As the hope of relief inspires both consolation and courage during a Siege, he order'd the Knight Cardo­na, Baily of Marjorca, who was gone into Catalonia and Arragon, to put in execution the orders of the last Chapter touching the new Taxes, to levy men, and to buy all sorts of Am­munition and provisions, to send them away with all speed, and to agree with the Masters, so that they should be oblig'd to enter the Port, though the City should be besieg'd.

But because that many of the Knights were abroad, and that the Council was resolv'd to hold a Gene­ral Chapter to provide for the present necessities, the Grand Master wrote to all the Priors a Circularory Letter, the O­riginal whereof is still preserv'd among [Page 89] the Records of Malta; wherein he laid before them the great necessity of their assembling altogether, the near approach of the Enemy, his power, the goodness of his Souldiers, and his determin'd resolution to ruin the Order of St. John. Then he be­sought them to lay those things to heart, and consider the dangers that environ'd them, and that it concern'd their safety and their honour, not to prefer the pleasures of this world be­fore the defence of all Christendom.

After he had sent away this Let­ter, he represented very earnestly to the Council, that for the pre­servation of the people of Rhodes, it was necessary to repair, and re­gularly to fortify the Castle of Cara­via, which fell to ruin. He gave them to understand that the Coun­trey where this Castle was built, wan­ted Inhabitants, because the Coun­trey people were forc'd to retire to the most remote places; and that it would in time be quite dispeopl'd, though that part were the most plea­sant and fertile of all. He added that [Page 90] that Countrey was not to be quitted nor left desert, but that the whole Island would suffer very much; and that to avoid those Inconvenien­cies, he thought it very necessary to reinforce that place, so that it might be defended, and serve as a Retreat for the Countrey people like the other Fortresses. The proposal of the Grand Master was approv'd by all the Coun­cil, and for the more speedy putting it in execution, it was resolv'd at the same time, that a years revenue of the Office of the Grand Mastery, va­cant by the death of the Grand Ma­ster, Baptista Ʋrsini, which was put into the Treasury, should be employ­ed upon that necessary use.

And in regard the last Chapter had order'd the making new Walls and Bastions about the Castle of Rhodes, the Grand Master caus'd some of the Money that came from France to be paid out for that purpose.

Lewis the Eleventh, who succeed­ed his Father Charles the Seventh, and who when he was only Dolphin, had honour'd the Grand Master with [Page 91] his particular favours, forgot him not when he came to the Crown. He was inform'd in general of the condition of the affairs of the Levant by the Knight D'Ambrose, who was sent to receive the Money in the Priories of France and Champaign, which was due to the Order. But he was fully inform'd by the Chevalier Blanch­fort, who came a little while after to present to his Majesty a Leopard, and two Falcons of a rare breed. The affection which he bore to the Grand Master, made him take those courses for the relief of the Knights, which perhaps he would not have done through any motion of zeal. That Prince requested of Pope Sixtus the Fourth, a Jubilee for all those persons in his Kingdom that would assist the Rhodians. He obtain'd that which he demanded, provided that all the Money that should be collected from the charity of the faithful, should be employ'd for no other use then for the defence of Rhodes; nor can it be said how much this Jubilee advan­tag'd the Order.

[Page 92]The affairs of Rhodes being thus settl'd at home, he began to rekindle the feud which was between Turks and Saracens; and having brok'n with the one, he omitted nothing, with the Pope's permission, to league himself with the other. His manage­ment was so successful, that the Sa­racens themselves further'd it as much as in them lay. The Soldan of Egypt, who fearing the Arms of Ma­homet, sent to Rhodes his Favourite Dovan Diodar, to renew the Peace with the Knights. After some con­ferences between the Saracens and the Grand Master, the Ratification was made: and the principal Arti­cles of the Treaty were, that the Order should not set forth any Ships or Vessels to annoy either by Land or Sea the Subjects of the Soldan. That they should not permit them to joyn or assist with Souldiers, Pilots, or Guides, any forreign Rovers against the Soldan's interest. On the other side, that the Soldan should attempt nothing to the prejudice of the Knights: and that if they were as­sail'd [Page 93] by their enemies, the Soldan should be oblig'd to assist and defend them. That the Vessels of the Or­der sailing through the Soldan's Do­minions for the Holy Land, should pay no duties, and that they should be under his protection as friends. Lastly, that when the Christian Slaves at Cairo should be freed by their Ma­sters, they should have liberty to re­turn home; and that for those other Christian Slaves that were not af­franchiz'd, they should be exchang'd for such other Moors that were Slaves, giving a Moor for a Christi­an.

In regard the King of Tunis seem'd less enclin'd to an Accommodation then the Soldan, either out of his barbarous haughtiness that made him despise the friendship of the Christi­ans, or out of just resentment of the injuries which the Moorish Merchants pretended to have received from the Knights, the Grand Master did not think it any derogation from his dig­nity; to make the first proposal for the interest of the Faith. The Knight [Page 94] Lamant had therefore order to go to Tunis, who understood so well how to govern the African Prince, that a Peace was concluded in a few days. There was a Truce agreed upon for one and thirty years between the Moors and the Knights. And the Ar­ticles little different from those made with the Soldan, were sent to Rhodes for the Grand Master to sign. But there was this one Article particular, that the Knights, when they pleas'd, might have liberty to buy within the Ter­ritories of the King of Tunis, thirty thousand Comb of Wheat without paying duty, whatever prohibition to the contrary, or whatever scarcity were in the Countrey.

The Grand Master sent back, with the Treaty sign'd, Jerom Barbo, one of the most prudent men in Rhodes to reside in Tunis▪ as Consul, for the Knights, or rather to observe the car­riage and actions of the Moors, un­der pretence of looking after the trade of the Rhodians.

The joy which the people had up­on these new Alliances, was soon di­sturb'd [Page 95] by a general famine in the City and Island, occasion'd by the loss of certain Barques laden with Corn, that were bound for Rhodes, of which some were cast away, others taken by the Pyrats. But when their misery was at the height, and that they began to despair of any reme­dy, by reason that the Sea rag'd in that manner, that no Vessels durst stir out, a Caravel was driven into the Port by stress of weather, laden with Corn. A relief so unexpected seem'd to be a kind of miracle. But because that the Corn which the Caravel brought was not sufficient, the Grand Master gave order to the Captain of the Castle of St. Peter, to give Pass­ports to all Merchants that would bring Corn to Rhodes. So that many Turkish Merchants more regarding their Profit then their Religion, laid hold upon the opportunity to dispose of their Grain, and brought to Rhodes so great a quantity of Corn, that all the Granaries were soon fill'd. Thus the Grand Master sav'd the lives of his people by the means of their ene­mies, [Page 96] and that famine which threaten'd the desolation of the whole Island, did but only serve to create a greater plenty.

While these things pass'd at Rhodes, reports ran at Constantinople that Mahomet was not seriously bent up­on the enterprize against Rhodes; whether it were that he was afraid of any ill success, and was loth to ha­zard any thing after so many happy Expeditions, or whether he had any other Conquests in his designs. But some of his Favourites mortal ene­mies of the Knights of St. John, prest him to lay aside all other de­signs, and to go on with that of the Siege of Rhodes.

There were about him two famous Renegado's, who had rais'd their fortunes by the same ways, and re­sembled one another very much in wickedness, though their Character were different; the one was called Demetrius, a Negropontine; though he were one of the most wicked wretches in the world, he had all the Air of a vertuous man; and never [Page 97] Greek knew how to conceal such a vast store of perfidiousness under the outward appearances of truth and justice. He had a subtle wit, supple and pliant, every way fit for Negotia­tion and Intreague. He was also ve­ry skilful in War, and resolute upon occasion: after the taking of Negro­pont, he went to live at Rhodes, and from thence to Constantinople, where having taken the Turbant, he so in­sinuated himself into the great ones of the Court, and gain'd by degrees the favour of Mahomet, by giving him an accompt of the situation and force of the Island. The other Re­negado was of Rhodes also, and was called Meligale: This was a man without conscience or honour, stout and bold, but violent and rash; ac­custom'd from his youth to all sorts of Crimes, and boasting in infamous actions. Having spent his Estate in debauchery, and finding himself deep in debt, he could find no other way to recruit himself then by renouncing his Religion, and betraying his Coun­trey. Before he went to the Court [Page 98] of Mahomet, he had more exactly then Demetrius, observ'd all the For­tifications of Rhodes, and had made a Plat-form of them, with an Inven­tory of the Artillery, and all the Munitions of the place. By that means he got access to Basha Misach Paleologue, and insinuate himself in­to the favour of Mahomet.

These two Villaines, who were ac­quainted an Rhodes, enter'd into [...] strict Friendship, and consulted toge­ther the destruction of the order of St. John of Jerusalem. The confi­dence that Mahomet repos'd in then gave them the boldness to declare themselves. However, they did not do it at first; they discours'd him se­veral times with the Island of Rhodes, laying before his eyes the beauty of the Countrey, the temperature of the Air, and the conveniency of the Har­bor. After which they represented to him sometimes by word of mouth, and sometimes by the information, which they had given of the Gran­dees of the Court, that the Knights had usurp'd so fair an Island from the [Page 99] Mussel-men that enjoy'd it before, when Foulk de Velaret, a French man, and Master of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem setled himself there, that nothing could be more proper for the Ottoman Emperors, then a place that might facilitate the Con­quest of Aegypt and Syria; and lastly, that the Enterprize was no less easy then honourable. They told him that there was but little provision, and but few Souldiers in Rhodes; and shewing him the Plat-form of the Ci­ty, they gave him to understand that the Walls of the Castle were old and ruinous; that the Jews quarter was the most weak, and that when he had won St. Nicholas Tower, it would be easy to gain the rest. They added also that Rhodes being the passage to Italy, he was not to despise the Fa­vours of Fortune that offer'd him the Conquest of Rome as well as of Constantinople; besides that, it did not become him to suffer a Captain of a Troop of Vagabond Knights, to refuse to do him that homage which Kings themselves were forc'd to stoop to.

[Page 100]Now as Princes have their ears o­pen to Councils that flatter their am­bition, Mahomet easily harken'd to the instigations of Demetrius and Meligate. However, being wise, and knowing that precipitate rashness is the ruin of many great undertakings, he thought it convenient to consult his chief Ministers before he resolv'd upon any thing: Who being of a contrary opinion to that of the Re­negado's, did all they could to di­vert him from the expedition against Rhodes. They represented to him, how that the City was newly for­tify'd; that Souldiers and Ammuni­tion were brought in every day; That the Grand Master was an ex­traordinary person, too courageous to yield, and too vigilant to be sur­priz'd. They put Mahomet in mind, that though the forces of the Knights were not comparable to his, yet he could never take the least Castle from them, with all the Armies which he had sent against them; and that it behov'd him to consider the future by what had pass'd; besides that up­on [Page 101] the least Motion which he should make that way, all Europe and Asia would take Arms in favour of the Rhodians. That the Grand Master had renew'd an alliance with the Sol­dan of Aegypt; and that without any great difficulty, he would be a­ble to make the King of Persia his friend. That the Pope labour'd to unite the Princes of Christendom a­gainst the Ottoman Empire; that all these Enemies united in a league to­gether, would not fail to assault him in several places together, and make such a diversion of his own Forces, that in some place or other they would certainly recover to his loss. They added moreover, that there were other Islands to take be­fore Rhodes. They shew'd him be­sides, that the Conquest of Rhodes would be no addition to his renown; that he might conquer new Empires, but never regain lost honour, which he hazarded all at once in a dange­rous expedition, where he had no­thing to win, but where he had so much to lose. At length they con­cluded [Page 102] all, that the safest way was by negotiation, and accommodation to engage the Knights to pay him some yearly tribute; and thereupon they advis'd him to send an Embassador to the Grand Master to propose him Peace upon those conditions. But that they might not offend the Grand Signior in case of refusal, they were of opinion that the Embassy should be sent in the name of Zizim his Son, and Selebi his Nephew, tel­ling him also that such a way of proceeding could not but take effect; or at least that during the negotiati­on, the Knights would not be so strict upon their guards; so that under the pretence of treaty, he might surprize the Castle of St. Peter, and facilitate thereby the enterprize upon Rhodes, whenever he should determine to un­dertake it.

Whatever inclinations Mahomet might have to follow the counsel of the Renegado's, he stuck to the ad­vice of his Ministers; and it may be said, that at that time he made his ambition give way to his prudence. [Page 103] They made choice of Demetrius for the chief in the Embassy. That wick­ed man was easily satisfied that his opinion was not follow'd, partly for the confidence which they repos'd in him, and partly out of the hopes which he had, that his counsel might afterwards be resum'd into consideration, if the negotiation which he had taken upon him, did not produce any good effect. He was entrusted with a Letter to the Grand Master, written in Greek, and sign'd in Turkish by the two Princes. The Contents whereof are as follows, conformable to the Ori­ginal Copy.

Though this Letter were but only a snare which the Sultan laid for the Grand Master, it was sincere on the Princes side that were put upon the affair. For they had both of them a natural affection for the Knights of Rhodes, and something of an inclina­tion to the Christian Religion; par­ticularly Zizim, who was endu'd with much Generosity, and a Regu­larity in his conditions.

After Demetrius had presented the Letter to the Grand Master, he de­clar'd to him that he did not demand but only a slight Tribute for the sole conditions of the Peace; and then craftily insinuated that the Proposals of the Princes were too civil to be deny'd by the generosity of the Knights. That the friendship of the Invincible Mahomet was above the value of a slight homage. That it highly concern'd the Christians to act prudently with a Conqueror who made all the Earth to trem­ble, and who vouchsaf'd to be their friend.

[Page 107]These fair words wrought little effect; for besides that the Grand Master was informed by his Spies, that they had a mind to surprize them, he conjectur'd of himself at the motives of the Embassy by the Person of the Embassador; who was not unknown to him. The very name of Renegado gave him a suspition. He lookt upon Demetrius as a Trai­tor, whom it behov'd him to beware of, and not as a person with whom he could negotiate securely. So that the affair miscarry'd at first, where Ma­homet thought he had done for the best. Of so great importance it is for the success of Negotiations and Embassies to employ persons of In­tegrity and honour; or at least such as have the reputation of being so.

Nevertheless the Grand Master dissembl'd his distrust, and judging how advantageous a suspension of Arms would be, till such time as all the warlike Provision which he ex­pected every day were arrived, toge­ther with the Knights which had been summon'd, he did not utterly reject [Page 108] Propositions of Demetrius, nei­ther did he absolutely accept it: and whatever Artifice the cunning Fox could use to draw from him a precise answer, all his reply was, that the Knights of Rhodes could not treat with Mahomet without the permision of the Pope; that questionless his Holiness would not oppose the peace, provided that his Master would har­ken to those Conditions which had formerly been concluded with Amu­rath, that is to say, without any mention of Tribute. That in ex­pectation of the Popes answer, it would do well, if so it pleas'd the Ottoman Princes, that there should be a Cessation of Arms, and liberty of Commerce between the Christians and the Turks.

The Renegado, who well understood how nice the Knights were in point of Tribute, and thought of nothing more then a positive refusal at first, contented himself that he had set the business a foot. And the better to bring it to a happy conclusion, promi­sed of his own accord, in the names of [Page 109] Zizim and Shelebi what the Grand Master had desir'd, and departed very well satisfy'd.▪ that he was not flatly deny'd.

The Grand Master wrote a very ci­vil Letter to the two Princes; he thank­ed them for their kind endeavours, and highly applauded their good in­tentions; but he declar'd at the same time, without so much as mentio­ning the Tribute, that he could not come to any conclusion, till he knew the Popes resolution, and how the Christian Princes stood affected to it, who made the affairs of Rhodes their own business.

Demetrius had no sooner given an accompt of his Negotiation, but the Princes sent him back, with order not to speak a word more of the Tri­bute, and to demand only some small present, to cover with a specious Title that submission which Mahomet exacted from the Knights. But their answer was still the same that they could make no engagement, till they had heard news from Rome. All that they could farther say, was, [Page 110] that those Presents which were ex­acted yearly, did very much resemble presents, and that the Knights of Rhodes were not overforward to make any kind of Presents to the Grand Signior.

Demetrius understood well enough what they meant. However he was yet in hopes that the Grand Master might at length be brought to relent, and to engage him thereto by his In­terest, he promis'd him again a sus­pention of Arms, with liberty of Trade. Nevertheless the Grand Ma­ster did not fail to prepare for War, as if their had not been so much as any discourse of peace; and that Ma­homet should not be inform'd of any thing, he order'd that no Vessel should stir out of the Port. He soon per­ceiv'd that the Infidels were not very curious in observing Truces: and the advice which was brought him that the Turkish Brigantines had taken cer­tain Vessels belonging to the Order, near the Islands of Calamo and Epis­copia, confirm'd him more and more in the thoughts which he had, that [Page 111] all this Treaty was but an Artifice; and he rather believ'd that the Turks were so much the more ready to be­seige Rome, by how much they seem'd to be farthest from any such design. So that he renew'd all the Orders which he had given out for the securi­ty of the City; he also sent to Naples the Knight D'Albalat of Aragon to buy Corn, and besides that, as he was resolv'd that the Barbarians should not carry by famine what they could not win by force, he sent into Aegypt and Syria for plenty of all sorts of Provisions.

In the mean time the Knights ar­riv'd at Rhodes from all parts of Christendom. And in regard the assembly which was to be held the first of May, was put off by the Popes Bull, and deferr'd to the 28th of October, by an order of Coun­cil they appear'd almost all at a time.

The Grand Master, at the open­ing the Assembly, made a speech that made no small Impression upon their Spirits. After the usual ceremonies [Page 112] and Formalities, the sixteen who were elected for the Government of all things, laid new Taxes upon all the Commanderies, and earnestly desir'd the Grand Master to take upon him the administration of the Revenue. Though he had other weighty busi­ness enough to do, and that this a­lone was sufficient to take up a mans whole time, he readily accepted it; but the easiness wherewith he ac­quitted himself of a charge so bur­thensome, oblig'd the Knights to qua­lify the hardness of the Labour by the entire confidence which they ma­nifestly let him see they had in him. They gave him full power to employ to what uses, and after what manner he should think good, all the money that should be brought into the Trea­sury. They also order'd that all the Ammunition and Warlike provisions should be put into his hands, to distri­bute as he should see cause. Moreo­ver that he should have power to cre­ate the Receiver General of Avignon, and all the other Receivers, by one Warrant alone sign'd by his hand: [Page 113] that without having regard to the priority of Languages, nor the anti­quity of the Knights, he might make the Castellane of Rhodes, the Judges and Baily of Commerce, the Captain of the Castle St. Peter, and all the Captains of the Galleys. That he might also choose the Captains of the three Towers, and the Gates of the City; that in case the Grand Com­mandery of Cyprus, the Bayliage of Lango, and the Office of Procurator General at the Court at Rome came to be vacant during his administra­tion, it should be free for him to dis­pose thereof at his pleasure. But to the end he might not be thwarted in the exercise of his charge, they for­bid the Bayliffs, the Priors, and all the rest of the Knights to meddle in any manner whatsoever with the treasury. They also gave him the liberty to retain next his person, or to send to what place he pleas'd, se­ven of the Grand Crosses which they nam'd, and to choose others by his own particular authority, if any one happen to miscarry. Lastly, because [Page 114] the revenue of the Grand Master▪ was very much impair'd, because of their extraordinary expences for the Forti­fications of the Island, or for the aid of the Subjects of the Order, they permitted him to keep in his hands, during his life, three of those Com­manderies which he had the privi­ledg to dispose of himself, as Grand Master.

Hardly were the affairs of the Chapter at an end, when news was brought, that the Infidels had shewn themselves before the Castle of St. Peter, under pretence of parlying up­on an accommodation, but in truth to surprize the Garrison. The Grand Master wrote further to the Gc­vernour of the Castle, and comman­ded him, by vertue of the holy obe­dience, to have no commerce with them, and to treat with them as if there were no truce in being. Nei­ther was he satisfi'd in giving him his Orders, and advertizing him of the Ambuscades of the enemies; he also sent him a considerable reinforce­ment of Knights and Souldiers, [Page 115] which forc'd the enemy to retire.

But that the Order might no be in want of Money, when there was more occasion for it then ever, the Grand Master, according to the abso­lute authority which he had in the management of the Treasury, esta­blish'd the Knight D'Erland his Lieutenant in the Priories of St. Giles's and Tholouse, with ample pow­er to change the Receivers and the Treasurers; to be urgent with bad Paymasters, and to punish them if there were occasion; and to do his utmost to raise what large sums he could. He dispatch'd away the Knight Chialli for the same cause, in­to the Priories of France, Aquitain, and Champaign, after he had ho­nour'd him with the dignity of Knight Hospitaller of the Order, which he had tak'n from the Knight de Molay, for not appearing at Rhodes according to the time prefix'd in the Bull. He more severely handl'd also other Knights, who being oblig'd to have made their appearance at the Assembly, had contemn'd his Orders, [Page 116] and instead of hastning to the defence of the Island, loyter'd at home, either plung'd in the pleasures of an effe­minate life, or taken up with the af­fairs of the world. For after he had declar'd them disobedient and Re­bels, he took away from them their habit, and cut them off from the body of the Order.

Now, though Mahomet got no ad­vantage by all his devices, however he continu'd his undermining practi­ces; imagining, according to the prin­ciples of his policy, that men were so much the more to affect credit and reputation, by how much the more those persons, with whom he treated, had a distrust; and that there are such moments wherein the wisest are surpriz'd, when a man knows how to maintain a cheat long enough.

Therefore in some measure to re­pair the fault which he had commit­ted, in making choice of a suspected person, he sent a Turk of merit to Rhodes; and to take off all suspiti­on, he resolv'd to appear, and own [Page 117] the negotiation himself. The Em­bassador did all that lay in his power to perswade the Rhodians to believe that the Grand Signior sincerely de­desir'd a Peace; and he declar'd in full Council, that he came as well on the Grand Signior's behalf, as on the part of Zizim, to conclude it in the most amicable manner that might be. He deliver'd himself worthy and no­bly, and far from that insolent and disdainful air with which the Turks are wont to treat the Christians, with whom they negotiate; there appear'd neither pride nor haughtiness in his behaviour. But all this affected car­riage, whereby the Embassador of the Ottoman Court pretended to dispel the suspitions of the Grand Master, did but augment them. He con­jectur'd that such an extraordinary shew of sincerity was but a mask of more fine and subtil deception; that there was no more credit to be given to the words of the unknown person, then to the Greek Renegado: For which reason he gave the second Em­bassador [Page 118] no other answer then he had giv'n the former. But because that he who intends to defend himself from a conceal'd enemy, is not by any means to make his discovery pub­lick; and for that there are certain decencies to be observ'd with Illustri­ous enemies, how perfidious soever they be; The Grand Master would not permit the Turkish Embassador to have the least glimpse of his in­tentions, but sent a Knight along with him, to let Mahomet understand that the Order was ready to make Peace with him upon the ancient conditi­ons, but that he could not submit to the payment of any duty. Mahomet extremely resented a refusal so plain and so haughty, but he had so much power over himself as to disguise it. And therefore instead of manifesting his displeasure against the Embassa­dor of Rhodes, he shew'd him all the marks of his favour; and the better to make good his Politicks, he ad­ded rich Presents to his flattering words.

[Page 119]Yet all this did not dazle the eyes of the Grand Master: and therefore considering what he had done, he thought it but reasonable to put him­self in a posture to expect the utmost of extremities, believing it would not be long ere the Grand Signior's fury would break out.

Mahomet indeed set forth from Constantinople with a Puissant Army. But instead of turning towards Rhodes, he march'd toward Scutari, whether it were out of an intention to amuse the Knights, making them believe that he had no thoughts up­on them; or whether he had a de­sign to affright them, and at the same time to punish the Venetians for their obstinate resistance. The City was besieg'd three years by the Turk; and it may be said, that never place was more vigorously attacqu'd, nor more generously defended. The Assailants gave several Onsets at several times; and if we may believe the Writers of that time, they threw so many Ar­rows and Javelins into the Ciries, that the besieg'd had enough to make [Page 120] up the breaches of the Walls, and for necessary firing when their wood was spent. And that which was more strange, they were nothing dis­maid by the cruelties of Mahomet, who caus'd three hundred Prisoners to be cut in two in view of the Town. The only want of Victuals and Soul­diers constrain'd them to surrender. And the reducing of Scutari was one of the Articles of Peace which the Turks made with the Common-wealth of Venice.

The Grand Master after that made no question but that all the fury of the Ottoman power would fall upon him. But because the affair of Rhodes was the common cause of the Church, and that without the assistance of the Christian Princes, it was not pos­sible to hold out against the Barba­rians any long time, he dispatch'd away three Knights of singular worth to the principal Courts of Europe.

And because it was of high impor­tance in case of a Siege, that some of the Knights should continue abroad to solicit the Succour of the Princes, [Page 121] and to manage the other affairs of the Order, the Grand Master order'd the Knight Piozzasco, whom he had establish'd his Lieutenant, when he sent him to Sixtus the fourth, and who had always been resident in the Court of Rome. He commanded the Knight Blanchefort, his Nephew, whom he sent to Lewis the eleventh to stay in France with the Knights de Bridiers, and de Da [...]vois, who ac­compani'd him in his Embassy. And having thus settl'd his affairs, he re­solv'd to put himself into a posture to receive the Barbarians, fully be­lieving that the Turkish Army would suddenly appear before Rhodes. Nor was his conjecture false. Mahomet put off his Vizor; and as before his ambition gave way to his prudence, now his prudence gave way to his choler and despight. He could no longer endure that a small Republick should brave him in the very bosom of his Empire, and the haughtiness of the Knights augmented his so far, as to make him fall into transports of rage, which would not permit him to [Page 122] listen to the reasons of his wisest Mi­nisters. He believ'd none but Deme­trius and Meligale: those two Rene­gado's obtain'd the sole disposal of his thoughts; and according to the custom of interested Courtiers, who flatter the passion of the Prince to sa­tisfy their own; they so vehemently incens'd him against the Rhodians, and the Order of St. John, that he resolv'd to lay siege to Rhodes.

The better to six and settle so important an enterprize, he held a secret Council, to which he call'd the most expert Engineers of all his Armies; but the person he most confided in, was George Frapam, a German, who was pro­foundly skill'd in the art of War, and who after he had liv'd some years in the Island of Scio, went to Con­stantinople, where being marri'd, he had access to the Grand Signior, who lov'd men of Parts. He had former­ly been at Rhodes, and had taken an exact plat-form of the City. Upon this plat-form, as that which was ad­judg'd the most regular of all the [Page 123] rest, he began to lay his contrivances for the management of the siege. Mahomet, who was resolv'd not to go in person, whether for fear of ha­zarding his Renown, or else not ca­ring to honour the Knights by fight­ing against them himself, declar'd his Basha, Misach Paleologus, General of his Army. This was his principal Favourite, and the most Illustrious Basha of the whole Empire. He was a Greek of the Imperial House of the Paleologi, born a Christian, and bred up in Christianism. He for­sook his Religion to save his life at the taking of Constantinople, when the Conqueror put to death all that fell into his hands of the Family or Blood of the Emperor Constantine. Having abjur'd his Faith, it was no hard thing for him to obtain the highest Commands in the Ottoman Court. His wit, his courage and de­portment, were answerable to his birth. He had by degrees habituated himself to the customs of the Turks; yet not altogether forgetting the fa­shions of the Greeks; so that in him [Page 124] the rudeness of the one, and the po­liteness of the other, seem'd to be both joyn'd together. When he had gain'd the favour of the Grand Signior, he accompani'd him in all his military Expeditions, and always shar'd both in his designs and Conquests. So that in time he acquir'd great experience in War; and it was the general opi­nion of Turkey, that next to Maho­met, there was none more fit to un­dertake the Conduct of a difficult enterprize then Basha Paleologus.

In the mean while, for fear the Grand Master should have advice of what past at Constantinople, Mahomet set guards upon all the Passes, and commanded his Governors to stop all Posts, and to open all Letters. He order'd also a great number of Infan­try to fall down through Asia the less. But that it should not be thought that he intended a siege, while he prepares the great Ships which were to carry the extraordinary pieces of Cannon; he sent forth out of the Streight a hunder'd and fifty light Ships with ordinary Artillery, giving [Page 125] it our at the same time, that the whole design of the Ottoman Court, was to pillage the Sea Coasts and Islands of the Christians.

Basha Paleologus stay'd not till the great Fleet was ready; he went abroad the first Vessels that set sail; and to conceal his design from the Turks themselves, he steer'd a course different from that of Rhodes. Maho­met was pleas'd that Demetrius and Meligale should bear the Basha Com­pany together with the German En­gineer, from whom he promised him­self great matters.

All these precautions of Mahomet and the Basha, could not prevent but that the defigns of the Ottoman Court were discover'd at Rhodes, the Grand Master being inform'd of every thing by his Spies which he kept in the Ot­toman Court. However the News did not come much before the Gallies that set out first began to appear. For they shew'd themselves within sight of the Island upon the fourth day of December in the year 1479. and came to an Anchor before the [Page 126] Fort of Fano. The General of the Turks, who would not be idle, in ex­pectation of the rest of his Forces, immediately landed the Cavalry which he had brought with him; and order'd his Avant Curriers to harrass the Countrey, and burn the Villa­ges.

The Knight Rodolphus of Wertem­berg, Baily of Brandenburgh, whom the Grand Master had assign'd to sus­tain the first efforts of the Enemy, did not suffer the Spahi's punctually to execute the Orders of their Gene­ral; for he charg'd them at the head of the Light Horse which he com­manded, and after he had slain se­veral of them, forc'd the rest to be­take them to their Ships.

This Repulse constrain'd the Basha to retire; but it was only to attacque Felo, one of the Islands which the Knights possess'd in the Archipelago. The Turks batter'd the Fort with­out ceasing for eight days together, and several times they scal'd the Walls, but all to no purpose; for the Knights, the Souldiers, and the [Page 127] Country men that defended the place, made so stout a resistance, that the Enemy rais'd his Siege with no small loss and disgrace. Whereupon the Grand Master did not only commend in full council the valour of the Ga­rison, but also sent considerable re­wards to those that had most coura­giously behav'd themselves, propor­tionable to their condition and me­rit.

These first Exploits encourag'd the Christians, though they did dis­courage the Infidels. Nor did Mi­sach Paleologus lay so much to heart the misfortune of his Arms, as the death of Meligale. That Renegado, whom the Basha reserv'd for great occasions, was struck with a prodi­gious disease upon the Sea, which carry'd him off in a few days. His body was all over nothing but corrup­tion; and besides the insupportable stench of his Corps, the Worms which eat him alive, render'd him a mise­rable spectacle to all the world; the sight of which was dreadful to be­hold. After he had endur'd the ut­most [Page 128] extremities of Torment, and in vain implor'd relief from Heaven, he dy'd blaspheming God, and cursing men, almost in view of Rhodes. Pay­ing that punishment which his Coun­try exacted from him by a most Tra­gical end.

In the mean time the Turkish Fleet pass'd the Streight of Gallipoli, and the Forces that came by Land, ren­devouz'd in Lycia, as they were ap­pointed. There the report ran that Mahomet was suddenly dead, and that the Souldiers which march'd from all parts, were only to prevent such Commotions and Insurrections as are wont to happen upon the death of the Emperor. A Greek Spy, who was discover'd at Rhodes, and the Prisoners that were taken and sent thither by the Knights of the Fort of Fano, confess'd all they knew. By other means also the Grand Master understood that the Enemies Fleet drew nearer and nearer, and being one that was accustom'd to false re­ports, he believ'd nothing less then the death of Mahomet; and as for [Page 129] that of Meligale, he look'd upon it as an example of Divine Justice, and a pledg of Victory.

However he omitted not to take all the caution that Humane pru­dence could require. And therefore considering that the Churches of St. Mary and St. Anthony, that stood with­out the City, and very near the Walls, might serve for shelter for the Infi­dels, and annoy the Town; he caus'd them to be pull'd down. He order'd that the Inhabitants who had Gar­dens and Houses about the City, should cut down all the Trees that did not bear Fruit, and that they should bring into Rhodes as much of the Wood as they could. He com­manded them also to cut down all the Barley and Oats that were grown up, that the Enemy might want sor­rage for their Horses, and also all the Wheat, and to spoil the Grass and green Plants. After which having chosen for Captains of the Successors, the Hospitaller, the Admiral, the Chancellour and Treasurer of the Order; he gave instructions to the [Page 130] Knights of the several Languages what they should severally act▪ ex­horting them in a few words to ac­quit themselves faithfully of their duties. Behold, said he, Brave Knights, an oppertunity at length for ye all to shew what ye are. We have pro­visions of all sorts in abundance, and though our forces are not so numerous as those of the Enemy, they are both valianter and better disciplin'd. Italy, France, Germany, all Christendom will send us relief, and we'are assur'd of Victory, provided we do our duty. Jesus Christ as our Captain in the War, he will not forsake them that fight for his names sake; And it will only be­long to you, when you have caus'd the Infidels to raise their Siege, to drive them out of Constantinople, with the assistance of the Christian Princes.

But because the Grand Master was fully perswaded, that in affairs the best order'd are not always successful, unless favour'd and prosper'd by God himself: he caus'd publick prayers to be made to Heaven, and sent for an Image of the Virgin. It was that [Page 131] which the Rhodians worshipp'd upon Mount Palermus, and which after Solyman had taken Rhodes was car­ry'd to Malta, where it still remains in the Church of St. John the Baptist. What the fatal Image of Minerva was to the people of Troy, that was the Image of the Virgin to the peo­ple of Rhodes; who believ'd they had nothing to fear while she was in the midst of them.

In the mean while the Sentinel that stood upon the top of St. Stevens Mount, gave a Signal, to advertize that the Enemies Fleet appear'd. The Grand Master hasted to the Moun­tain to satisfy his own eyes, carrying along with him men expert in Sea affairs, who were all of one opinion, by the course which the Fleet steer'd, that they were bound to join with the Basha, who stay'd for them in the Port of Fesco; there to embarque all his Forces. Nor were they de­ceiv'd. For the Souldiers being em­barqu'd with all speed, the Ottoman Fleet compos'd of a hundred and sixty Sail, steer'd directly along the [Page 132] Coast of Lycia, with a fair Gale: at length it appear'd before Rhodes a­gain the 23d of May in the year 1480. Then to see the excellent order of the Barbarians, to hear the joyful shouts of the Barbarians, the sound of the Fifes, the noise of the Trumpets; it seem'd▪ as if they had been Trium­phant Victorers making their entry into a conquer'd City.

THE HISTORY OF Peter D'Aubusson, Grand Master of RHODES. Book Third.

THE City of Rhodes so fa­mous in Antiquity for Art and Science, there cherish'd, and for the birth of so ma­ny famous men, is seated by the Sea­side upon the descent of a little Hill, which rises insensibly, in a pleasant plain, in the North part of the Island, that bears its name. It is crown'd [Page 134] with several little Hillocks full of clear Springs; and which in the time of the Grand Master, whose story I write, were all shaded with Orange, Pomegranate Trees, and others of the same nature. It was then well built, immur'd with a double Wall, fortify'd with several Towers, that were encompass'd every one with a kind of Ravelin or Bastion. A great Rampart sustain'd these Walls with­in, and a large and deep Moat en­viron'd them without. But toward the South, and on that side where the Jews inhabited in the low Town, the Towers were something more distant one from another; for which reason that side was so much the weaker.

The Quarter where the Knights liv'd, which was call'd the Mansions, of the Languages, which was a kind of City by it self, was the stronger not only for its scituation, but also for the scituation which art had ad­ded to it. For besides that the Sea wash'd it upon the North and East, it was defended by two Bulwarks, [Page 135] nine Towers, and by a particular For­tification that extended it self to the Sea. A very thick Wall, and flank'd with good Towers, separated it from the low Town, which the people and inhabitants possess'd. The Palace of the Grand Master that run along the Mansions of the Knight upon the West side, was better fortify'd then the rest, having three or four distinct enclosures.

The Port that was the chief de­fence of the whole City, look'd to­ward the East, and somewhat toward the North. It was made by two Moles, that stretching themselves from the Walls of the City, and almost meeting one another, left no more room but for one Gally at a time to enter. The entry was guarded by two strong Towers, seated upon two Rocks, upon which formerly stood the famous Colossus of Brass, which was accounted one of the seven won­ders of the World.

Two little Bosomes of Sea did as it were adorn the Port upon the North and South sides, and a Mole that [Page 136] it self above three hunder'd paces into the Sea, at the end where­of stood the Tower of St. Nicholas, which clos'd the bosom that lay up­on the North.

If we may believe the old Arabick Chronicles, intermixt with many fa­bles, this Fort was anciently built by an Arabian Prince, call'd by the name of Muhavias, a great Souldier, and Son of Abi Safian. This Prince, from Governor of Egypt and Syria, coming to be Caleph nine and thirty years after Mahomet, was no sooner seated upon the Arabian Throne, but he resolv'd to conquer all the Roman Empire; and his first design was to attaque Constantinople by Sea and Land. But he was advis'd to go first to Rhodes, which the exploits of the Romans made every day more famous then other, among all the Nations of the World. For the bring­ing of which enterprize to pass, ha­ving besieg'd the City, he built a Tower just by the Port, upon the Rocks that ran very far into the Sea. And those fabulous Stories relate that [Page 137] he built this Tower so high, that the top of it touch'd the Heavens, and the foundations reach'd to the cen­ter of the Earth.

The truth is, that after the Vene­tians had rais'd the siege of Rhodes, in the year 1464, the Grand Master, Zacosta, considering of what great advantage a Fort built upon those Rocks would be for the defence of the City, began that very year to build the Tower of St. Nicholas, and that Philip, Duke of Burgundy, gave twelve thousand Crowns in Gold to finish it; which engag'd the Knights to set the Arms of the Duke of Bur­gundy, and the Provinces under his subjection, upon the Tower.

This was the condition of the Ci­ty of Rhodes, when it was besieg'd by the Army of Mahomet. The Fleet came to an Anchor just against St. Steven's Mount; and mauger all that the Knights could do to hinder their landing, the Turks got footing, and lodg'd themselves immediately upon the Mount, and in the neigh­bouring plains: At the same time [Page 138] they brought a-shore all their Artil­lery also, and their Engines of War. The Basha had in his Army, which consisted at least of a hunder'd thou­sand men, all the best Squadrons of Anatolia, the choice of the Spahi's and Janizaries, above four thousand Voluntiers, several Beys of Roma­nia and other Governments; and lastly, several Companies compos'd of the Veteran Bands that had fol­low'd Mahomet in all his military Expeditions.

No sooner were they encamp'd, but a Troop of Voluntiers came briskly up to the walls of the City, to brave the Rhodians; whether the first heat with which they landed were not yet allaid, or whether they thought that some bold and irregular action could do no harm at the beginning of the Siege. But their precipitation cost them dear; for a party of the Knights fallying out upon them, charg'd them so vigorously, that after they had flain a great number of them, they put the rest to flight. The Knights were no sooner re-enter'd, but the [Page 139] Barbarians return'd in better order, and far more numerous, to observe the condition of the Town. The Re­negado, Demetrius, was in the head of them; in whom the Basha most confided, since the death of Meligale. Thereupon the Knights made a se­cond sally, commanded by Antony D'Aubusson, Vicount of Monteil, the Grand Master's Brother.

He arriv'd at Rhodes but some days before, with an Equipage and a Train answerable to his Quality. He came to Rhodes not only with an intention to go to Jerusalem, and to visit the holy Sepulcher, according to the custom of those times; but also to assist the Grand Master, his Brother, and to serve the Church, finding himself in a Siege with which the Knights were menac'd every mo­ment. He was a person of great Ho­nour and Generosity, very skilful in the art of War, and one that pro­foundly understood the world. He was made Captain General of the Rhodians upon his arrival, the Heads of the Council, who knew his worth, [Page 140] making choice of him with one con­sent. He had brought along with him several Gentlemen of Marche, that were his Tenants, or else his Friends; not to speak of other Soul­diers that accompani'd him, of which the chief were Lewis of Chaon, of one of the most noble Houses of An­jou, William Gomare of Xaintonge, Matthew Brangelier of Perigord, Claudian Colombe of Bourdeaux, Charles le Roy of Dijon, and Lewis Sanguin of Paris.

The Vicount of Monteil staid not till the enemy came up to him, but march'd to them with his Sword in his hand, and charg'd them vigorously with his Troop. The Turks sustain'd the first charge without stirring, and Demetrius encourag'd them so by his words, and his example, that they at length made the Christians give ground. They had perhaps put them to disorder, if the Vicount of Mon­tel had not impetuously spurr'd his Horse upon the chief of the Barba­rians, who seem'd to him to be the most resolv'd and couragious. The [Page 141] Knights followed the Vicount, and behav'd themselves so valiantly, that the enemies were presently cut to pieces, mauger all the resistance they made. Demetrius defended himself with all the courage that honour and fury could inspire into him. But his Horse being kill'd under him, he was himself thrown to the ground, and trampl'd over by the Horses. Inso­much, that he who had abjur'd the Faith, and conspir'd the destruction of Rhodes, advanc'd the design of the Infidels no more than his friend Meligalus; over whom he had on­ly this advantage, to dye with his Arms in his hands, and signalizing his valour; a death too noble for a Renegado and a Traytor.

The Rhodians in this encounter only lost the Knight de Murat, of the Auvernian Language, and one of the bravest persons of the Order. He was encompast by a Body of Spahi's▪ being in the pursuit of some that ran away, and run through in a thousand places, while he was disarming De­metrius. The Turks put his head up­on [Page 142] the end of a Lance, and to com­fort themselves for their misfortune, carri'd it into their Camp with most hideous yellings, and shouts of de­rision. The body was recover'd out of their hands by Knights, and the Grand Master caus'd him to be en­terr'd with all the pomp and honour that so renown'd an action deserv'd.

These first attempts not having succeeded with the Infidels, the Dutch Engineer advis'd the battering of St. Nicholas Tower, believing that if they could master that, the City would soon surrender; or at least, that they should thereby hinder any Ves­sel from getting into the Port. The Basha believ'd the Engineer, and the Turks carri'd three great pieces of Artillery into the Gardens adjoyning to St. Anthony's Church, which com­manded the Tower. They presently cut down the trees, and after they had plac'd their Gabions to secure themselves, they shot without cea­sing.

The Grand Master immediately rais'd a Counter Battery with three [Page 143] pieces, in the Garden of the Auver­nian lodgings. Now, in regard the noise of the Cannon, that never lay still all day long, alarm'd the inhabi­tants, he walk'd his rounds about the City, accompani'd by the principal Knights, confirming the courage of the people by his presence. He also visited all the Posts the same night, encouraging the Souldiers, and ex­horting them to fight couragiously for the Faith.

No sooner the day began to peep, but the German Engineer appear'd upon the brink of the City Moat, humbly desiring the Guards to open the Gates for him; but the Souldi­ers had certainly shot him, had not some of the more prudent Knights prevented them. Thereupon, by the command of the Grand Master, he was set in, and conducted to the Ca­stle. He was a person of a very good presence, and tall in stature; he had a crafty wit, quite contrary to the character of his Nation; bold enough, and one that knew how to use his tongue. He was known at Rhodes▪ [Page 144] and was accompted one of the most skilful Artists of his time. Being ex­amin'd what reason had brought him thither, he answer'd, that he came to defend Rhodes. That he could no longer endure the reproaches of his own conscience, for having employ'd his art against the faithful; that pre­ferring his Salvation before his For­tune, he did absolutely renounce the advancement which he might expect among the Turks; that he should be happy to dye in the defence of the Faith. That he desir'd nothing else of God; but that he durst not hope for a favour, of which he was so un­worthy. The Grand Master com­mended his zeal, without manifesting the least mistrust; and having ex­horted him to persist in his good re­solutions, he examin'd him concern­ing the Army of the Turks.

The German, the more bold, be­cause he thought himself unsuspect­ed, spoke with an air and a counte­nance that shew'd nothing of a Tray­tor, that the Turkish Army was above a hunder'd thousand men effective, [Page 145] besides the Forces that were coming to joyn with them; that the Turks, besides their ordinary Cannon, had some prodigious pieces, above eigh­teen foot long, that carri'd bullers of three foot in diameter. That they were resolv'd to perish all, rather then think of raising the Siege, which was the only thing that griev'd him. He spake with so much confidence, that many believ'd what he said, to be real. The Grand Master, that he might venture nothing, yet make use of the opportunity which Fortune had put into his hands, thought he might make use of the Engineer, though he were resolv'd not to trust him. To that purpose he command­ed the Knights, who had the charge of the Artillery, to consult him in every thing, and not to raise any battery without him. And to pre­vent his return to the Turks Camp, or from keeping any correspondence with them, he order'd six of the stoutest Souldiers in the City always to attend him, to whom he gave pri­vate instructions to keep him always [Page 146] in sight, and never to leave him alone all at a time.

Though the Grand Master had sent to Rome the Knight Cardona, when the Infidels first appear'd before the Isle; however he fail'd not to send a­gain, so soon as they were landed, He sent also to the King of France and to the other Christian Princes. But because the Letter which he had sent to the absent Priors, had not taken that full effect which he de­sir'd; he dispatch'd away another, wherein, after he had given an ac­count of the beginning of the Siege to the Knights that were not yet re­turn'd; he declar'd to them also that having put all his trust in God, he fear'd neither the force nor cunning of the Barbarians; yet that he hop'd that persons of their worth and renown, would not fail to come to the relief of the Order at such a time of ne­cessity as this. He added also, that notwithstanding the Siege, the Port should be always open to the Vessels of the Christians.

[Page 147]In the mean while, Misach Paleo­logus having well consider'd the situa­tion and the outside of the Town, and being of Opinion▪ with the En­gineer, that all would follow the Tower of St. Nicholas, he caus'd his biggest Pieces to be planted where they had rais'd the first Battery; and in a small time they made above three hundered Shot. The Tower was shaken to the very Foundations▪ and batter'd in several places. The great Wall upon the West side fell almost all down, and falling, made a most dread­ful noise▪ so that the noise and shouts of joy among the Barbarians, caus'd a terrible fear in the City; but they were soon encourag'd by the Exhor­tations of Antony Fradin, of the Order of St. Francis, a man eloquent and Apostolick, who run up and down with a Crucifix in his hand perfor­ming the same good Offices at Rhodes▪ which John Capestran did at Bel­grade.

The Tower could not stand, consi­dering the condition to which the Ca­non had reduc'd it, and yet there [Page 148] was a necessity of preserving it, or hazarding the loss of all. Thereupon the Grand Master resolv'd to choose the Flower of the Knights and Souldi­ers to reinforce the Garrison. And having represented to them of what importance it was, not to abandon that post, he sent them thither under the command of Fabritius Caretta an Italian, conjuring them to remem­ber that they had in their hands the Destiny of Rhodes. He also went thither in a Barque himself, to see what work the Cannons had made, and finding that the ruines of the Wall had made a kind of Bastion round about the remaining part, so that their Batteries could do no more harm, he made an enclosure of great Beams mortais'd one within another, and nail'd together, to strengthen the compass of the Wall & the Dtich it self, which was hollow'd out of the Rock: and seeing that some part of the Wall was fallen within the Fort, he caus'd the Ruins to be carry'd away for the conveniency of the Garrison. Then because the little Golph that wash'd [Page 149] the West side of the Mole was some­times so low that it might be waded, he set all hands at work to prevent the Infidels from making their ap­proaches that way. To that end they laid Planks at the bottom of the Wa­ter all stuck with Iron Spiks; and then there was a good strong Guard plac'd upon the out Wall on that side of the City; in the Trenches also lay a stout squadron of French and Spanish Knights, to relieve the Ga­rison in the Tower, upon occasion.

The Grand Master spent all the night a Horse back, and in Arms, stirring continually to keep his men in Breath. The Knights and Souldiers kept their Posts all night, without stirring, but still upon the watch, and ready to fight the Enemy. The Grand Master was also very careful to plant several pieces of Canon all along the Walls of the City that look­ked toward the Mole of the Tower, to sink the Turkish Gallies that should ride there to favour the assault, He also provided several fire Ships to burn the Enemies Gallies while they [Page 150] made the attacque. And in regard all was to be hazarded to save a post, upon which depended the safety of the City, he put himself into the Tower, together with his Brother the Viscount of Monteile.

All these Cautions were but little enough; for day no sooner appear'd, but the Turkish Gallies weigh'd from before Mount St. Stevens, and steer'd directly to the Tower with a fresh gale, with a loud noise of Trumpets and Drums. No sooner were they come near the Rocks of the Fort, but the Barbarians leapt a shoar, and while the Gallies play'd from the Sea, they ran to the assault, with a fury that look'd more like desperateness, then courage. At the same time, they within discharg'd all their Cannon from the Walls upon the Galleys, and the Musketeers from the Mole gave the Infidels so smart a Volley, that they kill'd most of them upon the place; the rest more furious for the slaughter of the others, and reinforc'd with fresh supplies, in spight of all the shot from the City, fell boldly to [Page 151] the Scalado. They that defended the Tower, encourag'd by the presence of the Grand Master, and the neces­sity of vanquishing or perishing, su­stain'd the assault with a resolution that astonish'd the Assailants. Ne­ver was there perhaps an attacque more obstinate, nor a more stout de­fence. The Turks that fought almost in the air, tumbl'd every foot from the top of the Rocks either dead or wounded, but their rooms were soon fill'd up; so that it seem'd as if they had been still the same people, & that their blows took no effect. Alexis of Tarsus, one of the most valiant of the Turks, was careful to supply the as­sault with fresh men. He comman­ded that day in the place of the Ba­sha, who was detain'd sick in the Camp; and his undauntedness gave so much courage to the Turks, that they fought all wounded and bloody as they had been savage-beasts, en­rag'd at the sight of their blood, and no way concern'd at the fear of death.

[Page 152]The Butcheries of the Barbarians rather redoubl'd then abated the cou­rage of the Knights; who fought like men that had nothing to be good husbands of, but rather sought to kill, then to defend themselves. The Grand Master, who perform'd all the offices of a good Captain, and a pri­vate Souldier, had his head-piece struck'n from his head with a stone. But in regard he was neither woun­ded nor stunn'd with the blow, he took a Hat instead of a Helmet, and continu'd in the heat of the fight with his wonted tranquility; however, he was hit by several Arrows that pierc'd his Armour in several places.

These accidents caus'd the Knights to be very solicitous for their Cap­tain. And the Commander, Carretta, seeing many people fall about the Grand Master, besought him earnest­ly to retire. To whom the Grand Master smiling, reply'd, You have more to hope for, then I to fear. You will one day reap the fruit of my pains, added he, by a kind of Prophetical Spirit; as it were foretelling the Com­mander, [Page 153] that Heaven had desir'd him to be one day Grand Master of Rhodes.

The Vicount of Monteil shar'd with his Brother in the travel, and the danger; The artificial Fires, and Cannon-shot that flew continually from the Town, and the perpetual showers of Musquet-bullets, Arrows, and Stones, wrought a most wonder­ful effect. On the other side, the Fire-ships set fire to several Galleys, and the Arillery of the Garrison so ill entreated the Galleys that defen­ded themselves from the Fire-ships, that the enemies, after they had in a short time lost above seven hunder'd of theirs, were constrain'd to give way. Now, as it is usual to run from one extremity to another, and that nothing is weaker then a Plunatick, when the fitt is over; these men, va­liant even to sury, and who boasted to out brave death, betook themselves to their heels with so much haste, that the most part were drown'd fly­ing.

[Page 154]So soon as the Turkish Galleys were rejoyn'd to the rest of the Fleet that lay before St. Steven's Mount, and that the Tower of St. Nicholas was in no more danger, the Grand Master enter'd the City, together with Knights, who had assisted him to drive out the enemy. All the people receiv'd him as their Preserver, with a thousand acclamations, and throng'd after him to the Church of St. John Baptist, whither he went to return thanks to God for the Victory he had gain'd: not questioning but that so much happy success was an effect of divine protection.

The vexation of the Basha for the ill success of his first enterprise, did not take from him the hope of suc­ceeding in a second. He was per­swaded, that by attacquing the Ci­ty in the weakest part, he should easily repair the loss which he had sustain'd. To which purpose he caus'd eight great pieces of Cannon to be planted against the Jews Wall, and threw up several Brest-works for the security of the Infidels. He also lodg'd [Page 155] certain pieces of Cannon upon the point of land that enclos'd one of the little Golphs; raising that bat­tery to destroy the Mills that were built all along the Mole, and thun­der down the Tower of the Port di­rectly opposite to that point of land.

The Grand Master slept not at all. He knew that the Jews Wall could not long resist the Turks Cannons, how thick or strong soever it were; and that the only way to save the place, was to entrench himself behind the Wall. For which reason he caus'd several houses to be pull'd down, and a deep Moat to be made, large enough to put a stop to the Infidels, in case they should come to assault the Brea­ches they should make. He also built up behind the Moat a thick brick-wall with a good Terrass of Earth to sus­tain it. They labour'd night and day to perfect these works; and the Grand Master himself at the head of the Labourers, was as active as any of the rest, to carry Stones and Lime to advance the work by his presence. [Page 156] Rich and Poor, Men, Women, Maids and Religious people, forgetting con­dition or sex wrought as common Labourers; the very Children did what lay in their power, doing more then the weakness of their age seem'd to permit; apparently incited by some­thing supernatural to the defence of Religion, and their Countrey.

These new Fortifications were hard­ly finish'd, when the Turks began their new Batteries. The Bullets that flew continually, and were of an extraordinary bigness, astonish­ed the Engineers of the City, in­somuch that the German Engineer confess'd that he never saw any thing like them before. The Sea shoar re­sounded with most dreadful roarings of the Cannon, the noise whereof was heard above forty Leagues from the Island. But the effect was more ter­rible then the noise; for besides that those Guns caus'd a kind of Earth­quake when they went off, the Bat­teries beat down all the Wall, and made most dreadful breaches.

[Page 157]Besides the Mortar pieces, which the Enemy had planted round the Ci­ty, threw up into the Air Stones of a vast bigness, which falling upon the Tiles of the Houses, made their entrance in, and kill'd all that stood in their way; and the horrible Ruin which they made caus'd a sad confu­sion in the City. The Inhabitants who could be no where safe, neither in their Houses nor in the Streets, bogan to cry out and mutter of sur­rendring; at what time the Grand Master bethought himself of an ex­pedient which stifl'd the sedition in its infancy, and sav'd the lives of an infinite company of people. He or­der'd that the Women, Children, and persons that were of no use, should all retire into the space which was between the Houses and the Ram­parts upon the West side, all which spase he cover'd with a most substan­tial roof, compos'd of good Rafters joyn'd together, and able to resist the weight of much bigger Stones. The Turks who knew not that the Ci­tizens had quitted their houses, di­rected [Page 158] their Engines against those places which they thought most in­habited; so that at last those murdrous showres took little effect. The Soul­diers and the Knights receiv'd but little harm, whose Posts were like Bulworks; no more then from the Artillery which the Turks plaid from a rising ground that did but little command the City.

The Basha who thought to have reduc'd the City by the discharge of his great pieces, finding that the be­sieged spoke not a word of Capitu­lation, yet not willing to hazard the Assault, took a strange resolution to put an end to the Seige. He consider'd that the person of the Grand Master was the main obstacle that hinder'd his taking the Town, and that the Knights would never surrender, so long as they had such a valiant and expert Commander, so that he thought the best and safest way was to make sure of him. This design of his he communicated to two Renegado's, who coming to the Turks Camp at the beginning of the Siege; had ab­jur'd [Page 159] the Christian faith, and made a shew of much zeal for the Mahume­tan Sect. The one was a Dalmatian, the other of Albania. They had both of them acquaintance in Rhodes; and the Albanese, who was a crafty and intelligent person, was very well known to one of the Secretaries to the Grand Master, an Italian, whose name was Philelpho. The Renega­do's themselves immediately offer'd to do the business, either by stab or poison. Though the Execution were both difficult and dangerous; but a wicked man may do any thing when he fears nothing.

At the time when the two Assassi­nates were preparing to leave the Camp, Aly Basha arriv'd there from Constantinople. Mahomet, who be­gan to be disturb'd at the Siege, had sent him expresly to advertize Paleo­logus, that he would come himself with a reinsorcement of a hundred thousand men, and fifteen hundred Cannon of a prodigious bigness. Whe­ther the advice were true or false the Infidels receiv'd it as an Oracle which [Page 160] assur'd them of the victory. For the very name of Mahomet fill'd the Camp with joy, and inspir'd new heat into the Souldiers. This pro­duc'd an effect quite contrary in the City. The Renegado's who got into the City one after another, that they might not seem to have any acquain­tance one with another, were receiv'd as persons ransom'd out of Captivity; having given out that they unfortu­nately fell into the hands of the Bar­barians in the second Sally. At their first admittance they reported, that Mahomet was coming with a formi­dable Army, and that all was lost, if they did not come to a Capitula­tion, before his arrival. Some of the Italian Knights who guarded the post on that side, and questionless were not the bravest of their Nation, were affrighted at the news. Some Spanish Knights also who took the Alarum upon the same noise joining with the Italians, caball'd together, and had private Conferences in the night time, the result whereof was that since they could not save Rhodes, they should [Page 161] at least save the honour of the Rho­dians, by making an advantageous Composition. The Italians who were the Captains of the Cabal, discover'd their design to Philelpho, in whom the Grand Master repos'd a great trust; and after they had made him of their party, they en­gag'd him to represent to the Grand Master, the necessity of yeilding to save the Island from the utmost mise­ries of War.

Philelphus was a person of Ho­nonour and Sincerity, but one that lov'd his Nation, and had too great an esteem for his Countrey-men, to think them guilty of any treachery. And therefore believing that the Ita­lians meant well, and that acting with the Spaniards, they could not take any wrong or injurious courses, he not only undertook to speak, but ac­quitted himself of his promise.

So soon as the Grand Master un­derstood by his Secretary what had past, he sent for the most factious be­fore him,; and dissembling at first his indignation, he told them in some­what [Page 162] bitter language, that if they so much fear'd Mahomet, they should do well to get out of the way: that he gave them free liberty to be gone; and that they should have Galleys for their convenience. But then a­gain, changing his tone, with a stern countenance, But if you will stay with us, added he, never mention composition, and be assur'd, that if you continue your Cabals, I will hang ye up every Mothers Son.

These words pronounc'd with so much authority, were like a thunder-stroke to the guilty. They acknow­ledg'd their fault, and seem'd so asham'd and sorry for it, that the Grand Master thought them severely enough punish'd; and thus mixing mildness with severity, and content­ed with their submissive penitence, he pardon'd them upon the spot. But the Knights, whom the goodness of the Grand Master had absolutely con­founded, adjudging themselves un­worthy of pardon after so unworthy an action, besought him not to par­don their fault till they had wash'd [Page 163] it away with the blood of their ene­mies, and their own.

All this while the two Traytors laid their plots, and sought all means to execute their design; the Alba­noise, who knew that Philelphus, who was no more entrusted with the knowledg of affairs, since the Cabal of the Italians, fail'd not to insinuate to him, that he had now nothing more to hope for in Rhodes; that credit with great men once lost, was seldom regain'd. That usually they to whom they had imparted their secrets, be­came hateful when once suspected: that the hatred of those who could revenge themselves, unpunish'd, is always to be fear'd; and that the safest way, was, to suffer himself to be forestall'd.

There needed no more to a person so quick-witted as Philelpho, to di­vine what was aim'd at: He had al­ways look'd upon the Albanese as a fellow of no Religion or conscience, and this unexpected return did but augment the bad opinion which he had conceiv'd of him. For which [Page 164] reason, he made no question but that this wicked wretch had been gain'd by the Infidels, and that he was re­turn'd to Rhodes out of a design to do some mischief: However, the better to inform himself, he made semblance of giving ear to his arguments, and withal, hinted to him that he would be very ready to prevent his ene­mies, provided he might be well se­conded. The Assassinate catching at this bait, frankly disclos'd himself; he declar'd the whole business to Phi­lelpho, and having shew'd him the Basha's Letter to hasten the execu­tion, he promis'd him as much as could tempt the ambition or interest of a man.

How great a dread soever Philel­pho had of so horrible a crime, he consented to it in outward appear­ance. But so soon as he had taken his leave of him, he went and gave the Grand Master an account of what he had understood. Immediately the Albanese was seiz'd upon, who was already applauding himself for the success of his enterprise. He deny'd [Page 165] all at first with that boldness and, confidence which is usual with Cri­minals. But soon after he confest all, touch'd either with remorse of conscience, or forc'd by the violence▪ of his torments. The Dalmatian, who was introduc'd into the Grand Master's Palace by another means, and who had already corrupted one of the Officers of his Kitchen, was at the same time apprehended upon the confession of the Albanese. They were both executed at a time, and by the people cut in pieces, in abomina­tion of the crime. Thus the Conspi­racy fell upon the head of the Con­spirators, by a secret conduct of Di­vine Justice, which oftentimes makes use of the same means to destroy the guilty, which they take to ensnare the innocent. Philelpho was receiv'd in­to the favour of the Grand Master, and found by experience, that Fide­lity contributes more then Treason, to the advancement of men.

Paleologus understanding the ill success of his plot, laid aside all other thoughts, but of carrying by force [Page 166] what he could not win by treachery. To that purpose he began to raise a plat-form, upon that side where the besieged had made their intrench­ments. But so soon as the Grand Ma­ster discover'd what the Basha in­tended, he commanded fifty men of the French and Italian Languages to fight the Labourers, and overturn the work in the night-time. The party commanded descended into the Moat through the casemates so privately in the night, and gain'd the upper­ground so privately with their lad­ders, that the Turks never perceiv'd them till they were just upon them. Which put the Infidels into such dis­order, that they presently fled; the most part saving themselves by flight. The mutinous Italians, who were of the number of the fifty, and sought nothing more then to repair their honour, were the most forward to pursue them that fled; of which they kill'd ten with their own hands, and returning, demolish'd the work, and nail'd their Cannon.

[Page 167]The Basha was surpriz'd at so re­solute an action: and being inform'd that they were the French and Itali­ans who had perform'd it, he could not forbear saying, that he had to do with people that inherited the cou­rage of Caesar and Charlemain. So much does true valour charm ev'n enemies themselves, how barbarous soever.

The Grand Master did not think it enough to applaud the Victors, but gave them rewards: And to testify to the Italians, that he had no more ill thoughts of them; he exprest him­self publickly, that they were per­sons of Honour, and had kept their word.

The bad success which the Turks had upon this encounter, made them give over all thoughts of attacquing the City upon the Italian Post: And therefore they resum'd their old de­sign, and bent all their force against the Tower of St. Nicholas. Not on­ly because that being almost ruin'd they thought it might be the more easily tak'n, but because they ima­gin [Page 168] that there lay the decision of the Victory.

To that effect, the General of the Barbarians undertook to build a Woodd'n-Bridg that would hold six men a brest, which should reach from the Church of St. Antony to the foot of the Tower. They wrought with­out ceasing in the presence of the Basha, who assisted at the work him­self. So soon as the Bridg was finish'd, a Turk having in the night secretly fasten'd an Anchor to the Rock of the Tower it self with a chain of Iron, thrust a Cable through the ring of the Anchor, to which the end of the Bridg was link'd; so, by drawing the Cable by strength of arm, the Bridg, by degrees, might be hal'd to the ve­ry point of the Mole of St. Nicho­las.

But the cunning of the Turks could not deceive the vigilance of the Rho­dians. An English Marener, whose name was Roger, a bold and daring fellow, who discover'd what had past, threw himself into the Sea, when the Turk was retir'd; and when he had [Page 169] cunningly unfasten'd the Anchor, he left the chain upon the Rock, as if it had still held: for which, the Grand Master immediately gave him two hunder'd Crowns in Gold. When the Turks began to draw the Cable, to move the Bridg forward, they soon perceiv'd that their stratagem was discover'd, and that the Rhodians were more subtil then they, though they were not altogether dishearten'd. For Paleologus, who manag'd the en­terprize himself, and had a wit fertil for invention, sent for a great number of Barques to bear the Bridg upon the water, and to transport it insensibly to the Mole, as the Barques mov'd forwards. In the mean time he or­der'd, as well to attaque the Tow­er, as batter the Vessels that lay in the Port, thirty Galleys, besides se­veral light Vessels, wherein he had put the choicest men in his Army, and who were to begin the assault, while the Souldiers landed.

The Grand Master omitted nothing that lay in his power. He set a thou­sand Pioneers at work, who labour'd [Page 170] day and night in cutting the Rock, to make the Moat wider, and deeper. After he had reinforc'd the Garrison with such Forces as the Escalle had brought from Verona at the begin­ning of the Siege, he posted at the foot of the Mole a Squadron of Spa­nish and German Knights, to be suc­cour'd from thence as occasion re­quir'd. But as he had reason to sus­pect lest one part of the enemy should attacque the City, while the other assaulted St. Nicholas's Fort, and that the Jews Wall would be the place, where their Cannon had already made several breaches; he sent thi­ther a good number of Souldiers un­der the Conduct of the Knights de Northolon, with order, not to sally without express command. After that he prescrib'd to every one his particular duty in the Fort, yet doing nothing without mature deliberation and counsel. For he heard advice with calmness, and a quick apprehension, being perswaded that the most judi­cious do not see every thing, and that the wisest often mistake, when too [Page 171] much wedded to their own judgment.

That courtesy and affability which he shew'd to all the World, allow'd not only to the Knights, but also to the meanest Souldiers the liberty of speaking their thoughts upon all oc­casions that presented themselves. He took delight to hear them, and sometimes he found in the discourse of a simple Souldier such expedients and stratagems which perhaps he might not have thought of. Yet with all this lenity he was severe enough, when it behov'd him so to be. For two Souldiers of the Gar­rison of the Fort, having resolv'd to run away to the Turks, threw a great quantity of Arms and Ammunition into the Sea. They were taken in the act, and asham'd of themselves when they were discover'd. They also crav'd pardon of the Grand Master, and threw themselves at his feet, ve­ry penitent for what they had done. But notwithstanding all their pray­ers and entreaties, and all their peni­tence, he caus'd them to be hang'd out at the windows of the Tower, [Page 172] and their bodies to be cast into the Sea.

The enemy was so much perplex'd that he had attacqu'd the Tower in the open day, that he resolv'd not to attacque it any more but by night. They also made their approaches ve­ry silently, contrary to their customs. But having gain'd the Mole, and be­ing landed, they presently open'd their throats. The choice party of the Turks assail'd the Tower where it was most ruin'd, making a most hideous noise, which was follow'd with the sound of Trumpets and o­ther Warlike Instruments.

The Christians, who were all up­on their Guards, and expected their enemies with an undaunted resoluti­on, vigorously sustain'd the Shock. They fought on both sides with an equal ardor, without any other light, then that of the Granado's and Fire­pots, that flew continually from side to side; so that there was a great slaughter in a short time.

In the mean time the Galleys being come up close to the Rock, and the [Page 173] Wood'n bridg being fix'd to the point of the Rock, by the assistance of the Barks, a multitude almost innumera­ble of the Turks gave the assault on that sight where the Gross of the Wall was fall'n down. The discharges that were made so thick upon them, brake their first effort, and threw headlong a good number of them that were al­ready got up. The rest were repuls'd by the Knights that defended that part; and there it was to be seen, how sometimes valour might prevail against number. The Grand Master who was every where, encourag'd the Knights, and confidently assur'd them of victory provided they them­selves would but do their best to o­vercome.

While the heat of the Combat en­creas'd, the Batteries which the Grand Master had planted against the bridg▪ took that effect as was expected. For the Bridg was cut in pieces at the same time when a reinforcement of Soul­diers was upon it; who all perish'd miserably, being neither to be reliev'd by the Barks, nor able to save them­selves [Page 174] by swimming, under a Shower of Stones and Arrows that follow'd the discharges of the Artillery.

The Enemies Galleys ceas'd not to batter the Tower of St. Nicholas, and to tire the Knights. But they resum'd new vigour when they per­ceiv'd that the Bridg was broken, and that the Assailents could no long­er be that way reliev'd, and that which more encreas'd their resolution was, that the Artillery of the Tower had sunk four Galleys with several Ships of War; and that the Fire-Ships sent against the rest, had dismay'd and disorder'd the whole Fleet.

This However did not hinder the Infidels from being obstinate in their assault; for despair sometimes instead of abating, raises courage. Both sides fell on again without re­morse, and the Combat which had already dilasted three hours, began again with more violence then ever. The day which soon after appear'd did but serve to irretate the Comba­tants, while it discover'd the Massacre in the Night. The sight of so many [Page 175] Bodies stretch'd upon the Earth, or floting upon the Sea, with the ruines of the Bridg and Gallies incited the Infidels to repair their Honour, and the Christians to maintain their ad­vantages. Both sides perform'd as much as men of Bravery could act upon such occasions; the loss was great upon the Turks side, and their most considerable Commanders lay dead upon the place; among the rest, Mahomets Son-in-law, a young Prince, very valiant and very dear to the Grand Signior. He stood a long time firm upon the ruins of the Tower, and kill'd severalKnights with his own hand, fortifying himself with heaps of dead bodies. But having receiv'd several wounds, he fell as he was ma­king a blow with his Scimitar, and expir'd in a moment after. The death of Ibrahim allay'd the heat of the Barbarians; they gave ground, mau­ger all the resolution of their Gene­neral, who exhorted them to revenge the death of the Grand Signior, and with his own hand kill'd some of those that recoil'd. But the Knights [Page 176] repell'd, and forc'd them at length to retire. This dishonourable retreat put Paleologus into a profound fit of sadness. When he was return'd to his Camp, he shut him self up, and there kept himself three whole days to­gether without giving audience to any person; either to conceal his grief, or to meditate at leisure what farther course to take.

Now in regard the Turks had lost above two thousand five hundred men in these assaults; because the dead bodies, which either cover'd the Earth, or else were wash'd upon the Shoar by the Sea, were enough to corrupt the Air, the Grand Master caus'd all the shoar to be cleans'd, with a par­ticular care of his own Souldiers. And after he had caus'd the Bodies to be enterr'd with all the honour that the present state of affairs would permit. He himself look'd after the dressing of the Wounded; he visited them e­very foot, and distributed among them with his own hands the rich spoils of the slain. And indeed the lying still of the Enemy, while their [Page 177] General lock'd himself up, gave the Grand Master leisure to attend these particular duties of a Great Com­mander.

At length the Basha appear'd a­broad, and forgetting in some mea­sure the dishonour which had occa­sion'd his recess, he resum'd his usual heat and fury. However he laid a­side all thonghts of attempting any thing upon St. Nicholas Tower, which now he began to think impregnable, bending his whole design to reduce the City, by dividing the Forces of the besieged, believing he should ac­complish his work, by assayling it in several quarters at once. He per­swaded himself, that when the Walls should be ruin'd in other places, as they were in the Jews quarter, and the Italian Post, that by a general assault, he should not fail to enter the place; and that the besieged would be constrain'd to surrender, when they were no longer able to resist. Moreover he made no question, but that the German Engineer, upon whom he still depended, would at length find [Page 178] a way to serve him, wherein lay the chiefest of his hopes.

Thereupon by his order, the best Pieces of Artillery were planted round about the City; and while they thun­der'd upon the Walls, the Turks, ani­mated by the presence of their Ge­neral, on the one side set themselves to undermine their way through the Earth, to make themselves Trenches cover'd with Planks and Bavins to bring their men securely into the Moat. Then they rais'd Plat-forms, supported with Hurdles and Boughs of Trees and pallisado'd round, upon which they planted Culverins and other small shot equal with the VValls and Bastions of the City, which fire with­out ceasing.

But in regard they design'd to give the assault principally upon the Jews VVall, where the Batteries had done most mischeif, after they got into the Moat by such passages as they had min'd under ground, they endea­vour'd, by means of the noise and smoak which hinder'd the besieged from hearing or seeing them, to fill [Page 179] up the Moat with the Rubbish which the Cannon had loosen'd from the Wall, which being thrown together by hazard, made a kind of a slope as­cent. In this they labour'd with so much vigor and success, that not­withstanding all the firing from the City, that in a short time the Moat was fill'd up almost as high as the Ravelin or Bastion of the Jews, so that they might easily get up to the Wall.

The Grand Master, who husbanded his men against the Assault, finding that the principal Batteries of the City did little good, and that the Ene­mies advanc'd every day without re­ceiving any great dammage, caus'd an extraordinary Engine to play, which was made to cast Stones of great weight at a great distance▪ which Engine was call'd the Tribute, because it was made in the time that Mahomet demanded a Tribute from the Knights. This Engine plac'd just opposite to the Turks place of working wrought wonderful effects. For the huge pieces of Marble which it threw with an unspeakable vio­lence, not only cruish'd to pieces the [Page 180] Work-men upon the Terrasses, but in several places broke into their Mines, and their cover'd Trenches, so that an infinite number of Turks were stifl'd in the Earth, and buried in the Ruins of their own works.

The Rhodians shouted every time the Engin play'd, and when they saw the Stones fly, they cry'd, that was Mahomet's Tribute. The Grand Ma­ster took the cheerfulness of his Soul­diers, for a good Omen. And though he were not a little troubl'd at the last advance of the Enemy, yet by his familiarity with the Souldiery, he engag'd them to cleanse the Moat which the Turk had fill'd up, and to mine a way under the Walls to get in, that they might not expose themselves to the Shot of the Enemy.

The Souldiers in that good hu­mour cheerfully obey'd the Grand Master; they min'd a hole into the Moat, and by degrees drew in all the Stones into the City, together with the other Rubbish that had fill'd up the Moat; the Grand Master being present all this while to encourage the Labourers. And finding that part of [Page 181] the Jews Walls where the Ene­mies Cannon had plaid hottest, was ready to fall, he terrass'd it with all speed, and rais'd a new Wall to support the Earth which was not well settl'd.

To this part the Grand Master or­der'd great Fats of Flint Stones, and old pieces of Iron, Sacks of Sulphur, and Powder, Caldrons of boiling Oil, and whatever was proper to stop the fury of the Turks when they gave the assault. But besides all this, he was desirous to know of the German Engineer, what other Invention he could think of to repel the Enemy, or what new work was to be rais'd should they force the Defences which were already rais'd. The German seem'd surpriz'd to hear himself ask'd so many questions, and coldly an­swer'd, that he would consider of it, and that for the security of the place, it was requisite he should make use of all the Secrets of his Art. But as he was already suspected, and for that a Battery which he had already rais'd in the presence of the Grand Master, had tak'n no effect, suspiti­ons began to arise that he did not act [Page 182] Cordially. But that which more en­creas'd those mistrusts was, that, the Turks us'd several designs to discredit him in the City. They shot in Ar­rows with Letters fix'd to them, where▪ in they wrote that the German Engi­neer was a person not to be trusted▪ that he was a Villain, full of ill de­signs, believing that the hatred which they testifi'd against him would make him the more credited by the Rho­dians.

The Grand Master not questioning but that the advice was as true, as the intention of the Turks was that it should be accounted false, de­liver'd him up to the hands of Justice. At length, as conscience often urgeth Criminals to speak against them­selves, he confess'd all; he declar'd that he came not into Rhodes, but to endeavour how he might deliver the Town up to the Infidels; that he came, by the express order of Maho­met, to observe the condition and estate of the City, and to return to him with a full account thereof, in case the Turkish Army should be [Page 183] forc'd to raise the Siego: He added, that this had not been the first City which he had betray'd in this man­ner, and that his conscience accus'd him for the murther of an infinite number of Christians. These con­fessions were enough for his condem­nation, without any other evidence, so that he was hang'd in the publick Market place of the City. This exe­cution was soon spread in the Camp of the Turks; for the Grand Master inform'd them himself by Arrows shot over the Wall, after their exam­ple. Which he did, the rather to let them understand how ill success their Spies had at Rhodes, and that he had follow'd the Turks advice.

It is not to be believ'd how ex­tremely the Basha was afflicted for the death of this Traytor. He had almost no other hopes left but in him since his last misfortune; for he was half assur'd, that the intreagues of a wit so crasty as his, could not fail him at last. However, he would not suffer himself to be altogether dis­hearten'd, though before he resolv'd [Page 184] upon a general assault, he was resolv'd to try the most gentle means he could.

To this purpose, after he had shot in several Letters into the City, ag­gravating, and extolling the power of the Ottoman Empire; he adver­tiz'd the people, that the Grand Sig­nior intended no ill to the Rhodians; that he had only made the War to deliver them from an unjust and ty­rannical Government; that being Greeks, they ought naturally to obey the Emperor of the Rhodians, and that they would never be at quiet so long as they continu'd enemies to the Ottoman Court. He promis'd them, if they would surrender, not only their lives and liberties, but also all sorts of Immunities and Honours. At length he declar'd to them, that if they refus'd such advantageous proffers, they must expect to be all put to the Sword. That the Invinci­ble Mahomet was resolv'd to drain his Empire of all its Forces, to take Rhodes; that he was marching thi­ther with all speed; and that there [Page 185] would be no capitulations thought of when his Highness arriv'd.

This Letter wrought no impression upon their resolutions. The wiser sort laugh'd at them; the meanest capacities took them only for pieces of craft and falsity. They all con­temn'd and scorn'd the change which he propos'd; and so far they were from dreaming of a submission to the Grand Signior, that they made new protestations of fidelity to the Grand Master: So that nothing more con­tributed to retain the Prince in their obedience, and to redouble their af­fection to their lawful Prince, then the subtilty which was us'd to cor­rupt and gain them to a revolt.

The Basha finding no effect of his Letters, to which they would not so much as vouchsafe an answer, took another way to obtain an answer. A runagate Greek presented himself that night, by his order, before the Walls of the City; and calling to the Centinels with a loud voice, he told the Knights that appear'd, that the General of the Ottoman Army was [Page 186] desirous to send an Embassador to the Ottoman Army, provided he might have the liberty to go and come with safety. Answer was return'd to the Renegado, that the law of Nations was inviolably observ'd at Rhodes▪ that the Embassadors had no reason to fear any thing, and that he might come to the Jews Moat; and that he should find in the Bulwark of the Tower, a Knight, that should return him an answer in the name of the Grand Master.

An ancient Bey, whose name was Solyman, appear'd the next morning just against the Bulwark. He was a prudent man, and besides his expe­rience, had excellent natural parts. After he had civilly saluted the Knight, who was deputed by the Grand Master to give him audience, he began to tell him, that the Basha, Paleologus, wonder'd, that being so much straiten'd, and not receiving any relief, they should still so obsti­nately defend themselves. He added, that for his part, he wonder'd that persons so wise as they, should so per­tinaciously [Page 187] seek their own ruine. That they ought to remember Con­stantinople, Trebisond, Negropont, Metelin, and others, far stronger pla­ces then Rhodes, which could not hold out against Mahomet▪ that Pru­dence ought to regulate Valour: and that it was a folly to pretend to re­sist the Conqueror of two Empires, twelve Kingdoms, and three hunder'd Cities. True it was, that it was an honour for him to defend his Coun­trey; but that it was better for him to preserve it entire, by submitting to the stranger, then to ruine himself out of a blind and unadvised inge­nuity; and therefore it was but com­mon prudence for him to agree with Mahomet: That his Favourite, Mi­sach Paleologus, offer'd to manage the accommodation himself, and so to or­der it, that they should have no rea­son to complain; and lastly, that it was the only means to save their Re­putation and Estates. He concluded his Harang in a lively and perswa­sive manner, conjuring him to have pitty upon the people, and not to be [Page 188] the causes of the massacre of so ma­ny poor creatures, the dishonour of their Daughters and Wives, and the succage of the whole Island.

The Grand Master being inform'd of Solyman's propositions, did no less wonder at the Basha's Embassador, then the Basha wonder'd at their re­fistance. That they could not appre­hend that he had any compassion or tenderness for them, which he endea­vour'd to destroy by all means ima­ginable. That Peace was not trea­ted on with sword and poison; and that the treasons discover'd, made them suspicious of new ones: That they very well remember'd that Tre­bisond, Constantinople, Negropont, and so many other Towns, could not re­sist the power of Mahomet; but they remember'd as well, that he was a Conqueror that seldom kept his word; and that contrary to the pub­lick Faith given, he had put to death David Commenius, with all his chil­dren, not to speak of the Princes of Bosnia and Metelin.

[Page 189]The Knight, who spoke in the name of the Grand Master, added haugh­tily, that the Soldan of Egypt and Babilon, no less potent then the Em­peror of the Turks, had often attemp­ted Rhodes, without getting any thing but shame; that the Rhodians hop'd that their entrenchments would prove the tombs of the Ottoman Army; and that they would rather perish in the ruines of their own Countrey then, then deliver it up to the ene­mies of the Christian Faith. And lastly, that neither the threats nor promises of Mahomet were sufficient to force them to any thing which might either be against their profes­sion, or blast their honour. After this, the Knight added, that when the Army of the Infidels was return'd to Constantinople, the Emperor might send an Embassador to Rhodes, and that then the Grand Master would consider what was most honourable and advantageous for the Order; but that so long as such an Army re­main'd about the City, he could not heark'n to Peace. That the Ottoman [Page 190] Trroops might do like declar'd Ene­mies, but that for his part, he hop'd by the assistance of Heaven to let his General know that the Knights of Rhodes were not so soon conquer'd as other Nations.

This generous and haughty answer quite disappointed all the Basha's de­signs. Shame, Honour, Despair, Fu­ry rais'd in his Soul those Opposite motions, as almost put him besides himself. Fury at length got the up­per hand, and the Barbarian aban­doning himself to all the thoughts that rage could inspire, after he had excited his Souldiers to punish the pride of those that brav'd the sove­raign power of the Ottomans, he commanded all the Engines to be set at work, and that they should batter the City night and day with­out ceasing. Never were orders bet­ter executed; for the Turks enliven'd by the fury of the Basha, and trans­ported at the same time with a de­sire of Victory and revenge, in a small time made above three thousand five hundred Shot, which brought the [Page 191] Towers and Walls almost down to the Ground. Yet neither did this af­fright the Rhodians. For the Grand Master went up and down to hearten the Inhabitants and encourage the Souldiers. His confidence in God increas'd his natural Constancy, and spread in his Countenance a serene Air, which prov'd a happy success.

When he thought the Enemy was ready to give the assault, he plac'd at the most dangerous place, strong Squadrons of Cavalry, under the most skilful Commanders which he chose himself. He retain'd near his own person, the French Gentlemen who had follow'd the Count of Monteil to Rhodes; and plac'd himself with them near the Jews quarter; from whence he might relieve all parts as need requir'd. But because he repos'd all his hopes in the protection of Heaven, he first went and prostrated himself at the feet of the Altars re­commending to God the safety of Rhodes, and commanding prayers to be continually said in all the Chur­ches of the City.

[Page 192]In the mean time the Basha en­courag'd by the Havock which his Artillery had made, after he had flat­ter'd his men with their Martial ver­tue, and had perswaded them that they had nothing more now to take then Ruines without defence, he o­penly declar'd to them that they should freely have the pillage of the Town. He commanded them to put all to the Sword, except the young Infants, whom he permitted them to preserve either for their own benefit, or the Grand Signiors Militia. He ordain'd also that all the men that should escape the Sword of the Mus­sel men, should be empal'd, to which purpose he set upright a thousand Stakes in the Field.

The Turks reviv'd anew by this apparent facility of the enterprize, and the hope of plunder, with im­patience expected the hour of assault with their Arms in their hands, and Chains about their wasts, to bind those that they should not kill. Nor could the Basha hardly retain them one day more, that he shot continually at the Town to level the Fortifications of the Besieged.

[Page 193]At length the 27th of July, he gave the signal just at break of day, by the shooting of a Mortar piece. Immediately the Ottoman Army ran furiously on, invoking the name of their false Prophet, and assail'd the City on every side with most dread­ful shouts and yells, that made all the Sea-shoar, and all the Hills to ring again. Nevertheless the main onset was giv'n to the Jews Wall, where the Ruines, which had fill'd up the Ditch again, made the way easy. Then an innumerable multitude mounted the Walls, and fell on with that fury, that the Christians who kept the Walls, were quite overlaid with number, and almost all slain. The Turks puft up with this success, drove back the rest, and set up seven of their colours upon the walls, before the Christians could get up upon a slope, made with the Ruins of the Wall on their side. The Knights and Souldiers that first ascen­ded fell upon the Turks with such a fury that they forc'd them to retire. But the Turks being presently rein­forc'd, both parties disputed a long [Page 194] time for the Wall; they on both sides with great heat and courage. But when the Combat grew hot, and that the victory seem'd to encline to the Infidels, the Count of Monteil came into the assistance of the Christi­ans; but notwithstanding all the ef­fects of their valour, they could not drive back their Enemies, whom the presence of the Basha made undaun­ted, and not being able to with­stand so great a number as fell upon them.

In the mean time the report which was spread that the Enemy had car­ry'd the Jews Quarter, struck terror and confusion every where. But so soon as the Grand Master saw this beginning of a Rout, with a half pike in his hand, he mounted the Wall, having already kill'd some that were got down, and considering that the loss of all depended upon this post, he resolv'd to hazard all, or regain it. The old Commanders and young Knights that were near to his person, mounted after; at what time the Grand Master breaking into a thick [Page 195] Battalion of the Turks, with an asto­nishing fury, charg'd them so rude­ly, that they were soon clear'd off.

No sooner was it known to what danger the Grand Master had expos'd himself, but the Burgesses of the Town ran with all speed to disingage him, or to dye with him. The women also who were for the most part habited in mens apparel, appear'd upon the Ramparts to terrify the Assailants, fol­low'd their husbands, and pouring down scalding Oil, Flints, and old Iron upon the Turks; while others were so hardy as to throw Wild fire, and others to take up the Arms of the Slain, and fight in their steads they did very good service. On the other side the Archers which the Grand Master had plac'd in such parts of the Wall which the Cannon had a little spar'd; shot continually upon those that came with fresh recruits.

The Barbarians fell in great heaps every where, yet dearly selling their lives, but more especially making a great slaughter about the Grand Ma­ster. But the present Image of death [Page 196] redoubl'd his zeal, and no way di­minish'd his valour. Let us dye, my dear Brethren, said he, rather then retire, 'tis for the faith, 'tis for hea­ven that we fight, our death shall be honour'd among men, and precious in the sight of God. His example, and his words, so encourag'd the Souldiers, that mauger▪ the obstinate resistance of the enemy, they regain'd the Field, and made themselves abso­lute Masters of it, after a dispute of two hours. The Knight de Montho­lon, being the first that tore up the Ottoman Banners, and flung them to the ground.

As much affrighted as the Barba­rians seem'd, and as much wearied as they were indeed, shame or ho­nour caus'd them to return to the Charge; and the Basha drew out a Body of old Janizaries to second the assault. Now, in regard the Grand Master was known by his gilded Arms, and the throng of remarkable persons that environ'd him; the Basha commanded that they should pick him out particularly. These [Page 197] fresh men threw themselves, like beasts of prey, upon the Christians; & having forc'd their, way through the Pikes and Swords, were making directly to the Grand Master, if the Vicount of Monteil, who saw them coming, had not put a stop to them; who flew upon them with the most va­liant of the Auvernian Post: In the mean time ten or twelve of the boldest of the Turks joyning with those that were at handy-strokes with the Grand Master, they laid at him with several blows; so that his arms being broken, he receiv'd five wounds: however, he fought still very valiant­ly. But the Knights perceiving he was wounded, fell on so furiously, that the enemy first began to give ground; and lastly, to betake them to their heels.

As for the Turks who were got upon the Posts of the other Lan­guages, where they found equal re­sistance; so soon as they saw the Jews Wall forsaken, they quitted their attaques, and fled in the greatest dis­order in the World: except three [Page 198] hunder'd of the stoutest, who staid up­on the Walls, and being no longer able to defend themselves, fell half dead into the City, where they were massacred by the people.

At the same time the Rhodians is­su'd out after them in throngs, and pursu'd them to their very Camp, making a most fatal slaughter among them. The Turks also kill'd one ano­ther to make room for themselves; so much they dreaded to fall into the hands of the Christians. The Ba­sha did all he could by threats and promises to stay their flight: their fear would not let them take notice of either, and he was at length con­strain'd to fly to the shore, that he might be near his Galleys.

Khodgia Afendy, who has wrote in the Turkish Language the Siege of Rhodes, attributes the rout of the Infidels to the avarice of their Gene­ral: For he says, that the Souldiers, more covetous of booty then blood, being ready to enter the Town, and preparing themselves to plunder, where they hop'd to find great riches; [Page 199] the Basha, to preserve the whole for himself, caus'd proclamation to be made, that the treasure of Rhodes was the demeans of the Ottoman Court, and that the generous Mussul­men were to seek nothing more in fight then the honour of serving the Emperor; however, he would not sail to recompence those that should do their duty▪ as he would punish those that should take the least rag. The Historian adds, that this Proclamati­on so cool'd the courage of the Soul­diers, that they thought of nothing after that, but how to save their lives. But we may easily conjecture, by the examination of his words, that he does not speak truth according to the manner of the Turks, who make no scruple of lying, when it is either to excuse and cover the cowardice, or dis­honour of their Nation. For it has been the custom of the Ottoman Em­perors, and their Basha's, always to abandon such Towns as were taken by assault to the plunder of the Soul­diers: So that it is not likely that Paleologus, who us'd all the means [Page 200] he could, to make himself Master of the place; and who was naturally magnificent, should of a sudden take to a course so contrary to his design and humour.

In the mean time the Grand Ma­ster, who felt himself very much weaken'd by his wounds, return'd into the City all bloody; after whom follow'd the victorious Knights with the Imperial Standard, which they had tak'n from before the Pavilion of the Basha: but the condition of their Prince put them into such a con­sternation, that they could not re­joyce for their Victory. One of his wounds was accounted mortal, and the second day they began to de­spair of his life.

So soon as the Basha had recover'd the Sea-shore with the remains of his Army, he never stood to consult whe­ther he should raise the Siege or no. Whatever confidence he had had till then, in the fortune of Mahomet and his own, he despair'd to take the place after so many vain assults; and understanding that he had lost above [Page 201] nine thousand men slain out-right, and above fifteen thousand wounded, which were not in the fight; he took care of nothing more then how to save the rest by retiring.

While the Turks were embarquing their Engines of War, and all their Baggage, there appear'd two great Ships, which Ferdinand, King of Spain, had sent to the relief of Rhodes. Paleologus, who saw them making to the Port with full sail, con­sidering what a shame it would be to let them enter the Port, shot at them with such pieces of Artillery, as were not embarqu'd; not being able to assault them with his Galleys, because the winds were contrary. The shot brought one of the Masts of one of the Ships by the board, but did the other no harm. But the wind change­ing, and the Sea growing rough of a sudden, they both came to an Anch or just against the Port, till the tempest forc'd them to make all the sail they could to get in. The Ship, whose Mast was broken, was the more for­tunate, and steer'd so well, that she [Page 202] got in. The other being carri'd off by storm, fell back into the road; so that she was the next day very near the Infidels Fleet. The Basha, un­willing to let go a prize that he thought in his hands, sent out twenty Galleys to seize her; and comman­ded the Captain of the Galleys to go himself. The Christians prepare themselves for fight. The twenty Gal­leys surround the Vessel, and thunder upon her on every side; and by an incredible kindness of divine pro­tection, did them much more mis­chief then she receiv'd herself. How­ever, some that were best mann'd fetch'd her up by the strength of their oars; and having grappl'd her, a whole throng of Barbarians en­deavour'd to enter upon all her quar­ters. But the Spaniards and Italians kept their ground with so much re­solution, that after a bloody Fight of three hours, the Turks were con­strain'd to give way: and the death of the General of the Galleys so aba­ted their courage, that they wholly forsook the Vessel.

[Page 203]Then it was, that Misach Paleolo­gus, being out of all hope, and fear­ing all the worst of fortune, gave or­der to weigh Anchor, and be gone. And that which hasted his depar­ture, was, that he understood by his Spies, that the Christians expected a very considerable relief, and that the Vessels of Ferdinand were but the fore-runners of the Christian Prince's Fleet. So that the Ottoman Fleet put out to Sea the 18th of August, and steer'd toward the Port of Fisco; where having set the Army a shore▪ they continu'd their course toward Constantinople.

The Victorious Ship enter'd the Port of Rhodes almost at the same that the Ottoman Fleet set sail. And now it is no difficult thing to appre­hend the joy of the Rhodians, to see themselves so well deliver'd, after a siege of sixty days. The whole Port resounded with shouts of gladness: and the noise of the Bells, mix'd with that of the Trumpets, made a plea­sing harmony, which proclaim'd the raising of the Siege to all the people [Page 204] of the Island. But that which most contributes to the publick rejoycing, was, that the Grand Master began to recover; whether the Chirurgeons were deceiv'd in their judgments, or that the wound, which they deem'd to be mortal, were not so indeed; or whether there were something di­vine and miraculous in the cure. However, in that languishing estate, wherein as yet he continu'd, he com­manded solemn Processions to be made for three days; and that Masses should be said in all the Churches of the City, for the souls of the Knights and Souldiers that had been slain du­ring the Siege.

So soon as he was cur'd of his wounds, and that he had strength enough to walk, he went himself to return thanks to God at the feet of the Altars. And because he was per­swaded that the protection of the Virgin had sav'd Rhodes, he made a Vow to build a magnificent Church, by the name of St. Maries of the Victory, neer the Jews Wall, where the Turks were put to the rout. Nor [Page 205] did he delay the execution of his vows; for being somewhat better settl'd in his health, he caus'd himself to be carri'd to the place, and order'd the foundations to be laid in his pre­sence. They labour'd might and main at this great work, so soon as the fortifications of the Town were repair'd. And because the Victory was won upon the day wherein the Greeks solemnize the Festival of St. Pantaleon, the Grand Master built a sumptuous Chappel for the exercise of the Grecian Ceremonies, in ho­nour of that holy Martyr; to the end that the Latins and the Greeks, celebrating at the same time the holy Mysteries, they might re­turn thanks both together, in both Churches, for so renown'd a Victo­ry.

Nor was his devotion enclos'd within the Walls of Rhodes. He founded a perpetual Mass every week at the great Altar of St. John of Je­rusalem; to preserve until the end of time, the memory of so happy a suc­cess, and in some measure to make [Page 206] an immortal acknowledgment there­of, in the same place where the Or­der of St. John had its first Institu­tion.

But because, that having implor'd the aid of St. John Baptist, when he fally'd to the Combat, he found in his Souldiers, and in himself, a new courage, which could not spring but from above; he resolv'd to build a Church in Italy, in Honour of the happy Precursor, whose body Julian the Apostate caus'd to be burnt, and whose precious ashes lye in the Ca­thedral Church of St. Lawrence at Genoa.

This Structure time brought to per­fection; and it was built neer to the Chappel, where those holy Reliques are expos'd to the veneration of the people. To which, that he might do the greater Honour, he also built a Convent neer to the said Chappel, for twelve religious persons of the Order, to sing Divine Service, to say Masses for the propagation of the Faith, for the Benefactors of the Order, and the Souls of the Grand [Page 207] Masters deceas'd: to which end he employ'd the Revenue of se­veral Commanderies, and his own, according to the power which he had receiv'd from the See of Rome.

He wrote at the same time to the Princes of Christendom, to give them advice of the Victory, and to en­gage them to send him relief, in case the Turks should make any new at­tempts, and that the Knights should be constrain'd to hold out ano­ther Siege. But because that Ferdi­nand's Ships had brought him a Brief from Sixtus, which Brief con­tain'd such expressions, as testifi'd how much the Pope did interest him­self in the affairs of Rhodes, he sent to Rome the Prior of Capua, and the Commander of Aliaga, with the Ti­tle of Embassadors Extraordinary. He charg'd them also in their way, to wait upon the King of Naples, and to tell him how much the Knights were oblig'd to him for his aid. That in his own particular, he highly acknowledg'd his Favour; [Page 208] and as long as he liv'd, should seek all occasions to testify his gratitude. Nor was the Grand Master thus contented to declare his obliga­tions to Ferdinand; he also gave substantial marks of it to Lewis Palafox, a Gentleman of Aragon, and Captain of the Ship, which had so valiantly defended the Tower of St. Nicholas, and the Jews Wall. For besides that, he presented him with a Diamond of a very great price; and made his natural Son a Knight, as being a young Gentle­man of great hopes and merit. He permitted him to carry in chief, above the Arms of his Family, the Arms of the Order, as an authen­tick proof of the Services which he and his had done, during the Siege.

He also granted other conside­rable Favours both to the Knights and Souldiers, which had most sig­naliz'd themselves: And because the Countrey was utterly laid wast; and for that the miseries of the people were not ended with the [Page 209] War, he caus'd Corn to be di­stributed to the Islanders in great plenty; and discharg'd them for several years of all sorts of Tax­es.

THE HISTORY OF Peter D'Aubusson, Grand Master of RHODES. Book Fourth.

THE Ottoman Fleet carri'd the news of their own misfortune home themselves to Constantinople. And Mahomet was as deeply sensible of this misfortune, as a wise and ambi­tious Prince possibly could be, who had not prosper'd in an honourable Enterprize, which he undertook not [Page 212] but upon great consideration. Though he were a great Master of himself, and one that could dissemble his par­ticular anguish of mind; yet upon the sight of the principal Captains of the Army, and in that transport­ment, he was about to have put them all to death. The Basha, Misach Paleogo, his favourite, presum'd to tell him with that freedom which his favour allow'd him, that they had nothing to accuse him either for his conduct or his courage; and that the Mussul-men had done as much as men could do. He was glad to tell him withal, that the Knights of Rhodes were men of an extraordinary valour; and that there appear'd in the Air a bright-shining Troop, whose blows neither the Turks could shun, nor a­bide their looks. But all these rea­sons gave the Grand Signior no satis­faction. He drove his Favourite out of his sight, and was so far from giving him the Vest of Honour, which he was wont to bestow upon his Ge­nerals and Visiers, at their returns from military Expeditions, that he [Page 213] commanded him to retire to the San­giacatship of Gallipoli. Nor indeed had Mahomet any other way to cheer up himself for this misfortune, but by believing that the conquest of Rhodes was reserv'd to him alone, and that it belong'd only to him to tame the Knights, and their Grand Master.

They were soon inform'd at Rhodes of the preparations which were made at Constantinople for a new Expedi­tion; nor was the Grand Master idle in preparing to receive them.

But while the Rhodians were re­pairing the defences of their City, there happen'd extraordinary acci­dents which chang'd the whole course of their proceedings. A little while after the Fleet of the Turks was de­parted, there was heard over the whole Isle a kind of subterraneal noise, like to that of thunder that begins to grumble in a cloud. This was a prognostication of those Earth­quakes with which the Island was ter­rifi'd for many months. The most firm foundations of the City were shak'n by the first shogs, and almost [Page 214] over-turn'd by the second shakings, which happen'd one after another; and which many times did not give over, but only to begin again with greater force.

The half of the Fort of St. Ni­cholas rumbl'd down one night, and the ruines of the Tower overwhelm'd most part of the Souldiers in the Tower. As the exhalation that caus'd these motions grew to be more and more enrag'd by the attempts which it made to get loose out of the ca­verns wherein it was enclos'd, the Earth quake encreas'd every day. The Earth rear'd it self up, and vio­lently bounded forward in some pla­ces; it cleft and open'd in others. Nothing but ruine and abysses ap­pear'd every where; nothing was heard but the cries of affrighted peo­ple, that run up and down to save themselves, and yet no where sound security. In short, it seem'd that the Island of Rhodes, which some believ'd was produc'd out of the Sea, to make the Earth tremble; was now just ready to perish by the same ac­cident [Page 215] for which it was created.

To add to their affliction, these tremblings of the Earth were ac­compani'd with such prodigious and impetuous showers of rain, as if a second deluge had been come to over­flow the World. Besides all this, the Sea swell'd ten foot high; and having surpast its bounds, over-run the [...] ­ty with such an impetuosity and noise, as if it came to swallow it up. The Rhodians believ'd themselves lost, when they beheld how the very Ele­ments conspir'd their ruine, at a time as they were threaten'd again with the whole force of the Turks. Nay, the Grand Master himself would have had much ado perhaps to have su­stain'd himself with his natural con­stancy, had not his confidence in God fortifi'd him against so many cala­mities. Upon this Christian confi­dence it was, that he was often heard to say, like Moses and David. The God of Battel is our fortress; when I walk in the midd'st of the shadow of death, I will fear none ill; be­cause, thou Lord, art with me.

[Page 216]He exhorted all the people to take heart, but all his exhortations signi­fi'd little; for the people sensible of what they felt, abandon'd themselves to those impressions which such sort of calamities produce. And that which encreas'd the publick conster­nation, was, that about that time Mahomet was set out of Constanti­nople at the head of three hunder'd thousand men, resolv'd to conquer Italy or Egypt, so soon as he had conquer'd Rhodes. He cross'd the Thracian Bosphorus, and took his way for Bithynia; with a design to cross all Asia the less, and to come to the Port of Lycia before the Knights should know of his march. But Heaven is pleas'd sometimes at one blow to bring down the pride of the Grandees of the Earth. This proud Prince, who thought upon no­thing but new conquests, was taken away by a violent Cholick in the midd'st of his Army, neer to Nico­media. He was three and fifty years old; so vigorous, that he endur'd all the travels and labours of War with­out [Page 217] any detriment to his health; the anguish that perplex'd him for raising the Seige of Rhodes did not a little contribute to his death. He always appear'd melancholly after that mis­fortune; and upon the very naming the word Grand Master, he fell into such dull fits as made him insuppor­table to himself. William Caoursin, who liv'd at that time, and was Vice-Chancellor of Rhodes, makes him to dye after a very strange manner. For he reports in his memoires, that Ma­homet passing thorough a Forrest of Bithynia, a young Man clad in white, of a shape something more then Hu­man, presented himself before him, with a visage burning with anger, and a flaming Sword in his hand, who after he had beheld him with a fiery and menacing eye, Most impious a­mong men, said he, I will run thee thorough with this Sword. At which words Mahomet fell trembling from his Horse, as if he had been struck with a Thunder-bolt. That at the same time he suffer'd most bitter tor­ments, which caus'd him to cry out [Page 218] most dreadfully, and that soon after he died, blaspheming the name of Je­sus, and cursing the Rhodians. Whe­ther the Apparition were true or no, certain it is, that this Enemy of the Cross dy'd the same day that the Church celebrates the festival of the finding the Holy Cross, and that as he was expiring, he several times ut­ter'd the word Rhodes, and comman­ded in the extremity of his pangs, that this Inscription should be writ­ten over his Tomb. My design was to have taken Rhodes and subdued Italy.

The death of the Ottoman Em­peror was the safety of Christendome, and particularly of the Rhodian Ter­ritories. So that when the Grand Master heard the news, he gave thanks in publick to Heaven, that the Order was deliver'd from so pow­erful an adversary.

But that which more encreas'd the joy of the Knights was this, that the City of Otrantum was retaken from the Turks in Puglia, so soon as the death of Mahomet was known Ach­mat [Page 219] Basha, one of the greatest men of the Empire, had made himself Master of this City the year before; and had left a strong Garrison there­in, and settl'd it in a condition not to be assaulted. The taking of O­trantum made all Italy shake. And the vigorous holding out of the Turks against the Neapolitans that besieg'd it, began to make Rome sensible of her danger; but when the besieged understood the death of the Grand Signior, their courages fail'd them, and they surrendred to the Duke of Calabria, Son to the King of Naples, not staying for the succour of five and twenty thousand men which Ach­mat was bringing himself. These Ty­dings were acceptable to the Church; and then it was that the Rhodians began to take breath after such a se­ries of misfortunes. The Earth grew steady, and the Sea retir'd, so that they had the liberty to repair all the ruins of the City. But as the cor­ruption of manners usually proceeds from the disorders of War, the Grand Master undertook a reformation of [Page 220] the Knights and people. To that end he made severe Laws against those vi­ces that wound Christian Piety, and civil society, upon which accompt he forbad all manner of unlawful Games. These Laws were publickly proclaim­ed, and what was thought almost incredible, as readily obey'd; but a Soveraign finds no great trouble to make his Subjects obey him when he commands nothing but what he practises himself.

While all things were calm at Rhodes; the two parties that strove to succeed in the Ottoman Empire, put all Turky into a confusion. Ma­homet at his death left two Sons be­hind him, Bajazet and Zi-zim, for Mustapha their elder brother was put to death by the command of his Father, That young Sultan, who who was both stout and valiant, and had not long before won a very sig­nal victory from Ʋssum Cassan King of Persia, coming to the Ottoman Court about the particular affairs of his government of Amasia, fell so deeply in love with the wife of Ach­mat, [Page 221] that famous Basha that took Otrantum, that one day in the hight of his passion, he offer'd her violence as she was going into the Bath. Ach­mat complain'd to Mahomet, and tore his Turbant and his Vest, to express his grief. What is that you complain of, haughtily answer'd the Grand Sig­nior to the Basha, My Son has done nothing but abus'd the Wife of one of my Slaves. However to give Achmat satisfaction, he gave immediate order that Mustapha should be strangl'd, at the same time acting the part of a cruel Father and a just King.

Thus Bajazet and Zizim remain­ed the only Heirs of the Crown. The first govern'd Paphlagonia, and resided not far from the Black Sea. The Se­cond had the Government of Lico­nia, in Asia the less, so that they were both at a great distance from their father when he dy'd. They had ever been kept a sunder the one from the other, and had never seen one another but once, out of a piece of policy of Mahomet, for fear least jealousy should divide themselves, or [Page 222] a strickt amity unite them both a­gainst him. They were of a different Character, and dispositions resem­bling in nothing but the passion which they had to raign. Bajazet, to whom the Turks gave the name of Light­ning or Thunder, by no means made his Title good, as being of a spirit altogether poor and mean, and one that minded nothing less then War. Zizim, whose name signifies love, on the contrary had a lively Wit, a noble Soul, and was most generously enclin'd. He was not so handsome as Bajazet; but there appear'd in his Person, and in his Countenance, such a mixture of Grandeur, sweet­ness, and haughtiness mix'd together, that surpass'd beauty it self. He de­lighted extreamly in hunting, and all Military exercises. And yet he had no less a love for learning then he had for Arms. He understood Langua­ges, among the rest the Greek and Italian; he spent some part of his time in reading of Histories; and he was then writing the Story of his Fathers Life, when the news came to him of [Page 223] his death. He was very zealous for the Mahumetan Religion, yet not with that head-strong passion, but that he had a great kindness for the Knights of Rhodes, whom his Father mortally hated, Besides all that, he had a par­ticular affection for the Grand Ma­ster, from the very time that the first overtures of peace were made, and he had always a design to make as strict a league with him as the law of the Mussel-men would permit. And in­deed there is such a coherence between the Story of the Grand Master and Zizim, that I cannot forbear to relate what happne'd to the two Brothers, before the Knights did interest them­selves altogether in the quarrel.

So soon as Bajazet and Zizim understood of the death of the Em­peror. They both of them minded nothing else but how to get into pos­session of the Empire. But before they took the Field, the partakers of each side at Constantinople, had taken Arms, and declar'd some for the One, and some for the Other. The heads of each party made out the best they [Page 224] could the right of both Princes. They that took Bajazets part, cry'd out that nature spake in his behalf, for that being the eldest, he could not in justice be depriv'd of the Crown. The Friends of Zizim pretended that a lazy slothful Prince as Bajazet, that gave not his mind to business, but led a dissolute life, did not deserve to suc­ceed to the great Mahomet. They maintain'd that Zizim being endow­ed from Heaven with all the qualities that made a Prince worthy of an Em­pire, ought to be preferr'd in the suc­cession to his Father. And as to the right of Eldership they added, that Bajazet indeed was born before Zi­zim; but that for that very reason he had no right to the Imperial Crown. For, said they, the first is only the Son of Bajazet, the other is the Son of the Emperor. Bajazet was born while Amurath liv'd, and before Ba­jazet bare the Scepter. But Zizim came into the World, when his Fa­ther was in possession of all the Tur­kish dominions, and after he had con­quer'd the Empire of the Greeks; [Page 225] so that it might be truly said, that this young Prince was born upon the Throne; and that Nature, as well as Fortune, had design'd him for the Em­pire.

Both parties thus heated, fell at length from disputes to blows, the people taking part according as they were seduc'd and inveagl'd by the Janizaries and Basha's; insomuch that they plunder'd one part of the Palace, and the Imperial Treasure, and one of the Grandees of the Court was slain in a popular insurrection, wherein there was much blood spilt.

While this was the condition of affairs at Constantinople, and that the two Princes were preparing to make good their claims by force of Arms, the Grand Master thought it very con­venient to take the advantage of Ma­homet's death, and of the division of the Princes, and to make an attempt upon the Island of Meteline. It was then one of the richest Islands in the Archipelago, and the most commodi­ous for Knights, being seated directly against the mouth of the Straight of [Page 226] Gallipoli. The broyls of Turkey made the enterprize easy. For there was no likelihood of any relief by Sea from the Infidels, when their For­ces were all employ'd in a Domestick War. These considerations encou­rag'd the Grand Master to make ready with all speed the Ships of the Or­der, and to spare for nothing that might procure the success of such an important design. The Commander de Jales, who at that time kept cru­zing the Archipelago with two Gal­leys, had order to attend the Fleet. When it was ready, it set Sail under the Conduct of the Commander de Carmandin, Baily of Lango. But sick­ness happening in the Fleet, unseason­able weather, and contrary winds dis­appointed a design, the success where­of seem'd to be infallible. But that which the Grand Master contriv'd to revenge himself upon the Soldan of Egypt, better succeeded. For that same treacherous Prince having no regard to the Peace, according to the custom and genius of the Mahume­tans, had sent certain Pyrats to take [Page 227] the Vessels, and plunder the Ships be­longing to the Order, as if open War had been declar'd. Thereupon the Grand Master order'd his Galleys to cruize along the coasts of Syria and Egypt, and to make all the havock they could upon a faithless Barbarian. Which was so effectually perform'd, that Caerbei, the Soldan, soon repen­ted him of his perjury.

In the mean while Bajazet's par­ty grew strong. For while the two Sultans were upon their march to dispute for the Crown by force of Arms, Achmat, who return'd to Con­stantinople when the Turks had for­saken Otrantum, and who was a per­son of great authority in the Empire, absolutely declar'd for Bajazet; whether it were that he was con­vinc'd of the justice of his cause, or that he hop'd to have the Govern­ment in his own hands, under a weak Prince. As he was a man prudent and bold, equally skill'd in Politicks as War; after he had partly threaten'd, partly caress'd the more factious sort, he appeas'd the Sedition by setting [Page 228] upon the Throne one of Bajazett's Sons, of about thirteen years of age, whose name was Sultan Corcut, and proclaiming Emperor the Father of the young Prince. Bajazett, who had already tak'n shipping, soon came to Constantinople by the black Sea. Ach­mat receiv'd him at the head of the Basha's and Janizaries that he had gain'd, who having all of them salu­ted him Emperor, they conducted him to the Imperial Palace, surroun­ded with the shouts and acclamations of the people, who acknowledg'd him the lawful Heir of Mahomet.

Zizim's Adherents were vex'd to the very hearts to see his enemy up­on the Throne; but the absolute power that Achmat had gain'd, forc'd them to dissemble their resentment, and to comply with the advancement of Bajazett. However, they held private Caballs together, and invited the young Sultan to make all the haste he could. Zizim, who had not the convenience of the Sea, but was to march through Bithynia, did not understand till he was upon the road, [Page 229] of the Coronation of his Brother. This unwelcome news did nothing abate the courage of the young Prince. He believ'd the people, whose inclinations are prone to change, and often contrary to themselves, would turn of his side, so soon as he should appear at Constantinople; and he be­liev'd it so much the more, because that Bajazet had been always less belov'd then he. With these hopes he march'd in all haste towards Pru­sia, the ancient residence of the Ot­toman Emperors, and made himself Master of the City, with those few Troops which he had brought with him out of Lycaonia. This first suc­cess seem'd to promise more. And therefore, that he might not be want­ing to his own good fortune, he la­bours, by means of his friends, to draw to his party the Lords and Grandees of the Port; and to regain the affection of the Janizaries, got what Money he could together, and reinforc'd his Army from day to day.

Bajazet, in whom desire of rule had augmented both his wit and his [Page 230] courage, spar'd for nothing on his side, to stop the progress of the Sul­tan his Brother. And fearing lest Zi­zim should make himself Master of all Asia, he sent Achmat against him with a numerous Army, and made up of the old Souldiers of the Army. The Basha, who desir'd nothing more then to finish what he had begun, makes all possible haste, and encamps not far from Prusia, in a woody plain, resolv'd to carry the place, and to get the Prince into his power, who was the only obstacle to the repose of the new Emperor.

Zizim, who had not time to for­tify the City, and wanted provisions to hold out a Siege, rather chose to take the field, then to be shut up in a weak and unprovided place. There­upon out he marches at the head of his Cavalry; and having discover'd Achmat's Troops, which he did not think so nigh at hand, he resolv'd to give Battel immediately. Thus resolving to venture all for a Crown, he marches directly toward the ene­my, telling his Souldiers that there [Page 231] was no other way but either to con­quer, or dye. Achmat stood him with a wonderful resolution; and after he had born the fury of the first shock, he charg'd him so rudely, that the Asiaticks were soon put to the rout. The most part of them were raw Souldiers, ill disciplin'd, effeminate, and more accustom'd to repose and luxury, then to the noise of arms and labour. The Prince return'd to the charge with some of the choice of his Army, but they perish'd almost all by his side, and he himself had either been slain, or tak'n, had not night come on. Thereupon, favour'd by the darkness, he got into the next wood, hoping to rally his Troops, and to bring them on again the next day. But understanding that the most part of his people were either prison­ers, or slain, he took a sudden reso­lution to fly for succour to the Soldan of Egypt, the King of Cilicia, and the Grand Master of Rhodes. To this purpose, with only forty Horse, marching day and night through un­known places, at length he got into [Page 232] Syria. Being come to Jerusalem, he went to visit the Temple of Solomon, to which the Mahumetans give a par­ticular veneration; and there pro­strated at the foot of the Altar, he besought the Divine Majesty to fa­vour his just designs; after which, continuing his journey through the Deserts of Arabia, he came to Caire.

Cairbey receiv'd Zizim, not as a Fugitive, and despoyl'd Prince, but as a great King, the Son of a most famous Conqueror, and of the most Puissant Emperor that ever the Turks had. When he understood that the Prince was at hand, he sent before the most considerable Emirs and Ma­malukes of his Court. And at the same time he went to receive him at the Gate of his Palace, contrary to the custome of the Soldans; not were there any sort of honours or caresses with which he did not enter­tain him. Zizim, so much the bet­ter pleas'd with his entertainment, by how much the more he look'd up­on the lowness of his condition, made his returns to the civilities of the [Page 233] Chirurgeon, as shew'd his acknow­ledgment, but testifi'd nothing of weakness, or want of courage. Af­ter he had declar'd to him the reason of his coming, he told him withal, that he apply'd himself to him, as to the most zealous observer of the Ma­humetan Law. He conjur'd him by the Temple of Solomon, and the Se­pulcher of the Prophet Mahomet, which were both in his Dominions, to assist an unfortunate person with his counsels and his forces, against the violences of a barbarous Brother, who had depriv'd him of the Crown, and also sought to take away his life. The Soldan, mov'd by the discourse of Zizim, made him all manner of offers. But as Cairbey was a Politick Prince, who would not easily engage in dangerous affairs, being rather a lover of quiet and repose, he pro­mis'd him first to labour an accom­modation with Bajazet; and to keep his word, he dispatch'd away an Emir to Constantinople. The Embassy was no way pleasing to Zizim, who well knew that such kind of differences [Page 234] were not to be determin'd but by force. But the posture of his affairs, and the consideration of his wife and children that came after him to Caire, enforc'd him to dissemble. And the better to conceal his passion, he de­sir'd to go to Mecca, to worship the Sepulcher of Mahomet, though per­haps more out of discontent than devotion.

Hardly was the Ottoman Prince return'd, but news came from Con­stantinople. Bajazet, who in all things follow'd the counsel of Ach­mat, accepted the mediation of Cair­bey, not so much to reconcile himself with his Brother, as to amuse him, and ruine him, under the pretence of accommodation. The Soldan over­joy'd to see himself the Arbitrator of so great a quarrel, went about to per­swade Zizim that a part of the Em­pire was better then nothing; and upon that score he offer'd him for his share a Province in Asia. The Sul­tan was much displeased at his Pro­position, and could not forbear from manifesting how high an injury it [Page 235] was to his pride. By this he found that mediation did but only make him lose time; and therefore not find­ing Cairbey very readily dispos'd to succour him, he resolv'd to implore the assistance of other Princes, at what time he receiv'd an Embassy from the Grand Caraman.

This Monarch, whom Mahomet had despoyl'd of the Kingdom of Ci­licia, now call'd Caramania, thought he had now a favourable opportuni­ty to recover the Kingdoms which he had lost; and made no question but that by declaring himself against Bajazet, he should oblige Zizim, should he contribute to put him in possession of the Empire, to restore him his own. Upon this considera­tion he rais'd Forces, and requested succour from all his friends. The Grand Master, to whom he particu­larly address'd himself, sent him five Galleys laden with Souldiers and Ar­tillery; who were readily willing to go, when the Counsel understood that it was done for the interest of Zi­zim, who had been always kind to [Page 236] the Knights, and the Vessels of the Order. In short, when Caraman had rais'd his Army, he sent for Sultan Zizim to come and joyn with him. The proposition of the King of Ca­ramania was much more acceptable to the Prince, then that of the Sul­tan; but that which chiefly made him determine to leave Caire, was, that several Basha's ill satisfi'd with the new Government, had by parti­cular expresses assur'd him of their fidelity and services. However, as much displeas'd as he was in himself with Cairbey, he would not break with a Prince from whom he had re­ceiv'd so-much kindness; and who was able to do him as much preju­dice. So that as a mark of the con­fidence he repos'd in him, he left his wife and children with him.

The great desire which Zizim had to obtain the Crown, which, as he pretended, belong'd to him, and of which he thought himself more worthy than Bajazet, made him ha­sten with all speed to Mount Taurus, where the Grand Caraman expected [Page 237] him; and the reason which that ex­pell'd King had to hate the Turks, made Zizim believe that he should find in him an assur'd and faithful friend. After they had sworn to each other an inviolable Amity, the two Princes march'd together over vast Plains, and encamp'd with their For­ces near to Lavanda, a City of Cap­padocia; Achmat, who had winter'd in Lycaonia, neer Iconium, advanc'd with his Army upon the first report of the Confederacy of Caraman and Zizim; on the other side also Ba­jazet, whom the desire of ruining his Brother, made more bold and va­liant every day then other, set forth from Constantinople at the head of a hunder'd thousand men, and joyn'd with Achmat, who had at least as many.

Whatever resolutions the two Prin­ces had taken, they began to be afraid of so great a force; and Caraman, who knew his Troops to be far weaker then those of the Turks, gave Zizim to understand that it would be but meer rashness to give Battel. [Page 238] He also endeavour'd to perswade him that it was the part of prudence to retire. But the young Prince could not so resolve; either honour or de­spair caus'd him to make a proposal to Bajazet, that they might termi­nate their differences by a single com­bat in the sight of both Armies. Ba­jazet, who was not stout enough, and who was in too prosperous a condition to accept such a challenge, propos'd to Zizim another way of accommodation, and offer'd him any such Province as he should like upon the Frontiers of Turkey, with two hunder'd thousand Crowns in Gold every year, and a Court becoming the Ottoman magnificence.

Had those offers been as sincere, as they were made in craft, they would not have contented Zizim, whose ambition was not to be satis­fi'd but with a Crown. He rejected them with disdain. But knowing that Achmat did but only seek to en­snare him, that he might get his per­son into his power, while he kept him in play with fair words, he at length [Page 239] was perswaded to retreat. The ad­vice which he had of their close pur­suit, advis'd him to save himself through Forrests and Deserts in the most difficult Streights of Mount Taurus. The Caraman follow'd him presently after with his Forces very much tir'd. Zizim had formerly se­cur'd himself in this place from the persecution of an enemy that was not his Brother; but judging well, that a Brother so unnatural as his would ne­ver be at rest, till he had establish'd his Throne by the death of him that had the only right to pretend to it; after he had made several reflections upon the present, and the future, he resolv'd to seek the Alliance and pro­tection of the Grand Master, whose generosity he was well acquainted with, and who was also a friend of the Grand Caraman. To that pur­pose he wrote to Rhodes by one of his most faithful servants; but that Messenger was tak'n by the Turks, who possess'd all the passes of the Countrey, and carri'd to Bajazet, who put him immediately to death.

[Page 240]When Zizim understood that, and that Achmat sought for him in all places, he left Mount Taurus, and took the way of Lycia toward the Sea with the Grand Caraman, who was himself his guide. Who, no sooner were they got clear of the Streights of the Mountain, but their Troops who were posted there, and were pre­paring to follow them, were surroun­ded, and cut in pieces by Achmat. These new misfortunes put the young Prince upon sending to the Grand Master two prudent and faithful per­sons, the one of which was nam'd Duan, and the other Solyman. And there happen'd to be at that time a Galiot of the Order, that carri'd the Embassadors of Zizim to Rhodes.

Duan and Solyman fully inform'd the Grand Master of the adventures of their Prince. And afterwards they told him that it belong'd to none but the most Illustrious Knights of the World to protect an opprest Innocent; and that it was less an honour to hum­ble the proud, then to assist the mis­erable. That Zizim requir'd neither [Page 241] money nor men, being resolv'd to submit a while to his bad fortune; that he did not covet to rule, but on­ly sought an Asylum, where he might live in safety and quiet. They added, that in his youth he had had a mani­fest affection for the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, and that he hop'd that the Mahumetan Law wherein he had been bred, would not hinder them from taking pity upon a young Prince expos'd to the most cruel per­secution that ever was. To conclude, they told him that nothing would render the Knights of Rhodes more formidable to Bajazett, then their having his Brother in their power; nor more considerable either in Eu­rope or in Asia, then to be Master of the Destiny of a Prince, who was Ma­homet's Heir.

These reasons were too sound not to move the Grand Master, who un­derstood besides how profitable such an accident would be to all Christen­dom. It was therefore resolv'd in Council to entertain Zizim, and the grand Vessel of the Treasury was [Page 242] forthwith commanded together with a Galley, a Caravel, and other Vessels to go and fetch him. They also made ready at the same time a safe Con­duct, after the same form which the Embassador desir'd. The Grand Ma­ster made choice of Don Alvare of Zuinga, Prior of Castile, for so ho­nourable a Command, and gave him his Orders how he should behave himself toward the Prince.

Bajazett on the other side finding by a Letter intercepted, and by the advices which he had, that Zizim had bent his course toward the Coast of Lycia, to pass from thence by Sea to Rhodes, sent after him a body of Horse, with orders to take him dead or alive. Zizim, who had intelli­gence thereof, presently retir'd to the Sea side, where the great Caraman had prepar'd a Ship ready, in case the Prince should be pursu'd. The Spahi's however made so must haste, that they miss'd him but a moment; they appear'd at the very time when he was but just got into the Barque; and he was no sooner put off from [Page 243] the shoar, but taking a Bow in sight of his Brothers souldiers, he let fly an Arrow, to the point whereof was fasten'd a Letter, the Contents of which were as follow.

When the Horsemen saw that the Bark was out of their reach, they re­turn'd, enrag'd that they had miss'd their prey, and carri'd the Letter to Bajazett. The Barbarian could not refrain from tears when he read it: And it is reported that he was seiz'd with a terrour when he had consider'd it, and fell into a deep fit of malancholly. So great a power have the conceptions of Nature and Religion, at certain times, upon minds, the most cruel and impious. In the mean time, Zizim, who had heard no tidings of his Embassadors, not knowing what course to steer, nor were to land in safety, wander'd at the mercy of the waves and winds along the Coast of Lycia, at what time he discover'd certain Vessels, that with all the sail they could, [Page 245] seem'd to make toward him. Now, as it is natural to the unfortunate to be afraid of every thing, the Prince imagin'd them to be either Pirates, or such as had a design upon his life, being in pursuit of him by his Bro­thers order, upon which he com­manded the Pilot to gain the first landing-place: But the event prov'd to him that he had had a false ala­rum. For they whom he took for Pirates and Enemies, were the Ships of Rhodes that were sent to seek him out.

When the Vessels were within sight of Lycia, Don Alvarez, according to his Instructions, sent Zizim's Em­bassadors, and a Knight along with him to give notice of his Arrival. No sooner were they landed, but per­ceiving a Bark not far from the place where they went ashore, they found there Zizim himself, whom they thought to have been at the Court of the Grand Caraman. The Embassa­dors gave him an accompt of the fa­vourable Inclinations of the Grand Master, and the Knight told him that [Page 246] Don Alvare, a kinsman of the Kings of Castile, Captain General of the Armies of the Order, and the Grand Masters Lieutenant, was come on purpose to conduct him safely to Rhodes. The Prince, who found something that was very acceptable in so strange an Adventure, and who perhaps out of pride, would not at first confess his flight and his fear to an unknown per­son, smartly reply'd, that not que­stioning the generosity of the Grand Master, he thought it convenient ra­ther to come and expect him upon the Coast, then to put him to the trouble of searching after him. After which the Knight returning to the Brigantine, and coming up with the Vessels at Sea, Don Alvarez made to the Prince himself, to salute him in his own Galley. He presented him the Grand Masters safe conduct and Letter, and then carry'd him into the great Ship with a loud noise of Trum­pets, and the Thunder of the Canon.

The Prior of Castile was one of those Spaniards, who being rarely bred, perfectly understood the world, [Page 247] being no less polite then dextrous in his behaviour; and therefore he faild not to pay Zizim all those respects and offices which were due to an un­fortunate and afflicted Prince. For though ill fortune had not abated the courage of the young Sultan, it had however somewhat encreas'd his natural melancholy. The Procedure of Don Alvare affected Zizim in such a manner, that he testified at first how sensible he was of his kind offices, and gentle services. Generous Knight, said he, in loosing a Throne, I have not lost those thoughts which Nature bequeaths to the most barba­rous. And if fortune do not altogether destine me to misery, you shall find that I was not born ungrateful. But I see your generosity is altogether pure, and that in treating an Ʋnfor­tunate so worthily, you only seek the honour of doing good. Yet I cannot wonder enough, added he, that so much civility should be shewn to the Son of the most implacable enemy Your Order ever had, and I must con­fess, that therein I admire your inge­nuity.

[Page 248] Great Prince, Repli'd the Knight, Reason commands that we should give honour to persons of high birth, and real merit, whatever their con­dition be; and they are but mean souls, that rather follow the Fortunes, then the persons of Kings. You are forc'd to fly ill intreated by your sub­jects, and depriv'd of your Domi­nious, but you are still a King, you are still Sultan Zizim. We receive you as a Prince, whose virtue and misfortune render him worthy the esteem of Christians, and not as an enemy. Nor are you to wonder that the Grand Master entertains in this manner the Son of an Emperour, who mortally hated us. Mahomet your Father did all he could to ruine us: we have done all we could to with­stand his triumphant Arms, and by the mercy of God we obtain'd a signal Victory against him, the remembrance of which After-Ages will preserve. The Knights of Rhodes know how to vanquish those that assail them; but they know how to relieve with hu­manity those that cast themselves into [Page 249] their Protection; nor are there any Injuries which they do not forget, when their enemies are no longer able to do them harm.

The Answer of Don Alvares con­vinc'd Zizim of the generosity of the Knights, and entirely gain'd his confidence.

The Grand Master had command­ed that he should be treated like the Son of an Emperour and a King. To which purpose the Officers that first serv'd him at his Table, made an Es­say of the meat, according to the cu­stom of the Courts of Europe. Zizim seem'd to be surpriz'd, because that Ceremony is not in fashion among the Turks: but it was told him it was the usual practice at the Tables of the European Princes, and that it was an Assurance against poison. Oh! said he, I am not afraid of be­ing poisoned by such generous Knights as you; I have put my life and for­tune into your hands, and I hold my self secure. Besides, I had rather you should treat me as a friend, then a Prince. Concluding those words, [Page 250] he took something out of every dish of which no Essay had been made, and putting all the meat into one plate, he began to eat, to let the Knights know how much he confided in them. After that he began to be more gay and pleasant, while the good entertainment that he receiv'd had almost made him forget his past mis­fortunes.

Nevertheless, when the Ships were under sail, and that the Coasts of Ly­cia began to disappear, he then began to be apprehensive that nothing could be more worthy of composition then a fugitive and wandring King, driven to seek an Asylum in the territories of strangers, and of enemies. So that the sad thoughts which seiz'd him all of a sudden, caus'd him to be profoundly sad for some hours; so that all his courage was but little enough to bring him to his former humour.

For the mean while the Ship kept on their course, and they had so fortunate a passage, that they came in a small time within view of Rhodes. [Page 251] Don Alvarez speeded before in a Brigantine, to give the Grand Master notice of the Prince's arrival. All things were already order'd for his Entry; and among the rest of the preparations, there was a bridge of wood, which reach'd from the gate of the Port, above ten paces into the Sea, to the very place where the Ship that carri'd Zizim was to lye.

The most ancient Commanders which the Grand Master sent before to meet the Prince, receiv'd him with all the respect which was due to the Son of their Emperour Mahomet. So that while the Artillery play'd from all parts, he pass'd over the Bridge which was cover'd with cloth of Gold, in the midst of the Acclama­tions of the people, whom curiosity had drawn to the shoar. From whence, after he had mounted a Spanish Cour­ser, richly harnessed, he rode forward to the Great Piazza, with the sound of fifes and Trumpets, conducted by Don Alvarez, who did him the Of­fice of a Squire. The Streets were all strew'd with herbs & flowers, and an [Page 252] infinite number of people fill'd the plat-forms and windows. Zizim, entring into the City, was smitten with the beauty which appear'd there very rich in habit, as well to see as to be seen, and with a loud voice he spoke it, that it was not for nothing that the Rhodian women were ac­counted the fairest of all Asia.

At the same time that the Ship which carry'd Zizim entred the Port, the Grand Master march'd out of the Castle with a pompous train, and in very good order. He was at­tended by a troop of young Knights, very richly habited, and mounted upon horses of high price. The Of­ficers of the Order follow'd them; every one wearing about their necks a Chain of Gold, going two and two, with countenances wherein there was both haughtiness and modesty mix­ed together. The Grand Master ap­pear'd at last, apparell'd in Tissue of Gold, embroider'd with precious stones, mounted upon a Neopolitan Steed, whose harness was all em­broider'd with Gold and Silver. The [Page 253] Squires and Pages that follow'd him, were no less remarkable for the splendour of their habits and furni­ture, then for their goodly presences, and dexterity in the management of their Horses. But there appear'd an Air so noble, and something so ma­jestick in the person of the Grand Master, that he was easily distin­guish'd from the rest of the company. A great body of Horse clos'd up the Rear of the Retinue.

The Grand Master stopp'd before the Church of St. Sebastian, and put his men in order in the Piaz, expect­ing the approach of the Sultan. So soon as Zizim perceiv'd the Grand Master, who was shew'd him by Don Alvarez, though he were re­markable enough in many other re­spects, he saluted him according to the manner of the Turks, by putting his finger three times upon his mouth. The Grand Master on his part making a low obeysance, ad­vanc'd toward him, and making a se­cond bow, gave him a very civil com­plement in Italian, which was an­swer'd [Page 254] by the Prince with a good grace, and in expressions full of good sense. After that they gave their hands each to other, and having repeated some few more words of friendship and kindness, they march'd together to the French Lodgings which were prepar'd for the Prince The Grand Master, when they began to set forward, gave him the upper hand, but Zizim, making some re­flexions upon it, would not permit it at first. I am your Captive, said he, and it becomes not a Captive to take the place of honour. Sir, an­swer'd the Grand Master, Captives of your condition, preserve their dignity in all places, and I would to God you had as much power in Constantinople as you have in Rhodes.

As to the rest, Zizim appear'd neither merry nor sad, during the whole Calvacade. He carry'd the look of a person, who had the proof both at one time of good and bad fortune; or like one that believ'd himself worthy of the honours which were done him. He seem'd however [Page 255] to be highly pleas'd with the beha­viour of the Knights; and when he alighted from his Horse, he em­brac'd the Grand Master with a very tender affection, calling him several times his Protector and Father. That day, and for some daies following, they had several particular discourses upon the present condition of Affairs; but all that time abstain'd from par­ticular conferences. However, there was nothing omitted for the diver­tisement of the young Sultan, so that there was nothing to be seen at Rhodes but Hunting-matches, Run­ing at the Ring, Shews, and magni­ficent Feasts. But all these diver­tisements did not compleat the re­pose of the Prince's mind. For though he were not afraid of the Knights, he could not think himself in safety in a place full of Greeks, and so neer the Turks; and what was more the proceedings of the Port, daily en­creas'd his disquiet and his fears.

At the beginning of those divisions which turmoil'd the Ottoman Em­pire, after the death of Mahomet, [Page 256] Bajazett was afraid that it would not go well with his affairs, so long as he was not in friendship with the Grand Master▪ however he could not condescend to demand peace himself. There to save his reputa­tion, he dealt in private with the Sub-Basha▪ De Pizzona, who was come over to his Party, and was Go­vernour of Lycia. The Sub-Basha sent an Embassador to Rhodes, with instructions not to speak of Bajazett, but only to manage a truce between the people of Lycia and the Rho­dians, believing that a Peace would easily follow a Truce. But the Em­bassy not having that success which was expected, Bajazett made use of Achmat to carry on his design. The Basha, as jealous of the honour of the Sultan, as the Governour of Ly­cia, wrote, as from his Supream a very yielding Letter to engage the Grand Master to an accommodation, and entrusted Lasim Brahim for his Agent▪ with the Letter. The Grand Master thought himself obliged to hear the Propositions of Achmat, as [Page 259] well for the love of his people, who stood in need of rest after the toils of so long a war, as for the honour of the Order, to whom a Treaty could not be but advantageous, that men­tion'd nothing of Tribute.

The Reception of Zizim, made Bajazet impatient of a conclusion of peace. Upon which Achmat urg'd it more and more by his Minister Lasim Brahim. He offer'd also that the Grand Signior should sign what­ever the Knights desir'd, and for a pledge of his real intentions, he re­stor'd all the Vessels of the Order which had been taken since the Truce by the Pyrates of Lycia.

All these condescentions of the Port, so different from the Ottoman Haughtiness, more then ever alarum'd Prince Zizim. He imagin'd with himself, that his Brother was not so desirous of peace, but only that he might have an occasion to destroy him; and that when Trade should be free between the Rhodians & Turks, he should be in daily fear of either be­ing stabb'd or poison'd: and that the [Page 258] runagate Greeks so accustom'd to treachery and murther, would omit nothing to serve Bajazett to good purpose. In the midst of these thoughts he resolv'd to seek a San­ctuary elsewhere, to preserve himself from a violent death, to which pur­pose he open'd his mind to the Grand Master, in whom he put an entire confidence. The Grand Master found that Zizim offer'd nothing but reason; yet because the affair was of great impotance, he resolv'd to have the advice of his Council, before he gave the Prince a positive answer. Among them, Opinions were different, while some affirm'd that it was for the interest and honour of the Order to keep the Prince; that Bajazett durst not refuse the Knights any thing, or make any at­tempt upon them, while Zizim re­main'd at Rhodes; that when he was out of their power, they could ex­pect nothing but a cruel war, or a very disadvantageous peace. That by all the rules of prudence they were to lay hold upon so fair an oc­casion; [Page 259] or at least before the retreat of the Sultan, they were to make an honourable agreement with the Port. As for the safety of the Prince, they might easily secure it, by affording him a sufficient Guard, there being very few Assassinates that would at­attempt the persons of great men, at the hazard of their own lives.

The more disinterested, and the wiser sort were of a contrary judg­ment, that a removal was the only way to preserve Sultan Zizim from the misfortunes that threatned him: that war did no way secure him, that after a refusal of Peace with the Turks, they had no way to secure him from poison or assassination, while treason enters every where, and the fidelity of servants and guards is not proof against any large sum of money. That while Bajazet sought to get him into his power by all the waies ima­ginable, they could neither surrender him without betraying their faith given, nor keep him without drawing upon themselves the indignation of the Sultan.

[Page 260] Zizim, who saw that his affairs would spin out too much time, unless he determin'd something speedily, and well enough understood the danger of delay, press'd the Grand Master to give him his liberty to be gone, and conjur'd him to permit him that he might go to the King of France, as be­ing the person most capable to pro­tect him against the Tyranny of his Brother. For besides that he guess'd at the French Humour, by the beha­viour of the Grand Master, he had heard frequent discourses of their ge­nerosity; nor did he question but that the successors of Clovis and Charlemaigne, whose famous deeds he had read, would take delight in re­storing a Prince to his Throne.

The Grand Master could not with­stand neither the reasons, nor the powerful instances of Zizim. He approv'd his determination touching his retreat into France. But that which made him approve it the more, was that he thought that Zizim ran no hazard in a Countrey which pro­duc'd no Monsters, and where poison [Page 261] was unknown. So that the safety of a poor Prince who had thrown him­self into the Arms of the Knights, made the Grand Master in some mea­sure forget his own Interests, and those of his people; for not troubling himself about the ill consequences that so hasty a Retreat might draw after it, he gave all orders necessary for the Voyage into France. He re­doubl'd at the same time his civilties to the Sultan, and the eeve before his departure made him a most magni­cent Feast. Zizim admir'd more then once the variety and dressing of the meat, and the order of the ser­vice, confessing that the magnificence of the Ottoman Emperours had no­thing so sumptuous. During the feast there was a noble consort of musick, and among the rest of the Musicians an English man, who sung rarely, and plaid upon a certain unusual In­strument compos'd of four Pipes joyn'd together, charming all the company, except the Prince, whose ears were not accustom'd to such sweet musick. Whereupon the Grand [Page 262] Master who perceiv'd it, and sate a­lone at the Table with him, sent for a Turkish Slave, whom he thought would better please him.

This Slave, singing a Turkish Air, and playing upon I know not what sort of Instrument, making faces, and using ridiculous postures, delighted Zizim so well, that he caus'd him to laugh heartily. He eat plentifully and as strict as he was in the obser­vation of his Law, he drank wine sometimes mix'd with Aromatick juices, and sometimes neat without any composition. The Feast was in the Grand Master's Palace, where they sate upon two Chairs with a Table before them, after the fashion of Europe; but that posture was un­easie to the Sultan, who was wont to eat cross-legg'd, so that he cast his eyes up and down to see if no body observ'd his disturbance.

But after all these lesser observa­tions, Zizim was extraordinarily satisfi'd with the marks of friendship which he receiv'd from the Grand Master during his stay at Rhodes; he [Page 263] return'd him thanks several times; and as a testimony of his gratitude, he caus'd three Authentick Acts to be forthwith made ready, which he put into the Grand Master's hands. The first was an absolute power for him to conclude a Peace with the Port, as he should see good. The se­cond was a kind of a Manifesto for the discharge of the Knights, by which the Prince declar'd that he had earnestly desir'd to go out of Rhodes, and to be conducted into France: which is alone enough to justifie the Grand Master, whom some ill-meaning, or ill-inform'd people have blam'd for letting the Prince go. The third Act was a perpetual confederation of the Prince with the Order, in case he should ever come to be restor'd to the Dominions and Territories of his Ancestors. This last Act is so much for the honour of the Grand Master, and so highly mani­fests the acknowledgment of Zizim, that I thought it might not be troublesom to the Reader to see it.

The third of September which was the day that the Prince took shipping, he was attended to the Sea with the same Pomp, and the same ceremonie, with which he was receiv'd. He took his leave of the principal Knights, after a most obliging manner, wherin there appear'd nothing of Barbarism. He also laid aside all his haughtiness, when he gave the Grand Master his last farewel: For it is reported that he threw himself at his feet, and kiss'd his hand with a profound respect. The Grand Master tenderly embrac'd him, and wept for some time over him ei­ther through compassion, or through [Page 267] some secret dictate that he should never see him again. The Knight de Blanchefort, who was return'd to Rhodes since the raising of the seige, & the Knight de Rochechenard had order to conduct the Sultan into France, not to mention the Knights who were nam'd to accompany him, and to serve him as a convoy; but they en­ter'd all together with Zizim into the great ship of the order, and set saile the same day with a favourable wind.

The Grand Master, who had al­ready given advice to the Pope of the arrival of the Ottoman Prince, gave him also notice of his depar­ture by this opportunity, and sent him word in particular, that Zizim of his own accord had made choice of France for the security of his life: that he had good ground for his fears; in regard that for the forty dayes that he had stay'd in Rhodes he was certainly enformd that the Grand signiour had us'd all his en­deavours either to take or murder him.

[Page 268]The departure of the Prince did not work that ill effect which some were afraid of. For though Baja­zet was soon inform'd of what had pass'd, yet he desir'd peace with the same earnestness as before; because he always lookt upon the Grand Master as the Arbiter of the Sultan his Brothers fortune. So that the Embassadours that departed for Con­stantinople the next day after Prince Zizim was gon, were honourably re­ceiv'd by the Grand Signiour, and the peace had bin presently conclu­ded, had not the pride of Achmat put a stop to it.

This Basha, equally proud & cuning, who in his letters had given a blank paper to the Grand Master, could not endure that the first proposition which the Embassadours made should be that no mention should be made of Tribute. He brake forth upon that subject with a haughtiness, which made him almost forget the respect to the sacred Persons of the Ministers of Soveraign Princes. The Knight Guy de Mont Amaud, who was one [Page 269] of the Embassadours, and who in his instructions had express order to bear up briskly against the Basha, took him up short, and spoke to him with that sharpness, that had absolutely broke off the Negotiation, if Misach Paleologus, who was at the confe­rence, had not allay'd their passions. After the death of Mahomet he was returned to the port, and had gain'd the favour of Bajazet, by espousing his Interest. He, well acquainted with the humour of the Knights, and having prov'd to his cost, the con­stancy of the Grand Master, knew it was in vain for Achmat to contend so obstinately upon the point of tri­bute, and told him his reasons breif­ly, though in the Turkish language, that the Embassadours might not un­derstand him.

The Knight Leonard Duprat, who was the other Embassadour, and un­derstood Turkish, understanding the Basha's discourse, and repeating it in French to the Knight de Mont A­maud, was the occasion, that both standing stifly to their principles, [Page 570] Achmats heat began to cool, so that of himself he began to give way to their demands. Bajazet promised not only to live in good amity with the Knights of Rhodes, but not to trouble the rest of the Christians. The Grand Master undertook for his part, to keep Zizim always in the power of the Knigths, and to endeavour all he could that the Sultan should not fall into the hands of any Prince ei­ther Christian or Infidel. Upon this the peace was concluded according to the Articles which the Embassa­dours propos'd; and it may be said that never was any Accommodation made with the Port, either more ho­nourable or more profitable to Chris­tendom. That which was most re­markable and extraordinary was that Bajazet engag'd himself, either through weakness or Policie, to pay the Grand Master a kind of Tribute. To this purpose he sent to Rhodes Cagritaim, his principal favourite▪ and the two Knights bestirrd them­selves so well, that they carry'd him along with them upon their return. [Page 271] Cagritaim declar'd in full councel, that the Port would pay to the order thirty five thousand Duckets, money of Venice, for the subsistence of Zi­zim, and besides that, the Grand Sig­niour would pay every year to the Grand Master in particular ten thou­sand Duckets, to make him amends in some measure for the excessive charges he had bin at in the last war.

Achmat, who was the proudest person in the world, and one that mortally hated the Christians, espe­cially the Grand Master and the Knights, could not brook this con­desciention in the Grand Signor: He accus'd him of lowness of Spirit, and cowardice; he murmur'd in publick, and made sharpe scoffs upon it. Ba­jazet, who for some time before be­gan to grow jealous of the Basha, as of a person that did not love any thing more then war; and was therefore likely to take Zizims part, took these murmuors and rebukes for the symptomes of a revolt: And be­liev'd that only the death of such a [Page 272] dangerous enemy could break his designs. True it is that he owd to him for the Crown; but usually great bene­fits are look'd upon as crimes: & weak Princes often find their safety in the destruction of those that rais'd them, and are able to pull them down again.

So soon as the peace was conclu­ded between the Knights and the Turkes, the Grand Signiour put to death this famous Basha at a Mag­nificent feast, where were all the grandees of the Port, and where Bajazet was present himself. The discourse of the table falling upon the Peace, and Zizim, Bajazet to provoke Achmat, and to engage him to speak somthing to be layd hold on, publick­ly declar'd that he would lessen the Souldiers pay, and deprive the Gran­dees of the port of their emploiments that were not loyal to their lawful Prince. The Basha, who well un­derstood that those words concern'd him, presently took fire, and went so high in the heat of the debau­chery, as to tell the Grand Sig­nor that it was but an ill way to [Page 273] establish a throne to provoke the Souldiery; and that the Ottom in Monarcks were not assur'd of their Empires, so long as they had Bro­thers alive. He had no sooner spoke the words, but a mute in­structed before gave him six stabs with a poignard. Others say that after the feast was over, Bajazet who loved wine, kept Achmat to drink with him alone, under pretence of friendship, and that seeing him half drunk he commanded two Eunuches to strangle him. However, it were Cagritaim succeeded at the Port in his place, though he had neither the merit nor experience; but he knew perfectly how to humour Ba­jazet, who only minded [...]ase.

In the mean while, the Grand Master, who made little accompt of the friendship of the Infidels, of whose perfidiousness he had a thou­sand times experienc'd; and for that the person of Zizim seem very pro­per for him to make use of in case of a rupture, he apply'd himself wholly to make a league between the [Page 274] Christian Princes against the com­mon enemy. He wrought several Letters to them, he sent them perti­cular Agents to let them understand that there was never a fairer oppor­tunity to ruin the Ottoman Em­pire, or at least to weak'n it very much; that Zizim at the head of a croisade world do as much as ma­ny Armies together, that the death of Achmat had depriv'd the Turkes of the most able Minister, and the most valiant Captain, that per­haps they ever had. That the Grand Caraman, and other Princes of Asia expected only when Europe would move, to declare themselves; and in short, that all the present con­junctures renderd that enterprize easie, which was so difficult of it self. But I know not by what fatality, if it were not rather the Incomprehen­sible disposal of providence, the Christian world, was not at all en­clin'd to take advantage of the op­portunity which Heaven it self seem'd to put into their hands. All Italy was then divided. The King [Page 275] of Naples, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines were in arms against the Pope and the common wealth of Venice. France was notess in trou­ble after the death of Lewis the 11 ^th. The party of malecontents stirr'd up by the Duke of Orleans who pretended to the regency, and by the Count of Angoulism his cou­sin, had excited troubles over all the Kingdom. Besides the French de­sir'd quiet at home, only that they might be at leasure for the conquest Naples. And young Charles the 8th. Who naturally loved honour, made that the aim of all his ambi­tion. The war of the Moors made work enough in Spain. And the bad correspondence which daily en­creas'd between the Emperour Frede­rick, and Matthias Corvin, King of Hungary prevented them from uni­ting together against the Turk, so that all the designs of the Grand Ma­ster vanish'd in smoak, and with all his zeal he had only the greife to effect nothing.

But if the Christian Princes were [Page 276] not in a condition to make use of the person of Zizim for the common good of Christendom, they were no less disappointed in making advan­tage of him for their particular In­terests. How importunate soever the most part of them were to have him, the Grand Master would never give his consent, and his orders were so well observ'd in that particular, that the order of St. John was always the Mistress of him. Zizim being arriv'd in France, the King receiv'd him but coldly, either be­cause that France would by no means embroil themselves with the Port, just before the expedition a­gainst Naples, or else because they fear'd that an honourable reception, was an engagement too high in the entertaining a Turkish Prince, so that he stay'd but a very little while at Court, the Knights conducting him to the commander of Bourgneus, this was a place upon the confines of Po­icton and March, pleasently situated, where the Grand Priers of Auvergne kept their Residence.

[Page 277]The Knight Blanchefort, with whom the Grand Master had parti­cularly entrusted the person of Zi­zim, took care that the Prince should not be presently displeased. He gave him all the honour that his birth deserv'd, and shew'd him all the sports and pastimes that the Country could afford. But notwith­standing all these civilities, the Knight Blanchefort omitted not to have an eye upon the Prince, and to keep a strong guard about him, to hinder those that sought for him from getting him into their hands either by cunning or force. But as the love of liberty is more natural to Princes then to other men, Zizim soon perceiv'd that he was watch'd too narrowly. That reflexion made him suspect the diligences of the Knights, and caus'd him to think that he was rather kept as a priso­ner then a Prince. He testify'd his displeasure at it, which caus'd those reports that ran about the world in prejudice of the Grand Master's ho­nour. They gave out that it was a [Page 278] violation of the publick faith to re­tain Zizim in prison against his will. That the Knights had sold his liber­ty to the Ottoman Port for forty thou­sand Ducats a year; and that it was therefore no wonder they had such a strict eye over him. That such a prisoner was a treasure for them, and that their insatiable ava­rice made them foget the more ho­ly duties of civil society.

They that thus discours'd either through jealousy, or else judging by outward appearances, did not consi­der that at a time when all Europe was in an uproar, there was no­thing more to be done for the good of Christendom, nor for the safety of Zizim, then what the Grand Master did▪ And had they been well inform'd of all the snares that the Grand Signiour laid for Zizim, they would then have chang'd their Opi­nion, and found that the Knights that so guarded him were the true defenders of his life, and of his li­berty.

Nor had Zizim reason to com­plain [Page 279] of the conduct of the Grand Master as well in reference to him▪ self, as the Ottoman Port; for in desi­ring a safe conduct of him, he ex­pressly declar'd that he intended to follow his counsel and orders in every thing, so that by the consent of Zi­zims Imbassadours the safe conduct was dispatched upon that condition, as the Grand Master observ'd in a Letter which he wrote to Pope sex­tus the 4th. Besides the Sultan had given the Grand Master a sufficient liberty to treat with the Grand Ma­ster as he pleas'd himself, and it was by vertue of that liberty that the Grand Master had concern'd Zizim in the treaty of peace.

As for the thirty thousand Du­cats, certain it is, that the money was spent in maintenance of Zizim. By which the Grand Master was so far from getting any profit, that he made an addition to it out of his own revenue. Which may be easily thought to be true, considering with what royal magnificence the Otto­man Prince was always entertain'd▪ [Page 280] not to mention the infinite expences of receiving and sending Embassa­dours.

But Zizim's discontent lasted not long. For the Knights made him soon to understand that the Guard that was upon him, was against his Enemies, and not him. Thus being quitted of his suspitions, and per­swaded more then ever of the friend­ship of the Grand Master, he com­plain'd no more but of his bad for­tune that had reduc'd him to a coun­try and solitary life.

Now the peace between the order and the Fort having open'd a freedom to trade, several Turkish Vesselss came to Rhodes. And most of the Turks that Landed, were so taken with the beauty of the Rhodian wo­men, that they spar'd for nothing to satisfy their desires. This glister of Gold grew such a temptation, that several of the Rhodians without re­gard to the Christian law, or their own, yeilded themselves to the Ma­hometans. But the Grand Master abhorring such a shameful prostitu­tion, [Page 281] and to stop the torrent of such a scandal, condemn'd the Christian women that were convicted of such a crime as lying with a Turk, a Moore, or a Jew, to be burnt alive, and he order'd the punishment to extend to the very procurers of that infamous familiarity.

Some while after the Grand Master made a regulation upon Sultan Zi­zim's accompt. For considering how much it concern'd the honour of the order, and the General Interest of Christendom, that his person should not be expos'd to the Assassi­nates of Bajazet, he orderd that the Knight de Blanchefort should take as many Knights as he pleased for the Guard of Zizim commanding strictly those that were nam'd to o­bey him without any more to do; declaring withall that such as should be bound to attend upon Zizim, should enjoy all the prerogatives of Residence, and precedency, as if they had stay'd at Rhodes.

THE HISTORY OF Peter D'Aubusson, Grand Master of RHODES. Book Fifth.

WHILST Zizim had a private and obscure life in France, one Bajazett almost unknown till then appear'd in the world, resolv'd to take advantage of the divisions of the two Ottoman Brothers. He was their Uncle, being the Brother of Mahomet and Son of Amurath. After the loss of [Page 283] Constantinople, he was taken by the Christians in his Infant years, and carry'd to Rome in the Pontificat of Nicholas the fifth, who took care himself of his Education. The Instru­ctions which he receiv'd were not al­together unpofitable: For he re­nounc'd the law of his fals Prophet and became a Christian. He apply'd himself afterwards to the study of humane Learning; and as he wanted not wit, he perfectly attain'd the La­tine Language. But Nicholas the Fift being dead, he left Italy, to tra­vell into Germany. There he was well receiv'd; and the Germans lookt upon him as a person that might be useful to them in their Wars against the Turks. After he had stay'd some­time in the Emperor Fredericks Court, he went into Hungary, and there settl'd himself not dreaming to raise his fortune any higher, for the example of the brave and vertu­ous Matthias made so little impres­sion upon him, that he only minded his repose and pleasure in the Court altogether Warlike, and altogether Christian.

[Page 584]But the Quarrel between Bajazet and Zizim which made such a noise over all Asia and Europe, awak'nd him out of that dream wherein he lay, and rous'd his ambition by cau­sing him to remember his birth. The flight of Zizim begat in him a de­sire to make war against Bajazet. He revolv'd in his mind, that having but one enemy to deale with, he might without fear dispute for the Empire, but at the same time he thought there was no way for him to compass his design, but by the assistance of the Knights of Rhodes. And he had a belief that infallibly he should attain his ends, provided he could engage the Grand Master to his side. To this purpose he wrote to him a long Letter in Latin. Wherein he first declar'd himself the only heir to the Ottoman Crown, as lawful Son of Amurath, pretending that Mahomet was but his bastard; then he spoke of his great feats of arms, like a true Knight errant; and because the Christian world might not be so well inform'd, he referr'd the Grand [Page 285] Master to the Turks for a clearer understanding of things. But the Turks knew him not so well as the Christians▪ for he was carry'd away so young from Constantinople, that it was impossible for him to have done any thing remarkable in Turky. At last he highly extold the services he could do for Christendom, and the information he could give the Grand Master touching several im­portant secrets of affairs, advising him not to let slip so fair an opportunity, & earnestly desiring his speedy answer. The letter was written with his own hand; but as if he had the manage­ment of all the business in the world, he concluded that it was writ in haste.

They were not convinc'd at Rhodes of Bajazett of Hungaries reasons. That Braggadochio stile wherewith he thought to win the as­sistance of the Knights, was in part▪ the reason why they refus'd it him. On the other side, the Grand Master who had a tender love for Zizim, and was loath to embroil himself with the Port, took no care to listen [Page 286] to the Propositions of an Adventurer, of whom he had no knowledge, and to who he had no engagement; so that this new Actor soon return'd to that obscurity wherein he had al­waies liv'd, and which he so much the rather deserv'd▪ because he had sought too late to quit it.

The Grand Signior took it the most kindly in the world, that he had behav'd himself in that manner, and as a mark of his acknowledg­ment he began from that time to pay him the forty thousand Duckets which he had promised him. The first payment was made by Ʋssambei, one of the Principal Officers of the Port. He was sent expresly to Rhodes, with order nevertheless to go for France, under pretence to thank Charles the Eighth, for receiving Zizim into his Territories, but indeed to learn cer­tain intelligence of his Brother. How­ever; Bajazett fearing lest Ʋssambei should find some obstacle in his Em­bassy, conjur'd the Grand Master that he should give him letters of recom­mendation for France. But the Grand [Page 287] Master did not think it enough to write to the King. He was resolv'd that the Hospitalier of the Order should accompany the Turkish Em­bassador, to be his Guide, and to in­troduce him into the Court. And indeed Ʋssambei was better receiv'd than Zizim had been; for the com­plements of Bajazett highly pleas'd the French.

In the mean time the war of Ter­rara rais'd many combustions in Ita­ly, and was meditating to have brought the Infidels into Italy. For Hercules D'Este became so proud through the Alliance of Ferdinand King of Naples, who had giv'n him his Daughter Elenor in Marriage, that he loftily scorn'd the friendship of the Venetians, which the Dukes his predecessors had alwaies highly sought for. He came to that degree of contempt, that he usurp'd their Lands, abus'd their subjects, not con­sidering the kindnesses which he had receiv'd from the Republick, when after the death of his elder Brother, the Son of his other Brother took up [Page 288] Arms to have depriv'd him of his Dominions. The Venetians could not brook the loftiness nor ingrati­tude of the Duke of Terrara. They rais'd puissant Armies against him, and leagu'd themselves again with the Pope, who was displeas'd with the King of Naples, both because that Prince had retain'd in his ser­vice about four hundred Turks of the Garrison of Otranto, and because he took little care in his Kingdom of the duties of the Holy See.

Ferdinand sent Alphonso Duke of Calabria to the succour of Hercules his Son-in-law, of whom the Com­mon wealth had got great advanta­ges. Alphonso had already pass'd the Mark of Ancona, and was ad­vancing with his forces toward the Terraras's, when the Colonna's and Cavelli, who were risen up against the Pope, invited him to joyn with them in the Compagna of Rome. Ro­bert Malateste, who commanded the Army of the Republick, was soon at his heels, gave him battel, and abso­lutely defeated him. Which Victory [Page 289] fill'd the Venetians full of hopes, and undertakings, but while they ran­sack'd the Ferraresi, and were going to make themselves Masters of Fer­rara, the Pope of a suddain abandons them, whether he were gain'd by the submissions of Ferdinand, or whe­ther he were jealous of the Progress of the Republick. However it were, Sixtus agrees with the Father and Son in Law; He also threaten'd the Venetians with the indignation and Anathema's of the Church, if they continu'd the war of Ferrara.

The Republick incens'd at so strange a proceeding; and foreseeing that this change would cause a great disorder in affaires, implor'd the aid of the Turk to sustain themselves, and to revenge the injury done them. Bajazet who was unwilling to dis­please the Venetians, forgot that he had promis'd not to disturb the Christians; or rather violated his word in that respect, and prepares a considerable Fleet to invade Italy. The news presently spread it self o­ver all Europe. At Rome the [Page 290] alarum was taken, as if the enemy had been already at the Gates; and the Pope foreseeing the danger of the Church, if the Turks should en­ter Italy during the discords of the Christian Princes, and knew himself to be guilty of the discontent of the Republick, made it his whole busi­ness to divert the storme. The King of Naples, whom the danger more nerely concern'd, follow'd the Popes steps, and by common consent had recourse to the Grand Master, to whom they both wrote, and sent to him the Knight Carraffa.

But never was Embassie more to less purpose; for the care of the Grand Master had prevented the requests of Ferdinand and the Pope. He understanding sooner then they, the preparations that were made at Constantinople, and likewise knowing the private motives to that Engage­ment, labour'd incessantly to divert the storme before it began to break forth. The Publick good, and the particular Interest of the Church ex­cited his diligence to keep the com­mon [Page 291] enemy out of Italy: And his obligations to the King of Naples made him more Solicitous to omit nothing that might preserve the King­dom of his Benefactour and freind from the invasion of the Barbarians. Therefore not to loose time, he dis­patch'd away to the Grand Signior a Rhodian, whose name was Mosco Perpiano; a man 'tis true of low birth, but of an exalted genius, and capable of great affaires; and be­sides that, very proper to negotiate with the Turks, as being one who had lived long in Turky, and per­fectly understood their humour and language. And this was he that trea­ted with the Sub-Basha of Pizzona about the truce, and first discover'd the cunning of Achmats Letters.

Mosco, after he had made known to the Grand Signiour, with whom he had a private audience, the Inte­rest of his Highness to live in friend­ship with the Grand Master gave him to understand by degrees, that the Venetians were about to engage him in a bad designe. To that in­tent, [Page 292] ne represented to him that this great preparation was the ready way to bring upon him all the forces of Europe. That the most divided of the Christian Princes would not saile to reunite for the defence of their Religion and Crowns. That France who glory'd in assisting the Popes and the Holy See, would infallibly join with Italy upon such an occasion, and lay aside for a time their preten­ces to Naples. That whatever care the Knights could take, that they should not make use of the person of Zizim against the Ottoman Empire, it would not be any longer in their power to keep him. That the King of France would force him out of their hands in spite of all their strength, and put him at the head of an Army, and then nothing was more to be fear'd then a Popular rising at Constantinople, which might hap­pen to be attended with a total re­volution. Mosco added according to his Instructions, that the Grand Master being of that accompt as he was among the Christian Princes, he [Page 293] could not possibly prevent his being engag'd in the Quarrel, how great so ever his desire might be to keep a good Correspondence with the Court. That if the preparations which the Turks made against Italy should infringe the accommodation which had been made upon Zizim's score, he had no reason to blame the Knights, who are ready punctually to observe all the articles of the treaty. Mosco then gave the Grand Signiour to understand that Rhodes was not in a condition to fear him, the ruins being repaird, and new for­tifications daily added by the Grand Master.

This discourse of the Rhodian took singular effect. Bajazet was so mov'd at it, that he stood a good while without making any answer, casting frightful looks here and there, which shew'd the agitation and disturbance of his mind. At length rows'd out of a deep contemplation, and looking somewhat more calme­ly, he told Mosco, that in respect to the Grand Master, whom he ho­noured [Page 294] as his Father, he had aban­don'd the design which he had in hand. Then calling for Basha Mi­sach Paleologus, and two other of his Ministers, he declar'd that he would not send his Fleet into the Mediter­ranean Sea, and commanded them at the same time to surcease all their preparations for war wherein they labour'd with an excessive earnestness. And that he might testify more of his freindship, and do him more ho­nour, he wrote him a very obliging Letter, which he deliver'd to Mosco, the copy whereof follows.

Mosco return'd to Rhodes almost at the same time that the Knight Caraffa arriv'd there. That new Em­bassador of the Pope, and the King of of Naples was surpriz'd to see that with all his haste he was come too late. So that finding his work done, he return'd as he came, at least that he might be the first that should bring the tydings, carrying along with him to the Pope and King Fer­dinand, the Copy of the Letter of the Grand Signior. A resolution so sud­den, and so happy, extreamly rejoyc'd [Page 297] all Italy, and the Pope was so satis­fi'd with the Grand Master, that speak­ing of him to the Knight Quendal, Procurator of the Order at Rome, he call'd him several times, The Buckler of the Church, and The Preserver of Christendom.

Nevertheless, the Christian Princes, whose Dominions were neighbouring upon the Turk, did not yet think themselves safe, fearing that Bajazet would not long keep his word. For that reason Matthias King of Hun­gary, Ferdinand King of Castile, Ar­ragon and Sicily, made it all their most earnest suit to the Grand Master to have Zizim in their power. He would by no means grant them their request; but he promis'd them that so long as he had the Sultan at his disposition, he would keep the Grand Signior from enterprizing any thing upon their Dominions.

Bajazet lookt upon this Refusal for a signal piece of service, and thought himself so oblig'd to the Grand Master, that he resolv'd to make him a considerable present as a [Page 298] mark of his Gratitude. But not finding any thing of value enough to his mind amidst all the wealth of his Empire, he understood by some of his Renegado Confidents, that he could not make a more pleasing or acceptable present to the Grand Ma­ster, then the hand of St. John Bap­tist, which was then in his Father Mahomet's Treasury.

The Grand Signior overjoy'd at such a discovery, caus'd the hand to be immediately sent for, together with the shrine wherein it was kept, and causing it to be put into a Cy­press box lin'd within with Crimson Velvet, and set without with an in­finite number of precious stones, he sent it by one of his favourites, call'd Cariaty Bey, with a Civil Letter, the Inscription whereof was thus.

Bajazet King of Asia, and Emperor of the Turks, to the thrice wise, and thrice illustrious Peter D'Aubusson, Grand Master of Rhodes, thrice ge­nerous Prince, and Father of a most glorious Empire.

This hand was said to be the right [Page 299] hand of John the Baptist, which was learnt out upon this occasion, if the Vice-Chancellour Caoursin may be believ'd.

It was an ancient Tradition con­firm'd by the Histories of the Greeks, that St. Luke the Evangelist having embrac'd the Christian Faith, the love which he had conceiv'd for St. John Baptist, inspir'd him secret­ly to take up his body bury'd in the City of Sebastia, between Eli and Abdias. To this purpose he went thither with some of St. John's Dis­ciples, who were then living; but considering that they should hardly be able to carry the body away with­out being known and stopp'd, he cut off the hand that baptiz'd Christ, as the most noble part of the whole bo­dy, and carry'd it to Antioch, where he kept it all the while he stay'd there. But going to preach in Bi­thinia, he left the Relick with some of his most trusty friends still at An­tiochia, where it was publickly ador'd for the space of three hundred years, till Julian the Apostate attempted to [Page 300] abolish the worship and memory of Martyrs, burning what remain'd of them. Particularly, he caus'd this hand to be thrown into the fire; but the piety of particular persons sav'd it from the fury of the Pagans at that time.

In the time of Justinian the Em­peror, to honour the Consecration of Santa Sophia, the head of St. John was by the Emperour's command fetch'd from Edessa, and the hand from Antioch; though he return'd them again after the Consecration was over. But in the time of Con­stantine Porphyrogenites, an Empe­rour that was mighty devout, and had a huge fancy for this Relick, one Job, a Deacon of Antioch stole this hand to present to the Emperour, who put it in the Church of St. John, of the Stone, where it remain'd till the time of Mahomet the second, who remanded it into the Imperial Treasure with other Relicks and rich shrines, out of which Bajazet took it to present to the Grand Master, who laid it up with great ceremony at Rhodes.

[Page 301]These Marks of affection which the Ottoman Emperour shew'd to the Grand Master, open'd the eyes of the Soldan of Egypt. That Barbarian had violated the Peace without any pre­tence, as we have said; and his per­fidiousness carry'd him so far, as to stop the Rhodians, who traffick'd under the publick faith at Alexan­dria, and in other places of his Do­minions. But now he began to alter his behaviour, when he saw the good correspondence which was between the Port and the Order of St. John. The fear he had, lest the Knights should take a fresh revenge, made him before hand in appeasing them. To that end he sent an Embassadour to Rhodes with rich presents, and a very civil Letter, wherein he blam'd his past proceedings, and accus'd the folly he had committed. Duan Aga, for that was the Embassadour's name, did the best he could to en­hance the value of his Master's pre­sents and excuses. He promis'd so­lemnly an inviolable fidelity, and offer'd all sorts of Pledges for per­formance. [Page 302] Whatever resentment the Grand Master had of the Injuries of Cairbei, he said nothing then: for though he made little accompt of his promises, and judg'd of the future by what was past, he thought it not amiss to make his ad­vantage of the present; and that which made him determine it the ra­ther was, because he had intelligence, that Bajazet notwithstanding all his publick and specious demonstrations of Amity, had an inveterate enmity against the Order, not only because it protected his Brother Zizim, but also because he had oblig'd him to quit his design upon Italy. So that the little reliance which the Grand Master had upon the Turkish Faith, made him renew a peace with one that was openly perjur'd.

Now because the advice which they daily receiv'd at Rhodes of the ill intentions of Bajazet were every day confirm'd, the Grand Master thought it necessary to precaution himself against whatever might hap­pen. He sent Barks into Sicily and [Page 303] the Kingdom of Naples for Corn; he also made use of the seeming friend­ship of the Grand Signior, to fetch all sorts of grain out of the most fer­tile Countries of Turky, before the Ottoman Court had laid aside its Vizor, and had openly brok'n with the Order, he gave command at the same time to lade the great Ship of the Treasury, then upon the Coasts of Provence, with ammunition and souldiers, and that a great Vessel of Ragusa, then in the Port of Rhodes, should sail to Samos for wood pro­per to build the Ships and Engines of War. As for the fortifications, be­sides that he made all the ditches wider and larger; he rais'd new works toward the Sea, and among the rest a Ravelin that extended from the Tower of Naylac, to the Bulwark of France.

But while the Knights prepar'd for War in the midst of a profound Peace, Sixtus the fourth dy'd in the heat of the troubles of Rome, which the Colonna's and Ʋrsini had divided into two Factions.

[Page 304]The Cardinal of Santa Cecilia, a Genoese, and of the house of Cybo, but originally of Rhodes, as being the place where his Father was born, succeeded Sixtus in the Government of the Church, by the name of Inno­cent the Eighth. He was no sooner elected, but he wrote to the Grand Master in such terms as shew'd a par­ticular esteem for his person. Among other things he exhorted him to maintain generously the interest of the holy See, to shew himself an ex­ample to Christian Princes, and at last assur'd him of his favour. The Order, said the Pope in his Brief, of which you are the Chief, is more dear to me then ever; and if God favour our designs, you shall alwaies find me ready to oblige you in whatever con­cerns yours, or the honour of the Order.

The Grand Master receiv'd this Letter like a true Son of the Church; and presently sent his Embassadors to Rome to tender his obedience to the new Pope. Edward de Carmandin, Bayly of Lango, and Will▪ Caoursin, [Page 305] Vice Chancellour of the Order were the chief of the Embassy; who made their entry into Rome, with an extra­ordinary Pomp, and five days after had audience of the Pope, in the presence of all the Princes, Embas­sadours and a great number of prelates. Caouersin, in that renown­ed assembly made a speech full of piety and eloquence. He first ac­knowledg'd the authority of the holy See, and Innocent for the Vicar of Christ, and Peters successour. Then in particular he declar'd the Grand Master's joy for the election of his Holiness, and the hopes which the Rhodians had to see Christnanism flourish under the pontificat of a Pope so zealous for the Christian faith. After that he recounted the victories which the Knights had obtain'd a­gainst the infidels, particularly in the last siege of Rhodes. And lastly he offer'd his Holiness the service of the Knigths, assuring him that they should esteem themselves happy to spend their blood to the last drop in the defence of the Holy See.

[Page 306]The Pope return'd an answer him­self to Caoursin's speech. Wherein af­ter he had in general terms extold the valour and zeal of the Knights, he dilated upon the merits of the Grand Master, and confess'd that the Church was infinitely oblig'd to him. The next week the Embassadours had a particular conference with the Pope, at what time they presented to him a precious stone of an extra­ordinary figure and colour, several exquisite perfumes, and a rich Vase full of pure Indian Balsom. But the Pope who desir'd nothing more then to restore peace to Italy, and who sear'd nothing more then an in­vasion of the Infidels, turn'd his dis­course upon Zizim, and told the Embassadours that for the good of Christendom it seemd very necessary that he should be brought to Rome, or to some other City of the Eccle­siastick estate.

The Embassadours not having any commission in that particular, they could return no answer, only that they would signify his Holiness's pleasure [Page 307] to the Grand Master. However they receiv'd several favours before their departure, & had the honour to carry his Canopy upon the purification of the Virgin, with the Embassadours of Naples, Milan, and Florence. But as a particular grace to the Order, he granted to the Prior of the Church of Rhodes a power to remit all sins which are reserv'd to the Holy See, to alter vows, to absolve from oaths, from Irregularity and Simony. He gave them liberty also to have a portative Altar to say Mass either by Sea or Land, as also before day, and in places forbidden by Ecclesiastical censure.

In the mean time the King of Na­ples, who after the death of Sixtus, was terribly afraid lest the Venetians should molest his dominions, and that the Turk should come to re­venge their quarrel, desir'd more ear­nestly then ever to have Zizim in his possession. To which purpose he wrote new Letters to Rhodes, which he deliver'd to the Embassadours who pass'd through Naples in their return home.

[Page 308]But while Innocent and Ferdinand demanded Zizim from the Grand Master, the Soldau of Egypt urg'd the same request. Caerbei had in relligence that the Great Turk was about to enter Caramania with a powerful Army to punish Ca­raman. So that he was afraid lest the Turks should soon after carry their arms into Syria; and he knew no other expedient to stop Bajazet, then to oppose Zizim against him. But the arrival of the Baily of Lango, and the Vice Chancellour of the or­der drew him out of that perplexity whereinto the Embassadour from Egypt had plung'd him; for when he understood the Popes Intentions, as to what concern'd Zizim, he gave the Soldan's Embassadour to under­stand that the Soveraign Priest of Christendom having a designe to send for the Ottoman Prince to Rome, the Knights could not dispose of his person not determine any thing with­out the consent of the Holy See, to which the order of St. John was par­ticularly subject. In the same man­ner [Page 309] he excus'd himself to King Fer­dinand, accompanying his excuse with many civilities, not being willing to displease a Prince whom he could not gratisy, yet desir'd to serve. But in regard he knew the Pope was not able with his forces alone to under­take any considerable enterprize; and believing withal, that should he send Zizim into the Ecclesiastical state, he should put an obstacle to the Holy league through the jealou­sies which the Christian Princes would be subjest to apprehend, he represented to his Holiness withal the earnestness and respect that might be, that he could not let go Zizim without exposing Christendom to manifest misfortunes. That such a change would give suspition to Baja­zet, and enforce him perhaps to put to Sea, and land in Italy. He added also that the Invasion of the Infidels was very much to be fear'd, before all Europe was first united against them. However that he would sub­mit the affair to his Holiness whose prudence and justice he very well un­derstood.

[Page 310]It was about this time that the Grand Master did a very eminent piece of service for the Genoeses in protecting for them the Island of Scio, which was under their subjection, by the gift of Andronicus Paleologus, after they had restor'd him to his throne. For Francis de Medicis scourd all the Levant Seas with a well arm'd Galliot, and had taken considerable prizes from the Turks near the Island of Scio. The parties concern'd complain'd to the Cady of Tire, who was a person of great credit in the Ottoman Port, and orderd their business so well, either by pre­sents or false testimonies, that the Mahomet Judge condemn'd the peo­ple of the Island to make good all the losses which the Turks had sustain'd, as if the Islanders had shar'd with the Galliot, because the Captain had taken in fresh provisions in the Island. The Grand Signior also confirms the Cadi's sentence. But to chastize the Island the more severely, which at Constantinople was accomp­ted a Receptacle for Theives and [Page 311] Pirates, he laid upon them a most en­ormous tax, and threatn'd the Islan­ders with ruin, if they did not speedily pay it down. The inhabitants re­solv'd to justify themselves at the Port, and to represent humbly to the Grand Signior their inability to pay such great sums. But the Bar­barian would hearken neither to their reasons not their prayers, and commanded his Vassels to go and sack Scio.

The Islanders had bin lost without hope, if the wisest of the Company had not adviz'd them to have re­course to the Grand Master. There upon they earnestly besought him to be their protectour at such a time of calamity wherein only his autho­rity could save them.

The Grand Master hated, too much, injustice and violence, to suffer the oppression of a poor people that were altogether Innocent, and were not in a condition to defend themselves. Thereupon he wrote to the Port, and did it so effectually, that Bajazet cancell'd the Judgment, and remit­ted [Page 312] the Tax which himself had im­pos'd.

Cardinal Paul Fregosa, Duke of Genoa immediately return'd thanks to the Grand Master in a very civil Letter. But the Lords Monesi, who were the chief in Scio, and happen'd to be at Genoa at the same time, de­puted Signior Lanfranco Patera, a person of quality and merit to car­ry him a testimony of their Grati­tude. It was a Bason and Eure of Gold of exquisite workmanship, on which these Latine words were gra­ven.

Much about the same time the Grand Master receiv'd Intelligence of the death of Charlota de Lu­signan Queen of Cyprus and Ar­menia. This unfortunate Princess was constrain'd to quit Rhodes, and tra­vel to Rome, as I have already said in the beginning of this History. Pope Sixus the fourth receiv'd her magnificently, and undertook her inte­rest very zealously; so that he perswa­ded the chief of the Island more then once to acknowledg her for their So­veraign Queen. The Letters from his Holiness were read publickly at Nicosia before the Church of Santa Sophia, and made so deep an Impressi­on upon their spirits, that the peo­ple took Arms, ran in throngs to the Pallace, and massacr'd the Uncles of Katherine Cornara, who were accu­sed to have poyson'd James of Lu­signan her husband. But the Vene­tians by whose authority Katherine raign'd, or rather who rul'd under the name of Katherine, appeas'd the sedition and quickly master'd it.

Charlota seeing that all the sol­licitations [Page 314] of the Pope, produc'd no good for her, went to Lewis her husband in Piemont. The Lord of Montjeu, whom the Duke of Burgun­dy sent Embassadour to Venice, gave a visit to Lewis and Charlota at Montcalier, where they liv'd, and promis'd them according to the Instructions he had receiv'd from his Master, to represent their rights to the Senate. But all his Remonstran­ces proving ineffectual, the Princess return'd to Rome, and there settl'd herself after the death of Lewis, who piously ended his days in a kind of solitude, whither he was retir'd. She superviv'd him some years, and during her widowhood she gave the Kingdom of Cyprus to Charles Duke of Savoy her Nephew, to whom it o­therwise belong'd by the articles of marriage between Charlota and Lewis. This Donation was solemn­ly made to the procuratours of Charles, of the number of which was the Admiral of Rhodes; and by ver­tue of this Act it is, that the Dukes of Savoy take upon them the Title [Page 315] of Kings, and pretend to the King­dom of Cyprus.

The news of her death sensibly greiv'd the Grand Master, who had always lookt upon her as one of the most accomplish'd Princesses of the world,

In the mean time the Emperour of the Turks, having rais'd a nume­rous Army, and made himself Master almost without any trouble of those Provinces that were left the Grand Caraman, he turn'd his Arms a­gainst Syria and Egypt, incens'd at the Soldan, for that he had with dis­dain deny'd him the wife and chil­dren of Zizim. For how false soever he were in other respects, he was faithful in that, out of I know not what fantastick piece of honesty; which shews us that men are some­times contrary to themselves, and that the wicked, like mad men, have their lucid Intervals.

Now, though the preparations all over Turky seem'd only to bend a­gainst the Dominions of Cairbei, yet the King of Hungary took the Ala­rum. [Page 316] And as thunder when at first it begins to grumble in the clouds, seems to threaten most they that hear it nearest; this Prince probably thought the Tempest would fall upon him, if he took not care in time to divert it. Yet as great a Souldier, and as a Potent as Matthias was, he thought that the Grand Master would be a necessary assistance to him; for which purpose he sent to him Pauli de Rhetas, his Secretary and his favourite.

Rhetas declar'd at the first Audi­ence which he had at Rhodes, that the King of Hungary was resolv'd to make War against the Turks, and in prosecution thereof, neither to spare his treasure, nor his life; and there­fore desir'd to joyn his Arms with those of the Knights of St. John, but above all to follow the Counsels of the Grand Master in an enterprize of so much hazard and difficulty. The Hungarian Embassadour likewise added, that his Master had private correspondence with the Grandees of the Port, that several Basha's [Page 317] had resolv'd to forsake Bajazet's Party, so soon as Zizim should ap­pear upon the Confines of Hungary, and at the head of the Hungarian Troops. That the interest of Chri­stendom requir'd that he should send the Ottoman Prince in all haste; and that it was a favour which a King illustrious for his piety and his valour requested from the most generous Knights in the world.

The Proposal of Rhetas seem'd ra­tional to the Grand Master and his Council. But there are certain nice conjunctures wherein the wifest of men cannot follow sometimes neither the common Rules of Prudence, not their own particular Judgments. Though to all outward appearances, and upon a serious consideration of the bottom of things, it had been but reason to have trusted Zizim with the King of Hungary; yet the engagement which oblig'd the Grand Master to keep the Prince by vertue of the Trea­ty of Peace made with the Port, ac­cording to the Prince's own desire, and the fear of offending his Holiness, were [Page 318] the cause that the Hungarian Embas­sadour could obtain no other answer then a handsom denial. However, the Grand Master wrote to the King: and after he had insisted a while in particular upon the Advantage which Christendom might receive from the person of Zizim, in case that Ba­jazet should make any attempt a­gainst the Treaty, he told him that it being impossible for any War to be carried on against the Turk, without a firm league between the Christian Princes, it belonged to the common Pastor of the Church to assemble them together.

That such sort of enterprises sel­dom prosper'd, unless upheld by the Authority of the Church; and lastly, that if the Ottoman Prince were to leave France, he could be no where better then at Rome, where he would be in the view of all Christendom▪ neither too far off, nor too near the Estates of the Grand Signior.

The Conquest which Bajazet, had made of Caria, and of other Provin­ces of the Grand Caraman, made [Page 319] the Soldan to believe that after he had refus'd to Bajazet the Wife and Children of Zizim, that he was cer­tainly to expect the Turkish Army at his own doors. And therefore whatever strength the Cairbie had, he thought himself but weak with­out the assistance of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem. For that rea­son, to engage them to his Interests he dispatch'd to Rhodes, Riccio de Marini, a Gentleman of Cyprus, and the same person who formerly came to serve Queen Charlotta against the Republick of Venice. Marini had Instructions to declare to the Knights that the advantages which they had gain'd in so many encounters against the Turks, put the Soldan in hopes of a happy success, provided they would embrace his quarrel, and that he should think himself invincible, if he could but have Prince Zizim at the head of his Troops.

The Grand Master sensible of the generous proceeding of Cairbei to­ward Zizim, almost forgot the ill usage which the Rhodians had re­ceiv'd [Page 320] at his hands; and therefore he very civilly testified to his Embas­sadour, that he was very much troubl'd that the present condition of the Rhodian Affairs would not permit him to assist Egypt. That the Knights of Rhodes had made a peace with the Turks, and that they al­waies religiously observ'd the faith of Treaties. But in regard the Grand Master desir'd nothing more then to see two potent enemies of Christia­nity destroy one another, he added that since the refusal of Zizim's Wife, and Children, was the only cause of Bajazet's anger, it was his advice that the Soldan should go on▪ with the War, not doubting but that Heaven would favour so just a Cause▪ as his. As for Zizim whom the Soldan requested, he told the Emdas­sadour at length, that he could con­clude nothing without advice from Rome. But that he would write to the Pope, and signifie to him that the Soldan had provok'd Bajazet to make War upon him only for detain­ing and preserving the Wise and [Page 321] Children of Zizim; unwilling to sacrifice to his Brothers fury what Zizim had most dear in the world.

The Grand Master's answer satis­fi'd the Egyptians, and rais'd their courages, which the defeat of the Grand Caraman, their neighbour, had almost dejected. For the Otto­man Army consisting of a hundred thousand men, being got by several ways into Caramania, and having quarter'd themselves between Pyra­mus, the Sar and Cidnus near the old Castle of Adena, and the ruins of the ancient City of Tarsus, the Egyptian forces, that were not above fifty thousand strong, presented them­selves in view of the Turks upon the banks of Pyramus, after they had cross'd with an extraordinary swift­ness the famous streights that sepa­rate Syria from Caramania. The Souldiers that compos'd the Egyp­tian Army, were call'd Corcassian Mamalucks, all Christians that had renounc'd their Religion, or else ne­ver profess'd any, being ravish'd from their Mothers breasts, and bred [Page 322] up in war from their Infancy. The Eunuch Basha, General of the Turk­ish Army, gave them no time to rest, but attacqu'd them with fifty thou­sand Horse before they had time to understand the Ground. It was in one of those plaines that extend to the Mountain Aman, and where Alexander defeated Darius, that the Captain of the Spahi's having pass'd the Pyramus over the Bridg of Adena, went on to assail the Ma­malukes. Wearied as they were, they bore with an extraordinary vigour the first brunt, and fell on with such fury, that the Assailants were forc'd to defend themselves. After an ob­stinate fight which Night parted, the Mamalukes remain'd Masters of the Field. Above thirty thou­sand Turks were slain upon the place, the rest sav'd themselves in the Mountains, or else retir'd to the Castle of Adena, which they had for­tifi'd a little before, though it were taken soon after by the Victors.

But that which made this victory more compleat was, that the same [Page 323] day, ten Gallies which Ach­mat Basha, the Grand Signiours Son in Law, and Admiral at Sea, had sent from the rest of the fleet to wast the Coast of Syria, were overtaken by a furious tempest, and dash'd a­gainst the Rocks. This misfortune constrain'd Achmat to return to Constantinople with the rest of the fleet. Passing through the Channel of Rhodes, in view of the City, not con­tent to salute the Knights by dischar­ging all his great Guns, he resolv'd to shew their Captain a particular Kindness. For having set up a magni­ficent Pavilion in one of the fairest of his Gallies, adorn'd with a great number of rich Pendants and Ban­ners, he sent a young Turk his Favou­rite, call'd Osman, to visit the Grand Master on his behalf. The Gally en­ter'd the Port with the sound of Trumpets and Drums, mix'd with the joyful acclamations of the Turks that attended Osman. They were all richly habited, nor had they the faces of men that made a shameful retreat. When the young Turk came [Page 324] into the Grand Masters presence, he saluted him after the Mussul­man fashion, and presented him a Letter wherein the Basha made him a thousand protestations of friend­ship and service. Afterwards having presented him with several stuffs of great value, and several rare pieces of workmanship, he told him with a good grace, that such a small present was not worth the famous Prince of the Rhodians. The Grand Master would not be behind either in civility or liberality toward the Barbarians; for besides the Caresses and the enter­tainment which he gave to Osman, he sent one of his most Illustrious Com­manders with all sort of refreshments for the fleet, and rich presents for himself.

Scarce was Osman, who stai'd not a­bove 3 hour in Rhodes, joyn'd with the fleet, but the Grand Master had In­telligence of their defeat, of which he heard not a word from them; the spies which he had in most parts of Caramania, and even in the Castle of▪ Adena it self, giving him an exact [Page 325] accompt hereof. Besides that the Soldan himself, well satisfi'd with the advantage he had won with his own forces, fail'd not in honour of his dignity, to give him a relation himself, as the person who had fore­told his success. But this prospo­rity did not blind Cairbey, who knew it was not enough to vanquish, un­less he made advantage of his victo­ry. To this purpose he thought that an Embassie to the Pope might pro­duce good effects, and he commu­nicated his thoughts to the Grand Master, not daring to enterprise such a thing without his counsel, nor ho­ping to obtain his desires without his intercession.

In the mean while the Pope, who made it his business to unite the Christian Princes against the Turk, was every day extraordinarily pres­sing for the removal of Zizim, and he began to talk somewhat like a Commander. For how mild and moderate soever Innocent might be in his particular conduct, he was jealous of his authority, and would [Page 326] make himself to be obeyd, when he acted for the publick good. The Grand Master, who knew what obe­dience he and the rest of the Knights ow'd to the Pope, as head of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, was not desirous to stay for an express command. He therefore gave Zi­zim to understand the intentions of his holiness and finding the Princes inclination, he resolv'd at length to consent to what he could not handsomly avoid.

Besides that policy requir'd that he should gratify his Holiness, other reasons perswaded him to take that course. For the blow that the Turks had receiv'd, had put Constantinople into an uproar, and weak'nd the Ot­toman Empire. Bajazet was not in a condition to enterprize any thing against the Christians, being in con­tinual fear of the Mahometans▪ af­ter the Soldan's victory. He was in hopes that the Christian Princes would open their eyes upon such a fortunate conjuncture, and that they would league themselves against [Page 327] the common enemy, when they saw Sultan Zizim in the hands of the common Father of the faithful; be­sides that Innocent had good inten­tions, and only design'd to have Zi­zim in Italy, not pretending to have him at his disposal. Zizim also himself began to be aweary of soli­tude, and design'd to charge his resi­dence.

All these considerations engag'd him to send to Rome the Baily of the Morea, and the Vice Chancellour of the Order▪ with an ample procuration as to this affair. The Embassa­dours being arriv'd, and having had audience of the Pope consented to the removal of Zizim, provided the King of France did not oppose it, and that the Knights of Rhodes might always attend him. Charles the 8th, who stood in need of the Pope for the Conquest of Naples, readily consented to his Holiness de­sire, who wrote very urgent Letters to him for that purpose. And the Pope easily granted what the Knights requested, being perswaded of the [Page 328] good Intentions of the Grand Mas­ter, and only as he did, aiming at the publick benefit.

Thus the Commander Blanche­fort, in his absence elected Marshal of the Order, and Grand Prior of Auvergne, brought away Zizim from the commandery of Burgneuf, according to the Letters directed to him from the Grand Master. The Prince was conducted by land to Marseilles, where the Great Ship of the Order attended him. By the way, he testifi'd more then once, that he was very glad he was going to Rome, after six years stay in France, and he requested the Knights not to forsake him. The voyage was not very fortunate; for never did the Sea of Genoa rage more, as if the winds had endcavour'd to drive Zizim back from the coasts of Ita­ly. Nevertheless, maugre the storm, he arriv'd at Civita Vecchia, the sixth of March. 1489.

Leonard Cybo, the Popes Kins­man, was come to receive the Prince, and he acquitted himself very well [Page 329] of his commission: Putting into the hands of the grand Prior Blanchefort the Castle of the Town, which was appointed for the lodging of Zizim, in order to the promise which the Pope had made to the Rhodian Em­bassadours.

The Pope was very joyful for the arrival of the Turkish Prince, which inspir'd him with new thoughts of kindness for the Grand Master, that appear'd publickly three days after; for the Pope honour'd him with a Cardinals Cap in a new pro­motion upon the ninth of March. He gave him the Title of St. Adri­an▪ and to render his purple more Illustrious, he added to it by his ex­press Bulls the Title of Legate Ge­neral of the holy See in Asia.

The Cardinal D'Augers, venera­ble for his Age, and for his vertue as well as for his Purple, and in whom fortune shews that a low extraction somtimes serves to exalt great Merit, went to meet Zizim twelve miles out of Rome▪ with Prince Francis Cybo the Son of Innocent, who had bin mar­ry'd [Page 330] before he entr'd into holy Orders, and Son in law to the famous Laurence de Medici. They saluted the Prince in the name of the Pope▪ and in such termes, as testifi'd no less affection for his person, then re­spect to his birth, and taking upon him themselves to be his guide, they brought him straight to Rome.

Dominico Doria, Captain of the Popes Guards▪ stay'd for him on hors­back without the City, accompani'd by a great number of considerable persons without the City, neer the Gate of St. Sebastian; that being the Gate through which the Prince made his entry. The Turks who serv'd him, and all his other Domesticks march'd first; the Cardinals Gentle­men next to them▪ follow'd by all the Roman Nobility, that never were more lively, nor betten moun­ted. Then appear'd Doria at the head of his light horse, follow'd by the Knights of Rhodes, after whom rode the Embassadours of the several Princes, all but of France who with Prince Francis Cybo, the Grand [Page 331] Prior Blanchefort, and the Senator of Rome immediately preceded Zi­zim. He rode alone, mounted up­on a stately horse, which he man­ag'd with a comly Grace. He was clad, as usually the Turkish Empe­rours are upon solemn days. His countenance was haughty and ma­jestick, which being temper'd with a sweet melancholy, attracted all at once respect, compassion and love. His Holiness steward follow'd behind with an innumerable company of Prelates that belong to the Popes house. And in this order they came to the Vatican.

The Cardinal of Angers, who had taken his leave with in two miles of the Town upon pretence of going to advertise the Pope of his ap­proach, but indeed because he would not be one of the Cavalcade, either because of his dignity or his age, met him at the Gate of the place, and conducted him to the apartiment of Pope Clement, where the Grand Master Raymund Zacosta held a General Chapter of the Order under [Page 332] the Pontificate of Paul the 2d.

The day following the Grand Pri­or de Blanchefort, and the Embassa­dours of France, conducted him to his audience of the Pope in a full consistory. They had advertiz'd him that it was the custom to kiss the feet of his Holiness, and the greatest Kings in the World thought it no dishonour to condescend so far. But he had much adoe to stoop to that condescention; and some say that all he could be brought to, was to bow to kiss the Popes hand. He saluted the Cardinals af­ter a manner that was neither hum­ble nor disdainful, but as became a person of so high an extraction. Though he were born eloquent, and at other times spake very fluently, yet he only spoke four or five words very briskly, and those in Turkish, whether it were that the luster of so famous an assembly dazeld him, or whether he thought it below the Majesty of an Ottoman Prince to make a long discourse. George Jaxi a Rhodian his interpreter declar'd, [Page 333] that he only said, he was extreamly glad to see Rome.

Innocent, whose head was full of high designes, and who aim'd at no less then to free the Orient from the Tyranny of the Infidels, promis'd to himself a most happy success, at the sight of Sultan Zizim, and be­liev'd that the Son of Mahomet was sent him from Heav'n to be service­able to him; for that purpose the Em­bassy also which he receiv'd at the same▪ time from the Soldan of Egypt, strengthen'd his hopes. For Cair­bei, at the perswasion of the Grand Master did homage to the Holy See, and engaging to enter into the Ho­ly League, promis'd to set forth the most puissant Army that ever mar­ch'd out of Egypt.

His Holiness was so sensible of these high services of the Grand Mas­ter, that to manifest to all the world how much he was satisfi'd, and to bestow upon him in particular the solid marks of his favour, he gran­ted him an axtraordinary priviledg, so much the more considerable, be­cause [Page 334] he parted from his own right in granting it.

The Popes in possession were to provide for several benefices of the Order of Rhodes and they claim'd that right by the authority which they have in general over all Religi­ous Orders, and in particular over that of St. John of Jerusalem. This right did Innocent renounce by a consistorial Bull sign'd by all the Cardinals, depriving the See of ever conferring any commandery of the Order, though the benefice should happen to be vacant in the Court of Rome, and declaring withal by the same Bull, that the disposal of all commanderies absolutely belong'd to the Grand Master, without being compriz'd under such benefices as the Popes had reserv'd, or might hereafter reserve.

He also granted to the Grand Mas­ter the power absolutely to dispose of the benefices and military Reve­nus of the Holy Sepulcher, and St. Lazarus, uniting those Orders a­gain to that of St. John of Jerusa­lem [Page 335] by an express Bull, wherein his Holiness himself made a particular Elogium upon the Grand Master and the Knights.

The Grand Master who now began to intitle himself Cardinal, Grand Master, was exstremely sen­sible of all these favours which he never requested, and believ'd to be above his merit, accompting as no­thing what he had done, and daily accusing himself that he had not ful­fill'd the duties of his calling and his trust. He solemnly receiv'd the Cap in the Church of St. John Baptist upon St. Peter and Pauls day; and he was at the same time proclaim'd Universal Legat of the See in Asia.

These favours and new dignities put the Grand Master upon new cares and assiduities. And in regard the revenues of the Order were very much encreas'd by the addition of the Orders of the Holy Sepulcher and St. Lazarus, he appli'd himself present­ly to the settlement of the treasury; and he made very wise laws for the good goverment of the publick re­venue, [Page 336] as may be seen in the Book of the statutes of the Order. He made other laws touching elections and Sentences, which are observ'd to this day, full of prudence and Jus­tice.

But the peaceable state of affairs, together with new accessions of wealth and plenty, gave the Master opportunity to rebuild the ruin'd Churches, and among others that of St. Anthony, which was the burying place for the Knights, and which he himself had caus'd to be pull'd down for the safety of the City. It was built in another place much more magnificent then before.

Some years ere that he had founded a Chappel under the Name of the Holy Virgin, in the Church of Mon­teil-au Viconte, the place of his birth; but understanding that the building remain'd unfinish'd, he assign'd a certain stock of mony to go on with the work, and perfect it. He also founded several others in the Island of Rhodes, and one in the Church of Mount Palermus, to increase the de­votion of the people▪

[Page 337]But these were not the principal Employments of the Cardinal Grand Master; for when he saw himself cloth'd with the Purple Robe, he thought himself more than ever oblig'd to serve the Holy See, as he had suddenly several important oc­casions to do.

It is impossible to imagine what was the extreme surprize and dis­consolation of Bajazet, when he understood, that his Brother was at Rome. He had understood be­fore, that such a design was in hand; and because there was nothing that he feared more, to fend off that blow, he made great offers to Charls the 8th. Besides that he promised him all the Relicks that his Father had found in Constantinople, and in other Cities of Europe and Asia, he engaged to send him all his Forces for the recovery of the Holy Land, which was under the Domi­nion of the Soldan of Egypt, and to pay him what-ever he demanded for the maintenance of Zizim. But these propositions took no effect; [Page 338] for Zizim was not in France when the Ambassodors arrived.

The Grand Seignior's vexation redoubled, when he understood what Confederacies the Pope and the Soldan had made together. He loudly complained of the Conduct of the Grand Master; and by an express Ambassador, he bloodily re­proached, even to threaten him, that he would never observe any Laws of Civility with men, that did not keep their word. As fierce as the Grand Master was, he did not always give way to his Passion; for when affairs required moderati­on, there was no person more tra­ctable, nor more condescending than he. Therefore to appease Bajazet at a time▪ when it was not for the good of Christendom to exasperate him, he gave him to understand▪ That the removal of Zizim did not at all injure the Treaty of Peace, the Tenor of which was, in respect of the Sultan, That the Knights should be answerable for his Person, and should do their utmost, that [Page 339] he should not fall into the hands of any Prince. He assur'd him, that Zizim was in Italy, under the Guard of the Knights of Rhodes, as he was in France, and that no Prince could call himself Master of his Per­son. He added also, That the change of his Residence was by the abso­lute order of those whom the Knights were bound to obey. Besides, that this change, if rightly consider'd, had nothing in it but what was ad­vantageous to the Port: That Charles the Eighth, a Person of great designs, might have taken Zi­zim out of the Commanderie of Bourgneuf, when-ever he had had occasion to make use of him; whereas being in the Pope's power, he could make no advantage of him. In regard that not having a power sufficient of himself, it was absolute­ly necessary for him to joyn with other Princes, if he intended to car­ry a War out of Italy. That an Uni­on was a difficult affair, and such a one as required long time▪ as being oftentimes crossed by the jealousies [Page 340] of Princes; and at this time impos­sible, because of their divisions.

The Grand Master declared moreover, That Bajazet had no­thing to fear, while he kept himself quiet; but the least motion against Italy would awake all the Princes of Christendom, and enforce them to an Union against him. That now the best course he could take, was, to manage his business in Italy, to break the Correspondencies of the Soldan. That an Ambassador of the Port would be well received at Rome, and that he was onely there to seek for the success of his affairs.

The Grand Seignior, who was not then in a condition to be re­venged for the breach of word, which he pretended, and found pro­bability enough in the Grand Ma­ster's Reasons, never stood long to consider what he had to do: He resolved to be quiet, and to follow the counsel which had been given him touching an Embassie to Rome. But that he might know more ex­actly what he had to say to the [Page 341] Pope, and after what manner he should proceed, sent another Am­bassador to the Grand Master. This Negotiation continued several moneths, in which time there were nothing but continual Voyages from Constantinople to Rhodes. The Grand Master however put no confi­dence in these Embassies, but ex­pected a Rupture, so soon as Ba­jazet should have an opportunity to display his secret hatred against the Knights; and therefore that the Pope might have time to make a League between the Christian Princes, he spun out affairs as much as he could, either by creating dif­ficulties, which perplexed the Grand Seignior, or by giving ambiguous Answers, which were unsatisfactory.

While things thus passed between the Knights and the Turks, one of the Popes Legates had like to have spoiled all by his imprudence. Phi­lip de Canova, whom the Pope sent to the Soldan, being arrived at Caire, publickly declared very idly, and without any ground, That the [Page 342] Knights of Rhodes had no power in the affair of Zizim. He spoke this so openly, and upon so many oc­casions, that the report thereof came to the Port. This news cool'd the Grand Seignior as to any fur­ther Negotiation with Rhodes, now growing jealous that the Knights did but abuse him; and it had come to an open War, had not the Grand Master dextrously reconcil'd what the Legat had spoil'd: He declar'd so loudly the contrary, and by the Popes Letters themselves so well over-turn'd the falsity that Canova had averr'd, that, in a short time, he regain'd the former confidence which Bajazet had in him. The Negotiation was renew'd, and it was on both sides agreed, that the Grand Prior Blanchefort, who was come to Rhodes, to be present at the Ge­neral Chapter, and was to return to Zizim, should conduct the Am­bassador of the Port, that was to go to Rome.

An act so dextrous, and so suc­cessful, soon made a noise over [Page 343] Europe, and very much advanc'd the Reputation of the Grand Ma­ster; He was the discourse of all the Courts of Europe, and his name was so famous in that of Castile, that a young Lady of eminent Quality, having forsaken the World, admiring what she had heard of the prudence and virtue of Cardinal D'Aubusson, resolv'd to found a Nunnery accor­ding to his Model of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem: To which purpose, she requested leave of the Cardinal; who over-joy'd to see such pious and virtuous inclinations in a young Lady, readily conde­scended. Thereupon the Lady▪ whose name was Isabella di Leon, descended from one of the most an­tlent Families in Andalousia, found­ed a House of Religious Virgins, of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem; and the Founder was named Princess by the Grand Master, the Nuns are to be all of Noble Race, and to be approved as the Knights are▪ and they are particularly to pray for the Knights, and, as much as in [Page 344] them lies, to forward the ruine of Mahumetism, and the exaltation of the Faith. Isabella Fernandes found­ed also another House of Nuns in Evora, a City of Portugal, in the time of Villerius, Grand Master.

But to return to Bajazet, Cha­misbuerch his Capigi Basha, his Ambassador to the Pope, arrived at Rome, and was presented to his Ho­liness by the Grand Prior Blanche­fort, who accompani'd him to the City. The Grand Master, when he counselled the Embassie, advised the Grand Seignior to make a Present to the Pope, and above all things to send him the Head of the Lance that pierced the side of Christ, which Mahumet laid up in in his Treasury among the rich Spoils which he found in the Churches of Constantinople. The Relick was sus­pected at first, but upon the testi­mony of the Grand Master, the In­fidels were believed, who testifi'd, that he had had it from very credible persons, that the Venetians had of­fered Mahomet 15000 Crowns in [Page 345] Gold to retrieve it out of his hands, after the taking of Constantinople.

But in regard it was the intention of the Grand Seignior wholly to gain the Pope, he added to his Pre­sent very obliging Letters, wherein, after he had given him an account of an Expedition which he had made against the Rebels of Macedonia, he swore an inviolable friendship with him, and besought him, that his Brother Zizim might always remain under the Guard of the Knights of Rhodes, according to the Articles he had made with them.

These submissions of Bajazet ve­ry much pleased the Pope, and were no small honour to the Grand Ma­ster: He had a thousand Applauses in Italy, and received the Comple­ments of all the Christian Princes. But an unhappy accident did not long permit him quietly to enjoy this Honour; for a young Gentle­man, of a good House, who was then in the service of the Knight Puis, Bayliff of the Morea, and Captain of the Castle of St. Peter, stealing [Page 346] away from his Masters House, and having renounced his Religion in Turkey, the Peace was just upon the point of being broken between the Christians and the Turks.

For the Bayliff of the Morea, touched to the quick at what had befall'n his Page, took a strange resolution to recover him; he Sal­lies out of the Castle with some Soldiers, and entring into Lycia, he takes, by way of Reprisal, two young Turks, Sons of the most con­siderable person in the Countrey, notwithstanding the resistance made by their Father, whom he slew with his own hand. So violent an act seemed to the Barbarians a visible breach of the Peace. They take Arms▪ and march directly to the Castle of St. Peter, whether the Bayliff of the Morea was retired with his Prey. The Sultan Zalabi, the Grand Seignior's Son, and Go­vernour of Lycia, sent an Agent to Rhodes, to complain of the Attempt made by the Knights of the Ca­stle of St. Peter. The Bayliff's [Page 347] act was neither prudent nor just, so that the Grand Master could not but, with sorrow, very much resent it: and he had not stuck a moment to have delivered both the Children back again, but that one of them testified an inclination to turn Chri­stian. But the young Turk decla­ring, that he was resolved to conti­nue a Mussulman, and hated the very thought of Christianity, the Governour of Lycia was satisfied with the restoration of the two Pri­soners.

Thus was the Tranquility of the Province re-setled, nor had the Sub­jects any thing more to fear, but onely the Rapines of certain Pirats that infested their Coasts; the, most famous was Don Diego Ordonna, a Spaniard by Nation, a person bold and daring, of a savage humour, and a bestial valour, more barbarous than the Infidels, cruising all Coasts with an Armed Caravel, and acknow­ledging no Right but Force, nor any God but Interest. He had taken a little before certain Merchants Ves­sels [Page 348] within sight of Rhodes; and his power at Sea was grown so formi­dable, that the Ships of the Order durst hardly venture out of the Port.

The Grand Master could not brook the Insolencies and Robberies of this Castilian Pirate. And know­ing that Ferdinand and Isabel, who were then subduing the Moors, did not allow a Castilian Pirate to be so vexatious to the Christians; he sent against him the Knight Ray­mond Thivian with his Galley, and another Man of War with a Crew of stout Knights; who coming up with this Pirate, pli'd him so warm­ly, that he was constrained to yield, after a vigorous resistance: he was brought to Rhodes chain'd hand and foot, and afterwards broken alive upon the Wheel; his Goods▪ that were Confiscated to the Grand Master, were, by his order, distribu­ted to the Merchants that he rob'd.

The Island of Lango was, about this time afflicted with several ca­lamities together; a horrible and [Page 349] sudden Earthquake, that lasted for several days, threw down most part of the houses in the Countrey of Naranga; and what was more lamentable, this calamity hap­pen'd in a time, that a dreadful Contagion over-spread the Island. It is not to be imagin'd how much the Grand Master was afflicted for the miseries of these poor people, nor how great his cares were for their relief. He sent two great Ves­sels, laden with all necessaries, for their support, and caused the Lake of Naranga to be speedily cleansed, and the Tyde to be let into it, to carry away the noisome Vapours that might corrupt the air. And so well his pains succeeded, that the Contagion ceas'd so soon as the Lake was cleansed.

But these employments at home, did not make the Grand Master for­get his affairs abroad: He continu­ally sollicited the Pope to pacifie Italy; and he besought him still to conclude, with all the speed that might be, a League between the [Page 350] Christian Princes. But all these solli­citations and prayers took no effect. Innocent died of a sudden, and all those hopes that all good men had conceived died with him. The ad­vancement of Roderic Borgia, by the name of Alexander the Sixth, little avail'd to comfort the Grand Master for the loss which the Church had received. The humour of the new Pope promised little good to Christendom; for there was little good to be expected from a person, who had purchased the Suffrages of the Cardinals to enjoy a place, of which he knew himself unworthy. He had been Protector of the Or­der of St. John of Jerusalem while he was Cardinal, and by a Brief which he sent to the Grand Master, he declar'd, That the Knights of Rhodes should still be in his most favourable thoughts. But the Ef­fects were no way answerable to his words. Alexander first shewed his Pontifical Authority, by taking into his own possession the Person of Prince Zizim, contrary to the Agree­ment [Page 351] made between Innocent and the Knights. He shut up the Sultan the Castle of St. Angelo, and dis­missing the Knights who had always been about him, put him into the possession of his Nephews, of which one was a Knight of Rhodes. His pretence was, that a life so pretious as that of the Prince, would be less exposed to the Ambuscado's of his Enemies in a strong place; and that one Knight of Rhodes being near him▪ the rest were needless in a place that did defend it self: and these Excuses he sent by an Express to the Grand Master. But the true motive that induc'd the Pope to this act, was, because that understanding the King of France was preparing for an Expedition into Italy, he would have wherewithall to cross or promote his designs, as he should judge most proper for his Interests. For Charles the VIII. did not onely intend the Conquest of Naples; for Fame every where reported, that he was resolved to have carried his Arms into Greece. Whether this [Page 352] design were onely in thought, or actually intended, I will not dispute; but certain it is, that he commu­nicated it to the Grand Prior Blanchefort, whom the Affairs of the Order enforced to travel out of Italy into France; and he testifi'd several times the earnest desire he had to see the Grand Master, that he might consult with him about a Voyage beyond the Seas.

Zizim was extremely displeas'd to see himself in the hands of Alex­ander, and under the Guard of his Nephews, being always accustom'd to the Knights who had accompa­ni'd him both in France and Italy. As they had always great respect for him, and, in serving him, had al­ways sought to make his condition more pleasant; he lov'd them ten­derly, and could not chuse but shed tears when he took his leave of them. He did for them all that lay in the power of his Fortune; he wrote to the Grand Master in their behalf, representing to him the va­lue of their services, and assuring [Page 353] him, that what ever favours he be­stowed upon them, he would put upon his own account, as done to himself. He besought him likewise not to abandon an unfortunate per­son, who ow'd his life to him, and from whom he could only hope for a change of his condition.

In the mean while, Charles the 8th. pass'd the Mountains at the head of all the Gallantry and Stout­ness in his Kingdom; and having cross'd, like a Victor, the half of Italy, he march'd on, and presented himself before Rome. The Pope, of whom he only demanded passage through his Countrey, was afraid lest, under that pretence, he should make himself Master of the City; but the presence of so great an Ar­my would not permit him to listen to his fear, he granted what he could not refuse. And though the King, by a publick Manifesto, de­clar'd, that he only came to Rome to accomplish a Vow that he had made, and that he only went to Naples in his way to Constantinople, [Page 354] yet he gave no credit to his words.

For Alexander, who had no kind­ness at all for the French, and had disoblig'd them upon several occa­sions, easily imagin'd, according to his Principles, that they would not lose so fair an opportunity to re­venge themselves. But as he had a nimble craft, he sought always to give them satisfaction, and conde­scended to what-ever they desir'd. He gave the young Conquerour the Investiture of both Sicilies, and Crown'd him Emperour of Constan­tinople. Besides that, he deliver'd into his hands Sultan Zizim, whom the King had chiefly requested, out of a design to pursue his Conquests into the East, after he had master'd Naples. The Ottoman Prince was surrender'd to the French by a so­lemn Act, and with a publick Ce­remony, where Alexander and Charles were present. He saluted Charles after such a manner, as nei­ther bespake him a Barbarian nor a Prisoner. After he had kiss'd his Shoulder and his Hand, with a lofty [Page 355] Air, he told the King, That he hop'd the French would, in his per­son, consider the Ottoman Race; and added, that when they should cross over into Greece, he should find a way to acknowledge their Civili­ties. Charles was ravish'd with ad­miration of the Great Soul which he saw in the Sultan, and treated him with so much Courtesie and Gene­rosity, that Zizim testifi'd his joy for being fall'n into the hands of so generous a Monarch.

They departed from Rome for Naples both together; but the poor Prince, who prepar'd himself to assist the Enterprise of the French, and who was in hopes to raise his own Fortune by following theirs, felt himself struck by the way with an unknown distemper, that carri'd him off in a few days. His death surpriz'd all men, and there was great enquiry made into the cause. They that were of the Popes's party reported, that he gave himself too much over to his Pleasures the first days of his liberty, and that he [Page 356] kill'd himself with excess of De­bauchery. Others say▪ that the Ve­netians corrupted with money by the Turks, and alarm'd at the French Expedition, had secretly given him poison. But most accuse the Pope to have deliver'd him poison'd to Charles the 8th. to the end that France should get no advantage by him; and the report ran, that Alexander receiv'd Reynald. An­nal. Ecclesiae, An. 1495. a good sum of money to perform that wicked act. Thus ended the life of Zizim, an unfortunate Prince, and yet more il­lustrious by his Misfortunes then by his Birth. Some think he dy'd a Christian, and that he was Baptiz'd at Rome before the death of Inno­cent the 8th. But those Authors, who have spoken most of this Prince, say nothing of his Conversion; which makes me believe, that, to aggravate his misfortunes, he dy'd a Mahume­tan.

THE HISTORY OF Peter D'Aubusson, Grand Master of RHODES. Book Sixth.

THe Grand Master, who took very heavily the news of Zi­zim's Captivity, could not receive the news of his death without in­dignation and horrour; and he found himself laden with all the grief that a man could have, for the death of a person so extremely dear [Page 358] to him. But when the Interest of Christianity intermix'd with that tenderness, all his Fortitude was little enough to support him from being wholly deprest by an accident so Tragical. He ador'd the pro­found wisdom of God, that would not suffer the Christians to reap any advantage from the person of the Ottoman Prince, and permitted them, who had most interest to pre­serve him, to be his destroyers. But he admired as well the conduct of Providence, that would not give the Infidel liberty to gain any benefit by his death; but to unhinge all their designs, gave Victory to the Tri­umphant Arms of France in Italy.

Ferdinand King of Naples being dead of an Apoplexy, after Matthi­as Corvin, King of Hungary, and Pope Innocent the Eighth, who both died of the same disease; Alfonso, a wicked Prince, hated by the No­bility and People, succeeded his Fa­ther; but terrifi'd by the rapid march of the French, and fearing besides the dire effects of publick [Page 593] Rage, he left his Crown to his Son Ferdinand, and retir'd into Sicily. The new King also follow'd the ex­ample of Alfonso; and after he had awhile disputed with the French the Avenues of the Kingdom, aban­don'd it quite; so that the King of France made himself Master of the Capital Cities without striking one stroke. All Turky trembled at the progress of the French Army, and the terrour was so great at Constanti­nople, that the Priests of the Mahu­metan Religion publickly cri'd out, That the Turkish Empire was lost without redemption.

Now before the Forces, appointed for the Expedition of Italy set out of France, Charles the 8th. had sent to Rhodes the Grand Prior Blanche­fort, to desire the Grand Master to meet him at Rome. He also dis­patch'd away to him the Com­mander of Angers with very urgent Letters, so soon as he had cross'd the Mountains. More then this, as he earnestly desir'd this Enterview, though whether to be truly instru­cted [Page 360] as to the design he had upon the Levant, or to dazle the World, that it should not be known which way he bended, is uncertain; he desir'd the Pope to write to the Grand Master, and wrote to him also with his own hand. And in­deed his Letter was the most civil and engaging in the world: For after that he had declar'd, that he could not live without his counsel, nor enterprize any thing upon the Levant but under his Conduct, he conjur'd him to hasten his Voyage, for the reasons which he had declar'd to the Grand Prior Blanchefort his Nephew, to whom he had open'd his mind as to a Knight of great prudence, and of absolute experience.

This Letter coming to Rhodes before the Grand Prior, whom stress of weather had beaten off from the Island, the Grand Master, who be­liev'd such flattering expressions could not be sincere; and who saw but small foundations for a design that France made such a stir about, [Page 361] return'd for answer to the King, That he could not but highly ap­plaud his Majesty's Zeal; That it was too much honour for him to fight under his Banners, or to con­tribute any thing to the Glory of his Atchievments. But in regard the Grand Prior Blanchefort had order to declare to him the whole secrets of the Affair, he daily expe­cted to obey his Majesty's Or­ders.

The King▪ out of his impatience to see the Grand Master in Italy▪ wrote him a second Letter so soon as he was enter'd Naples. He also desir'd Cardinal Briconnet, and Car­dinal de Garce, who accompani'd him, and to whom the Pope had given Caps at his instance, to write both of them to the same effect. The first only exhorted him in ge­neral terms, not to deny that which was requested of him with so much ardenoy. The second, who had more zeal, went more home to the business, and after he had given him an account of all that had [Page 362] pass'd in the Kingdom of Naples, desir'd him that he would conde­scend to be a Tutor to a young Con­querour, who was wholly intent up­on the delivery of Greece, and whose hopes depended upon the Counsels of a Captain so experi­enc'd, and so formidable to the Enemies of the Faith. He added, That in that little time that so glo­rious an Enterprise was delay'd, the opportunity was in danger to be lost. That it was to be fear'd, lest the debaucheries that usually attend upon great Conquests, might corrupt the Courages of the French Sol­diers; That the sins of Victors might draw upon them the male­diction of Heaven; That the Ene­mies of France sow'd jealousies in the minds of the Princes of Italy, to engage them to cross the designs of Charles; and that all preparati­ons were making to form a League against him. That several, under the pretence of the good of his Kingdom, advis'd him to return in­to France, before he enter'd upon [Page 363] the Holy War. The Cardinal at last concluded, That the sole presence of the Grand Master was enough to stay the King, and to ascertain the Expedition into the Levant.

But the Letters of the Cardinals did not work that effect which they expected. The Grand Master was confirm'd by their own reasons, that the Expedition which they projected against the Turks, was not an En­terprise that had any solid ground: he was a little distrustful of the in­constancy of the French, and the Youth of the Conqueror. Besides, he understood, that the League against France was almost come to a period, and that the Pope, the the Venetians, the Emperor, and the King of Spain had all entred into it. He had also news at the same time, that the Turks, enrag'd at the death of Zizim, were setting forth a con­siderable Fleet, and that the Tem­pest threatned the Islands of the Order, with whom they had now no more occasion to deal so warily. So that his Voyage into Italy ap­pearing [Page 364] useless, and his presence be­ing necessary in the East, he thought it sufficient to congratulate Charles the 8th. for his Conquest of Naples, and to flatter him with that of Con­stantinople; assuring him, that a Prince so valiant and so fortunate as he, had need of no other Conductors then his own Courage and Fortune to bring the greatest Enterprises to pass: That the Knights were over­joy'd to see him so advantagiously seated for a beyond-Sea Invasion: and concluding his Letter, That he had not yet heard from the Grand Prior Blanchefort, whom he either thought to be cast away, or taken by the Pirates.

The event shew'd, that the Grand Master had no such reason to be ha­sty in his Voyage. For Charles the 8th. himself speedily on a sudden leaves Naples, and bends his march for France. Whether it were, that that restlesness which is natural to the French caus'd him to quit what he had Conquer'd, or whether all Europe Leagu'd against him, occasion'd his [Page 365] retreat. However, there was no dis­course after that, either of any Ex­pedition beyond-Sea, or of any Con­quest of Constantinople.

At the time that Charles abso­lutely laid aside all thoughts of the Holy War, Maximilian began to plot it in his mind, either out of a real Zeal, or an Envious Emulation to reproach the French in some sort, that they had not done what they boasted to do against the Turk. However, he did not think it conve­nient to do any thing without ad­vising with the Grand Master: To which purpose he sent unto him Ralph of Wittenbergh, Knight of Rhodes, and Grand Prior of Germa­ny. This new Ambassador declar'd at a publick Audience▪ That Maxi­milian having resolv'd to turn all the Force of the Empire against the common Enemy, he durst not ven­ture to proceed, till he had consult­ed before-hand the Cardinal Grand Master, the Oracle of the Christian Princes, the Terror of the Infidels, and Glory of the East: That he [Page 366] desir'd private Ties of Union, and an entire correspondence with him, to the end he might follow his directi­ons in all things, which he desir'd him not to refuse to those that re­quested them sincerely.

The Grand Master made answer publickly, That he was highly oblig'd to the Emperour for his Reliance and Esteem; but that he did not deserve those splendid Ti­tles with which his Imperial Majesty had honour'd him; and that though the Order had signaliz'd themselves against the Infidels for some years since, those happy Successes were to be attributed to the valour of the Knights, and the Protection of Hea­ven. After which, in a discourse in private with the Ambassador, he laid open to him all the insight which he had into the Holy War, what En­terprises were to be undertaken against the Turk either by Sea or Land, and which were the most pro­bable ways to succeed.

The wrongs and damages which the Turks at that time did to the [Page 367] Vessels of the Order, did not a little help to heat the Grand Master, and cause him to close with the designs of the Emperor. Several Infidels that inhabited the Coasts of Lycia, nearest to Rhodes, put to Sea every day, and pretending themselves to be Pirats, pillag'd the Isles of the Order; they also made inrodes into Caria, and brav'd the Knights even to the very Gates of the Castle of St. Peter. The Grand Master sends out certain Vessels against these pre­tended Pirats, of which, some were taken, and punish'd to the utmost of their deserts. But these disorders continuing, he writes to the Port, to know whether the Grand Seignior authorised these violences or no. The Pirats intercept the Letters, and kill the Bearers. The Grand Master being advertiz'd thereof, sought a more sure way to write to Bajazet, and did it with all the fierceness that a just resentment could inspire him with. Now though Bajazet were, as we said before, exasperated in his heart against the Knights, and had [Page 368] little value for them since the death of his Brother; yet he was still un­willing to display his fury: So that he order'd the Beglerbei of Anato­lia severely to punish the Criminals. He also sent to Rhodes a Prudent and Intelligent Person, to examine the Losses which the Rhodians had sustain'd, and to assure them, in the name of his Highness, that all should be restor'd with Interest.

While the Grand Seignior la­bour'd in this manner to satisfie the Grand Master, some of the Rhodi­ans, interrested in the Goods which the Pirats had taken, secretly set forth some Vessels, and exercis'd several acts of Hostility upon the Coast of Lycia, pillaging Villages, taking Ships, and carrying away the very persons of the Turks. When the Grand Master was inform'd of it, he would not stay till the Beg­lerbei complain'd; he caus'd the chief in the Enterprize to be Ar­rested; and having discover'd that the Knights had a share, he nam'd Commissioners to examine the [Page 369] matter, resolv'd to proceed against the guilty with all the rigour of the Statutes, which possitively forbid the Knights to set forth any Vessels of War without express leave.

Thus was the Grand Master per­plex'd at home; abroad he was as ill satisfi'd with the Church of Rome; For Alexander became more proud then ever by the retreat of the French Army, had no regard to the Priviledges which his Predecessor had granted to the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, touching the Collati­on of Benefices.

Francis Bossolx, a Catalonian by birth, one of the most Anti­ent and most Illustrious Knights of his Language, had conferr'd upon him by the Grand Master the Pri­ory of Catalonia. The Pope not considering either the Age, or the Merit of the Knight, conferr'd the same Priorate, with the Commen­dary of Navelles, upon Lewis Bor­gia his Nephew. So unjust an act estranged all their hearts from the Pope, and occasion'd much trouble [Page 370] at Rhodes. It was therefore re­solv'd in Counsel to complain thereof in all the Courts of Christen­dom, and particularly to that of Spain. To which purpose Commis­sioners were named, and the Grand Prior of Portugal, the Bayliff of Negropont, the Commendator Villel, and the Knight de Gotor, in Quality of Extraordinary Ambassadors. The Grand Master wrote to Ferdinand a long Letter, wherein after he had set forth how much scandal and disorder the injustice of Alexander had caused in the Order, he besought his Majesty to espouse their Inte­rests, and to mediate vigorously for them to the Pope.

Ferdinand, who was not ignorant of the Services which the Grand Master had done the Holy See, found his complaints so just, that he presently put the Knight de Bostolx in possession of the Priory of Cata­logne. He assur'd the Ambassadors also, that while he liv'd, no other Knights of Rhodes, but such as were appointed and endow'd by the [Page 371] Grand Master, should enjoy the Re­venues of his Order within his Do­minions. He also wrote to the Pope at the same time, and very earnestly represented to him, That the courses he took steer'd directly to the ruine of the Order, wholly devoted to the Holy See. That the Zeal of the Knights was not altogether so pure and Angelical, but that they had an eye upon Temporal Recompences, while they fought against the com­mon Enemy of the Faith; and that both their Zeal and Courage too would cool, when they beheld the Price of their Labours and their Sweat in the hands of Strangers and unknown Persons: So that if his Holiness did not preserve their Pri­viledges, it might be fear'd, that the Rampart of Christendom might be expos'd to the fury of the Infidels.

Alexander submitted to the Rea­sons, or at least to the Authority of the King of Castile. He revoked the Collation which he had made in favour of his Nephew; and the Grand Master gave the Commen­derie [Page 372] of Wovelles, with that of Bai­oles to Don Ferrand of Arragon, of the Royal Family, and very dear to the King of Castile, having before that created him a Knight.

In the mean time intelligence came, that the Turks were building great Ships, and every where made great Preparations for War. There­upon the Grand Master sent an Am­bassador to Constantinople, in shew, to Congratulate the Grand Signior upon his recovery from sickness, but really to penetrate into the design of those new Preparations. Bajazet kept his design very secret: but the publick rumor of the Port was, that those Preparations were intended against Egypt, and was a report pro­bable enough.

Cairbei had been dead some months before, and the youngest of his Sons was advanc'd to the Throne by the subtilty of a Circassi­an Mamaluke, who did what he pleas'd at Caire, and pretended to govern during the Minority of the Infant. But an absolute Authority [Page 373] in one particular Subject is always suspected and odious. The principal Nobility of the Court would not en­dure the new Government; so that instead of doing Homage to the new Sovereign, they revolted from him, and made Confederacies with the Turks to deprive him of his Crown. The Grand Master was inform'd of the rumour of the Court, but he believ'd it so much the less, the more the Grand Signior's Ministers de­sir'd it should be believ'd. He kept himself upon his Guard, and gave order for every thing. He engag'd in the Service of the Order all Strangers Ships that us'd the Levant Seas. He hir'd Companies of Spa­nish Infantry out of Sicily, from whence he also sent for Corn in abundance. The Grand Prior Blanchefort, after a dangerous Voyage, at length arriving safe, had order to go for France to make his Complements, and to desire aid of the Successor to Charles the VIII. who was dead of an Apoplexy, a disease fatal to great men in that [Page 374] Age. Thereupon Lewis the XII. who had a great esteem for the Grand Master, kindly receiv'd the Grand Prior, and order'd two and twenty great Ships to be made rea­dy for the service of the Knights.

At that time, the Grand Master understanding, that Henry the VIII. King of England, laid out for the fairest Turky Carpets that were to be got, presented him with some that were very rare. Henry became sen­sible of the Civilities of the Grand Master, and, in acknowledgment, sent him several excellent Pieces of Artillery, with some Horses of an extraordinary Mettle and Colour. Ladislaus King of Hungary, who, of all the Princes of Europe, was most liable to be a Prey to the Bar­barians, offered the Knights of St. John two Provinces of his Do­minions, to engage them all together to his Interests. But the Grand Master was not of that humour to despoil a Prince, to protect him; he refus'd the offers of Ladislaus, but promis'd him all manner of assistance.

[Page 375] Blanchefort was no sooner re­turn'd to Rhodes, but the Armada of the Turks pass'd through the Straits of Gallipoly; the Course they steer'd at first caus'd a great fear, that the Storm threaten'd the Order of St. John; but soon after it was seen to fall upon the Republick of Venice. The Turks pretended, that they had suffered great wrongs in Romania, and the Morea. Besides that, the Proveditor Prioly having met a Tur­kish Vessel alone near Meteline, and perceiving that the Ship, in stead of Loring Sail, fir'd at them with all her Artillery, fought and sunk her. Now though the Act of Prioli was regular, however, it incens'd the Grand Signior, who lov'd the Ca­ptain of the Ship; for which reason he resolv'd a War against them: ne­vertheless he did not at all declare his resentment. For Zancari, whom the Senate sent to discover the in­clinations of the Port, received a thousand Caresses from Bajazet. Nay, the Barbarian desir'd to re­new his Alliance with the Repub­lick; [Page 376] but he caus'd the Articles of the new Treaty to be written in Latine, to the end he might break it when he pleas'd, according to the Principles of the Mahumetan Law, which suffers them not to have any regard to their words in Contracts, that are not written in their own Language.

At the same time that the Otto­man Fleet sail'd out of the Streight, the Grand Signior enter'd into Ro­mania with a powerful Army, hav­ing imprison'd before all the Vene­tians that were at Constantinople. One part of the Turkish Cavalry was divided from the rest, and sent to harass the Countreys of Zara and Dalmatia. General Grimani, who lay at Modon with the Fleet of the Republick, had implor'd the as­sistance of the Grand Master upon the first noise of the War. But he more urgently requested his aid, when he saw the Turks double the Point of the Morea. Justiniani, who commanded in Candy, joyned his requests with those of Grimani; [Page 377] and both of them sent to Rhodes certain Letters from the Duke Bar­barigo.

The Grand Master look'd on the attempt of the Turks upon the Venetians, as a violation of the Trea­ty of Peace made with the Order, by reason they were oblig'd not to molest the Christians: so that he made no scruple to succour the Venetians in the present Conjun­cture. But because he would not make too great a noise, he onely sent them the Spanish Infantry that was come from Sicily, and some other Foreign Troops. The Republick al­so at the same time sent to the King of France, to obtain of his Ma­jesty the Vessels design'd for the as­sistance of Rhodes. Who thereupon being then in League with the Pope and the Venetians against the Duke of Milan, gave order to his Ad­miral to sail away for Greece, to ob­serve the countenances of the Turks; and in case that Rhodes were in no danger, to joyn with the Venetian Fleet.

[Page 378]The noise of War inflam'd some of the Knights, and, amongst others, the Grand Prior Blanchefort, whom the affairs of the Order detain'd in France during the Siege of Rhodes: And therefore to satisfie the ex­treme desire he had to meet with the Infidels, he desir'd leave to go and serve the Venetians. The Grand Master, who, before he broke with the Turk, was desirous to see the success of the War with Venice, he­sitated at first upon the proposal of his Nephew; but the bus'ness be­ing deliberated in Council, it was order'd, that the Grand Prior should have his liberty, but that he should not take along with him above thir­ty Knights at most. So that Blanche­fort came to Modon at the same time that the French Ships arriv'd there. As for the Venetian Fleet, they had not so many Vessels as the Turks, But they had better men, and Ships more fit for fight. The Turks there­fore avoided meeting with the Chri­stians, minding onely to husband themselves for some greater Enter­prise. [Page 379] But the Adventurers of Rhodes desiring nothing more then a Battel, press'd Grimani not to lose the opportunity. And indeed they might have sought, found, and van­quish'd the Infidels, had not the over-prudence of the Venetians ren­dred the heat of the French unpro­fitable. But the Ottoman Fleet con­sisted of 260 Sail, a number that astonish'd Grimani; so that instead of engaging, he did nothing but follow them aloof off. There­upon the Grand Prior, and the French Admiral, who had a full re­solution to have signaliz'd them­selves, disgusted at the conduct of the General, quitted him with a gene­rous disdain.

The Infidels embolden'd by the Cowardice of the Venetians, and by the retreat of the French, fiercely skirted along the Coasts of Morca, and enter'd into the Gulph of Le­panto, whether Bajazet was come with his Army. The City was taken almost in sight of Grimani, who had not the courage to relieve it. [Page 380] This untoward news very much troubl'd the Grand Master: but the Pestilence that increas'd in Rhodes much more afflicted him. He made excellent Orders to stop the Torrent of the Contagion; and to the end the Barbarians might not attempt any thing at a time so seasonable for them, he kept in pay four Galleys, which his Nephew brought along with him from Provence; and hav­ing re-inforc'd them with Knights and Souldiers, he commanded them to cruise about the Islands; wherein he did two good acts at one time: for he preserv'd the Islands from Pirats, and empti'd the City of a great number of People, which might have been swept away by the Pesti­lence.

Lewis the XII. who made him­self Master of the Dutchy of Milan, while the Turks took Lepanto, and who had a design to re-conquer the Kingdom of Naples, out of which the French had been driv'n, thought himself oblig'd to assist the Venetians in the low Ebb of their Affairs: but [Page 381] he was perswaded he could not do it, unless he acted by consent with the Grand Master. For that reason he sent to him two Heralds at Arms, who carri'd a Letter also to the Port, to the end that by his means they might travel safely through Turky, and have a favourable Audience. So soon as the Heralds came to Rhodes, the Grand Master, who had made no open Breach with the Turks, wrote to Constantinople for Letters of safe Conduct. To which Bajazet did not onely freely con­sent, but gave order to the Basha's of Lycia to go and meet the He­ralds of France, and convoy them to the Port.

Esarcho Centurino, a man of good judgment, and one of the principal Inhabitants of Rhodes, departed along with them, carrying a Letter of Credence, to beseech the Grand Signior not to detain the Heralds long, and to make some small Com­plement to his Highness as to the War which he made against the Venetians. Now though the Letters [Page 382] from Lewis were very haughty, and threaten'd the Ottoman Empire with the Force of France, if he did not cease to molest the Venetians, and restore all that had been taken from them. Bajazet▪ nevertheless receiv'd them very well; nor did he send them back without good Words, and magnificent Presents.

As the King of France had sent two Heralds by the way of Rhodes, the Grand Signior, by the same way also, sent to the King of France two Grandees of the Port, of which, the one was called Sivan­beii, and the other Musibeii, to ex­cuse himself likewise to the Grand Master. In some sort he endea­vour'd, in a large Letter, to lay the blame upon the Venetians, and gave the reasons that mov'd him to declare War against them. He pretended, that the Venetians had violated the Faith of Treaties, and the Right of Nations, exercising all manner of violences upon the Turks; of which, to the end he might be believ'd, he gave a long List. And [Page 383] the more to defame the Venetians, he added, that the most Illustrious King of France knew well enough what wrongs they had done the French, when being onely Duke of Orleans, he accompani'd Charles the 8th. to the Conquest of Naples, when they proffer'd him ten Duc­kats for every Souldier to invade Ita­ly; alledging, that if they did not stop the progress of the French Arms, they would at length assail the Ottoman Empire. All this the Grand Seignior wrote to justifie him­self; but mention'd not a word how Lodowic Sforza, finding the King of France in League with the Veneti­ans against him, had invited the Ottoman Arms against them; ag­gravating to the Port, that Lewis the XII. would certainly put in ex­ecution, what Charles the VIII. de­sign'd, for the Conquest of Milan and Naples.

In the mean time, a Ship of Rhodes being bound from thence to the Coast of Egypt, was attack'd by a Turkish Gallion near ro Alex­andria. [Page 384] The Knights who were in the Ship defended themselves stout­ly, and had reduc'd the Turk to the last extremity; but when the Ship was just upon the point of yielding, another Vessel, well arm'd, came to her relief; so that the Knights were forc'd to quit her. They made for Alexandria, and putting up the Soldan's Colours, enter'd the Port. But the Admiral of Alexandria, a perfidious Brute, without any re­gard either to the Peace and Laws of Nations, made the Knights Pris'­ners, and sent them to Caire, with all the Christians that were in the Ship.

The Grand Master conjectur'd, by the attempt of the Gallion, that the Turks had no intentions any longer to keep fair with the Order. However, he complain'd to the Sol­dan of the Admirals behaviour, and that in high terms too, as of a vio­lence insupportable. The Soldan understanding, that such sharp com­plaints were as good as threats, and that he that made them would be as good as his word, disown'd [Page 385] the Admiral, and releas'd the Pris'­ners.

But the Grand Signior's pro­ceedings were far different. For all his Civilities to the Grand Master, and his Embassie to the Court of France, did not hinder the Infidels from continuing the War against the Venetians, nor from invading Italy. Twelve thousand Spahi's en­tred into Friuli, through uncouth and difficult passages; and putting all to Fire and Sword, carri'd away above 20000 Christians into Slave­ry. The Pope, who minded nothing but the advancement of his Family, till then had onely been a Specta­tor of the War; but now he began to think himself concern'd, when he saw the Enemy at his Gates. And besides that his own Interest engag'd him to act, he thought himself oblig'd in Honour to wipe off those reproaches, which the death of Zizim had thrown upon him, and to repair, by some notable action, what had been irregular in his Government. Thereupon he [Page 386] undertook, with all the heat ima­ginable, to unite the Christian Princes, that he might put a stop to the incursions of the Barbarians.

Nor was his diligence unsuccess­ful. The Kings of Castile, Portugal, and Hungary declar'd themselves first of all. Maximilian, whom the Wars of Guelders and Switzerland had diverted from the Turkish War, entred into this Holy League with Louis the 12th. when their diffe­rences about Milan were ended, by the Marriage of the King's Daugh­ter with the Emperor's Son.

The Grand Master convinc'd more then ever of the Infidelity of the Grand Signior, and not believ­ing himself oblig'd to have any more respect for them, who had no more for him, Leagu'd himself with the Croisado'd Princes. And now Forces are raising all over Europe; Ships making ready▪ Money ga­thering together in all places; and the bloody Crosses that fell from Heaven in Germany, which Maxi­milian himself saw, seem'd to por­tend [Page 387] a happy success. The Turks take the Alarm at these Prepartions and Prodigies; though that which most affrighted them was the choice that was made of the Generalissimo of the League.

Alexander, who, among his wic­ked qualities, had some good ones, and who had a very ready wit, be­thought himself, that to bring about so important an Expedition, nothing could be more available then the choice of an Experienc'd Captain, and such a one as should be accepta­ble to all the Princes. He cast his eye upon the Grand Master D'Au­busson, and propos'd him in a full Consistory, after he had made him a large Encomium. All the Cardinals applauded the Popes Proposition. However, Alexander, before he made the Choice publick, resolv'd to try the Inclination of the Grand Master. To this end he wrote to him in a very obliging style, nevertheless with a chargeable condition in his Brief, that the Order, during the time that the Grand Master should [Page 388] continue General, should keep out at Sea four Galleys, and four Barks, well appointed, for the Service of the League.

The Grand Master, who lov'd to act at his own liberty, ponder'd upon the Condition; and it may be his modesty had made use of this pretence, to rid himself of an Em­ployment, which he thought above him, if the Council had not advis'd him to accept of the Condition at any rate whatever, and that the Letters of several Cardinals his Friends had not at length brought him to an absolute determination. Thereupon he wrote to his Holiness, That with all acknowledgment and humble bashfulness he was willing to take upon him the Charge, with which he was pleas'd to honour him: And he sent a very ample Procuration, as to this Affair, to the Commander of Avignon, then Vice-Procurator-General of the Order in the Court of Rome.

The Pope, not doubting but that his Proposal would be as acceptable [Page 389] to the Princes, as it was to the Car­dinals, gave them advice of his choice, so soon as he had receiv'd the Grand Master's Answer. All the Courts of Christendom applauded so wise a Choice; and this one Action did Alexander so much honour, that his Reputation was much repair'd thereby. Thereupon before all the Ambassadors of the Confederate Princes, he publickly declar'd the Grand Master D'Aubusson, Captain-General of the Croisado.

After which, his Holiness, by a Solemn Brief, fill'd with his Praises, gave him information of it. The Purport of the Brief was, That the Princes had approv'd the Choice which he had made of his Person; That they were very readily dis­pos'd to obey him; and that his Experience, Valour, and Piety, gave them confident hopes of Victory. The Pope added, That he was re­solv'd to go to the War himself, not­withstanding his Age, resolv'd to partake with the Grand Master in all the Labours of a Christian War­fare, [Page 390] and to lay down his life, if oc­casion should be, to render the Ex­pedition successful. He sent word▪ That there were 15 Galleys, which he had expressly caus'd to be made ready; and that the Bishop of Ti­voly had orders to send them away, so soon as they were fitted out. He also wrote him word, that he had given notice to the Princes by their Ambassadors, that his intention was, that they and all their Forces should render to him the same Honour, and the same Obedience, as to the Head of the Church. Exhorting him him at length to defend the Faith upon this occasion, with the same Courage and Virtue, with which alone he had defended it, when he forc'd Mahomet to raise his Siege from before Rhodes.

Lewis the XII. would not stay to acknowledge him till he was pub­lickly proclaim'd at Rome; but so soon as he understood the Pope's intentions, he wrote to the Grand Master, That being willing to con­tribute to the Successes of so noble [Page 391] an Expedition, notwithstanding the Affairs he had in Italy, he was set­ting forth a Navy Royal, and that knowing his Prudence and long Ex­perience in the Wars against the Turk, he had order'd his Admiral, Philip de Cleves Ruvesteine, to fol­low his Counsels in all things, and to Act by his Instructions.

The Praises and Applauses which the Pope and the King of France gave him, did but re-double the zeal and diligence of the Grand Master: So that being now acknowledg'd the Captain of such a famous En­terprize, his whole study was, how to bring it to good issue. The Sum­mer being now past, and no Princes Fleet appearing; or if they had ap­pear'd, the Season being now past for any considerable Action, his first consideration was to settle a Bank for the paiment of such Forces as should arrive, that they might not think of returning for want of Money. For he knew well, that onely Money could keep Souldiers together idle in the Levant. To [Page 392] this purpose he sent to the Pope and the King of France intelligent Knights, to let them understand, that without that precaution, there was nothing to be done against the Turk. That if the Souldiers of the League came not forthwith, they would not be in a condition for action the next Season; and that, if being once arriv'd, they should re­turn for want of subsistence, the common Enemy would take advan­tage of their Retreat. He let them further know, That while the Forces of the Confederate Princes attack'd the Turk by Sea, it was necessary that the King of Hungary should assail him by Land to make a di­version.

But in regard the safety of Chri­stendom, in some measure, depend­ed upon the safety of Rhodes, he was of opinion, that the Ships be­longing to the Order should not distance themselves any farther then Cape Malio. He also thought it ne­cessary, that the Fleet of the Con­federate Princes should not come [Page 393] to Rhodes, to spare them the labour of returning back to the Morea, and Rhodes the inconvenience of being eaten out by so many people. Upon which consideration it was re­solv'd to send before to Ravestein, to desire him to stay at Cape St. Angelo, there to attend till the Ma­ster came himself to bring them into some good Harbour.

Ravestein was already entred in­to the Archepelago, and steer'd di­rectly to the Island of Metelin, to signalize himself immediately by some notable action. But in regard he hated Dependency, and was co­vetous of all the Honour to himself, so far was he from following the Orders of the Grand Master, that not vouchsafing to follow his Coun­sel, he onely sent to invite him to come and joyn with him. However, though this seem'd a very disoblig­ing act of Ravestein, yet the Grand Master more resented the ill-timing of the Enterprize, then the ill-be­haviour of Ravestein, knowing well it was contrary to the King's Plea­sure, [Page 394] and that the wills of Princes are usually ill obey'd, when those that are employ'd take upon them to follow their own inclinations. And indeed this Bad beginning of the League, created an ill opinion of the Event. Nor did the slowness of the Pope less trouble him, then the for­wardness of the French. The fifteen Galleys that were to appear with the first, were not to be heard of; neither was there any news of the Bishop of Tivoli, who had order to conduct them.

How zealous soever the Grand Master was to advance the Affairs of the Croisade, he could not deter­mine with himself to joyn with the French before the arrival of the Pope's Fleet. He consider'd, that having no Instructions from his Holiness touching the Duties of his Office, it behov'd him not to begin the Exercise of it. He consider'd also, that in difficulties which might happen, the other Ca­ptains would be subject to dispute his power, when they found the [Page 395] Galleys of his Holiness absent. To avoid all these inconveniences, he press'd the Pope to keep his word, representing to him with an extra­ordinary respect and zeal mix'd together, that his Holiness being the Chief, and Soul of the Enterprise, there was nothing to be done with­out him. That the Fleets of the Christian Princes would come in vain into the Levant, if he did not appear in the head of them. That as for his part, he desir'd onely to ac­quit himself of the Charge where­with he had been pleas'd to honour him, as having all his life-time one­ly sought a fair opportunity to ruine the Mahumetan Puissance.

Ravestein, who had unadvisedly engag'd himself in the Siege of Me­telin, and began to see his fault, en­deavour'd all he could to re-fix him­self in the good opinion of the Grand Master, and to oblige him to come to his relief: He sent to him by the Knight de Gavaston, who was come to him on the behalf of the Order, that the Venetians having drawn [Page 396] him to Meteline before the arrival of the Knight, he could not avoid besieging the City. That at first he had rais'd a Battery, which had no success, as being planted against the strongest part of the Wall; but that having chang'd his Battery, the Ca­non wrought wonders; but that he could not determine with himself to make a general Onset without him; believing withall, that the Event of the Storm would not prove successful, unless the Knights of Rhodes had their share. That the Venetians had thirty Galleys before Meteline, not counting his. That for the Popes Galleys, they were not to be expected; nor did he know where his Holiness should have fif­teen; for that being at Naples, he knew he had but two, which the Duke of Valentinois made use of against the Prince of Piombino; and that he could not learn that he had made any Preparations against the Turk; concluding at last, that he acknowledg'd the Grand Master for General of the Christian Fleet, and [Page 397] that he would not proceed any more without his Orders.

The Grand Master hearing no news of the Pope's fifteen Galleys, and not enduring that any thing should be acted against the Turk, wherein he had not his share, re­solv'd to sacrifice his Resentments to his Honour, and the Interests of the Church. He thought himself oblig'd also, for the Reputation of the Arms of France, not to desert Ravestein, what ever reason he had to be dis­pleas'd with him. Therefore that he might act with Honour, besides the four Galleys and four Barks which he was to set forth by the Articles of the League, he resolv'd to take along with him the Great Ship be­longing to the Order, twelve great Galliots, several Brigantines, several Foists, with some Italian and Catalo­nian Vessels which he had hir'd.

At his departure, he left very good Orders behind him; for hav­ing declar'd the Grand Commander Cossa his Lieutenant to govern with the Council, he prescrib'd him every [Page 398] week to give publick Audience to the People: and in case any of the Knights should withstand him, to proceed against them according to the Forms and Rigour of the Sta­tutes. The management of the Treasure, for a time, he committed to the care of the Admiral; and particularly charg'd the Grand Marshal to be exact in doing Justice to the Knights.

For the security of Rhodes, he gave order, that Guards should be kept in all the Posts of the Lan­guages, as if the place were Besieg'd; and he himself nam'd such and such Knights to ride their Rounds about the Island, to hinder the Landing of the Barbarians.

The Council, in requital, to shew the particular esteem which they had for the Grand Master, order'd, That all the Knights that accom­pani'd him should enjoy the privi­ledges of Residence, as if present at Rhodes: That all Elections of Pri­ors and Bailiffs should surcease in his absence, that he might deliberate [Page 399] upon such Affairs as should present themselves, and that his Decrees should be of the same force and au­thority, as if issu'd out of his Palace: and that in regard a great number of Knights were to attend the Grand Master, it was ordain'd, that after their departure, no Knight should stir out of the Island, but upon the urgent affairs of the Order.

Things being thus setled, and twelve Vessels of the Fleet being gone before to stay for the Knights at Lango, the Grand Master em­bark'd the 21 of November, attend­ed to the Sea by a great throng of People, who could not but let fall tears at his departure, especially when they saw him threaten'd by a rising Tempest ere he was out of sight.

His impatience to be at the assault of Meteline, caus'd him to make all the haste imaginable. Scarcely had he reach'd Lango, when the Knight Baldovin, whom he had sent be­fore to advertize the French and Ve­netians of his coming, brought him [Page 400] news that the Siege was rais'd; at the same time delivering him Letters from Ravestein and Pesaro. Ra­vestein signifi'd to him in a few words, That the Siege of Meteline being an Enterprise much more dif­ficult, then it had seem'd to be to men of very good judgment, he thought fit to leave it off. That the Season being far spent, his care was how to be gone before it grew worse, which would be in two days at farthest, with his good leave. The Letter from Pesaro was larger, and more rational; the effect where­of was, That whereas Ravestein had undertaken the Siege without advising with the Venetians, he had also rais'd it of his own head: That it was no wonder, that an Enterprise so ill manag'd should have no better success. That the French preparing for home, there was no likelihood that the Venetians should stay at Meteline. That they were making to Scio; and that if it were his plea­sure they should joyn with the Knights, they were ready to do [Page 401] what he should think best for the good of Christendom. Pesaro added, that there was no heed to be given to the Popes Promise, for that his Fifteen Gallies were onely in Idea. That the Spanish Fleet was about Taranto; and that the Por­tugal Fleet having gain'd Corfu, was return'd home, notwithstanding all the intreaties of the Venetians, pretending they could not stay long out in bad weather in those Seas.

The Grand Master was more perplex'd at the ill success of the Enterprize of Meteline, then sur­priz'd at it. But believing that the return of the French Fleet would do more harm to the Affairs of the League, then the raising of the Siege, he dispatch'd away a Foist to Naxi, by which the French were to pass, desiring Ravestein not to return till they had discours'd to­gether. He sent another to Scio, to desire the Venetians to meet him at Naxi, and to let them know, that he had made great Preparations for their assistance; that he had left [Page 402] Rhodes in a bad Season, and almost contrary to the advice of his Coun­cil: That the misfortune of Mete­line was not past recovery, and that they might return to the Siege with more success, provided the French had not lost their courage. He desired Pesaro to stay Raven­stein, at what rate soever, if they were yet together, or earnestly to write to him, if they were parted.

The Rhodian Fleet set sail from Lango presently after the Foists, and, in spight of contrary Winds, arriv'd at length before Naxi. But Ravensteins impatience to quit the Levant, would not permit him to stay for the Knights. He set sail precisely two days after he had wrote to the Grand Master, accor­ding to the purport of his Letter, the Prayers of the Venetians, the Honour of France, nor his own, be­ing able to stop him.

The Grand Master had not been so well appeas'd at the departure of the French, had he not met the Venetians in sight of the Island. [Page 403] After mutual Salutes of both Fleets, Pesaro came aboard the Grand Master, where after some delibe­ration upon the present state of Affairs, they concluded together, to write to all the Princes of the Croi­sade, to engage them to let their Fleets be ready against the Spring. They also agreed, that the true way to ruine the Turk, was not to make any attempts upon the Islands of the Archipelago, the loss of which would do him but little harm; but to force the Dardanels, and be­siege Gallipoli with a potent Army; then to make up directly to Con­stantinople, and fire the Fleet that usually rode in the Sea of Marmora; which the Grand Master would un­dertake to do, provided that La­dislaus perform'd his part upon Hungary side. This being the con­dition of Affairs at that time, the Grand Master took his leave of Pe­saro, and set sail for Rhodes, three of the Venetian Galleys attending him out of respect. The Rhodians, who did not expect his Return so [Page 404] soon, were pleasingly surpriz'd at it; yet easily brookt the misfortune that restor'd them their Grand Ma­ster.

No sooner was he arriv'd, but he had intelligence, that several Turky Merchants Ships, very richly laden, were in the Seas of Syria and Egypt homeward bound. The Council was of opinion, that such a Booty was not to be let slip, but that they should take this opportunity ab­solutely to break with the Port. Thereupon the Grand Master com­manded out seven Gallies, and some Boats, to way-lay them. The Knight Diomede de Villaragut, Castellan of Emposta, was nam'd Admiral of the Squadron. He put to Sea, and took the Ships; so that the Prize almost recompenc'd the Expences which the Knights had been at.

But for all this small success, the Master was not a little troubled at the slowness of the Princes. He was sensibly afflicted to see the League half-broken; and therefore to re­new it again, he sent Ambassadors [Page 405] to all the Christian Courts: Who were no sooner departed, but Am­bassadors arriv'd from Ladislaus King of Hungary; who, after they had congratulated the Grand Ma­ster as General of the League, as­sur'd him, that the Hungarian Ar­my was in readiness; and therefore desir'd him to engage the Grand Caraman, the Soldan of Egypt, but, above all, the King of Persia, to take up Arms against the Turk. The Resolutions of Ladislaus ex­tremely rejoyc'd the Grand Master; but the Revolutions then hapning in Persia somewhat qualifi'd his joy.

Jacup the Son of Ʋssum Cassan, succeeding his Father in the King­dom of Persia, was affraid lest Ar­duel, his Cousin, should one day usurp the Crown; and his fear was up­on good grounds. Arduel publick­ly gave out, that Ali was the true Interpreter of the Law; and there­by he almost overthrew Mahume­tism. The People, who are always dispos'd to receive Novelties, and [Page 406] are easily govern'd by them that know how to tickle their fancies with Religion, declar'd themselves for the Doctrine of Arduel. There­upon Jacup thought the favour of the People to be a sufficient crime for which to put him to death, and rid himself of him without any noise. And a little while after he gave the same order for Ishmael the Son of Arduel. That order of the King of Persia was not so secret, but Ishmael had notice of it. Upon which, he fled towards the Caspian Sea, to a Prince that was one of his Friends, and there immediately made a pub­lick Profession of what his Father had taught him. His comely Pre­sence and his Eloquence, soon begat him a high esteem among those Bar­barous Nations, even to be regarded as a kind of Deity; for which rea­son they gave him the name of So­phi, or Wise. He dextrously kept up so fair a Reputation, and believ­ing it lawful for him to do any thing to obtain a Crown, he got the King of Persia to be put to death, [Page 407] by the very means of the Queen her self, who hated her Husband, and lov'd Ishmael. After the death of Jacup, Ishmael return'd into Per­sia, with a great number of his fol­lowers, who lookt upon him as a Prophet sent by God: The most part of the Persians took his part, so that having got together a good Army, he march'd against Alvant, who had tak'n possession of the Throne, as being the eldest Son of Jacup. The new King was driv'n first from his City, then defeated in a great Battel, and slain by Ishmael's own hand. This fatal news quite dampt the courage of Alvant's Brother, whose name was Maraca­tam, and lay at Babylon with a nu­merous Army. So that in stead of marching against Ishmael, he fled to the Mountains, and abandon'd the Throne that belong'd to him to save his life. Thus the Usurper be­came the Master; and though all the Kingdom had not yet submitted to his Scepter, he caus'd himself to be call'd King of Persia.

[Page 408]These Revolutions appear'd no way favourable to the King of Hun­gary, nor to the intentions of the Grand Master. There was no pro­bability that Ishmael Sophi would engage in the Affairs of the League, while Persia was not yet at Peace within it self, and all those acci­dents were still to be fear'd that might ruine a new Dominion, un­just and unsetl'd; besides, that the Successes of Ishmael naturally bred suspitions in the King of Carama­nia's breast. Which reasons would not permit him to enterprize against the Turks, when he had enough to do to secure himself at home. Nor was the Soldan of Egypt in a bet­ter condition to favour the Princes of the Croisade; for besides that he was embroil'd in the Domestick Dissentions of his own Court, he fear'd the victorious Arms of Ish­mael, who, by the advice giv'n him by Attula Turcoman, threaten'd to begin his Conquests with those of Syria and Egypt, when he had setl'd himself in Persia. Neverthe­less, [Page 409] when the Grand Master better consider'd, he bethought himself, that the Troubles of Persia would be no way disadvantagious to the Enterprize of the Christians; for that the Turk alarm'd with the Suc­cess of his Victorious Neighbour and Enemy, would be oblig'd to keep very numerous Armies upon the Fronteers of Turky; and that being thereby much weaken'd, he might be the easier vanquish'd at home.

The noise of the League no less perplex'd Bajazet, then the Revo­lutions of Persia. Understanding therefote that the Grand Master was the Head and Soul of the Enter­prize, he be thought himself of deal­ing with him, by the means of Sul­tan Corcut, the best belov'd of all his Sons, to whom he had giv'n the Government of Anatolia. Corcut being well instructed by the Mini­sters of the Port what part he was to act, sent very rich Presents to the Grand Master, with a most obliging Letter, wherein he requested his [Page 410] friendship; and conjur'd him, af­ter a thousand offers of his ser­vices, that they might live together in Amity and good Correspondence, and that there might be a freedom of Trade between each others Sub­jects. He added, that his Father had given him all power, in reference to a peace, and that he was ready to do what ever the Knights desir'd. But these fair words could not da­zle the Grand Master. He knew by the Turks themselves, who were his Spies, that the famous Pirate Camali, who had fitted out several Vessels at Gallipoli for the service of Bajazet, was just ready to set Sail out of the Straits with above fifty men of War, to attack the Isles that belong'd to the Order. So that without entring into any further Negotiation, he frankly declar'd, That being nominated General of the League by the Pope, he could not forsake the Common Cause, nor could hearken to any Peace which the Grand Seignior would not make with all the Princes of Christendom, [Page 411] as well as with the Knights of Rhodes.

The Grand Master declar'd him­self upon this point so much the more boldly, because he knew, that seven of the Popes Galleys were joyn'd to the Venetian Armado at the Island of Cerigo, and that his Holiness was setting out thirteen more, the care of which he had given to the Knight Fabricio de Ca­retta, who was then at Genoa. This news was brought to Rhodes by an Envoy of the Bishop of Baffo, un­der whose Conduct the Galleys set Sail, and who had also in Charge a Brief from the Pope to be deliver'd to the Grand Master. This Brief con­tain'd many Applauses of the Grand Masters Actions, and many Excuses of the Popes Neglect: That he had the most sincere intentions in the world, but that the misfortunes of the times would not suffer him to keep his word; that he would re­pair what was past with advantage, and send Twenty Galleys instead of Fifteen.

[Page 412]But to return to the Sophi. He had no sooner establish'd his Throne, partly by fair, partly by foul means, but he resolv'd to extend his Con­quests. Instead of advancing against Egypt, as he intended, he fell into Armenia with fourscore thousand fighting men, drawn thither by the Neighbourhood, and the hatred which he bore the Turks. In this Expedition, Ishmael soon mastered Armenia, after he had cut in pieces above twenty thousand men. Baja­zet alarm'd by the Success of the Conqueror, gather'd all his Forces together to defend himself; but he could not believe himself able to resist so potent an Enemy, while he was at odds with the Christians. For that reason he made Propositions of Peace to the Grand Master and the Republick of Venice.

The Grand Master, who had in­telligence of every thing, and in par­ticular knew the Consternation of the Grand Signior, fail'd not to give notice of it to the Pope, that never a fairer opportunity offer'd it self to [Page 413] ruine the Common Enemy: That Bajazet was oblig'd to go in Per­son against the Persian, for want of a Basha experienc'd in Military Af­fairs, in whom he could absolutely confide: That the Sophi, a liberal and affable Prince, drew to his Party the Militia of the Grand Signior: That there was no likelihood of any accord between Persia and Turky, in regard a Conqueror hates no­thing more then Peace. Therefore he besought his Holiness not to ne­glect the opportunity that Provi­dence presented. But the Commo­tions in Italy render'd all these Re­monstrances void. For while the Turks and Persians make War one against another, the French and Spaniards break the Peace which they had made. They had contra­cted an Alliance against Frederick of Naples, who succeeded Ferdinand his Nephew, and had got posses­sion of his Dominions by force of Arms. But Ambition soon divided them, which it had united. Lewis the XII. and Ferdinand King of [Page 414] Castile, became jealous each of other; neither could endure a Com­petitor nor a Companion, both of them claim the whole Kingdom which they had parted betwixt them. And the differences of their Ministers, touching the limits of their common Conquests serving for a pretence, occasion'd a most bloody War, that fill'd all Italy with hor­rour and confusion.

The Bishop of Baffo, who had joyn'd himself with the Fleet of the Venetians, had intelligence of the Rupture between the two Crowns, at what time the Naval Army of the Venetians had taken the Island of Santa Maura from the Turk, with the assistance of a Squadron of Knights which the Grand Master sent them, and some Galleys of a French Captain, call'd Pre' Jan de Bidoux, a very understanding Sea­man, and a very stout Souldier. Pre­sently the Bishop gave a shrewd guess at the ill success of the League by the state of affairs in Italy, and, according to his Instructions, he [Page 415] gave notice to the Grand Master, That new divisions hinder'd his Ho­liness from being exact to his word. He added, That of Twenty Galleys promis'd by the Holy See, he had receiv'd but Thirteen; That he could not keep them above four months, without express command from the Pope; which were almost expir'd, and most certainly would not be prolong'd; That the French Fleet would not come at all; That Captain Pré Jan de Bidoux was gone from St. Maura upon the first intelligence of the Broils between France and Spain; That the Vene­tians being resolv'd to fortifie St. Maura, could not spare their Fleet any farther; so that Winter being at hand, he did not believe that the Confederate Princes would under­take any thing against the Turk this year.

However, the eager longing which the Grand Master had to see the League renew'd, and his joy for the taking Santa Maura, made him believe, that the flames of War [Page 416] between the French and Spaniards might be as easily extinguish'd as they were kindled; upon this consi­deration he resolv'd not to give off so. So that without taking any no­tice of the Bishop of Baffo's advice, he fell again to writing to the Pope. After he had congratulated the Pope for the Success of his Galleys in the taking Santa Manra, he besought him to keep them still in readiness, and to excite the Venetians to pre­pare the most powerful Armado they could. He besought him to en­deavour the reconciliation of the two Kings, and to make use of all his Art in that particular. He press'd with new vehemency the Em­perour, and other Kings, particular­ly the King of England, who was very powerful at Sea, and who was very zealous for the Interests of the Church. After which, committing the rest into the hands of Provi­dence, he set himself to regulate the Customs both of the People, and the Knights.

In the first place, understanding, [Page 417] that the Jews that dwelt in Rhodes, led a very scandalous life, and that their bad example was the occa­sion of many sins committed in the City, he took up a resolution to ex­pel them. Having assembl'd a Coun­cil for this effect, he set forth, in a long discourse, all the evil that the Trade of the Jews might produce among the Faithful; and that an Order particularly consecrated to the defence of Christendom, ought to abhor a Nation which was so much the Enemy of Christ himself. Then he came in particular to the Jews of Rhodes, whom the Prodi­gies of the last Siege, and those upon the Wall, had harden'd the more.

The Grand Master's judgment was approv'd in Council, and they all decreed with one accord, that the Jews should depart the Island, and all the Territories of the Or­der, within fifty days. They were also forbid to settle in the East, lest they should prove spies to the Turks: and all that was permitted them, was, to put off their Goods [Page 418] in fourty days. But all sorts of Li­berty and priviledges were offer'd, on the other side, to those that would turn Christians. As for their little Children, it was decreed, that they should be Baptiz'd whether their Parents would or no. And the Decree of Council was drawn in express terms, That since it was the opinion of all Divines and Cano­nists, that the Jews were the Slaves of the Christian Princes, they had not the Right nor Jurisdiction of Parents over their Children. So that the Grand Master might dispose of them for the good of Christendom, and the Salvation of their Souls. Thereupon according to the power of the Laws, the Jews Children were Baptiz'd. And lest they should renounce their Christianity when they came to years of discretion, the Grand Master kept them at Rhodes, and brought them up at the publick Charge, in some measure doing the Duty and Office of a Fa­ther to them.

After this, the Grand Master ap­pli'd [Page 419] himself to examine the Statutes of the Order, which the Vice-Chancellor Caoursin had reduc'd in­to a Method some years before. Some he cancell'd that were grow nout of use, the observation whereof did more harm then good, serving onely to multiply Quarrels and Suits of Law. Others he made new, according to the Constitution of the present Time. For seeing how far the Impiety and Luxury of the Knights had extended it self, who liv'd more like Seculars and Libertines, then men in Holy Or­ders, he ordain'd, That whosoe'er should swear by, or blaspheme the Name of God, or speak a word to the dishonour of the Virgin Mary, or the Saints, for the first fault should undergo the punish­ment of Fast fourty days, and be whipt twice a week be­fore the High Al­tar. Lent; for the second, two months imprison­ment in the Castle; and for the third, be put in the pub­lick Prison during the pleasure of the Grand Master and the Council▪ [Page 420] and that they that were put into these Prisons, should lose three years priviledge of Precedency.

He also forbade, that the Knights should habit themselves like other people of the world, or wear any thing that had the least sem­blance of Gallantry or Vanity. He order'd particularly, that their ha­bits should be plain, and of one co­lour; and that if any Knight dis­obey'd this Order, besides the pu­nishment of the Quarantine, his Ha­bit should be confiscate to the Pub­lick Treasury.

But though he lov'd Modesty in Habit, he was Magnificent in all things that concern'd the Ornament and Beautifying of the Church; as, the stately Tapestries, Statues of Sil­ver, Crosses of Gold, Chalices, and Image-Chariots of Malta, engraven with his Arms for the most part, te­stifie to this day.

While he employ'd himself in this manner, in expectation of his Embassie & Letters in reference to the League, the Spaniards, who had for their [Page 421] Captain in the Kingdom of Naples Alexander Cordova, sir-nam'd the Great Captain, made most cruel War against the French; and both Parties grew so violent one against another, that there was no likeli­hood of Peace. The Pope, instead of labouring an accommodation and reconcilement between the two Na­tions, as the Grand Master had de­sir'd him, openly favour'd the Spa­niards, and fed the fire which he ought to have extinguish'd. Besides, he had no other thoughts in his head, but how to Aggrandize Cesar Borgia his Son, Duke of Valentinois, whom he passionately lov'd so far, as to dare any thing, and think any thing lawful for his advance­ment and enrichment. But that which directly ruin'd the Croisade. was this, That the Venetians, tir'd with the War, made Peace with the Turks, after several private Negoti­ations, wherein the Knights of Rhodes were not taken notice of in the least. By this Peace, the Vene­tians restord the Island of Santa [Page 422] Maura, which Pesara had fortifi'd at great Expences; and the Grand Signior engag'd himself to restore what he had taken from the Ve­netian Merchants, from the begin­ing of the War. Ladislaus King of Hungary soon follow'd the example of the Republick, making an agree­ment, though not very Honourable, with Bajazet. These sad tidings pierc'd the very heart of the Grand Master; and to add to his afflicti­on, he understood at the same time, that his Holiness had conferr'd Commanderies of the Order upon Secular Persons, and that he had promis'd the Priorie of Castile to Don Henry of Toledo. Considering neither the Priviledges of Innocent the VIII. the Nature of the Revenues of the Order, nor the Dignity of the Generalissimo of the League, whom he had elected himself.

The Grand Master so highly re­sented such irregular proceedings, that he wrote to the Pope; and without swerving from that respect which he ow'd to the Chief of the [Page 423] Church, and the Vicar of Christ, he told Alexander his own, as far as a real Zeal could inspire him. But Alexander taking little notice of his Complaints, continu'd his af­fronts and injuries to the Order, and that with so much the more Liberty, believing, that now the Venetians had made Peace with the Turks, he should have no more need of the Knights.

The League thus brok'n off, and the proceedings of the Pope, brought the Grand Master into a deep Me­lancholy, that wasted him by de­grees, and at length cast him into a mortal distemper. He began to fall ill the Eeve of St. John Baptists day. But then he would not disclose that he ail'd any thing, and was present at the Bonfires, and at the publick Annual Ceremonies before the Castle, for which there are ex­traordinary preparations in Honour of the Patron of the Order. He also went in state to Church upon the Festival day; and concealing his ill disposition of body, perform'd all [Page 424] the Duties of a true Christian.

This striving against his Distem­per out of Piety, re-doubl'd the force of the disease; so that in two days he fell so ill, that the Physicians at first despair'd of his life: never­theless they were willing to try what Art could do. But the Grand Master, who perceiv'd himself near his end, slighted his own pre­servation, and told them with a smile▪ That never having taken Physick, it was dangerous for him to begin at his years. However, he sub­mitted to the intreaties of his Ne­phew, and the reasons of the Physi­cians, notwithstanding his own na­tural reluctancy.

The Grand Masters sickness, put all the City into a Consternation. The Inhabitants▪ like people in de­spair, ran to the Castle, and from the Castle to the Churches, to im­plore of God the life of their Prince. The whole City was fill'd with Vows, Prayers, and Processions. But his sickness encreasing more and more, he receiv'd the Sacrament of [Page 425] the Church with a lively Faith, and an ardent Devotion, which both edifi'd and pierc'd the hearts of all that stood by. After that, he call'd all the Knights of the Council, and recollecting all the strength he had left; My dear Brethren, said he, I have no more then one short mo­ment to live; therefore before I leave you, take it not amiss that I exhort you, to choose a Person more worthy then my self to succeed in my Place; and that I conjure ye also to expend all your Honour in a ge­nerous defence of the Faith, and in the observation of the Rules of the Order. This is the favour that I beg of you as a dying man. Hardly had he strength enough to pro­nounce the last words; nor did he utter above two or three words more, to comfort the Knights, that shed tears round about his bed. At length he gave them his Bene­diction as his Children; and then lying quietly for some time, with his eyes sometimes lifted up to Heaven, sometimes fix'd upon the [Page 424] [...] [Page 425] [...] [Page 426] Crucifix, he seem'd to be in a kind of discourse with God, till he sweet­ly and mildly yielded up his last breath. At the very mo­ment Anno 1503. of his expiration, the Knights made so loud a noise of lamentation, as eas'ly made known his death to the People, assembl'd in the Palace. Then was their sorrow soon express'd by their tears and wailings, and after that by a deep silence, as usually happens in extreme afflictions.

Thus di'd Peter D'Aubusson, Grand Master of Rhodes, Cardinal of St. Adrian, Legate of the Holy See in Asia, and nominated Genera­lissimo of the Holy League. He was aged about fourscore years, and he had govern'd the Order above twen­ty seven.

So soon as grief would permit the Knights to come to themselves, they made it their bus'ness to ren­der to the dead their last duties with all the Magnificence imaginable. He was expos'd upon a Noble Bed of State. Nor did the Ghastliness [Page 427] of death deprive him of that sweet and amiable Majesty, that always appear'd in his countenance when alive. Three Knights stood at the Beds head in Mourning, one holding the Cardinals Cap, another the Le­gats Cross, and the third the Stan­dard of Generalissimo. Four other Knights held each of them a Ban­ner, whereon were embroider'd the Arms of the Order, and those of D'Aubusson. On each side of him stood two Altars, dress'd up with Canopies over each; on the one was laid the Dalmatick Gown, the Mi­tre, and all the Ornaments proper for a Cardinal Deacon. On the other lay the Casque, Corslet, Half-Pike and Sword, which the Grand Master made use of upon the day of the Grand Assault; together with his Cloathes, all stain'd with his own and the bloud of the Barba­rians. Two hundred Knights at­tended besides, all in deep mourn­ing. The People that crowded to this fatal Spectacle, could not for­bear [Page 438] weeping bitterly; they cri'd out, They had lost their Father; and then kiss'd his hands to ease their grief, and took their last leaves.

His Obsequies were perform'd the next day following, which the publick Grief contributed to render more solemn, then all the Funeral Pomp. He was carri'd to the Church upon the shoulders of the principal Grand-Crosses, and Interr'd in the Chappel he himself had built.

The first General Chapter that was held at Rhodes under Emery D'Amboise, his Successor, decreed, That in Honour of the Memory of the Grand Master D'Aubusson, the Order should, at the Expence of the Publick Treasury, erect him a Mag­nificent Tomb in Brass; and that an Epitaph should be Engrav'd upon it, reciting the most Illustrious Actions of his Life. The Historians of the Order of St. John do not men­tion this Epigram, and with all the diligence I have us'd, I could never [Page 429] hear any thing more of it. How­ever, the Encomiums which Popes, Princes, and Historians have given the famous Peter D'Aubusson, may well supply the place of that Epitaph. Sixtus the IV. and Inno­cent the VIII. affirm in their Briefs, that the Holy See was infinitely oblig'd to him, and that they could not sufficiently acknowledge the Services he had done the Faithful, in putting a stop, by his cares, and with the price of his own blood, to the Conquests of Mahomet the Se­cond, the most Formidable Enemy of Christendom. Alexander the Sixth confess'd, That there was in the Grand Master a Sincere Faith, an Heroick Valour, an Exquisite Prudence, and a most perfect Ex­perience in all things that concern'd the War against the Turks. The Emperour Maximilian, Ferdinand of Castile, and Matthias Corvin King of Hungary, often call'd him in their Letters, The Tamer of the Ottomans, and the Support of the [Page 430] Church. Caoursin calls him, The Father of his Countrey, the Pro­tector of the Unfortunate, and the Invincible Defender of Rhodes. Victorellus, in his Additions to C. Ciaconius, says, That all was great in him, his Wit, his Courage, and his Piety: That being invested with the Sacred Purple, he was never the more remiss in Military Du­ties; and that he had perform'd at one time Actions worthy of a Holy Cardinal, and a Generous Souldier. The same Author adds▪ That the Magnanimous D'Aubus­son, in all the Conduct of his Life, had no other aim, then onely the Glory of God, and Honour of his Order; That he govern'd his Sub­jects with as much Lenity as Ju­stice; and that his Paternal Good­ness was principally eminent to­wards the Poor. The Ecclesiasti­cal History speaks of him as of a most admirable Person, and one that merited all manner of Ap­plause. In short, the History of the [Page 431] Knights of St. John extolls him above all the Grand Masters, equals him to the Hero's of An­tient times, and propounds him as a Model to all the Princes of Chri­stendom.

A CONTINUATION Of the HISTORY OF Rhodes, Under the Government of Philip de Villiers Lisle Adam, Containing the Siege of Solyman the Magnificent, no less famous [...]n that Mahomet the II.

UPon the death of Peter D'Aubusson, Emery D'Amboise, Prior of France, then absent, was chosen in his place; in whose time, though Bajazet swore to besiege Rhodes with [Page 434] a puissant Army, yet he attempted nothing. He was a Prince, vertuous, valiant, charitable, and successful in his Enterpizes; so that under his Go­vernment the Knights perform'd se­veral notable Exploits to the honour of the Order, and won among the rest that famous Victory at Sea from the Soldan of Egypt, signaliz'd by the death of the Soldan's Nephew who commanded the Fleet. To Eme­ry D'Amboise succeeded, by a fair Election, Guy de Blancefort Prior of Auvergne. In his time Sultan Selim having caus'd his Father Bajazet to be strangl'd, and put to death Achmac and Corcutt, his two Brothers, with their Wives and Children, possess'd himself of the Empire; wherein he was [...]o sooner settl▪d, but he design'd to lay siege to Rhodes. The Report whereof alarum'd the Grand Master to make preparations for his defence; wherein he proceeded as far as could be expected, considering the short time of his Government; for in less then a year he dy'd, and left his place to be supply'd by the Admiral de Carretta, [Page 435] who the first thing he did, made a League with Ishmael Sophi the King of Persia against Selim. For under­standing that the Turk still continu'd his vast preparations for War, he thought it was but a piece of com­mon Providence to provide for him­self. But the Storm fell upon the Sol­dan of Egypt, who being overthrown in Battel, lost all Syria, together with his life, in the first place; and soon after his Successor, having twice un­fortunately fought Selim himself, and being by him at length taken and hang'd upon one of the Gates of Caire, lost all Egypt, of which Selim made himself absolute Master. But whether Selim intended any mischief against Rhodes or no, his death hasten'd the fate of Rhodes; for upon that the Empire fell to his Son Solymon the Magnificent, the shock of whose fury and puissance, upon the death of the Admiral Caretta, Philip de Villiers Lisle Adam Prior of France, was chosen to withstand; being elected Grand Master the 22d. of January, 1521. whose deportment in so Grand a [Page 436] Siege would he too unkindly left out, where D' Aubusson's Fame is so ho­nourably expanded; it being certain that never two Courages were better mated in story. Never was a City more valiantly defended, nor more valiantly lost. And it is a question undetermin'd whether of the two got most, Amurach by rising from it, or Solyman by taking it; while the one prudently sav'd, the other became a meer prodigal of blood. Philip de Villiers was absent at the time of his being elected, and therefore Gabriel de Pomerols was chosen his Lieutenant till his arrival. Which dignity while he executed, he thought fit to send to the Pope a Model of the City of Rhodes, that he might see how it was fortifi'd. But that which might have prov'd of higher concern, was the arrival of another Embassador from the Grand Sophi, to continue that pri­vate correspondence which was be­gun with Carretta. Unluckily he finds Carretta dead; so that his Commission being at an end, he went to visit Amu­rath the Son of Sultan Zelim, in the [Page 437] behalf of the Sophi. That young Prince was entertain'd by the Order at their own Expences in the Castle of Fer­racla, whither the Knights sent several Presents to the young Sultan, that he might be able to gratifie the Embassa­dor, who soon after return'd home to his own Prince, not so much as mentioning any thing of the business for which he was sent.

The Grand Master being in France at the time of his Election, made all the haste he could to his charge, de­parting from Marseilles in the Car­rack of Rhodes, together with four other hir'd Vessels. But his Voyage seem'd to be somewhat inauspicious. For one of the Vessels was split by the way; and the great Carrack it self had like to have been burnt; be­ing all on fire through the carelesness of the Cook, but was happily quench'd again through the industry and autho­rity of the Grand Master. More then this, having past by Nice and Corsica, a flash of lightning shot it self into the main Cabin of the Carrack, and melt­ed his Sword without hurting the [Page 438] Scabbard. Which little accidents were by some interpreted as ill omens of the success of the Siege of the Rhodes, that soon after happen'd. Cortogoli also, the Grand Turkish Pirate laid way to intercept the Grand Master, with a great number of Gallys and Galeots, partly out of hopes of booty, partly to revenge the death of his Brothers which the Knights of Rhodes had slain, and to set the third at liberty, being then a slave in Rhodes. However the Grand Master, contrary to the advice and entreaties of the Knights and great Personages that attended him, with full sails made the Cape of St. Angelo, and in the might time pass'd the place where the Turks lay in wait for him, and arriv'd safe in Rhodes. Cortogoli, Sept. 11. 1421. mad that he had so miss'd his prey, some time after enters into the Channel of Rhodes, hoping by his unlookt for coming to find some opportunity to do mischief. But being discover'd, the Grand Ma­ster sent forth the Rhodian Fleet against him, the sight whereof not only put [Page 439] him to flight, but made him forsake a Vessel of Candia which he had almost taken.

While things were thus transacted at Rhodes, Solyman being come to the Empire, contrary to the Opinion of all men, that he would be a peace­able Prince; soon after displaying the inordinate Ambition of his Predeces­sors, with a vast power of men be­sieg'd Belgrade in Hungary, and took it. This Victory swell'd him up; so that burning with a desire to conquer Rhodes, yet willing to conceal his de­sign, that he might the better make his preparations, he sent an Embassa­dor to the Grand Master, to whom he deliver'd a Letter, written in the Greek Language, wherein he magni­fi'd the Grandeur of his Empire, and his Victories, highly extoll'd the Ver­tues of the Grand Master, and offer'd him peace and friendship. The Grand Master, and those of the Council im­mediately understood the craft and fallacy of Solyman, and that being young and full of Ambition, his cou­rage and deliberations tended to other [Page 440] designs then the Tenor of his Letter imply'd. And therefore there was an Answer return'd him in the name of the Grand Master; by which he plainly understood that he was discover'd; that the Rhodians neither fear'd nor trusted him; so that he was likely to find it afar more difficult task to conquer them, then he had found at Belgrade. Therefore he enter'd into several con­sultations about this Enterprize, con­cerning which the most part of his Council laid before him the difficul­ties he would meet with, and disswad­ed him from hazarding either his For­ces or his Reputation upon an attempt so unlikely to succeed. And indeed Mustapha Basha, and Curtogoli were the only persons that fix'd him in his Resolution. Among other things they represented to him that there was no other means for him peaceably to en­joy the Provinces of Egypt and Syria; for that the shortest and only way for him to receive intelligence from thence, and to send thither, was cut off by the Knights of Rhodes, who spread themselves upon those Seas, [Page 441] and intercepted all his Vessels. For which reason he was constrain'd to keep a Fleet alwaies out at Sea: Be­sides, that as long as those of the Or­der kept footing in Rhodes, they would be continually animating and inciting the Christian Princes to make War upon him, and to league themselves together for the Recovery of the holy Land. He had found among the pri­vate Memoirs of Selim his Father, that the onely way for him to secure his own affairs, was to make himself Ma­ster of Belgrade and Rhodes; by the scituation whereof the Christians had alwaies an opportunity to bring the War into the midst of his Territories. He was also importun'd and press'd thereto by the complaints of the Inha­bitants of Metelin, Negropont, Cara­mania, the Morea, and his new Sub­jects of Egypt and Syria, who were perpetually alarum'd, pillag'd, and plunder'd by those of the Order. He was also the more incited thereto by the opportunity which presented it self by reason of the Divisions and Wars between Charles the fifth and [Page 442] the King of France, from whom all the main Succour must come, which the Knights could expect: and more then all this, by the daily intelligence which he had receiv'd from a Jewish Physician, whom Selim had sent to live in Rhodes for a Spy. This Phy­sician expert in his Art, had perform'd many excellent Cures, and by his officiousness and diligence toward all people had so insinuated himself into the acquaintance and favour of the Principal Knights of the Order, that he easily div'd into their secrets, and sent his Advices to a Greek of Scio, who convey'd them to Constantinople. Among other things he advertiz'd So­lyman, that there was a great part of the Wall thrown down near the Bul­wark of Auvergne to be rebuilt ac­cording to the Design and Directions of the Engineers, so that the City might be easily surpriz'd, if his Fleet came in time to attacque it in that place. But the best Intelligence that Solyman receiv'd was giv'n him by Andrew D'Amarall, Prior of Castile, and afterward Chancellor of the [Page 143] Order, who bare in his mind a mor­tal hatred and enmity against the Grand Master, ever since the diffe­rence that happen'd between them ever since the Battel of Layasso; and against the Order it self, for that not­withstanding all his underhand deal­ing for the Honour, they had elected with an unanimous consent, the Grand Master, both for his merit and his ver­tues. This venom of Ambition, Ma­lice and Revenge so strongly possess'd him, and gain'd so far upon him, as to make him resolve upon this hideous Act of Treason. The day of the Ele­ction he was heard to say, that this would be the last Grand Master of Rhodes: And some daies before the Siege, he wish'd his soul in the hands of the Devil, so that Rhodes and the Order might be ruin'd. He had in his service a Turkish slave, of a quick and ready apprehension, to whom he pretended to have giv'n his Liberty, as being ransom'd. This slave he sent to Constantinople with a particular and exact discovery of the State of the City, of the Provisions and Ammuni­tion [Page 444] therein, and what Corn was wanting; perswading the Great Turk to send his Fleet with all speed, pro­mising him a certain Victory, and to give him all the Intelligence that should be requisite.

Solyman found this to be sound In­telligence, knowing that Amaral was one of the Principal Knights, and be­ing of their Council, knew whatever was decreed or voted for the defence of the City; and sent back the slave laden with gifts, and promises of fu­ture rewards. Amaral entertain'd him, pretending he had brought his Ransom. This Action caus'd in many an extream dislike, and a general sus­pition of him, but by reason of his Dignity and Authority, there were none that durst to speak their minds freely.

In the mean time Leo deceas'd, after he had govern'd the Papacy eight years; and Solyman made all his pre­parations as privately as possibly he cou'd, giving it out that he intended either for Apulia or Cyprus. Never­theless the Grand Master was adver­tiz'd [Page 445] of every thing by his Spies; and being assur'd that he should be besieg'd, sate in Council every day; and as of­ten did Amarall labour to suppress the report of the Siege, as much as in him lay, to divert and hinder the Order from making those Provisions which were necessary for their defence; in­stancing how often such Rumours had been in vain, and how needless it was for the Order to put themselves to unnecessary charges at a time when their Exchequer ran low. However the Grand Master receiv'd more cer­tain and pregnant Intelligence by a Ragusian, a person of understanding, and one that had the Turkish Lan­guage at command, whom he had sent to Constantinople for a Spy, that the Grand Signior was setting forth a vast number of Ships, and preparing all sorts of Engines of War, and Guns of an extraordinary bigness; and that there was a stop upon all persons go­ing to Rhodes without the leave of the Governours. Thereupon the Grand Master making no farther doubt of the Truth, put all hands to the forti­fications, [Page 446] giving the charge thereof to the Knights, Anthony Brito, a Por­toguese, and Francis Nueres of the Priory of Aquitaine. He also made provision of Ovens and Mills, and Lodgings for the Country people that should retire into the City. While these things were in hand, he sent to Pope Adrian, of whom he earnestly requested succour against the Turks; as also to the Emperour and the King of France, but in vain, because they were then in open War one against the other.

As for the Pope, he rather pre­judic'd, then assisted them. For the Italian Knights being inform'd that he conferr'd every day Commanderies in Italy to their detriment, complain'd to the Council of Rhodes, and desir'd leave that they might go altogether to Rome, to make their complaints to his Holiness; which Liberty, consider­ing the State of Affairs, was at that time deny'd them. Thus was the Pope the Occasion of an unseasonable disorder. For upon this the Italians openly complain'd of the Grand Ma­ster, [Page 447] while the Chancellor Amarall se­cretly blew the bellows of dissention, and carry'd it so far, as to deny their service to the Order, and to obey the Commands of the Grand Master. Thereupon the Grand Master depriv'd of their habit three of the Principal Ring-leaders, Gabriel Solier, James Pa­lavicino, and Lewis Moroso. And to justifie himself, he referr'd the whole to the consideration and examination of the Council, who made their re­port, that the Grand Master had done nothing but what was just, pru­dent and rational. However some of the Knights fearing the mischief of Commotion and Alteration at such a conjuncture, made it their business to pacifie the Italians, laying before them, that the world would think and could not judge otherwise, but that they sought for a pretence to go to Rome, not so much for the sake of their Commanderies, as to escape the danger of the approaching Siege. Whereby the perswaders wrought so far, that the Mutineers laid aside their anger, made their excuses and return'd [Page 448] to the Obedience of the Grand Ma­ster, who as kindly embrac'd and pardon'd them.

This bustle being over, there arriv'd at Rhodes an Agent from Peri Basha, who deliver'd a Letter to the Grand Master, wherein the Basha invited him to a Treaty of Peace with the Grand Signior, assuring him that if he sought it, he should be well re­ceiv'd; and advising him withall to send for that purpose persons of Qua­lity to the Port. The Embassador also deliver'd other Letters from the Grand Signior himself, much to the same effect. Most part of the Coun­cil, considering the Age of Peri, who was ancient, and his known prudence and moderation, had a good opinion of the Truth of the Embassie, inso­much that they resolv'd to send to Constantinople the Chevalier Marquet Cataline, and with him a Rhodian named Castrophylaca, a person of great judgment, and well skill'd in the Turkish Language, to conclude a Peace in the same manner as it had been concluded in the time of D'Au­busson. [Page 449] But when they were consul­ting about their Instructions, some better considering of the business, be­gan to be of opinion; that Peri was only a dissembler, and observ'd that Solymans Letter gave no credence to that of Peri, and that it was not practicable to send an Embassadour without a safe conduct in ample man­ner from the Grand Signiour. While they were in these doubts, the Grand Master was advertiz'd that Peri's Em­bassadour wandred about the City, and with a diligent eye observ'd the Fortifications, and made enquiries after the Quantity of Provisions, the number of Souldiers, and what relief was ex­pected. This open'd the eyes of the Council and gave them to understand that they were abus'd, and that the Embassadour was only come as a spie. Thereupon they presently sent him away; ordering a Greek of mean Quality to go along with him, to whom they gave two Letters, one to Solyman, the other to the Basha, where in a few words the Grand Master declar'd that he had intelligence of [Page 450] every thing, and that he had neither any thought or fear of the Grand Sig­niour, or of his forces. Nevertheless he desir'd a safe conduct for an Embas­sadour, and offer'd to restrain the In­cursions of those of the Order. The Embassadour being arriv'd at Port Fis­co, found Horses there ready for him, and went Post to Constantinople, leav­ing the Greek behind; who being unwilling to travel alone through an Enemies Country so far a journey, re­turn'd to Rhodes in the same Vessel that carry'd him. By which miscar­riage every one was then ascertain'd that the Embassie was but only a de­ceit, and that the Town would sud­dainly be besiedg'd.

The City was well provided of Flesh, pulse, and wheat, of which there was enough all the time of the siege; & as for warlike munitions it was thought there had bin enough, though the Siege had lasted a whole year. But they found it otherwise, for they spent a great quantity to hinder the approaches of the Enemies Trenches: besides the continual wast of powder and shot [Page 451] day & night against so many thousands of busy Enemies. Thereupon the Che­valier Antonie Bosio, a person of a quick Capacity, and one who did many servi­ces for the Order, while he liv'd, was sent into Candy for wine, and to make a Levy of Archers; but the Candiots, afraid of the Turk, forbid him to raise any men; However under pretence of a convoy for his freight, he brought away four hundred Archers, which did eminent service all the time of the Siege. The same Bosio met also upon the Sea with a Venetian, whose name was Anthony Bonaldi, coming from Alex­andria in a great Vessel laden with Wine and bound for Constantinople. But Bosio perswaded him to alter his Course, and bring his Cargo to Rhodes; where after he had sold his Wine, he put himself and his men into the ser­vice of the Order, and behav'd himself during the siege, like a person of great valor. And now intelligence came from all parts, especially from the Duke of Nixia, that the Galleys were lanching, and that the whole fleet would depart at the Latter end of May. [Page 452] Thereupon the Grand Master caus'd a General Muster to be made as well of the Knights, as of the other Soul­diers. As to those of the Habit, there appear'd one and fifty of the Language of Province; 26 of that of Auvergne; Sixty two of France; Forty seven of Italy; Fifty one of Arragon, Catalogne and Navar; Eleven of England; Six of Germany; Fifty seven of Castile; besides 13 others more that kept guard in the Castle of St. Nicholas. The whole Garrison consisted of about 5000 men. After the muster was thus made, the Grand Master appointed to every Com­mander his particular duty, what Posts, what Bastions to keep or relieve as necessity requir'd; and what Knights to be continually about his own per­son. Particularly William Watson commanded the English Post. Nicholas Hussey the English Bastion; and Tho­mas Sheffeild was Captain of St. An­thonies Gate.

The City was in this posture, when there was a signal made by fire from Fisco, that there were some persons there which desir'd to parley. There­upon [Page 153] the Grand Master sent the Knigh Boniface D' Alluys a Provençal thither with his Gally. When he came neer the place where the fire was, certain horsemen that stood upon the shore gave the Knight to understand that they had a Letter to deliver from the Grand Signiour; and invited him a shoar: But the Knight too well under­standing the humour of the Turks, told them he had but a short time to stay, and therefore if they had any thing to say, they should dispatch quickly, o­therwise he would not tarry. There­upon the Turks threw a Letter ty'd to a stone into the Galley; which Let­ter was deliver'd to the Grand Master, and read in Council. In this Letter So­lyman demanded that Rhodes should be surrender'd up to him, promising security, and good usage to all in ge­neral, with liberty to the Inhabitants to enjoy their own Laws and Religi­on, permission to them that would depart freely with their families and estates, and great advantages to them that would take up Armes in his ser­vice. Otherwise he threaten'd utterly [Page 454] to ruin the City, walls and Towers, and to make the Inhabitants all slaves. To this the Council thought it not conveni­ent to return any answer, but to stand resolutely upon their guard. There­upon the Grand Master having certain advice that the Fleet was under sail, defac'd all the Gardens without the City, beginning with his own, and caus'd the Earth and rubbish to be car­ry'd into the Town, where it was of great use for the repair of breaches. He sent also for the Country people in, poyson'd the waters, and burnt the Corn and straw that remain'd upon the Ground. The Vanguard of the Fleet that first appear'd consisted of 30 Gal­lys; out of which some few of the Turks landed in Lango to burn and pillage according to their custom. But the Commander of the Fort mounting all his men, charg'd them so vigo­rously, that having slain five or six, and taken three prisoners, he drove the rest to their Galleys, though his own Horse were kill'd under him, and some few of his men wounded. Thereupon the Turks left Lango, and made to the [Page 455] Jews Castle, and so entring the Gulf of Essimes, about fifteen miles from Rhodes they were first discover'd by the sentinels from Mount Sallac. The 24th. of June, being St. Johns day, the Turks came to an anchor on that side of Rhodes, where stood the Castle Fa­vit. There they landed, and burnt the Corn upon the ground, & the same day the body of the Fleet appear'd in the Gulf of Essimes, where the 30 Galleys joyn'd with the main Body. And yet the danger being so neer, there hap­pen'd almost as dangerous a Contest between the Auvergnian, and Ger­man Languages; while the Germans pretended that one part of the new Bastion next St. Georges Gate belong'd to them, and the Auvergnians, claim'd it to themselves; insomuch that they had like to have come to blows. But the Grand Master interposing his Au­thority, the decision of the contro­versie was referr'd to the next General Chapter. In the mean time it was or­der'd that no other ensigns should be set up there but those of the Grand Ma­ster and of the Order.

[Page 456]The 26 of June the whole Fleet was discover'd making directly from the Gulf of Essimes for Rhodes; and coming to that part of the Isle which is call'd the Foss or Hole, 8 miles from Rhodes, they came to an Anchor; which not a little consternated the women and com­mon people of the City. But the Grand Master without the least shew of Alte­ration in his Countenance, with his ac­custom'd constancy and serenity, went up and down from place to place pro­viding for every thing; and that very day, which seem'd to be the most terrible, caus'd Service to be said, and Processions to be made with the same order and tranquility, as if it had bin in a time of undisturb'd peace. After that, he caus'd the Gates to be shut, and issu'd out of his palace arm'd, and attended by his guards, causing the Drums to beat, and the trumpets to sound, the Souldiers to take their ap­pointed Posts, and set up the standards and ensigns upon the several Towers and Bastions, which a far off afforded a noble and magnificent sight, reviv'd the courage of the Souldiery, and set­tled [Page 457] the Resolution of the people. In the mean time the 30 Galleys made up to Cape St. Martin, there to keep Guard, and to surprize such Vessels as should come to bring relief to the besieged. Late in the evening the whole Fleet, consisting of a hundred sail, left the Foss or Hole, and passing by the Port at three miles distance, came and rode in another part of the Island at a place call'd Parambolin, six miles from the City; because it was a rode secure from the West winds that blow hard in that Channel. Some dayes after the rest of the Fleet joyn'd, and lay there at an Anchor all the time of the Siege.

There were in this Fleet a hundred Galleys, besides the thirty before men­tioned; thirty great Galeasses, fifteen Mahons, twenty Flat-bottom'd Boats, sixty Fusts, and a great number of Brigantines, ten or twelve great Ships, as big as Gallions, carrying provisions. Some few daies after arriv'd more from Syria, and other parts; so that the whole Fleet consisted of 400 Sail of all sorts, and the Army of two [Page 458] hundred thousand men, of which sixty thousand were Pioneers.

The same day that the Fleet ar­riv'd at Parambolin, the Grand Master dispatch'd the Chevalier Bresols to the Pope, the Chevalier Andugar to the Emperour and King of Spain, and the Chevalier D'Ansonville to the Kings of England and France, to give them notice of the Siege, and to crave suc­cour. Other Knights he dispatch'd away to buy all the Ammunition and war-like Provisions they could, and to hasten back with all speed to Rhodes. He also sent away summons to the absent Knights, to repair forthwith to the defence of their Island.

The Turks were thirteen daies be­fore they made one shot, or any other attempt, by reason that the Lycian Army was not come up; but no sooner was that Army enter'd the Island, but the Turks began to set up their Pa­vilions, and to lodge their Camp in a place out of the reach of the Rhodian Artillery, to land their Guns, mount and plant them, open their Trenches, and make their approaches. Then it [Page 459] was that the Grand Master left his own Palace, and took up his Quarters in St. Marys of the Victorie, as being the weakest part of the City, and upon which the Turks in ther former Siege had made their chiefest Assaults. At the same time also the Turks, for a be­ginning, rais'd a little Penthouse of Boards, from whence they shot at the Posts of England and Provence. But the Artillery from the Town imme­diately ruin'd it, and kill'd the Can­noneers. After that they rais'd two other Batteries upon the Hill of Saint Cosmus, and St. Damian, and shot a­gainst the Posts of England and Spain, but the shot from the City ruin'd those in the same manner.

As the Turks were labouring to ad­vance their Trenches to the place where they design'd to plant their Canon, the besieg'd were very desi­rous to make a Salley; to which the Grand Master having giv'n his con­sent, St. Athanasius's Gate was open'd, and out they fell upon those that were working in the Trenches; with whom they made such work, that the Turk [Page 460] were all cut to pieces, before any re­lief could come to them. But then the besieged observing a great Body making toward them, retir'd skir­mishing under the English and Spa­nish Guns, which then playing upon the Enemy, made a dreadful havock among them, in regard they came on so thick, that it was impossible for a bullet to miss. The Christians af­terwards made some Sallies with like success; but because some one or other still fell, the Grand Master con­sidering that the loss of one man was more to him then the loss of a hun­dred to the Enemy, forbid any more Sallies to be made: For it was ob­serv'd, that during the Siege the first Army was recruited with above a hundred thousand men; which was an easie thing for them to do, having the Land so near them to befriend them, and such a number of Vessels every day ready at command.

The Salleys being over, the Turks advanc'd their Trenches with more freedom. So that they rais'd in seve­ral places above sixty Batteries, chiefly [Page 461] against the Posts of England, Provence, Spain and Italy; but the Artillery from the Town overthrew so many, that only thirty four remain'd.

At that time arriv'd at Rhodes a Gentleman whose name was Gabriel Radin Martinengo, a person well known for his skill in Fortifications, whom Bozio had perswaded to leave Candy and come to the assistance of the Rhodians. Him the Grand Master highly honour'd, gave him the habit of the Order, and permission to wear the Cross; made him supernitendant over the Artillery, with a promise of the first Vacancy that fell in the Itali­an Language: honours which he highly deserv'd, by carrying himself so nobly and vertuously all the time of the Siege.

Now that the Grand Master might set him at work, he signifi'd his desire to know the condition of the Turkish Army, and what they intended to do. Whereupon, a Mariner, born in Tre­bizond, then in the service of the Order, took seven or eight young men of his acquaintance, and having shav'd [Page 462] and clad themselves in Turkish Habit, they took Melons, Cowcumbers, and other fruits, and secretly embark'd themselves the next night: and avoy­ding the Turkish Fleet, made out to the Sea, and so return'd by break of day in sight of Rhodes, as if they had come from Turky. From thence they made to the Cape which is nearest to Lycia, where the Merchants met from all parts to sell Refreshments of all sorts to the Army. There they put to sale their Melons and Cowcumbers, and I rankly inquir'd what news of the Army. The Turks, who took them for natural Turks, as willingly satisfy'd them, and told them the whole condition of their Forces. When they had sold all, and understood all, they made out to Sea again, having receiv'd two Turks into their Vessel, with much entreaty, that were weary of an Army Life. Those they bound hand and foot, and brought along with them into Rhodes, and presented to the Grand Master, who order'd the Prior of St. Giles, and Martinengo to examin them. These two Turks be­ing [Page 163] carry'd up to the steeple of St. John, shew'd the Prior and Martinengo how the Quarters of the Turkish Army were dispos'd; told them the Number of the Souldiers; that Solyman himself was speedily expected; that the Soul­diers grew out of heart, and mutined a­gainst their Commanders, being weary of a war, to which they cry'd they were lead as to a Slaughter House, with many other things not believ'd at first, as being thought to have bin spoken out of flattery, or to procure good en­tertainment to themselves, but which were indeed really true. For Peri Ba­sha observing a manifest and dangerous Mutiny in the Army, dispatch'd away a Courrier to Solyman to give him In­telligence, and to supplicate him to come in person forthwith, that he might put a stop to the sedition by his presence and Authority. Solyman flies through Asia the less with an incredi­ble speed, and embarking at Port Fisco, arriv'd in Rhodes the 28th. of July, where he was receiv'd with great triumph, and lodg'd himself four or five miles from the City at a place [Page 464] call'd Megalandra, out of the reach of the Canon. Solyman held a council, and resolv'd upon a strict enquiry whence the Mutiny proceeded, and a severe punishment of the Authors. But Peri Basha by his grave remon­strances soon softned and appeas'd his wrath. He laid before him that this mutiny rather proceeded from fear & an apprehension of danger then from Malice or Rebellion, and that therefore his Majesty might by his authority reduce them to their duty, knowing that the Turks had the Ottoman name in so much Veneration, that upon his appearance they would soon recollect themselves, and return to their Obedi­ence; but that Rigour was now unsea­sonable, especially against the old Soul­diers, without whose assistance he could never compass so great a design as the taking of Rhodes. Solyman hearken'd to his advice, assembled all the Army together, made them lay down their Armes, and prostrate themselves upon the Ground: then sitting on a Royal Throne, under a Rich Canopy, turning his face this way and [Page 465] ‘that way with a Majestick and stern Countenance, He first accus'd their Infidelity; hightn'd the injuries done by the Knights of Rhodes to his Sub­jects, advanc'd his own power, his Triumphs and his Victories; upbrai­ded the Old Souldiers of Ingratitude, as having enrich'd themselves by his fortune in war; of Cowardice, to let such a handful of men make head against such a Potent and flourishing Army. Lastly, said he, am not I here the Companion of your dangers? Nor will I part from hence till I have them in my power. I swear it by the holy head of divine Ma­homet; and if I fail, may my King­domes and my house be ruin d, and my own person perish eternally. Go then, and think of nothing else but what you are commanded. Nor let any man distrust my clemency, nor my word, but build upon my Libera­lity. For I am here the spectator and judge of your Valour & your Merits.’

Solyman had no sooner ended his Harangue, but he withdrew into his Pa­vilion, and commanded that the Soul­diers [Page 466] should be all sworn anew to their Captaines. And from that time it was, that the Souldiers recover'd their cou­rage, became more obedient and de­liberate, and proceeded in all things with more order and conduct. Now they continu'd their batteries more terribly then before. They also play'd in three several places with two great brass-Cannons like Morter-Peices, that carry'd marble-bullets of a prodigious weight, and yet all the harm then to kill 25 men, and the Chevalier Lyoncel that commanded the Bastion of Cosquin. This battery they left off by the ad­vice of the Jewish Physitian, who gave them notice how little good it had done. After the Turks made it their business to advance their trenches, and to fill up the moats with Earth; and though the Artillery of the Christians continually fir'd upon them, nevertheless they gave not over their work till they had finish'd a great bat­tery between the Spanish and Auverg­nian Post, and another against that of Italy, and there they lodg'd their Can­non that play'd upon the besieg'd so [Page 467] furiously that they durst not peep a­bove the battlements, till they had made themselves new defences of wood and plankes, upon which the Besiegers having advanc'd their tren­ches to the side of the Moat, made certain gaps in the wall on their side, through which they much annoy'd the defendants with their Musket-shot, and kill'd some few of them. In the mean while the Captains lodg'd them­selves in their Trenches: Mustapha the General against the Bul-wark of En­gland, Peri against the Italian Post, Achmat against that of Spain, and Auvergne, with the Aga of the Jani­saries; the Beglerbey of Natolia against that of France; the Beglerbey of Ro­mania against the Gardens of St. Antony, who began a battery at the beginning of August, against the German Post, which was weak, and without any plat­form. Nevertheless the Grand Master caus'd it to be fortify'd within with intrenchments of Earth, great pieces of Timber-planks, and Bavines, and play'd his Artillery so thick from several places and Posts on that side, so that [Page 468] he dismounted the Artillery, and o­verthrew the batteries of the Turks till they were aweary of repairing them, and so remov'd them.

By this time it was that the Rho­dians began to find the want of their powder, and though the Grand Master continually employ'd fourteen of his own horses to bray saltpeter, and other materials proper to make powder, in a sure and well-guarded place, yet the besieged were forc'd to be very sparing of their powder, which gave great advantage to the enemy. The Turks seeing no good to be done on that side, play'd upon the steeple of St. Johns Church, and beat it down, upon advice giv'n them by the Jewish Physitian, that from thence the Christi­ans discover'd what was done in the Camp. The ruin of this steeple being a lovely structure was much lamented by the Inhabitants. This done, the Besiegers under the command of the Beglerbey of Natolia remov'd their batteries against the Tower of St. Ni­cholas, which they furiously play'd upon for the space of ten days with [Page 469] twelve great pieces of Canon; but the Artillery from the Tower broke and ruin'd all their batteries, so that the Beglerbey was constrain'd to change the form of his batteries, to remove his mantlets; (which are made of Earth close ramm'd, and clos'd with boards fasten'd together with great spars of timber) to dismount his Guns, and plant them in the night upon great plat forms without gabions or Mant­let, with which playing securely all the night, when day appear'd they co­ver'd them again with Earth and gra­ve. Thus they made above 500 shot which onely beat down a pane of the wall on the west-side, through which appear'd another good wall, and so many stout defendants, that these dif­ficulties being related to Solyman, he caus'd the said Battery to be remov'd, whereby the Chevalier Castellaine Captain of St. Nicholas Tower ac­quir'd great honour. At the same time the Turks rais'd 14 Mantelets against the Posts of England and Spain, upon which they planted Guns of a prodi­gious bigness, and play'd upon them [Page 470] for a month together, so that they ruin'd the new wall of the English Platform, while the old wall stood en­tire; beside that they brought through their trenches unto the Moat three huge peices of Canon, with which they levell'd the defences of the Basti­on of Spain, and beat down the wall, by the ruins whereof the Turks might easily mount the Bastion. The same Battery they rais'd against the Bastion of Provence with three peices of Ca­non planted upon the side of the Moat, and in a small time threw down more then the besiegers in a long time were able to repair. Then the Grand Ma­ster leaving St. Maries of the Victory came to St. Athanasius Gate, and lodg'd himself under the English wall, and there he constituted four Captains, allotting to each ten Knights, besides the Ordinary Guard to succour and preserve the English wall. Besides all this, the Turks continually play'd with their Sacres and Falcons, and o­ther small Artillery; and the besieged did the like, which stood them in no small stead to ruin their Mantlets, [Page 471] and dismount their peices. Among the rest, a Culverin shot pierced through a Mantlet upon one piece, kill'd five men, and carry'd away both legs of the Turkish Canoneer, of which he dy'd. Solyman was much troubl'd for his loss, insomuch that he said he had rather have lost one of his Basha's. Nor was the Italian Post more mercifully handl'd, which was continually batter'd by seventeen pie­ces of Canon, so that it had bin an easy thing to have mounted the wall by the ruins that fell into the Moat. Yet though this long battery had made a great breach in the Italian Post, yet would not the besiegers venture an as­sault, but onely continu'd to make their approaches and to ruin the en­trenchments, and defences of the be­sieged. Which the Chevalier Marti­nengo seeing, with the Grand Masters permission, made a sally with about an hundred choice men, and falling upon the Enemy unawares, kill'd & put to flight whatever stood in their way, and so with one prisoner and the head of another, return'd with [Page 472] great applause. The Turks that came in heaps to the relief of their own, were miserably torn to pieces by the Artillery of the Town, having no shelter, and lost a greater number in their retreat then Martinengo flew.

This being the condition of the City, the Grand Master, who knew it would not be long ere they gave a General Assault, dispatch'd away Bosio to the Pope, and his Secretary into Provence and to the King of France, beseeching them to hasten the succours which he expected from them. Being also de­sirous to know what news was in the Turkish Camp, one Carpathio a Rho­dian undertook to satisfy him, and get­ting out of the Post in a Brigantine with a crew of good Souldiers clad af­ter the Turkish manner, he coasted a­long the shoar as far as the Foss, where he saw several Souldiers that were ta­king the fresh Air by the Sea-side, who immediately discover'd him. The Rhodiot put on a bold face, and in the Turkish Language call'd to them aloud, and told them, the Basha had sent for [Page 473] them, which they easily believ'd, and went aboard the Brigantine. One of the Turks finding he was in the wrong, drew his Sword and wounded the Rhodiot in the thigh, for which the Rhodian repay'd him by cutting off his head; the rest being elev'n, were easily ma­ster'd, and brought to the Grand Ma­ster.

Now Martinengo seeing the great ruins which the Enemies Artillery had made, rais'd barricadoes, and wrought entrenchments upon the walls, where he planted a good number of Guns, which playing into the Enemies Tren­ches, kill'd a great Number of the Turks; he also lodg'd several Souldiers under the shelter of the houses, who shot incessantly, and made a great slaughter.

The Batteries of the Turks not suc­ceeding to their wishes, they fell to mining; and had in several parts of the City made above forty, so that of six parts of the City, five in a few days were undermin'd. But the most part of those Mines prov'd ineffectual, be­cause of the Counter-mnies which [Page 474] were continually made round about. There was one that was perceiv'd in the midst of the Trench of Provence. But Martinengo immediately enter'd the Trench, open'd the Mine, and casting in barrels of Powder and other combustible stuff, burnt and stifled all the Turks within. Another Mine the Turks made under the Bulwark of En­gland which play'd the fourth of Sep­tember, and blew up above seven times nine foot of the wall, and fill'd the Moat so full of rubbish, that the Turks, that they might easily mount the wall, and come on furiously to the Assault with their accustom'd cries, gain'd the top of the Bastion immediately, and set up seven of their Colours, and had made themselves masters of it, but for an Intrenchment which Martinengo had made the day before, which stood entire about four foot from the Ruins of the wall. That Intrenchment stopt the Enemy; and thither the Knights ran and came to a close fight with Pike and Sword; while others did great mischief to the Enemy with hand-Gra­nadoes and other Artificial fires; and [Page 474] there it was that Martinengo and the Chevelier de Bidoux did wonders, be­coming men of Extraordinary valour and courage. Here they came to Sword and Dagger, and even to coller one a­nother; the Turks perceiving that if they could but get the victory here, they might easily get into the City. And indeed that small handful of Christians that sustain'd the weight of such a multitude, could not have bin able to have held out, had not the Grand Master, upon the noise of the blowing up of the Mine hasted to their Relief, and with the Knights of the reserve, and the Souldiers of his guard, rush'd into the midst of his Enemies, and charg'd them so furiously, that in a small time a good part of them were cut to pieces, and the rest so smartly repuls'd, that they quitted the fight, and fled in confusion, and dis­order'd and astonish'd those that were coming to their assistance, so that nei­ther the threats, nor Exhortations of the Captains could stop them. Which the General Mustapha seeing, flew out of the Trenches in great indignation, [Page 476] crying to the fugitives aloud, that if they would not return to the Assault, he would go on without them, and having so said, boldly march'd toward the breach.

His countenance and Language in­spir'd the fugitives with new vigour, so that they rally'd and return'd with their Basha more resolutely then be­fore to the Assault, and maintain'd the fight for above two hours. At length the Christians redoubling their courage, and animated by the presence and Ex­ample of the Grand Master, fell upon the Turks with that fury, that being no longer able to resist, they turn'd their backs; besides the Rhodian Canoneers had planted certain pieces against the bottom of the breach which play'd up­on the Turks retiring, so successfully, that they kill'd more then were slain in the Assault. Two thousand of the Turks were slain that day: of the Rho­dians twelve or fifteen slain out-right; and fifteen or twenty wounded. In the midst of these encounters the Che­valier Didier de Puy Governour of Ferracta gave notice to the Grand Ma­ster, [Page 477] that he had taken certain Turks, who confess'd that there were in Rhodes certain Persons of Quality who sent the Enemy Intelligence of what was deliberated & concluded in Coun­cil, and of all that was done in the City, and that the Turks were digging a large Mine nere St. John's de Collaccio. This was no small trouble to the Grand Ma­ster, so much the more because he was forc'd to conceal his resentments, by reason that no persons were nam'd. However he promis'd a large reward to those that could discover the Mine. But it was not long before it discover'd it self under the Bastion of England, by seven a clock in the morning upon the ninth of September, overthrowing about nine yards of the wall next to the Mine before-mention'd, and came to the very barricado's before they met with any resistance. But when the Dread and terrour was once over, the Knights resuming their wented cou­rage, put the Turks to a shameful retreat, till forc'd by the swords and scimitars of their Commanders, even of their General himself, they return'd [Page 478] again with more vigour, and renew'd a bloody fight; but the Grand Master coming to the relief of his own with his reserve, sought them with so much fury for three hours, that the Turks no longer able to abide so powerful a defence, quitted the fight, and retir'd into their Trenches, leaving one of their Ensignes behind them. This As­sault cost the Great Turk three thou­sand of his men, and three Sangiacs; of the Christians about 30 were slain and some of the Knights wounded.

The Turkes repuls'd with so much loss in two assaults, began again to murmur and discommend the enter­prize as rash and impossible. Which Solyman perceiving, began to despair, and to be offended against Mustapha. The mean time Peri Basha to preserve himself in the good Opinion and fa­vours of the Grand Signiour, press'd him continually to make a furious bat­tery of 17 Canons against the Italian Post: But the besieged still repair'd with so much speed and diligence whatever the Enemies Artillery ruin'd, and play'd their great and small shot [Page 479] with so much success, that the Turks durst hardly peep out of their Tren­ches. The Beglerbeg of Natolia did the same against the Post of Provence, and fell to mining very industriously, being advis'd thereto by a treacherous Greek, who under pretence of trade had well observ'd the strength of the City. But the most remarkable accident was the killing of the Governour of Negro­pont, and Solyman's Favorite, who ri­ding by the Italian Post richly clad with a red Battoon in his hand, was hit by a musket-bullet, from the Italian Post, and fell down dead immediately; to the great grief of Solyman.

Peri enrag'd against the Italians, resolv'd to make a most terrible as­sault upon their Platform; which he did so unexpectedly and with so much speed, that the sentinels that stood without the Entrenchment were kill'd before they could be succour'd. But the Italians taking the Alarum, and being well seconded by the Grand Ma­ster and his usual guard, in an hours time the Bastion was well soak'd with the Blood of the Turks. Peri, finding [Page 480] such a stout resistance here, and belie­ving that other places were left naked, gave immediate order for other forces to assail the New Bastion of the Grand Master Carretta; but there the Cheva­lier Angelot Captain of the Bastion so behav'd himself, having a good number of Souldiers and Citizens with him, that the most part of the Turks were either kill'd or wounded, and the Flank­ing Artillery of other Bastions made such havock among the thick multi­tudes of the Turks, that at length, quite dismay'd, they began to retire. Peri thereupon seeing the Souldiers would no longer abide the heat of such a terrible encounter, sounded a general Retreat, though with the loss of more men then in the former com­bats.

Not long after Mustapha, covetous to repair his honour, and to regain the favour of the Grand Signiour, re­solv'd to give a third assault to the Bastion of England. He imparted his resolution to the Achmat, who agreed with him at the same time to assail the Bastions of Spain and Auvergne. [Page 481] Upon the 3d. of September Mustapha unexpectedly fell upon the Bastion, mounted the Ruins, and fix'd their Ensigns neer the Rhodian Entrench­ments, and at the same time endea­vour'd to make their way forward. The fight was terrible and doubtful: neither was Mustapha wanting in any part of a judicious and couragious Cap­tain. Achmat also at the same time play'd two Mines, one in the Auverg­nian, the other in the Spanish Post. The Auvergnian Mine prov'd in effe­ctual; the Spanish Mine brought down a considerable part of the wall of the Barbacan of the said Bastion. And yet for these dreadful Ruins, the Christians so well behav'd themselves in every place, that the Turks, having lost above 3000 men, were forc'd to retreat with shame to their Trenches. Two dayes after the Jewish Physitian (often spok'n of before) was discover'd shooting an Arrow into the Turkish Camp, with a Letter fasten'd to the end of it. Thereupon he was apprehen­ded; and upon his examination confess'd that he was a Spy for the [Page 482] Turks; that he had sent them five Let­ters; that he had given them several advices; and had encourag'd them to continue the Siege: For which He was condemn'd to be quarter'd.

After these Repulses, and the giv­ing fire to three other Mines soon after, that did little or no harm, the Ba­sha's consulted together, and resolv'd to give a general assault upon fore seve­ral places of the City all at a time. Soly­man approv'd their Resolution, assem­bl'd his Captains together, encou­rag'd and chear'd them up; and assur'd them of Victory; and by publick Pro­clamation gave the common Souldiers the whole Plunder of the City. Thus the whole Army resum'd their won­ted courage, and full of Hopes pre­par'd themselves for a general Assault. As a preparation to which the Basha's order the English Bulwark, the Posts of Spain and Auvergne, and the Italian Platform to be batter'd for two dayes together, on purpose to widen and en­large the Breaches.

The Grand Master observing this universal motion of the Enemy, and [Page 483] their continual Batteries for 2 days to­gether, with an extraordinary diligence, prepar'd for his defence. Day and night he visited all the Posts, earnestly be­sought every one to be watchful and ready; and having taken a little repose in his armes, by break of day he rang'd the Souldiers in their several Posts; and that there might remain no fear or astonishment among them, he made ‘them a short speech, Declaring to them the glorious opportunity which offer'd it self for them to sig­nalize their Zeal for the honour of God, & their fidelity to their Order and the welfare of Christendom; and their affection to a people that had liv'd under their Dominion for above 200 years. He gave them to un­derstand how often they had prov'd their own valour and the timidity of the Enemy. That though their number were great, yet that there was yet a sufficient number left of brave and valiant men to defend a just cause, and repel the force of Ambition and perfidious impie­ty. That they were to consider [Page 484] their Enemies were a sort of igno­rant people, forc'd on by their Ba­sha's, for fear of encurring the dis­pleasure of their Master, to whom they had represented the enterprize so easy: that they themselves were persons of honour, dedicated from their Infancy to the service of God. And therefore he besought and con­jur'd them to do their duties.’

The Turks by break of day dis­charg'd all their Artilleriy at once, that they might pass the Moat un­der the covert of the smoak; and that don, they boldly fell on in all places at once. The Grand Master posted himself in the English Bulwark, as be­ing the weakest place, Nor was the Spanish Artillery a little favourable to the English, flanking the Turks, and making a great slaughter among them insomuch that they were almost rea­dy to recoyle; when Mustapha's Lieutenant throwing himself among them, pray'd, entreated, threaten'd, promis'd and heading them himself, brought them on again; though to his cost, being the first man slain with a [Page 485] Canon Bullet as he was mounting the Ruins. The Turks enrag'd by his fall, discharg'd their small shot and arrows like hail upon the Rho­dians. And Mustapha observing their Metall, sent them continually fresh supplies, and with fair words and pro­mises exhorted them to their Duties. Yet could they not force the besieg'd to stir a foot, who in the view of the Grand Master with an invincible cou­rage sustain'd all that Impetuosity, and at the same time fought with e­qual valour and obstinacy in all the other Quarters. The very women were not unserviceable; while some carry'd Bread, Wine and other refresh­ments to the Souldiers, others threw stones; others pour'd down boyl­ing Oyle and water upon the Enemy. But the greatest danger of the Com­bat was in the Spanish Post, where the Aga General of the Janissaries, having pick'd out the choicest of his men, march'd himself to the Assault at the head of them, who follow'd him with such a Resoluton, that they [Page 486] cover'd all the Breach, gain'd the platform above, and planted forty of their Ensigns upon it, with the same violence rushing on to the Barricado's, not minding the prodigious slaughter of their own that fell on every side. Thereupon the Knights and Souldiers in the Spanish Bulwark, seeing the distress of those in the Post, ran to the assistance of their friends, leaving only some few for a guard behind. Which certain of the Turks that lay con­ceal'd behind the rubbish perceiving, presently mounted the Bulwark, and made themselves Masters of it; pull'd down the Ensigns of the Christians, and setting up their own, cry'd out in their own Language, Victory, and invited their Companions to assist them. Upon which Achmats Regi­ment advanc'd; but the Auvergnian & Spanish Artillery soon stopp'd their Career, So that the Grand Master being advertiz'd of this new accident, left the English, and entring the Spanish Post, charg'd the Enemy so vigorously, that he put them absolutely [Page 487] to flight. Then seeing the Spanish Bastion master'd by the Turks, he sent the Commander of Bourbon with a Company of stout Souldiers with or­der to enter the Mine and Casemat, and to mount the Bastion. Which he did so effectually, that in a short time he wholly regain'd it. Notwithstanding all this, the Aga with fresh forces re­turn'd to the assault of the Spanish Post; and the Grand Master having left a sufficient Guard in the Bastion, re­turn'd to the defence of the same, and sending for two hundred fresh men from St. Nicholas Tower, after a bloody fight of six hours, forc'd the Turks to abandon their Colours, and to retreat to their trenches, after the loss of above 15000 men. Soly­man was so highly incens'd against Mustapha upon this defeat, that he con­demn'd him to be shot to death with arrows. Peri Basha, upon the pre­sumption of his Age, his merits, and his Authority, coming to intercede for Mustapha, was sentenc'd to the same death. And both had suffer'd [Page 488] had not Achmat Basha and all the rest of the Principal Commanders, pro­strate at Solymans feet, implor'd their pardon.

Solyman seeing all his attempts up­on the City of Rhodes so vain and fruitless, fell into such a deep melan­choly, that he shut himself up in his Pavilion for several dayes, and would not be seen, resolving to raise the siege and to be gone. The great Comman­ders whose hopes lay all in the Mines, finding their expectations frustrate, resolv'd to raise the Camp. Nay se­veral had carry'd their baggage to the Sea side, and several Companies had quitted the Trenches. When an Albanese Souldier slipping out of the Town, gave intelligence to the Turks, that the greatest part of the Knights and Souldiers were either kill'd or wounded in the last General Assault. Other Traytours wrought the same, adviz'd them to stay, assuring them that the City could not hold out two Assaults more. And it was afterwards known that the Chevalier D'Amaral [Page 489] wrought to the same purpose, and en­courag'd the continuance of the siege. Upon this Intelligence the Captains chang'd their Resolutions, divulg'd the news through the Army, and began to batter the City more furiously then before. Solyman also to let the Soul­diers understand his Resolution, and to encourage them, began to build him a pleasure-house upon Palermos Hill. Mustapha also, though he had orders to repair to his Government, ventur'd to give three Assaults suc­cessively upon the English Bastion with the Mamalucks, who were so ill enter­tain'd, the greatest part of them being kill'd or wounded, that the rest retir'd to their Quarters, resolving to return no more. Peri secretly undermind the Italian Bastion, & the Mine indeed made a terrible noise and shaking, but took vent on the Camp side, and kill'd a great many of the Turks.

Mustapha having such ill success, thought it not convenient to stay any longer, so that upon his departure Achmat was made General. He con­tinu'd [Page 490] the siege with the same vio­lence, so that there was not a day pass'd wherein he did not both batter, As­sault and undermine the defences of the City. However the Grand Ma­ster remitted nothing of his wonted care and diligence, fighting and haz­arding his person every where, where need requir'd, beyond what was rea­sonable for a person of his degree and Importance.

And now when it was almost too late, those conspiracies and treasons were discover'd, which were the loss of the Island. For in the first place Lucio Custrophilaca, a Rhodian, and a person of great wealth, reputation and alliances, who had the charge of the fortifications, the bread and am­munition was perceiv'd, at a time and in a place very much to be sus­pected, to have shot an arrow into the Turkish Camp, who was there­upon lay hold on, examin'd, and put upon the wrack, but would confess nothing to the purpose. Next to him Blas Diez Servant to the Chan­cellour [Page 491] D'Amaral, was taken in the same fact, and being put to the Tor­ture, confess'd his Masters Treason, declaring how he had wrote to the Turks Basha's to contiuue the Siege, for that both men and provisions fail'd in the City. Thereupon the Grand Master caus'd the Chancellour to be apprehended, who being examin'd and tortur'd, would confess nothing himself; but being, convicted by suffi­cient testimonies, confirm'd to his face by his Servant, his Servant was hang'd, and he beheaded, dying without any sign of repentance or Christian devotion.

In the mean time the Canons of the Enemy thunder'd against the Bastion of Italy, where they ruin'd all the defences and Barricado's that Marti­nengo had rais'd; by which means they advanc'd their Trenches to the very foot of the Breach. The Bastion of England was also beaten down to the Ground, and the most part of the Barricado's and entrenchments ru­in'd, so that some advis'd the quitting and blowing it up. But because that [Page 492] signifi'd little in regard of the vast num­bers of the Turks, the Grand Master resolv'd to hold it out to the utmost, and to that end gave the command of it to the Chevalier John de Bin, who kept it to the last.

At this time arriv'd the Chevalier de Rocque Martin with twelve Knights, a hundred Souldiers and some Ammu­nition. But notwithstanding this small relief, the Grand Master obser­ving the desperate condition of the City (for now in some places there were no other defences but beames and boards between the Enemy and him, beside that they had set up three Pravilions within the City neer the Rhodian entrenchments) sent away to Candy for Souldiers, Ammunition and victuals, which the Duke of Can­dy had provided, as also to Naples to hasten the succours, which the winter season hinder'd from coming.

In the mean while the Turks gave too desperate Assaults upon the Italian and Spanish platforms, but were still repuls'd with the loss of a­bove [Page 493] 3000 men. Insomuch that Ach­mat finding it impossible to take the City by force, resolv'd to give no more Assaults, but rather chose to preserve his men, who were grown quite weary of the Christian valour; nevertheless he continu'd his batteries, and advanc'd▪ his Trenches, thinking to creep by degrees into the City. Soly­man also thinking to make short work caus'd several Letters to be shot into the City, inviting the Inhabitants to sur­render, offering them all the Immuni­ties they could desire; and threatning on the other side in case of obstinacy, all the severity imaginable. Peri also suborn'd a Genoese, who having liber­ty to speak to the Knights, adviz'd them as Christians to consider the deplorable condition of the City, and told them withal, that if they were so dispos'd, he could put them in a way to make an honourable compo­sition; but they believing him to be some impostor, sent under hand by Solyman or his Basha's, gave little credit to his words. Two dayes after [Page 494] he came to the same place, pretend­ing he had a Letter from the Grand Signiour, but then they bid him re­tire, and to force him the sooner so to do, they shot at him.

Some while after came the Albanian Souldier before mention'd, pretending Letters also from Solyman to the Grand Master. But then the Grand Master forbid any farther Parlying.

However these offers were di­vulg'd abroad in the City, which begat in many a desire to heark'n to proposi­tions of peace as more regarding their wives and Children then their honour. And it was carry'd so far, that some of the Citizens went and declar'd their desires to the Metropolitan, and some of the Grand Cross, requesting them to declare their grievances to the Grand Master. But he severely check'd them, telling them that it was not a request to be mention'd; that they should rather resolve to die for the common liberty, and the Honour of the Order. The next day they came and besought him again to provide [Page 495] for the Common safety, for that they were assur'd that the Citizens would yeild to a treaty, rather then be cut in pieces themselves, their wives and children. Then the Grand Master find­ing himself press'd and importun'd of all hands, submitted to necessity, and call'd a general Council. So soon as the Council was sat, a Petition was presented to the Grand Master, hum­bly requesting him to think of a Capi­tulation; or at least to give them leave to secure their wives and chil­dren; and at the foot of the petition was an intimation that if the Grand Master would not, they would pro­vide for them themselves. In this distress the Grand Master; desirous to know the condition of the City more particularly, before he would resolve any farther, requir'd the ad­vice of the Prior of St. Giles, and Mar­tinengo, who both declar'd in full Council that in either consciences, and upon their Honour and allegeance, they could not think the City any longer tenable, the Enemy being lodg'd [Page 496] forty yards one way, and 30 yards a­nother way within the City, so that it was impossible for them to retire any farther, nor for the Enemy to be beaten out.

Upon the advice and Relation of two such judicions and great men, the whole Council considering how much it concern'd them to preserve the holy Reliques and the souls and honour of so many Christian Women and Children, and the evident dan­ger of the whole Orders being dis­pierc'd and abolish'd, if all that were there should be lost, resolv'd with one accord to Capitulate. The Grand Master still lay'd before them, the du­ty that lay upon them to preserve the honour of the Order, which had never yet bin defil'd with any stain of cowardice or pusillanimity, ha­ving alwaies preferr'd their honour and Death before the safety of their Lives. But the Council overrul'd him with so many circumstantial and solid reasons, that he was constrain'd to yield to the present and inevitable [Page 487] necessity, and their grave advice. This design Heav'n was so far pleas'd to favour, that Solyman began first. For he first set up an Ensign upon the Church of St. Mary de Lermoni­tra; and then the Grand Master set up another upon the Mill belonging to the Cosquin Gate. Immediately two Turks came out of the Trenches, de­siring to parley: upon which the Grand Master sent forth the Prior of St. Giles and Martinengo; to whom the Turks deliver'd a Letter from Solyman.

This Letter was read in Council; wherein Solyman demanded a surren­der of the Town, & offer'd the Knights liberty to be gone, with security for their persons and their Baggage: which if they would not accept, he was resolv'd to put all to the sword. Thereupon in consideration onely of the people and Inhabitants of the Town, the same Resolution was a­gain taken, and the Chevalier Antho­ny de Grolee, and Robert Perucci, Judge of the Castillians, were com­missionated to attend Solyman. So soon [Page 498] as they were gone forth, a near Kins­man of Achmats, and a Trucheman much favour'd by the Grand Turk, were admitted unto Rhodes as Hos­tages, and a truce was concluded for three dayes.

The next day Achmat presented the Embassadours to Solyman, who declar'd to him what they had in commission, Solyman to maintain his Reputation, firmely deny'd that he had ever wrote or sent to the Grand Master; nevertheless since the Grand Master had sent to him upon the same Occasion, he commanded them to let him know his mind, which was the same that he had written, and demanded his Resolution within three dayes, and that in the mean time there should be no working toward the repair of their fortifications, be­ing firmly resolv'd, though all Tur­ky perish'd, not to stir out of the Island, till he had Rhodes in his posses­sion. And having so said, he dismis'd them. Perucci return'd to the City. But Achmat kept the Chevalier Grollee [Page 499] with him, led him into his Pavilion, and caus'd him to drink with him; and discoursing of several passages in the siege, Achmat told him with a great oath; that above forty thou­sand Turks had bin slain, and as many were sick and wounded. Peruoci ha­ving made his report to the Council, it was resolv'd upon good considera­tions that they should not accept those conditions the first time, but send o­ther Commissioners.

In the mean time certain of the Citizens took upon them, and were mightily offended that the Capitu­lation was begun, without their pri­vity. Declaring also that they would never consent to any such conditions, but rather die with their Swords in their hands for their liberty, then sur­render themselves to the power of the Turk. For that whatever the Turk promis'd, he would be sure to exercise nothing, but rapine and slaugh­ter as he had done at Belgrade. The Grand Master observing this Grecian fickleness, told them in friendly man­ner [Page 500] that the Resolutions he had ta­ken, were resolv'd upon upon mature deliberation; which consultations were to be kept secret that they might not come to the Enemies knowledge, and that it was more for their safety then for the good of the Order, that they made any conditions at all. To which purpose he was sending away other Commissioners the better to assure himself of Solymans word and fidelity. With which answer the Ci­tizens shew'd themselves very well satisfy'd.

Upon this two other Commissio­ners were dispatch'd away, Raymond Marquet, and Lopezde Pas, both Spanish Knights, who represented to Solyman that the Grand Master had to confer with several people of seve­ral Nations that the time Limited was too short, and therefore desir'd that he would be pleas'd to grant them a longer time. Solyman not re­lishing this discourse without saying any more, commanded Achmat to continue his batteries, which were [Page 501] begun again upon the 15th. of De­cember and so the Truce was bro­ken▪ Solyman however detain'd one of the Commissioners, which shew'd that he had yet some inclinations to to Capitulate. The Grand Master ob­serving the Hostility begun again, and that the Turks advanc'd with their Trenches farther and farther into the Town, sent for them that hinder'd the treaty, and protested to live and die with them, and com­manded all the Inhabitants to repair home to their Quarters there to keep guard, and that no person should quit his Quarters upon pain of Death. This Order was observ'd for two days, but the 3d. a young man left his Quarters and went and lay at home, for which the Grand Master commanded him to be hang'd. Some few days after that, all the rest of the Inhabitants lost both their courage and their patience, and forsook the walls and breaches, so that the Turks might easily have enter'd, had not the Grand Master withstood them [Page 502] with that small handful of men which he had left him; which some few dayes after was a little augmented by the coming of the Chevalier D'An­dugar, and the Chevalier Farfan an English man, with a hundred Souldiers and some Wine.

This Wine was a great consolation to the City, besides that the Ship made such Bravado's as it enter'd the Port, that the Turks generally be­liev'd it had brought a Relief of a­bove a Thousand men. However the Turks continu'd their Assaults, and particularly they made a violent on­set upon the Spanish Barbacan, from which, though they were at first re­puls'd, yet returning with such vast numbers the Rhodians were over­whilm'd and oppress'd by multitude, and forc'd to retire into the City. The Turks having gain'd the Barba­can, presently came to the foot of the English wall, and by the Ruins of the Barbacan got to the top of it, and there planted several of their Colours. The Citizens beholding the Extream [Page 503] danger they were in, confess'd their folly, and besought the Grand Master, as the common Father, to provide for their safety, who gave them li­berty to constitute Deputies of their own to attend Solyman, and to pro­cure particular security from him for themselves, and order'd them to go along with the Chevalier Grollee.

The Grand Master however ha­ving some hopes of relief, to the end he might temporize for a while, sent Perucci first to shew to Solyman a Let­ter of Bajazet his Grandfather, where­in he bequeath'd his malediction to those of his successours that should make war against Rhodes. Perucci ad­dress'd himself to Achmat, who desi­rous to see the Letter, took it, and having torn it to pieces, threw it un­der his feet in great disdain. Having so done, he sent Perucci back to the Grand Master, to tell him, that if he did not suddenly return Solyman an answer, he must expect to be mise­rable.

[Page 504]However the Grand Master had one more delay, which was to of­fer to Solyman by the proposal of the Chevalier de Grollee, otherwise call'd Passim, the expences and charges of the whole siege, if he would rise from before it. But Achmat would not suffer any such word to be deli­ver'd to Solyman, saying that Solyman had more regard to his honour and his Reputation then to all the Riches in the World. At length the Grand Master finding no way to avoyd an agreement, and that delay would be the Loss of all, vanquish'd his own courage, and overwhelm'd with grief and vexation, gave his word to sur­render the Town upon the conditions propos'd. To which purpose he sent away the Chevalier Passim & the Depu­ties of the Town, who were presented to his Majesty; to whom the Knights declar'd that the Grand Master was now resolv'd to surrender the City upon the conditions propos'd to him, upon a full assurance in the faith and promises of his Majesty, and hum­bly [Page 505] entreated him to favour the In­habitants in the petition which they had to present to him for their peace and safety. The Inhabitants besought him to remove his Army a little far­ther off, that they might not receive any Injury either in their persons or goods, and that those that would be gone might depart in safety. So­lyman accepted the offer of the Grand Master, and promis'd to observe in­violably every article of the Capi­tulation. ‘That the Churches should not be profan'd; that none of the Children should be carry'd away as Tribute Children to make Janis­saries. That the Christians should have the free exercise of their Re­ligion. That the Inhabitants should be exempt from all duties for five years. That they that would might depart in three years with their E­states unmolested. That Solyman should furnish the Order with Ships sufficient to carry them and their Subjects to Candy. That they should carry off as many of their [Page 506] great Guns as they could Load. That the Castles of St. Peter, Lango, and the other Islands and Fortres­ses belonging to the Order shall be surrender'd to Solyman. After that Achmat sent into the City 400 Jani­saries with an Aga to take possessi­on, and the Grand Master sent into the Camp for Hostages 25 Knights, and as many Citizens, who were by Achmat curteously entertain'd.’

In the mean time Achmat came to visit the Grand Master in the Moat of the Spanish Post, where after some discourse between them, he gave the Grand Master Notice that Solyman was desirous to see him, and therefore adviz'd him, as his best course, to go and wait upon him. The Grand Master unwilling to provoke Solyman, and to give him any occasion to break his word, by being severe either to the Knights or the Rhodians, resolv'd to follow Achmats advice. The next morning therefore he went, in a plain habit, accompani'd with [Page 507] several of the Knights; and after he had attended for some time before Solymans Tent, he was pre­sented with a noble Vest, that So­lyman gave him; which so soon as he had put on, he was intro­duc'd into the Grand Signiours Pa­vilion, and kiss'd his hand. Soly­man receiv'd him curteously, chear'd him up, and told him by his in­terpreter, that it was a common thing to loose or gain Cities and Signiories through the Instability of Fortune; exhorted him to take his loss patiently, and assur'd him of a most punctual performance of all his promises. Then turn­ing to his own people. I cannot but pity, said he, this brave Man, whom in his Old Age, Necessity thus compels to abandon the Seat of his own Dominion. The Grand Master return'd him thanks, be­sought him to remember what he had promis'd, and so taking his leave, retir'd. Solyman caus'd him [Page 508] to be guarded into the City, and gave habits of honour to all the Knights that attended him.

Three days after Solyman him­self rode to view the Trenches, the Batteries, the Breaches, and the Tower of St. Nicholas. Upon his return he enter'd the Palace attended only by Achmat, and I­brahim, then a Page, but highly belov'd by him, and ask'd for the Grand Master. When he saw him, he made a kind of offer to raise his Turbant from his head with his hand, out of respect not per­mitting the Grand Master to make any obeysance to him below his dignity. Bidding him fear nothing, and telling him withall, if he had not time enough, he would allow him more. The Grand Master re­turn'd him thanks, but desir'd no­thing more of him then to be mindful of his promise. Thereupon Solyman remounted, and having view'd the Church of St. John, re­turn'd to his Pavilion.

[Page 506]Upon New-years day the Grand Master having taken his leave of Solyman, and embark'd as many of the choicest great Guns as the time would permit, attended by all the Knights, and as many of the best of the Citizens, who rather chose to follow his fortunes, then submit to the Tyranny of the Turks, went aboard the Gal­leys appointed to carry the discon­solate Traine, and the best of their goods, and steer'd away for Candy.

Thus did The Order of St. John loose Rhodes, after they had held and maintain'd it with so much constancy, so much Expence of trea­sure, and loss of blood, against the whole power of the Barbarous Ma­hometans, for the space of two hun­and thirty years.