A true Declaration of the Wrongs done to RICHARD BOOTHBY Merchant in India.
THe unhappy project of Sir William Cockam Knight, about Anno 1615. to wring the Charter of the most famous Right Worshipfull Company of Merchants Adventurers of England out of their power, to the advantage of him and his Associates, brought much disaster to the Commonwealth, to that worthy Company, and to my self in particular a member thereof also in high degree: (though in the end returned to the said Companies credit, and his blame and discredit) whereupon I Richard Boothby, a Member of that Company, was forced to search out Trade in other Countreys wherein I had no experience (to my great losse and disadvantage) and among the diversity of many experiments, fell to make triall of the East India Adventures, purchasing my freedome thereof at 50 l. And adventuring 2400 l. in that Action of Commerce, which being unmerchantly handled by injuditious partiall Governors (aiming more at their own particulars then the Vulgar Accommodation, brought great losse and damage to the Worthy Adventurers, and to my self in particular, the occasion whereof drew me (being unwilling to proceed further in my Vocation of an Adventurer thither, or to other parts, for fear of sliding into the condition of a Banckerupt or insolvent (which I did much abhor) [Page 2] to tender my service to the India Court Committees to be imployed in the Honorable Companies affaires into India where I was accepted of, and intertained with the greatest applause and best accommodations of any before me. At my arrivall in India (being one of Councell) I endeavoured to discharge a good conscience towards God, and the duty of a loyall Subject to my Soveraigne King Charles, and the trust committed to me by the Honorable Company their Substitutes.
But ere I had been there many Moneths, I took good notice of the great dishonour done to Gods glory by the lewd lives and conversations of all the English in generall, and the chief heads in particular; the dishonour also therein to my gracious King and native Countrey, and the deep juglings and impostures of the President Rich: Wild, and George Page of the Councell: to the defraudment of their Honorable Imployers, which first brought me in envie and bad suspition of a Spie, a Puritan, and Informer, (and so called) because I did not run in the same excesse of riot with them.
And by little and little drew me on (endeavouring to reforme such abuses according to Injunction given me at home by Court Committees) to be wickedly maligned and abused with intolerable wrongs, injurious affronts, and cruell oppressions; As being one of Councell commanded to base inferior imployments almost scornfull to an Apprentice, especially of three or foure yeers standing (the Banjans in India taking notice thereof to my condolement) also to attend the Custome-House affairs on the Sabbath dayes (offensive to my conscience, and the more by observation that the Moores would not attend those affairs upon their heathenish Idolaters Holy dayes, whilest the (vertuous or rather) wicked President Rich. Wild, and his lewd Favourite George Page feasted, and drunk themselves drunk with Dutch, French, Italians, Arminians, &c. And that by reason I was an eye-sore and offence unto them, distasting and yeelding milde reproof unto their Bachanalian Sabbath-breakings, and lewd discourse, and boastings at such times of their licentious lives and conversations, little inferiour (as I conceive) to the Earl of Castle-havens. Then divers plots were machinated to expell me the factory of Surrat to [Page 3] some remote place for their more freedome in evill.
And first, they plotted and concluded I should be sent Agent to the Court at Agra (1000 miles off by land) but that plot would not fit, in regard the Councell had lately dissolved that imployment as unnecessary and too chargeable.
Secondly, they plotted to send me to the most uncouth forlorn and contemptible Factory in India ( Brodera) for which many young men had been sutors (fitter for that imployment) and they had promised that preferment. But thither ( volens, uolens) I must go, yet being of Councell I excepted against that Act of consultation, making short protest in writing in the book under the Act as prejudiciall to the Honorable Corporation, and injurious to my self, having convenanted for my residence at Surrat, and no other; yet yeelded and took that charge upon me, though as my second told me before my departure thither, my Adversaries had suborned him to lay traps to insnare me, and to be very circumspect to observe all my actions to get matter against me. But if he could find none, to write to President and Councell, that I was of such a quarrelsome and contentious a disposition, that it was not possible for him or any to live with me; for which they promised him the preferment into that place. But (he as he said) being touched in conscience to see me so much abused, could not but reveal it unto me upon my promise of secresie.
And a day before my departure, George Page, notwithstanding his said wicked plot, with my second to betray me, insinuated himself into sudden familiarity with me, excusing himself for having an hand to put me out of the Factory at Surrat to be sent to Brodera, laying all the malice on Richard Wilde the President; And to make me more blind then a Beetle, or sencelesly ignorant of the plot, would needs bestow upon me a Machivile Brile or poysoned Piscash, like the traiterous kisse of Iudas to our Saviour Christ, (which was a new Velvet Belt with faire silver Buckles) I made faire shew of complement with him, and accepted of his Piscash or gift, rather then to shew distaste, or to give any notice that I had any intelligence of the plot against me, by discovering the secret imparted unto me by my second to his detriment. Moreover, the malitious Machivill President when I came to take [Page 4] my farewell of him gave it me for a great charge, (for no other at that time was given me) in the Honorable Companies affairs, nor other Instructions for my imployment. (Copies of former Accompts and passages (which by order from that Court at home ought to be left in every Factory for direction to successors) nor any Moneys, Bils, Bils of Exchange, or credit to manage those affaires (untill a day or two after my departure) to be carefull, and carry a strict hand over William Price my Second, to reclaime him from his lewd, uncivill, and rude behaviour. Thus they that lay snares to trap the innocent, in the end are themselves ensnared. The Geese had need to be warned when the Fox preaches, And this text of Scripture was far out of his remembrance, or would take no knowledge thereof: Thou art inexcusable O man, whatsoever thou art that judgest, for wherein thou judgest another thou condemnest thy self: for thou that judgest dost do the same things. Rom. 2.
Thirdly, being arrived there, they plotted how to ensnare me in their Commissions, devising to send me two Commissions, the one as contrary to the other as black to white; the one an expresse command of our Musters, the other quite contrary of their own: to which of our Musters because I leaned in my Responce, and declined from theirs (in words though not in deeds) they then upbraided me with base reproachfull letters, commanding me not to make reply to their revilings, I knew no such power an Indian President had (his Commission being never made known) to any though of Councell, and my self one of Councell as deep in Commission as President himself (onely in a double or casting voice) deemed it as a great wrong to all the Companies servants in generall, and a great indignity to my self in particular, not to make responce thereunto which I performed in my own Apologie or defence, yet concluded Christianly, desiring unity and peace, &c.
Fourthly, my reply seconded with a Journey made to visit Amadavad the greatest City in India (two dayes journey off) wanting imployment, untill such time as I could be fitted to observe their expresse Commission contrary to our Muster, and returned within six dayes; little dreaming that a brother of the [Page 5] Company, and one of Councell in India, was in condition of a slave, or School-boy, that might not take lawfull recreation, or travell a little to better his experience, without leave obtained from such Imperiall Majesty, therefore these acts were made mutinous, and I condemned by their censures in malicious consultation, before I came to make answer to any objection against me; and thereupon (about a months time after my first entrance into that service) was commanded to return to Surrat, to undergo more revengefull condemnation; to which I obeyed (though in a most irksome time of the yeare for travell, in times of rain not usuall for any to travell in.)
Fifthly, at my arrivall at Surrat, I was presently put out of my chamber, and thrust into the worst lodging in the house, adjoyning to the Porters lodge, commanded to take my diet at the second table, among Counting-house Scrivans, Pursers, Mates, and Cabbin-boyes taken ashore for inferior services, and they commanded to take place at table above me, whose parents, or themselves, if I had been ambitious or malicious, I would have Iob saith, With the dogges of my flock, Iob 30 scorned with Iob, to have set with the Heardsmen of my flock, having at home at that present, a family living in reputation, and having had men of better quality then the best of them, I mean the chiefe, to wait at home upon my Trencher, Knights, Gentlemen, and Citizens, some of the best quality in England, and my selfe an Esquire by two offices to two severall famous Kings, King Iames and King Charles, under the Broad Seale of England. And the best of them, even President himselfe, never of ability to keep house or servant, but of lewd condition, base runnagates, bankrupts, or insolvents.
Sixthly, this did not yet suffice, but they proceeded to seize upon all my estate, books, and papers, proclaiming me a bankrupt, forcing my Creditors for debts not above a month old, to bring in my Bills to the President, and to take new Bills of his in the Companies name, on purpose to discredit me, selling such goods as I had upon my hands, at fourty pounds in the hundred lesse then they cost me, forcing me to pay other mens debts to a greater value then I had subscribed for security with interest, thereby to make me insolvent; which maugre their malice, they could [Page 6] not do; but I satisfied all men to the full, with interest, to a pice, (or farthing) which they have not done since that time, though of twenty or thirty thousand pounds estate fraudulently accrewed.
Seventhly, then having penned seven most malicious, childish, foolish Articles against me, they proceeded to my arraignment before a Senat of Cabbin-boyes and Scrivans, as before, patch'd up to make up a solemne judicious Parliament, most despitefully forcing me to stand at the lower end of two long Tables joyned together, bare-headed, having my malicious adversaries to be my accusers, Jury, and Judges; where all being moved, I demanded by what power and authority the President so shamefully abused me: to which he made response, he had commission strong enough to bear him out: the commission I required to see, or to hear read; which he denied, saying, That yet never any saw it but the President himselfe in present possession, nor any should. I again replied, That I did not conceive that his Majesty of England would grant any Dormant Commission to countenance tyranny and usurpation: And that my selfe being of Councell, ought to be made acquainted therewith, being as great in Commission as he, except in a casting voyce, and therefore again required him to produce his Commission, not only to my satisfaction, but to all other his Majesties subjects in those parts: but he still continued ambitiously and tyrannically obstinate, untill at length Iohn Skilebow, on of Councell (whom the President kept under as a slave, knowing how to bring him to his bow at any time with a bottle of Sack, for which he would even sell himself as Esau his Birth right for a messe of pottage, yet at that time was bold to second my just demand, alledging that he conceived that not onely the Councell, but all others ought to be acquainted with the Commission, which from himself also was kept in secret two yeers since he had been in India, ordained by the Court at home for Second of Councell to Mr. Thomas Kerridge the former President, and to succeed him in place of Presidency. But Wild having as it seems matter enough against Kirridge to disgrace him at home, and of a haughty daring spirit, he durst do no other but settle Wild in his usurped Presidency, and displace Skylebow contrary [Page 7] to the Courts Ordinance, which in the end caused him to produce the Commission, giving the Register order to read it, which was to this effect, authorizing President and Councell to call notorious offendors to account, and in case of Murther, Buggery, or such hainous crimes to arraigne them for their lives; but with this proviso, that his Majesty did conceive that men attaining to those places of authority in India, might be ignorant of the just Lawes of England, and therefore cautiously advised them rather to incline to lenity and charity: for if otherwise they did wrong or abuse his loving subjects, he would exact a severe account of them, and punish them according to their desert. The Commission being so pious and gracious, I willingly did submit to the arraignment. The Articles propounded, I desired a Copie to give answer in writing; which with much ado in the end I obtained, and gave such response thereunto, as made nothing for their advantage. Yet not with that satisfied, they devised nine more childish, foolish, and most malicious Articles against me, and upon a second arraignment commanded me to take oath ( ex officio) to answer to such Articles verbatim, or ex temtempore, as they should be propounded against me, which I refused to do, but desired to have a copie, and time to make reply; which would not be granted. Then to enforce me thereunto, they threatned me with torture and death, to be hanged upon a Gallows of an extraordinary height at the Sea port, before the Christian ships lying there at anchor. Thus terrified with menaces, dreading their devillish, malicious, revengefull spirits, and knowing my self innocent of any crime they might justly charge me withall, I took the Oath: and the Articles being propounded, were either Matchivily penned, to draw from me what I knew of their juglings & impostures, the better by fraud to clear themselves therefrom, or maliciously to draw strong accusations against my self, as which notwithstanding were nothing to their purpose of defence, but more to their condemnation; & though I intreated and charged the Register to pen my response truly, yet he made answer with the Presidents approbation, that he would therein fulfill my request, but followes the Presidents order and command. By these last Articles, they wrung from me some accusation [Page 8] against themselves, which did stumble them, (supposing my ignorance of their impostures;) yet having now got the knowledge thereof, they dissolved that Court, and fell to consult in their Cabinet-councell, how to cleare themselves, and to make me a malicious slanderer, which within or about fourteen dayes after they effected, as they supposed, to have made their black deeds as cleare, or white, as snow, and their mid-night juglings cleare from aspersion, as the Sun in his bright lustre at noon day; and that by making two of their Christian brethren, (the Companies servants) to forsweare themselves point-blank against a known truth both to my selfe and others the Companies servants, which thing I was much grieved at for the offence to God, and wrong to their own consciences: yet I laughed in my sleeve (even in the midst of affliction) to see how they were intrapped in their own snare, having sufficient proofes against them to the contrary, which for feare of causing mischiefe unto them (who were adjutors also in the jugling) and by themselves revealed unto me, I did conceale to more sit opportunity, at which time they were inforced by appearance of truth on my side, to confesse their wicked imposture and unparalleld jugling act of consultation to cleare themselves from all aspersion of such future act; and yet ere three days were expired (as I take it) they committed the same again to the detriment of the honourable Corporation and their own gain, many hundred if not thousand pounds, besides the hazard of the Companies great estate, and the danger of their servants lives. Now all things fitted in their conceits to the purpose, they thought it due time to proceed in sentence against me. And first toexpresse their malicious revenge in a high degree, they bestowed upon me odious titles of ignominy, as Puritan, dissembling Hypocrite, brazen faced Knave, base Villain, perjured Rogue and Rascall: and their most unjust, cruell, revengefull sentence was, that I should be dismist my imploymeut, my salary suspended, kept a close prisoner in the English House, clapt in Irons, lodged in a dungeon, and fed with the bread of affliction, and at the departure of the next Fleet for England, shipt home a prisoner. All which and more was injuriously inflicted upon me: I was that evening sent to my dungeon, [Page 9] and at the doore a mighty paire of Bilbowes set, ten or twelve foot long, to fasten me in the Iron Stockes; but my Dungeon not being six foot square, would not admit their entrance: yet terrified with thought of my misery approaching, I intreated the Steward of the House, (being pensive of my wrongs, and appointed to fasten me in Irons) to forbeare untill the next day, for that I intended to write a submissive letter to a tyrant President, to ease me of that shame and torture; which he charitably yeelded unto: and for his neglect had my Bilbowes clapt upon his heels. But after some houres of indurance, were by petition of friends released, and the Purser of the house sent to fetter me in shackles; which was performed, and a cruell Jaylor (a son of Belial, Iohn Willowby) set to watch me, that no English, Christian, or Heathen, should come neer me, or converse with me; yet my two loving trusty Indian Peoons, or servants, would not forsake me, though I had not a peny to pay them for their pains, or to provide bread for my selfe; yet in the end ten pence English per day way allowed for all our maintenance, with command not to pay above a dayes pension at a time, and that neither, unlesse every day sued for. Thus a close prisoner I continued six moneths, though after some reasonable time eased first of my Irons, and after of my Dungeon, to somewhat a better lodging; and that out of an accusing and condemning conscience of their own, setting my friendly Banjans to perswade me to write him submissive Epistles, which should tend to reconciliation; which three times at their perswasion I performed, and by the first I obtained a releasment from Irons; by the second, a lodging somewhat better then my Dungeon; and by the third, freedome of the walkes in the house, and diet at the second Table, as formerly related: By a fourth, which they pressed me unto, though with much unwillingnesse in regard I had been three times deluded upon their words, that a reconciliation should be, and I restored to former place, or better, they protested by their Heathen gods, that he had faithfully promised before, and now more assuredly in their conceit; and that if he did not perform his promise unto them, he was a Devill and no man. These earnest perswasions prevailed with me, and I indeed writ a fourth submissive Epistle, [Page 10] and the effects that produced, was to be commanded aboord the ship Ionah a prisoner in a meaner Cabbin then Boatswaines Mates, to sail along with the Fleet for Persia, and at their return to sail therein for England.
The Banjans admired at the wickednesse of the man in the forepassed businesse (and that which ensued) about a moneth before at the return of the ship Ionah from Bantam, having in her great store of Cloves, which six moneths before were a Drug of no esteem at Surrat; yet at the instant of her arrivall, inhansed in price to double money and more: My friendly Banjans, who ever gave me more respect then I deserved, came to me (having then liberty of the House) to expresse their loving and kind respects, and for proof thereof, because the Wylde President had forced them (as formerly related) to bring in my Bills, and take new of him, which they disclaimed to be their act (so much as in thought) but meerly his Devillish malice and revenge, they tendered me a means how to get many thousand pounds suddenly in a week or fortnights space, or a very short time, which though at first I was somwhat jealous of, yet hearkned to their propositions, which was to buy up presently all the Cloves in the ship Ionah, at the price currant then a ship-boord, and they would sell them again for me at fiftie or sixty, or more per cent. profit. At which their offer I was the more jealous and danted, knowing my inability to compasse the businesse both in regard of ready moneys which must be paid for them, & also in regard I was a prisoner, and could not stir abroad to effect their proposition, but to both these impediments they applied remedies: first, for mony they would supply me therewith instantly; and for want of my liberty, they advised me to write to Captain Richard Swanly, commander of the ship, to effect it for me, proportioning him some share for his pains; which though my adversary George Page, the Presidents lewd favorite were gone two or three hours before down to the ship to effect that businesse for himselfe and President, which took me somewhat off, yet they so earnestly did presse me with recounting Geooge Pages slow moving, usually drinking hard, or to be drunk at the halfe-way Tree (a baiting place) and there to take a nap of an houre, two or three in sleep, [Page 11] that my letters might come aboord before him: which counsell of theirs I followed, and presently sent one of my trusty Peoons away with letters in speed to Captain Swanly, discovering the fair offer of my friendly Banjans, and allotting halfe for his share; which letters came aboord two houres before my adversary George Page. But Captain Swanly danted with my sudden downful, since his departure six months before, & terrified with threats of President to displace him for that he had before taken part with other Sea Commanders in consultation about their Commission, which were most strong and effectuall, and those Commanders gone for England, and not ready to back him again, he durst not attempt the businesse, but let it fall to the benefit of his and my adversaries, and our losse to many thousand pounds, which my friendly Banjans were sorry for, and cursed his Devillish malicious projects against me, as yet ensueth.
The revengefull President finding that I had more credit, being a prisoner, then himselfe with all the Companies credit pin'd upon his back, (for just at this instant he having ingaged himself for the Company with the usurers about 100000. l.) and the English ships not arriving so soon as was expected, his Creditors made means to the Governour, that he should not stir out of the Town untill better satisfaction were given to discharge his credit in the Countrey; and in that interim twice endevouring to go aboord the ship Ionah, was commanded to return, and not to stir aboord. And now having commanded me a prisoner into Persia, in hope as expectation was, of a great Fleet of Portugals to lay way and intercept us, he hoped I might either meet with a knock to take away my life, or some other disaster might befall me, yet had another Devillish project in the action, seeing my credit, as aforesaid, and therefore to prevent me of all benefit or accommodation in the voyage, by procuring an Edict from the Governour, (whose credit was repaired by the English Fleets arrivall, within three or four dayes after with sixty thousand pounds in gold and silver to lessen the Companies debts) that no man should credit me upon forfeiture of five hundred Rupies, nor no Broker procure me credit upon forfeiture of a thousand Mamoodees. By which means my friendly Banjans, as also with fear of drubbing [Page 12] from such Moorish tyrants, were taken off to my losse of some thousands of pounds more; which many of the Companies servants of inferior rank made to themselves in that voyage, some a thousand, some two thosand, some three thousand or more advantage. And to adde more malice and revenge, hee abused me in his letters to the Agent and Merchants in Persia, with most egregious slanders of mutiny, contention, spie, and informer, &c. perswading and commanding him not to let me come ashore, nor to be possessor of some small means I had in the countrey left the last yeare, but to return it to him to give satisfaction for my ingagements to the Company, as he mendaciously pretended. Thus we passed our voyage for Persia, my selfe receiving better accommodation from Captain Swanly, then the Wylde President expected, yet not so good as the Captain promised, and had reason to perform; but that he was over-awed with my adversaries power, or doted on their great estates to his gratification. At our arrivall in Persia I kept my selfe aboord still a prisoner, untill from the Agent and Merchants there, I received kind letters of invitation ashore, maugre the Presidents malicious slanderous letters, which they regarded not, knowing and understanding better of themselves to some of whom I was well known in England, and likewise from better report of Merchants and Seamen that came in the ships. I courteously accepted their kind favours, went ashore, had my accommodation for lodging second to none in the English House, seated next the chief Agent at table, above all Sea Commanders, and Merchants, the Admirall Capt. Weddall excepted, who sate uppermost of the one side, and my self on the other, and the Agent at Boords end; they also delivered me the proceed of my goods commanded to the contrary, sent me a brave Persia Horse to ride about at my pleasure, with some Persia servants to attend me, besides my own two Peoons, which would not forsake me untill I went for England. The Agent nor Captain Weddall (famous in that place for conquering Ormus) never going to visit or feast with the Sultan of Gombroone, the Sul tan of Ormus, nor the Dutch, but desired my company along with them. But here, though I have been prolix above my intent, yet not so much as my cause doth require. I cannot but condole the [Page 13] Honorable Companies losse as well as mine own, for many years together by probability of many hundred thousands of pounds, by the indiscretion of the Governour and Court at home, and the Companies Agents in India, which in this years Fleet I wil (as an eye-witnesse instance in:) The Company had fonre ships of great burthen, loaden with Moores, Persian and Arabian goods, and their servants priunt trade; the Dutch had foure or five great ships, and the Indians five or six India Junkes, all sailing richly loden as for England in friendly manner together. And at their arrivall all of the goods were sold in three weekes time for ready money in good Royals of eight, at fourty, fifty, sixty, eighty, & an hundred per cent. profit and more; and the India Company at home, had no goods at all, but moneys brought out of England first to Surrat in India, and sent in spetie into Persia; which money being invested at Surrat in goods, would have yeelded them the same spetie at Gombroone with the profit above mentioned, and from thence carried up to Spahan to preserve the contract with the king of Persia; for silk would have yeelded them as much or more profit by all probability, or else those Merchants would not have travelled fifteen hundred miles by land, to bring down ready mony to buy up all Indian commodities, which is worth the notice to be taken of, and that Indian Government or Governours to be questioned and examined upon the injudicious manner of managing that most famous action, or privat connivance for their own advantages. And so I leave that discourse, and return again to my former.
In our voyage outward and homeward into India, many discourses past among us at the Captains Messe, about my intollerable sufferings; whereat some endevoured to blame me for not humbling my self both in word and deed, and writing, to a tyrant for my own advantage, which they said they would have done: To which I made reply, that I had done so much in that kind, and prevailed nothing, that I was ashamed now of my own hand-writings in that submissive manner, protesting never to do the like again, which they that knew not of it before, condoled my infortunity under a tyrants power. Amongst these discourses much question was made whether the President Richard Wylde [Page 14] and his favourite George Page, would take their voyage for England, or no, in the Fleet returned from Persia; because a little before the ships arrivall from England, they gave it out that they would (being indeed danted with feare to be sent for home for their misdemeanors, as indeed George Page was, but Richard Wylde confirmed for another yeare:) But at the ships going for Persia, they gave out they would not; but I gave my verdict, as it proved, that they would, for that I understood George Page would not go home without his Patron Richard Wylde to defend him, who also feared to let Page go before him, lest he for his own ends might lay all his own crimes upon Wylde; and Wylde feared to be sent for the next yeare, as he was. And therefore thought it more for his credit to goe before he was sent for: and at our arrivall in India, all fell out as I had conceived, and they ready prepared for the voyage within a moneth after. In our voyage from Persia, I had framed a Protest (though ignorantly and unskilfully penned as a thing never before acquainted with all) against the proud tyrannous President and his lewd Counsellors, for their dishonour to Gods glory, the King and Nations repute, and the honourable Company their welfare and indemnity, and my own insufferable wrongs, which I intended to have published presently upon the ships arrivall at Surrat. But being arrived, and before we came to anchor, newes was brought aboord of great alterations in the Factory: First, that my malignant adversaries were prepared to take their passage for England; and secondly, that it was determined that I should be left President, and Mr. Skibbow to be put by that place, though in right it were his due. The first was not strange unto me, because I did conceive their resolutions (though they made shew to the contrary) and that of purpose they had shipt me out of the way, because I was an eye-sore unto them, and they could not plot all their jugling ends, because of my presence. The other businesse stumbled me, in regard that divers young men on shore having formerly during my imprisonment in the English House, made their peace with me (in a fit of sicknesse in time of a Feaver, more likely to die then to live) excusing themselves for voting against me at my▪ arraignments, pretending it was for feare of a tyrannous President to do them a [Page 15] mischiefe, and not of any disaffection to me or my cause: and others aboord ships desiring to be taken ashore, and preferred into service there: But my answer to them was, That I saw no possibility of such effects, wishing them to forbeare, and to attend the issue; yet the end and purpose of this Imposture I could not dive into: for within foure or five dayes after our arrivall, certain propositions were made to me then and at other times by foure severall men; the first by Thomas Turner, Purser of the ship Ionah; the second, by Captain Swanly; the third, by the Secretary at Surrat; and the fourth by Padoe Fuller Minister. These propositions tended all to one purpose, that there was a faire way for me yet laid to make my selfe a fortune by staying in India, if I would comply to the Presidents desire; and in so doing, I should succeed in place of Presidency (old Skibbow being thought unfit in regard of his continuall drunkennesse) I desired them to propound the means, & I would endeavour to give good satisfaction: The reply of them all was this, That if I would once more write a submissive letter to the President, acknowledging my errour, and intreating his favour, all should succeed to my hearts desire. I gave them all thanks for their good will, yet I desired them to give me better satisfaction what grounds they had of assurance, or possibility that in so doing I should obtain my request; and whether the Propositions proceeded meerly from their own imaginations, or incitation of others. To which they all replied severally (though with much seeming unwillingnesse to reveale it) that they were put upon the businesse, some by George Page, and some by the President, and some by both: Of which being now fully satisfied, I made them all alike one answere, that I had heretofore written many such submissive Epistles at the instance of my friendly Banjans, but was in them all deluded, and that I had not onely resolved in my selfe, but had vowed to some of them in our voyage to Persia, that I nevet would write again any submissive letter, being much ashamed to think of those formerly written. But if the President pleased to conferre with me either in publick or privat, I would strive to give him such good satisfaction, as I hoped might stand with his liking and repute as well as my own good. At which reply they seemed all to be sorry, [Page 16] and blamed me for being obstinate to contemne so hopefull an opportunity to the good of me and all mine: And so not complying with a tyrants desire, felt shortly after the vials of their Devillish revenge; perhaps animated the more thereunto, by the Protest I had formerly framed, and now at last published (as my conscience told me was my duty to act, for the reasons above premised) yet to comply somwhat fairly with him, and not to provoke him further, I sent up unto him from the ships, such goods and moneys as I had brought from Persia, committed to my own power by the Agent there, contrary to his Imperiall command (knowing also that it had been in vain to contest with him) and so by this means I was deprived of all helps to furnish my selfe with privat comfort all provisions for a full yeares voyage. But praised be God therefore, though the chief of my fare in that voyage, was the ordinary ships allowance of Beef & Pork of 3 years powthering, and scraps of mouldy Bisket, too well replenished with Mites and Maggots, and stinking water smelt before it came neere a mans head; yet in that long voyage I was not sick a day, nor ever refused one meales meat, though I often wished to be set on the score (for moneys or means I had none) 5 shillings, or ten shillings a meale for such fresh provisions, Bread and Beere as my servants enjoyed at home. And though I did comply so fairly with him to my own misery, yet had this jugling President the conscience to defraud and cheat me of part of those goods fitting for his ambitious magnificency, and that was in two large Persia Carpets, usuall in Persia and India with men of quality to floor the rooms they lie or sit in; or the Princes of Christendome in their Chairs of State; which Carpets cost me in Persia about 40 pound English, and would have covered the floore in a roome about eighteen or twenty foot square: for excuse of his defraudment, he pleads that he left them in the Custome house for the Companies use, and so puts me upon them for satisfaction: and they forc'd me off to him, alledging they were never brought to their account, and therefore they not liable (though they plead against me in his defence) for the wrongs done unto me. It was not fit for them to wave or question the Presidents power and authority, but rather to support and maintain [Page 17] it. The time being now come to put to Sea for England, a day before he delivered up his Commission to Mr. Skibbow, a warrant was directed by Skibbow, as President, annexed with his hand, and other new Councellors, to the Admiral of the Fleet, for my strict imprisonment at Sea, to be lodged in a very mean Cabbin, and to take my diet with the common men, and not to be permitted to goe ashore in any Countrey Island where we should arrive for refreshment, or otherwise; nor in England untill by expresse order from the Governors and Committees of India Courts; which warrant was without any authentick authority juglingly contrived to put off the shame from them: for Skibbow had no power to grant such warrant, but by feare of compulsion before he was established by Commission, and the other being in Commission, were ashamed of the act, as they might also of all other revengefull acts. So I was now bound for England a prisoner, to my adversaries great hopefull expectation that I should perish at Sea for want of necessaries in so long a voyage, and so make an end of the troubles they feared would happen unto them for their intollerable oppressions towards me, (they having provided for themselves out of the abundance of their ill gotten goods, twenty or thirty thousand pounds a man) by report three hundred pound in excellent provisions of all sorts comfortable for necessity, and superfluous to ryotous gluttony and ebriety. And now I may say farewell all my faire hopefull Fortunes in India, second to none before me, and perhaps transcendent to all that shall come after me, and the expectation of misery and penury in so long, irksome, and dangerous a voyage, (but God be praised for the prevention thereof, as formerly exprest.) At Sea the griefe of my lodging (straitned with room, and wet with rain, and nothing privat neither day nor night) I made moan to Captain Swanly, our Commander, putting him in mind of his faire promises (notwithstanding his false warrant) and his small performances, for better: whereat though at first he seemed to take in ill part by my adversaries suggestions) yet in the end he better bethought himselfe then to comply with tyranny against one whom he knew deserved good at his hands; whereupon he removed me from thence, to be associate with his Mate [Page 18] Richard Garlicke, in the round house, as Mr. Gregory Clement, Merchant, was with him in the great Cabbin: wherein though my lodging were better, and more commendable, yet the association with a drunken sot was as great a burden to me. But thus we passed on to Mauritius, to spend some time there in refreshment: where I was timorous to set foot on shore in regard of the mandate against me. But our Captain in the end connived thereat also; and there the Admirall Captain Weddall making a feast aboord his ship, invited all Merchants and Sea-officers of note, my selfe onely excepted: At which feast some well-willer to me condoling my infortunity, alledging the feast was uncharitable and not compleat, for that I sate alone in my Cabbin, wanting necessaries, which they enjoyed to superfluous garmandizing: whereat my adversary, the late President, began to excuse himself, and to lay all the fault upon his Minion, or Favourite, George Page. George Page retorts it again upon him. And in fine, with▪ multiplying of words and affronts one against the other (each threatning to accuse the other of indirect dealing, juglings and defraudments of their honorable Imployers) they fell together by they eares, and tumbled all their delicates under foot, to the prey and great derision of the common men.
After four or five weeks spent at Mauritius, our Commanders resolved to visit Madagascar, or St. Laurence, in hope to meet there with the English Fleet bound that yeare for India, where our ViceAdmirall Captain Swanly, made a feast also, as formerly; and the same accident, upon the same occasion of my absence, wrought ths same effects as at Mauritius. Here having abode some short time, with great pleasure and content, health, fertility and plenty of that place, we met, according to our longing desire, the English Fleet, consisting of four brave ships: That honest, judicious, generous Captain, Iohn Morton, Commander of the Mary, the Admirall of the Fleet, and in her that chief Commander of all the English both at Sea and Land in the Orientall parts of the world, the approved, beloved, judicious, generous, affable Merchant, formerly President in India, the worshipfull Thomas Rastell, and many other Merchants in the Fleet, with commission to ship my adversaries, Richard Wylde, and George Page by [Page 19] name, and all other of Councell (my selfe onely excepted to succeed him in Presidency in case of mortality home for England; which as it daunted my adversaries (though lessened by expectation) so it much exhilerated my spirits in so sad a condition, Mr. Rastell, Captain Morton, and all others, wondred to finde me in the Fleet, and understanding of my condition, a prisoner, much astonied them.
But having entred into examination of the cause, much condoled my insupportable wrongs and sufferings, insomuch that it moved teares from that kind natured Gentleman Mr. Rastell. Some few dayes being spent, a great feast was ordained aboord the chief Admirall, the Mary, for the Commanders & Merchants of both Fleets. And before that Feast, my malignant adversary, Richard Wylde, familiar with Mr. Rastell, at the intreaty of Sir Moris Abbot himselfe made known unto me, made means to Mr. Rastell to make reconcilement between us (if not punctuall and perfect, yet at least formall for better accommodation to all parties in the voyage, wishing he had given a thousand pound he had never medled with me. Mr. Rastell made me acquainted with his desire, willing me to yeeld thereunto, which I did, provided that he did first in person perform his part, as reason required, which at the feast he did, drinking unto me a full cup of wine, acknowledging himselfe before all the company to have done me wrong, and was sorry for it, but knew not now how to help it. I accepted of his courtesie, and shortly after did as much to him; and every day after our familiarity and outward friendship encreased even to the last day of our parting after at St. Helena our last port. Mr. Rastell after this having well considered of the businesse, and first freed me from imprisonment, offered me to return me again into India, to be second unto him (for which courtesie I returned him many thanks) but I told him my mind, how that I was resolved now to go for England, & purge my self from all crimes that could be alledged againstme viva voce, & to lay such things to my adversaries charge, as my duty & conscience bound me, hoping to return again the next yeare with more comfort & greater credit: To which resolution he seemed much [Page 20] aggrieved, vowing and protesting again with teares in his eyes, that it was a great attractive to draw him again into India, confiding to find me there an honest man, and of credit at home, to comfort and keep him company. But seeing it lost labour, he demanded of me what courtesie I desired at his hands, promising to perform it to the uttermost of his power. I then (first giving him thanks that he had set me at liberty from imprisonment) intreating him to give command for a good private Cabbin for me, and such comfortable refreshments of the company as the ship would afford, with the freedome or command of Thomas Lea, a common man, and a good penman, to attend upon me, to write such things as I conceived fit to expresse for feare of mortality in the long voyage yet to come. All which he yeeld unto, and gave commandment to the Admirall and Vice-Admirall of our Fleet, for the performance, and to estate me in the possession of the great Cabbin solely to my lodging, as at my coming out; which though it were irksome to Captain Swan [...]y at his going out, to yeeld me that preheminence above him, yet in the end was yeelded unto, onely desiring the enjoyment thereof for his reputation sake during a week or ten dayes longer (the time intended for both Fleets stay together in the Harbour of Augustine Bay in Madagascar.) But I knowing the ambitious spirits of Sea-commanders, lent my opinion, that he being gone, his words and commands by word of mouth would be accounted but wind, and therefore desired his warrant, or command under his hand-writing; to which he condescended, and went presently to his Closet to frame the warrant for my accommodation in all things before mentioned, and in especiall for the great Cabbin to my selfe, as at my coming out, adding, also thereto, that no act of consultation in Fleet should passe during the voyage, without my consent and approbation in chief. The English Fleet shortly after departed for India, yet before their departure Mr. Rastell commanded the foure Sea-commanders in his Fleet each to send me aboord the ship Ionah, a Barico of Sack about six or eight gallons a peece for my private expence and comfort in the voyage. About six or eight dayes after their departure, I demanded Captain Swanly for my accommodation in possession of the great Cabbin, [Page 21] which he denied, slighting Mr. Rastels command as before fore imagined; upon which some distast befell, and crosse words found vent: And the Captain taking in ill part my forcible demands, made complaint to the Admirall, Captain Weddall, who stuck hard to his Vice-Admirall, and in conclusion, called a consultation aboord the Ionah, to question me about words that I had spoken, but misconstrued by C. Swanly. At which consultation I made demand again to the Admirall to fulfill Mr. Rastels command, as he promised faithfully to perform: But the same was slighted by him, as before by the Vice-Admiral. And then finding it fit time, I took out of my pocket my Warrant, willing him to peruse that; which having performed, their stomacks were abated, the Warrant being strengthened with words of vehemency, and authority from his Majesty King Charles, substituting him chiefe Commander of all the English both at Sea and Land in the Oriental parts of the world. Then they both began to perswade and intreat me, to let the Vice-Admirall, and Mr. Greg. Clement, Cape Merchant, to enjoy the great Cabbin still, being in possession, and I should have the round house solely to my selfe. To which I yeelded for quietnesse and unity sake, and ever after lived peaceably, contentedly, and friendly together, the Captain denying me nothing; yea, tendring me more courtesie then I desired, or would accept of.
After three moneths or more abode at Madagascar, we set sail to visit Cape Bona Esperanza; where arriving the Salvages brought us foure Cowes, and some other small refreshments, which they sold us for Iron hoopes, and peeces of brasse, and made shew to bring us more speedily. But the next day two Dutch shis comming out of Holland, laden with Souldiers for the Southern parts of India, the Soldanians, or Upland men never came more at us; yet we had the daily company of a few poore Sea borderers, that hung about us for reliefe, such as we cast away, who feed also upon Whale, or other dead fish, lying long, and stinking on shore▪ Having spent above three weeks time in expectation of refreshment from the Natives, and seeing none came, we resolved to set sail to Saint Helena in our way homeward: where arriving, and at our first landing, we under-went much hazard by reason of the [Page 22] violence of surging waves neere shore, and in the landing we lost two Boats, and divers men, yet some men got ashore, not without great hazard, and divers returned back to the ships, not daring to adventure, as my two adversaries in chief.
Those of note that got first ashore, were Captain Weddall, Captain Swanly, Mr. Greg. Clement, and my selfe: for my own part, I found great cause to give God thanks for two great deliverances, the one in landing, the other in getting a ship-boord again. The first that led the way, was Captain Weddall, who leaping out of the Boat so soon as the rising waves brought the Boat to the height on shore, and falling off again, by speedy haste, got on firm ground, and yet not very dry: And after him followed Captain Swanly and Mr. Clement, in more danger, the rage of the waters more and more increasing, and I my selfe very timorous to adventure. But two lusty strong Sailers, (to whom, as to all the ships company, I was much indebted for their loving respects, though I was not able to requite their courtesies (especially in great dread by a leak ship, the Sailers though they threatned to make the Captain and Merchants to take their turns at the Pump, yet would free me, many offering to supply my turn at the Pump as long as life or strength lasted in them) gave me great incouragement, adventuring themselves into the sea some depth to catch me leaping out of the Boat, & each taking me by the hand, we all run violently together to get out of the fury of the returning waves, and so by Gods blessing, though washed up above the middle, got safe on firm gronnd; where we presently saw spectacles of great grief, two Boats with many men in them overturned with the violence of the waves, & the men lost with the Boats, and two who striving as we had done, to get ashore, were washed off into the Sea, and by Gods great mercy cast ashore again by another great raging wave, and left upon the sands; which the Mariners ashore perceiving, ran speedily unto them, catching them by the legges ot armes, or any part of them, and so ere the surging flood returned, drew them out of the force of the raging waves, where they lay as dead men; but it pleased God that by the pains of the Sailers, and strong waters, that some had about them, they in the end recovered: the one was a Salvadge, or native [Page 23] of Madagascar, an ancient man, who with his sonne, were desirous to saile along to visit England; and the other was a very honest man, of good worth and credit, by name Mr. Iohn Hammerton, yet living, and keeping a Cooks shop, and victuallinghouse at Pye-Corner, neer Smithfield. Here about fourty or fifty being gotten ashore, were put to our shifts for three dayes and three nights, to get meat, for none could be landed for us from the ships, for which the Sailers took marvellous great pains to catch lean Hogges, and Goats, with the help of one or two Persia Greyhounds, brought whelps from thence, wherof one was mine, did stand us in great stead; but the men wanting shooes, were so galled with running upon rocks, that many were very lame. And so with such poore provision, wanting bread (yet not fresh water) we spent that time, untill in the end newes was brought us, that some more men were got ashore, and had more safe landing, which we taking good notice of, made haste out of the Island, to endeavour to get again on ship-boord. But coming to take Boat, we found the danger as great, or greater, then in the landing; and the chiefe means we had to get to our Boats, was by the help of a high steep rock, bending hollow into the Sea, to get into the top, of which one at a time was to take the opportunity of the fall of the Sea between the rock and the shore; and so in that interim, to get upon the top of the rock, whither our foresaid Captains, Mr. Clement and my selfe happily attained: but another young man, not making so much haste or speed, was washed away ere he could attain the rock, and never seen after: we sate a good while in great danger upon the rock, the waves arising often to the very top) consulting how to get into the Boat. And Mr. Elmer, the Master under Captain Weddall, advised the Captain to take the opportunity of the Boats rising with the water, to leap into the Boat. But the Captain held that way dangerous, for fear lest the Boat should hit against the rock, and so split, and so cast away all the men in her also: and therefore he stripping himselfe into his linnen breeches, and getting hold of the end of a long line from the Boat, made it fast under his armes, the men in the Boat holding one end of the line, and we upon the rocks the other end, and [...]o leaping into the Sea, got safely into the [Page 24] Boat, whom the Master wisely advised to be carried off into another Boat out from the raging of the waves, neer shore, whilst he endeavoured to fetch off the rest. Which done, Captain Swanly approved of the Masters way: and so at the rising of the Boat with the wave, to the top of the rock, leapt into the Boat (prudently kept off from striking against the rock) and so escaped into the other Boat. And Mr. Clement took the next turn, and likewise got well off: my turn coming, the Master and Sailers encouraged me to the same way, promising to stand ready to catch me with all the help; so also I adventured, & by their great assistance, to whom I acknowledge much thankfulnesse, not forgetting Gods great mercy, I also got safe into the other Boat, and at last into the ship Ionah. But I was no sooner off, but Mr. Clements Blackamore of India, having gotten upon the rock, was by the violence of a great wave over-topping the rock, washed into the Sea; but he skilfull in swimming, was also by the industry of the Mariners, saved. And thus, God be praised, we and many others got safe aboord again: but the next day, or one or two dayes after, the raging of the waves, occasioned either by wind or tide, or both, we had good passage to and again from ships to shore, for a moneths time refreshing our selves in the uninhabited Island, with Hogges, Goats, and Fish. The relation whereof I have been the more prolix, willing to give admonition to others that shall come after, to be cautious if they find their landing dangerous, in which Island I wish my Countrey-men had a plantation, and my selfe among them in so pleasant, healthfull, fruitfull, and commodious a place for trading with all Nations at their return out of India, and so invincible and impregnable, being once (though but easily fortified) that one hundred men may easily oppose and defend themselves against one hundred thousand, and a matter of no great charge, that I am perswaded some one mans estate in England is able to perfect that businesse; to whose endeavours, if at any time attempted, I wish all prosperous and happy successe. So here, after a merry Christmas kept, with such homely fare as the place would afford, (it being our last place of Rendevous in this long voyage, we took our leave one of another in both ships, untill it should please God to send us [Page 25] safe arrivall at our desired port, our own happy native Countrey of England. Thus it pleased God to send us all safe arrivall together in one Fleet into England, where finding my chiefe adversary Richard Wylde (the usurped President) had potent friends in Court, (the unjust Governour Sir Morris Abbot, Sir Henry Garraway, as Mr. Rastell before had given me notice of) I yet presented my selfe to the present Governour, Sir Morris Abbot in privat, before I tendred my presence in Court, submitting the redresse of my wrongs in any reasonable manner, at the feet of his pious devotion: But the best respects I could get from him, was sharp checks before my cause was made known, with an admonition to be cautious what accusations I laid against Richard Wylde, for that (as he told me) he was and would be his friend. Yet hoping of better welcome from the Court-Committees, and tendering unto them a declaration of my wrongs; the Court courteously condoled my sufferings, promised that reall restitution should be made by my adversaries, and that they would think upon it to give me a large gratification for my good services, with tender of second imployment into India, upon better termes then before, if I would accept of it, desiring me therewith to rest satisfied untill time would better permit them to give me due right for my injurious sufferings. Time spun out three moneths before this businesse came to be decided▪ At which time my cause was turned topsie-turvy, and that by report, (which untill a yeare after I understood not) that Sir Morris Abbot had received a gratification from my adversaries, of a Porters burthen of silver plate, as two witnesses yet living, offered me to verefie: which is very probable, yet I had at that time, a better opinion of Sir Morris Abbot, then to be bribed, though I knew my adversary was a right Matchivil in such designes, having (by report) flung away at his departure out of India, 1500. l. in that kind, to get a good report of all of severall conditions, as English, Dutch, Moores, and Banjans, &c. the meanest of the Companies Scrivans receiving bribing gratification of ten pound; and no small bribery given to Sea Commanders and Officers, both to cloak his privat trade, and extoll his vertue and magnificency; in all which notwithstanding he failed. At which time Sir Morris Abbot past his vote, that it was [Page 26] not for the accommodation of the honorable companies action of commerce, to wave or question the Presidents power & authority, but rather to support & maintain it, which they would do. Also, Sir Henry Garraway voted, that it was not for the honour of the East India Court, to be curious inquisitors into their Presidents actions. The votes of these potent persons in Court, stonied the indifferent and uncharitable part of time-serving Committees, who were loath to crosse them, (as some of Court in privat confessed unto me) lest they should crosse them again in other matters aimed at for their own ends, and for that my adversaries had accrewed great estates of ill gotten goods, amounting to twenty or thirty thousand pounds a man in five years, out of nothing, of which the King was defrauded of his due customes, which he ought not lose, though I out of desire and hope of friendly reconcilement, and to avoid the opprobrious imputation of a malicious Revenger, purposely omitted timely information to possesse my self of halfe their estates, forfeited by the defraudments. Many Committees gaped after them to match them, being Batchelors (though of foule infected bodies, or of one at least) with their daughters in marriage. The Courts censure and decree, though I petitioned to haue it in writing, I was denied for seven moneths time, untill I had made them ashamed of so unjust an action: At which time it was penned with all the Matchivill wit that such ingratefull and unjust malevolent persons could devise, because I would not applaud their former open censures in my audience; and therein not onely deprived me of satisfaction for my wrongs of no small import, but also robbed me of great part of my covenanted sallery, and other just debts due unto me, to the value of one thousand pounds, besides the losse of ten, twenty, or thirty thousand pounds, or more (unvaluable) by unjust dismisment from my beneficiall imployment, because their wicked President, a servant in no higher eminence then my self, except in a double voyce, had maliciously suspended it, which for masters to rectifie servants abuses, (though they could alledge no cause to confirm the suspension) was to contradict the lawes of the Medes and Persians, never to be revoked. And for the same cause, because I taxed their injurious censure, they again took from [Page 27] me two hundred pound, confirmed before upon me by full decree of Court in recompence of good service done them. Thus being much perplexed in minde, and having some estate in their servants hands in India, which I had given order to be paid into the Presidents hands, to cleare accounts, which my revengefull adversary had unjustly ingaged me thereinto; which accounts were not cleared untill four or five yeares after, in regard those their servants, my factors, finding me in disfavour with the Court at home, made use of my means, and at length died before the accounts were cleared, to my great wrong and detriment: I complied yet fairly with them in the mean time, petitioning them stil (for want of means to wage law with such potent adversaries, who boasted that they would be too mighty for me) one, two, or three times a yeare, to reverse their uncharitable censure▪, and to pay me my due from themselves, and to cause restitution from my adversaries, as they had formerly promised to me, and done to a farre inferiour man then my selfe, wronged by a Sea Captain, as mighty in Commission as their President, whom they forced to pay the Merchant (a Runnegado Jesuit fled out of Spain, crept into the India ships, & made a Cockswain, a Polipragmon, and busie fellow, by which meanes he attained to that preferment) 200. l. for smaller wrongs done unto him; which they excused, they had now no means of my adversaries in their possession, to force him thereunto, though formerly they were possessed with great part of their estate, and having fined Richard Wylde at 2500 l. for misdemeanors (too little by 20000. l.) yet by the Governour, and Sir Henry Garrawayes meanes, got it all remitted: So the wicked were justified, and the innocent condemned, both which are an abomination to the Lord. And in this interim being drawn or perswaded by divers in Committee, and some of their chiefe Officers, that if I would tender my service again to the Court, it would be well accepted, and I recompenced to my content in another kind. But having before made a privat Protest against Sir Morris Abbot for his unjust proceeds, I much doubted to obtain my suit: yet importuned thereunto, I did at length tender my service by humble petition, (not usuall for men of my quality,) and thereupon, as a Committee himself told me, the whole [Page 28] Court stood for me, applauding my honesty and ability to doe them service. But they all, or most part, having passed their votes for me, except the Governour Sir Morris Abbot, who by his inveterate malice overturned all among time-serving Committees, First confessing with them, that in his conscience he took me to be an honest man, and for my ability he could not except aginst it; yet if the Court would be advised by him, his opinion was, I was not a fit man to serve them, expressing his reason, that I was a distracted man. Indeed Solomon sayes, that oppression will make a wise man mad; but God be praised for his abundant mercie, that hath preserved me in my right senses, notwithstanding the wicked endeavours of a bribed, oppressing, malicious Governour. Behold the wisdome of the worldly wise in this matter, and in the former: for my sallary and gratification, if I were a bad servant, how could I deserve a large gratification for good service? And if I were a good servant, why should I lose my covenanted sallary? But being a good servant, as approved, and a gratification 200. l. given me, therefore by full vote of Court, as also expressed in a Copie of Decree of the said Court, given me seven moneths after, why was I then surreptuously robbed and dispoyled thereof? So also, if I were an honest and able man to undergoe the Companies imployment, how was I distracted? And if I were distracted, where was my honesty and ability?
Thus it is apparent, the slanders of a malicious corrupt insolvent Governour (hatefull at present to be acknowledged for good) who made no conscience of his actions, even to defraud and cheat Widdowes and Orphans of their estates, as some of my own neere kindred have felt in great measure to their grief and hinderance in preferment. The accounts at last, to my great losse, were cleared at India, though not at home, and I again for quietnesse and necessities sake, petitioned the Court for their favours, to grant me convenient passage in the Companies ships, to seek my fortune again in another world, and in an old age for valuable consideration, with promise to do the Company what accommodable service lay in my power, though I did not eat [Page 29] their bread, nor drink their water; but that also was denied me, for feare belike that I should descry some of their juglings in privat trade with servants, or should shame them in their injudicious managing that famous action of commerce by my privat poor stock in a despicable way that they looked not after, nor regarded. And yet they granted the same freely and gratis to aliens and stranges of other nations, Popish in religion, and enemies to the honourable action of Commerce. And what was this then but to take the childrens bread, and to cast it to Dogs, and to deny the poore decrepit Lazarus the crums that fell from their superfluous Tables, or with the envious Dog in the manger, neither to eat hay himself, nor suffer the hungry Ox to eat it? And if this be justice, charity, and gratitude of the India Court Committees, which they boast of, and would have all the world to beleeve their abundant indulgence to deserving servants, let wise men judge: for I am at a non-plus, and must needs conclude with the sentence of Scripture, The mercies of the wicked are cruell.
Thus seeing my selfe so unconscionably handled, and disfranchised of all freedom or comfort in that Company, of whom I had well deserved even by their own approbation; denying me also, though dis-franchised, to repay me 50. pound, paid almost thirty yeares before for that freedom, I was advised by my own thoughts and friends counsell to petition to his Majesty for a reference of my cause to indifferent men; which by his Majesty was most graciously granted me, referring it to 3. good men on my side, and to as many on the Courts side, to make conscionable end to my content, or to make report unto his Majesty. The three good men for me were, the right worshipful Sir Henry Row, Knight, and the worshipfull George Clark, now Knight, and Rob. Grimes Esquire. And the Court with much ado elected in the end, the right worshipfull Sir Iob Harvy, Knight, and the worshipfull Thomas Keightly, and Daniel Harpey, Esquires, all bred Merchants on both sides. The affronts and contempts to his Majesties command, and to all the Referrees, were to large to recite: who having spent a whole yeare and more upon many summons, never met a full Committee of their side, above three times, and at those times nothing done but wrangling made by three Committees [Page 30] out of Court, and three or four officers to oppose me alone before the Referrees, and that because the Referrees would not account their orders of Court penned in large volumes, to be as authentick Records, or as Acts of Parliament. And so nothing at all being done, I intreated all the Referrees to make report to his Majesty, which they all seemed willing to perform, but condoling my infortunate and hard measure, lent me their good counsell, alledging it would not onely be a chargeable and irksome busines to me to goe in winter time to the King as farre as Scotland, but also perhaps distastive to his Majesty to be troubled in midst of his important affairs with his Army, in or neer the borders of Scotland, & to commence suit in Law, were to fling away more money. For the Court being of more credit either at the Councell Table, or in any judicious Court in England, would be more potent against me, and that out of a generall stock, or purse, then I should be, though I had the best of their estates. And withall told me, that the Court had made an offer to them to give me two hundred marks (a poore summe in regard of my due debts and wrongs) So that I would give the whole Court, and every particular man, a generall release, yet leaving me to take my course in law against my revengefull India adversaries, provided that all the Referres should set to their hands as witnesses to the release. To the which in the end, by their perswasions, and my own extream necessitated case to preserve my credit (yet never justly stained, and to relieve my ruined family, consisting of my selfe, wife, and five children, all young and unprovided for, I enforced, (as upon oath I am ready to averre) yeelded unto: which done, the Court yet again considered with themselves, that all things was not agreeable to their second thoughts, and therefore contrary to their propopositions to the Referrees, would have releases granted to my India adversaries also, or else would pay me no money: which though I was resolutely bent not to doe, yet necessity having no law, I was in the end compelled to perform, (being somewhat more perswaded by the friendly information of Sir Henry Garraway, who though he confessed himselfe to have opposed me formerly in Court, yet now he was my best friend there, promising to do me any future courtesies that lay in his [Page 31] power; and withall freely imparting unto me the Courts ace using consciences, that if I did proceed in law against my India adversaries, that all the aspersion of those foule proceeds, would reflect upon the Court; and therefore they would make all sure. The Courts Atturney then framed a large authentick release, and withall put in a Clause, that at the instance and request of the Referrees, the Court had yeelded to give me two hundred marks. Which release being brought to Sir Henry Roue, (in his presence for me to set my hand and seale) to be a witnesse, he right nobly, as became his vertue and goodnesse, subscribed thus, or to this sence, I do testifie as a witnesse to this release, the sealing and delivery thereof: But that I had any hand to solicite the India Court in Boothbyes behalfe, I utterly deny. This done, the other Referrees denied to subscribe in any other sense, which did so blurre the Governour and Court with shame, that they caused their Atturney to draw a new release, leaving out forenamed clause) and taking such other hands as he could get besides his own for witnesse. All things now effected to their bad desires, I thought all malice and revenge had been clean wiped out; and therefore renewed a former petition for readmittance into the Companies service, or for passage in their ships into India upon my own adventure, but could prevaile nothing to the charitable relief of me and mine. And not long after, that corrupt insolvent Governour, Sir Morris Abbot, died; for whose soul, were it lawfull and effectuall to pray, I would yet lend my earnest devotions to God for mercy in his behalfe. And a little before his death it pleased God to grant a Parliament in England, and then it grieved me to heart to have given so effectual a release; yet perswaded by learned counsel, that the Parliament in a just cause would wave an inforced release, I framed a petition by advice of the said learned counsell, to the Parliament, which was preferred by a friend to Mr. Brown, Clerk to the House of Peeres; in whose hands, if not cast aside, it yet lies, in regard of an Ordinance of Parliament to deferre private mens petitions for a while, to give way to important affaires of State, as reason required. And And so all hope of release that way, were all at a stand, I resolved to go to Roterdum in Holland, to endeavour to get a passage [Page 32] in their Dutch ships into India: And to that purpose about Michaelmas, 1640. I wrot to two of my ancient loving friends, the Worshipfull William Cranmer, Deputy Governour to the Merchant Adventurers of England, and to Mr. Iohn Strange a worthy Citizen of London, both resident at Roterdam, to intreat their furtherance to assist me in that voyage for convenient passage: and from both received right courteous reply for their good assistance, and convenient entertainment during mine abode there. But presently after it pleased God to hinder that intent, by imposing upon me a long and tedious disease, a Flux, for three full yeares compleat. And during that time (though I were not able to stirre much abroad, yet) I bethought my selfe how to provoke the India Court to commence suit in Law against me, hoping by that course to obtain fauour to defend my cause in Forma Pauperis (which I might rightly claim) and that was by publishing a Protest against the Governour and whole Court, which having formerly acted in private to themselves, for which they threatned me with severe punishment in the Court of Honour, but recanted. I deemed that making it publick, it would certainly stir them up to that suit: So though unacquainted with the manner of such proceeds, I rudely and ignorantly penned such a Protest as my weak judgement did apprehend, which I caused to be fixed upon the gate of the East India House, and upon Sir Morris Abbots gate, and upon four chiefe Pillars on the Exchange. But they had not hung long, but were presently snatcht off: and from that day to this, I never felt the smart of their second more cruell oppressing threats; so that no act that I could do, would provoke them to lay open their own shamefull proceeds, and my weak purse living upon a small rackt Countrey Farme, chiefly supported by indulgent friends, would not afford means to right my selfe: My sicknesse thus continuing three years, it pleased God (contrary to all rules of Physick, and multitudes of medicines, following my own appetite and fancy) to stop my Flux, though it had brought me low and weak in body; yet finding my selfe able to creep a little abroad, (though with much pain, with two short staves to lean upon, I took a Chamber in London for the Winter time, for sundry reasons and occasions. And one day [Page 33] making shift with many restings, to creep to the Exchange, I met there with my ancient acquaintance and friend Mr. William Methold, lately returned from being President in India (a place assigned for me, if malice had not prevented) and at present Deputy Governour of the India Corporation; who by being in India, was better acquainted with my wrongs, as his letters out of India, and his speeches since at home, condoling my wrongs suffered under the tyranny of a President (a man of matchlesse malice) do import, whose advice and counsell I intreated, seeing the old Governor Sir Morris Abbot was dead, and Sir Henry Garraway turned out of that place, and a new Governour Mr. William Cockhaine, and many new Committees chosen, whether he did suppose, that if I renewed my former petitions for passage into India, I should obtain my desire: His answer was, he deemed my Petition would be granted; and that the voyage into those hot Countries would in great probability speedily recover my limbs again; yet willed me to forbeare untill he had felt and dived into the affection of the Governour. And whilst we were thus in discourse, Mr. Governour came to him, and called him away from me (upon some occasion of businesse:) So that conference breaking off, I repaired within few dayes after, to his house, to know the issue; where he told me he had conference with the Governour concerning my purpose, and found him an indifferent man, and so willed me to proceed, promising his faithfull assistance. Accordingly I framed a Petition, and in regard of my weaknesse, feed a Solicitor to exhibite the same, and to attend the Courts response; which finding dilatory, I seconded the same with a submissive Epistle, intreating reply to both; but though he attended about five moneths, every Court day, & other dayes in the interims; yet could never get answer to either. What to think of the Governour Cockhaine I know not in regard of his former voting in Court, before he was Governour (in my cause) that I had undergone both in India and at home, summum jus, which is a riddle to me (though at first I conceived it to be spoken in my favour) because though urged both in privat and publick, he never pleased to interpret his meaning, and [Page 34] I should be glad for the good opinion that I ever had of him▪ that his good interpretation would cleare him from reproofe; of which I much doubt; for being taken in my favour or disfavour spoken, the sequell as I conceive and think, I shall be able to manifest, that his sentence was neer a kin to Pilats, or Balaams; yet I will use Balaams prayer for him, That he may die the death of the righteous, and his end be like his. And because there hath been foure Governours of the India Courts, since these my troubles, whereof two, (Sir Morris Abbot, and Sir Henry Ga [...]raway) I have manifested in this fore-mentioned Treaty, their partiality, injustice, and corruption; and at present Mr. William Cockhaines deep Machivill equivocation, to shift or wind himselfe (Serpent-like) to either side which way soever for his advantage. I conceive it requisite to say somewhat touching Sir Christopher Cletherow, (almost forgotten) who though both in the judgement of the world, and in my own charitable opinion of him, esteemed honest and vertuous: And never that I could learn (by the best inquiry that I could make) that he ever opened his mouth in Court against me, during the time of his Governours or Deputy Governours place for many yeares, yet tacitous in defence of the cause of innocency, is not to be excused: For he knew that I was privie to the passages between him and his sonne in India; whose sonne at his departure from India, left Commission with me, to take up & open his fathers letters: whereby I could justly have charged him with such crime as the other corrupt Governours unjustly charged upon me; which peradventure was the cause he never opposed me: yet to doe me justice (that pleased him not,) both because he would not crosse the former Governors actions, nor lose (by their means) the Courts favours, so commodious unto him both by allowance of two hundred pounds per annum, rent for part of his house to keep Courts in, and also five hundred pounds per annum sallary, for his pains in place of Governour, to attend foure, five, or six houres in a week, upon those affairs, (a faire and large recompence for a triviall pains or service. So that in this case I may well compare him to Faelix, the Governour [Page 35] of Iudea, who being to leave his government to Portius Festus, and having Paul a prisoner, committed by the Iewes, and knowing in his conscience no cause in Paul worthy of death, or of bonds, yet to curry favour, and to please the Iewes, left Paul bound a prisoner; and whether for this sin or others, it pleased God to cast judgements upon him by the dismall untimely deaths of his two eldest sons, I leave it to the opinion of others lesse partiall, desiring not to be accounted uncharitably censorious.
Thus with more perplexity then I conceived, or intended, I have according to my weak capacity, set down truly, and as briefe as I could, the summe of those passages which I intended to have inlarged into every particular, to which end I began the same the last Spring, as my weak body would permit me ability, (but finding the same intermixed with severall accidents in my voyage to and from India, with desription of many Countries, wherein we had aboad, I found it would arise to too great a volume for my weak purse to publish in print, and perhaps not acceptable though bestowed gratis, especially if thereto added the particular Articles against me, and my Response thereunto; the sundry Protests made in India, at St. Helena, and in England, for the unjust proceeds against me, with Mr. Rastels Warrant for my release of imprisonment, &c. And the India Courts malignant censure, seven moneths in composing, to fit the same to daub over their seared accusing consciences. The defence for privat trade for all the Companies servants, with the Courts indirect jugling in the covenant and accord with their servants, which they are forced to confesse they must of necessity connive at, or else shall have no servants to agitate their affaires: And yet honest men, that either want means to bribe, or friends to stand by them, shall not escape their severity. The great danger and mortality of his Majesties subjects in those adventurous imployments, (the good deserving, great indulgence and respect) the Variety of Presidents and Councels, &c. their juglings and defraudments. The excessive lavish expence in house-keeping at Surrat, and aboord their shipping. The advice given to reform the abuses of lewd and tyrannical Governours. Increase of their [Page 36] trade to 40000 l. per annum profit, or much more [...] tion of their defraudments and neglects past, and like [...] sue to many hundred thousand pounds dammage. [...] Courts contempt of my faire proceedings (according to their own Ordinance and In [...]unction) for raising benevolences to the furtherance of the Hospitall at Black-wall, with the forwardnesse of my loyall serviceable endeavours, (according to command) which had it not been rejected, but seconded, would ere this dey, have brought in money to have purchased many hundred pounds, if not thousands per annum, to that charitable work. And lastly, expressed (which perhaps not unfit to be taken notice thereof) of Gods judgements upon all those in India not one exempted, that voted (though for feare by their own confessions) against me. And also the judgements of God, or disgraces to them or their posterity, of all in their India Courts known to have voted or banded themselves against me (one only excepted, and yet living, which for reasons of State I omit to nominate) with the credit and blessings of God on those (but three in the number of thirteen or fourteen) which did their endeavours, as much as in them lay, or they durst (for feare of a Tyrants mischiefe to themselves) to cleare me from crime or aspersion, all which now after fifteen yeares, are yet living, and in reputation. And hearing the report of some ships of Mr. Curteens, that were then laden with passengers for a plantation at Madagascar, and that Mr. Walter Hamond (my acquaintance, an honest intelligent man) had written a book for encouragement to that weighty designe (though I had not seen that book) I alt [...]red my designe, and took upon me to write my opinion thereof, (affecting rather a common good, then my own privat and particular) which if not authorized to the Presse, I suppose will be in good time, which I desire and hope, will find good acceptance, though we [...]kly yet truly performed.
Now a word or two touching my infortunity by the Governors of two Cockhaines in severall Companies: By the government of Sir William over the new Merchant Adventurers, I received the originall of my downfall by his evill project, which though lasting [Page 37] not full two yeares, brought some hundred thousand pounds dammage to this Common-wealth, as may easily be manifested, and by the hinderance of good under the government of Mr. William Cockhaine in the East India Company, I received my finall ruine and downfall: so that their names and governments have been fatall, ominous and disastrous to me and all mine. That Mr. Cockhaine hath been a hinderance of good to this Commonwealth, I will onely instance in my own case; Had he been a welwiller to Justice or Charity, my true intended loyall service might have done ere this day, much good to this Kingdome, and the Honorable Corporation, as their own acknowledgements of India Court, and gratification of good service manifested; yea, as some of the most Judicious amongst them have acknowledged, that I did the Company better service in one halfe yeare being in India free from fetters and imprisonment, then all their servants did before in thirty yeares space. And that my zealous intent was now, and upon my last and other Petitions, to do good, thus I manifest it. I intended, though weak in body, and aged threescore yeares, to hazard my life for my King and Countries good, and to have taken with me two sonnes, one of two and twenty years of age, (fit for imployment by my instructions) and the other of twelve years of age, capable to be brought up in language, and other endowments fit for a Merchant (or perhaps a Statesman in some mean degree, or an Intelligencer, or an Interpreter of Persia, Iava, and other Languages by long continuance intended,) I resolved also to enter into a Trade that the Company rejecteth, and regardeth not, and to discover more then yet by any one man hath been done, or like to be in long time, I would not have transported any gold or silver, as they as ill commonwealths men do, I would not have kept any thing privat to my selfe, that I should have discovered beneficiall to a generall good, but have revealed it to the Honorable Company whereof I was a member, though I received no accommodation of good, but evill by them. And I intended to be a true assistant to my power (and credit, which I hope should not have been inferior to any, as it was not at my former being there) for the good of the [Page 38] Plantation at Madagascar, if it went on, to do them all diligent and faithfull service; and as God blessed me with means, by imploying the greatest part in that worthy right honorable action, something to the gratification of friends for courtesies received, some comfort to the preferment of a wife and three daughters left at home; and some to the comfort of Gods poor elect in my own Countrey. If Mr. William Cackhaines refusall to give response to my Petition, was not hinderer of these good designes, indifferent men may censure. Then sure, as a learned Divine of our times, Mr. Carrile, hath put it out in Print, by order of Parliament, That the Projectors of evill, and hinderers of good, are both conformable to the Devill, then is he in danger of such censure. And the Heathen by the light of nature could say, that Agentes & consentientes pari paena puniendi, and so deserves sutable punishment. And in my weake judgement it were not amisse, if such good Law were inacted in this Kingdome, as by report fat Mr. Symmonds, Merchant, being called to Councell Table, to know his opinion among others, touching Sir William Cockhaines project, made reply (not spending his judgement) that the Law of the Lacedemonians was good, That every Projector of new businesse in a Common-wealth, ought to present his project with a halter about his neck, that if his project proved ill to the Commonwealth, he should suffer a due desert.
And thus I abruptly end this Remonstrance or Declaration of the intollerable wrong done to me & mine, and perhaps in us, to the prejudice of this Common-wealth; which my malignant adversaries, or partial time-serving injust India Court-Committees, are and will be ashamed to verifie in any judicious Court of Justice against me; but being put to triall, or examination, will either plead their ignorance, or deny they ever voted against me. But such men ought to know, that he that sitteth an assistant in Court of Justice, and for by respects pleadeth not in the defence of the innocent, supposing himselfe cleare of aspersion from God and Man, if he sit still, and say nothing either in defence or offence to the innocent, let such men, I say, know (that if our modern Divines preach not false Doctrine) that they, or he, whatsoever, [Page 39] (by his tacitenesse, is as guilty as the unjust Judge that pronounceth wicked Sentence against him. Concerning which (I humbly desire vertuous, prudent, judicious men, to consider the matters, and to give their righteous judgement.
O God, the proud are risen up against me, and the congregations of naughty men, have sought after my soul, and have not set thee before their eyes.
But thou (O Lord God) art full of compassion and mercy, long suffering, and plenteous in goodnesse and truth.
O turn thee unto me, and have mercy upon me: give thy strength unto thy servant, and help the son of thy handmaid.
Shew some good token upon me for good, that they which hate me may see it, and be ashamed, because thou, Lord, hast holpen me, and comforted me.