I. Of Truth.

WHAT is Truth? said jesting Pilate, and would not stay for an answer. Certainly there be that delight in giddiness, and count it a Bon­dage to fix a Belief; affecting free-will in thinking, as well as in acting. And though the Sects of Philosophers of that kind be gone, yet there remain certain discoursing Wits, which are of the same Veins, though there be not so much Blood in them, as was in those of the Ancients. But it is not only the dif­ficulty and labour, which men take in finding out of Truth; nor again, that when it is found, it imposeth up­on Mens thoughts, that doth bring Lyes in favour; but a natural, though corrupt Love, of the Lye it self. One of the later Schools of the Grecians examineth the matter, and is at a stand, to think what should be in it, that Men should love Lyes; where neither they make for pleasure, as with Poets, nor for Advantage, as with the Merchant, but for the Lyes sake. But I cannot tell. This same Truth is a Naked and Open day-light, that doth not shew the Masks, and Mummeries, and Triumphs of the World, half so stately and daintily as Candle-light. Truth may perhaps come to the price of a Pearl, that sheweth best by day; but it will not rise to the price of [Page 2] a Diamond or Carbuncle, that sheweth best in varied Lights. A mixture of a Lye doth ever add pleasure. Doth any man doubt, that if there were taken out of Mens minds vain Opinions, flattering Hopes, false Va­luations, Imaginations as one would, and the like; but it would leave the minds of a number of Men, poor shrunken things, full of melancholy and indisposition, and unpleasing to themselves? One of the Fathers in great severity called Poesie, Vinum Daemonum, because it filleth the Imagination, and yet it is but with the sha­dow of a Lye. But it is not the Lye that passeth through the mind, but the Lye that sinketh in, and settleth in it, that doth the hurt, such as we spake of before. But howsoever these things are thus in Mens depraved judg­ments and affections; yet Truth, which only doth judge it self, teacheth, that the enquiry of Truth, which is the love-making, or wooing of it: the knowledge of Truth, which is the presence of it: and the belief of Truth, which is the enjoying of it, is the soveraign good of Humane Nature. The first Creature of God in the works of the Days, was Light of the Sense; the last was the Light of Reason; and his Sabbath-Work ever since, is the illu­mination of his Spirit. First, he breathed light upon the face of the Matter or Chaos; then he breathed light in­to the face of Man; and still he breatheth and inspireth light into the face of his Chosen. The Poet that beauti­fied the Sect, that was otherwise inferiour to the rest, saith yet excellently well: It is a pleasure to stand upon the shore, and to see Ships tost upon the Sea; a pleasure to stand in the Window of a Castle, and to see a Battel, and the adventure thereof below: but no pleasure is comparable to the standing upon the vantage-ground of Truth: (an Hill not to be commanded, and where the Air is always clear and serene:) and to see the Errors, and Wandrings, and Mists, and Tempests in the Vale below: So always that this prospect be with Pity, and not with swelling or Pride. Cer­tainly it is Heaven upon Earth, to have a Mans mind move in Charity, rest in Providence, and turn upon the Poles [...]f Truth.

[Page 3] To pass from Theological and Philosophical Truth, to the Truth of Civil business, it will be acknowledged, even by those that practise it not, that clear and round dealing is the honour of Mans nature, and that mixture of falshood is like allay in Coin of Gold and Silver, which may make the Metal work the better, but it em­baseth it. For these winding and crooked courses are the goings of the Serpent, which goeth basely upon the Belly, and not upon the feet. There is no Vice that doth so cover a Man with shame, as to be found false and perfidious. And therefore Mountaigne saith prettily, when he enquired the reason, Why the word of the Lye should be such a disgrace, and such an odious charge: Saith he, If it be well weighed, To say that a Man lyeth, is as much as to say, that he is a Brave towards God, and a Coward towards Men. For a Lye faces God, and shrinks from Man. Surely the wickedness and Falshood, and breach of Faith, cannot possibly be so highly expressed, as in that it shall be the last Peal, to call the Judgments of God upon the Generations of Men; it being fore­told, that when Christ cometh, He shall not find faith up­on the Earth.

II. Of Death.

MEN fear Death, as Children fear to go in the dark: And as that natural fear in Children is encreased with Tales, so is the other. Certainly the contemplation of Death, as the wages of sin, and passage to another World, is Holy and Religious; but the fear of it, as a tribute due unto Nature, is weak. Yet in religious Me­ditations, there is sometimes a mixture of vanity and su­perstition. You shall read in some of the Friers Books of Mortification, that a Man should think with himself, what the pain is, if he have but his fingers end pressed [Page 4] or tortured, and thereby imagine what the pains of Death are, when the whole body is corrupted and dissolved; when many times Death passeth with less pain, than the torture of a Limb: For the most Vital parts are not the quickest of Sense. And by him that spake only as a Philosopher, and natural man, it was well said; Pompa mortis magis terret, quam Mors ipsa, Groans, and Con­vulsions, and discoloured Face, and Friends weeping, and Blacks, and Obsequies, and the like, shew Death terrible. It is worthy the observing, that there is no passion in the mind of Man so weak, but it mates and masters the fear of Death: and therefore Death is no such terrible Enemy, when a Man hath so many attendants about him, that can win the combat of him. Revenge triumphs over Death; Love slights it; Honour aspireth to it; Grief flieth to it; Fear pre-occupateth it. Nay we read, after Otho the Emperor had slain himself, Pity (which is the tenderest of Affections) provoked many to die, out of meer compassion to their Soveraign, and as the truest sort of Followers. Nay, Seneca adds Niceness and Satiety; Cogita quandiu eadem faceres; Mori velle, non tantum Fortis, aut Miser, sed etiam Fastidiosus potest. A man would die, though he were neither valiant nor mi­serable, only upon a weariness to do the same thing fo oft over and over. It is no less worthy to observe, how little alteration in good Spirits the approaches of Death make. For they appear to be the same Men till the last instant. Augustus Caesar died in a complement; Livia, Conjugii nostri memor, vive, & vale. Tiberius in Dissimu­lation, as Tacitus saith of him; Jam Tiberium Vires, & Corpus, non Dissimulatio deserebant. Vespasian in a jest, sitting upon the stool; Ut puto, Deus sio. Galba with a Sen­tence; Feri, si ex re sit populi Romani, holding forth his neck. Septimius Sev [...]rus in dispatch; Adeste, si quid mihi restat agendum. And the like. Ce [...]ainly the Stoicks be­stowed too much cost upon Death, and by their great preparations made it appear more fearful. Better, saith he, Qui finem vitae extremum inter munera ponat Naturae. [Page 5] It is as natural to die, as to be born; and to a little in­fant perhaps the one is as painful as the other. He that dies in an earnest pursuit, is like one that is wounded in hot blood, who for the time scarce feels the hurt; and therefore a Mind fixt, and bent upon somewhat that is good, doth avert the dolours of Death. But above all, believe it, the sweetest Canticle is, Nunc dimittis, when a Man hath obtained worthy ends and expectations. Death hath this also; that it openeth the Gate to good Fame, and extinguisheth Envy.

III. Of Ʋnity in Religion.

REligion being the chief band of Humane Society, it is a happy thing when it self is well contained with­in the true band of Unity. The Quarrels and Divisions about Religion were Evils unknown to the Heathen. The reason was, because the Religion of the Heathen consisted rather in Rites and Ceremonies, than in any constant belief. For you may imagine what kind of Faith theirs was, when the chief Doctors and Fathers of their Church were Poets. But the true God hath this Attribute, that he is a Jealous God, and therefore his Worship and Religion will endure no mixture or Partner. We shall therefore speak a few words concerning the U­nity of the Church; What are the Fruits thereof, what the Bonds, and what the Means.

The Fruits of Unity (next unto the well-pleasing of God, which is All in All) are two; the one towards those that are without the Church, the other towards those that are within. For the former, It is certain, that Heresies and Schisms are of all others the greatest Scandals, yea, more than corruption of Manners. For as in the Natural Body, a Wound or Solution of continuity, is worse than [Page 6] a corrupt Humour; so in the Spiritual. So that nothing doth so much keep Men out of the Church, and drive men out of the Church as a breach of Unity: And there­fore whensoever it cometh to that pass, that one saith, Ecce in deserto, another saith, Ecce in penetralibus; that is, when some Men seek Christ in the Conventicles of He­reticks, and others in an outward face of a Church, that Voice had heed continually to sound in Mens Ears, Nolite exire, Go not out. The Doctor of the Gentiles (the pro­priety of whose vocation drew him to have a special care of those without) saith, If an Heathen come in and hear you speak with several Tongues, will he not say that you are mad? and certainly it is little better, when Atheists and pro­phane persons do hear of so many discordant and con­trary Opinions in Religion; it doth avert them from the Church, and maketh them to sit down in the Chair of the Scorners. It is but a light thing to be vouched in so seri­ous a matter, but yet it expresseth well the deformity. There is a Master of Scoffing, that in his Catalogue of Books of a feigned Library, sets down this Title of a Book, The Morrice-dance of Hereticks. For indeed every Sect of them hath a diverse posture, or cringe by them­selves, which cannot but move derision in Worldings, and depraved Politicks who are apt to contemn holy things.

As for the Fruit toward those that are within. It is Peace, where containeth infinite Blessings; it establisheth Faith; it kindleth Charity; the outward peace of the Church distilleth into peace of Conscience; and it turneth the Labours of Writing and Reading of Controversies, in­to Treatises of Mortification and Devotion.

Concerning the Bonds of Unity, the true placing of them importeth exceedingly. There appear to be two extreams. For to certain Zelots all speech of pacification is odious. Is it peace, Jehu? What hast thou to do with peace? turn thee behind me. Peace is not the matter, but following a party. Contrariwise certain Laodiceans, and luke-warm persons, think they may accommodate points [Page 7] of Religion by middle ways, and taking part of both, and witty reconcilements, as if they would make an ar­bitrement between God and Man. But these extreams are to be avoided; which will be done, if the league of Christians, penned by our Saviour himself, were in the two cross clauses thereof, soundly and plainly expound­ed. He that is not with us, is against us: And again, He that is not against us, is with us: That is, if the points Fundamental, and of Substance in Religion, were truly discerned and distinguished from points not meerly of Faith, but of Opinion, Order, or good Intention. This is a thing may seem to many a matter trivial, and done already; but if it were done less partially, it would be embraced more generally.

Of this I may give only this advice, according to my small model: Men ought to take heed of rendring God's Church by two kinds of controversies: The one is, when the matter of the point controverted is too small and light, not worth the heat and strife about it, kindled only by contradiction. For, as it is noted by one of the Fathers, Christ's Coat indeed had no seam, but the Chur­ches Vesture was of divers colours; whereupon he saith, In veste varietas sit, scissura non sit; they be two things, Unity and Uniformity. The other is, when the matter of the point controverted is great, but it is driven to an over­great subtilty and obscurity, so that it becometh a thing rather ingenious than substantial. A Man that is of judgment and understanding, shall sometimes hear ig­norant Men differ, and know well within himself, that those which so differ, mean one thing, and yet they themselves would never agree. And if it come so to pass, in that distance of judgment which is between Man and Man, shall we not think, that God above, that knows the heart, doth not discern that frail Men in some of their contradictions intend the same thing, and accepteth of both? The nature of such controversies is excellently expressed by St. Paul, in the warning and precept that he giveth concerning the same, Devita pro­fanas [Page 8] vocum novitates, & oppositiones falsi nominis scientiae; Men create oppositions which are not, and put them into new terms so fixed, as whereas the meaning ought to govern the term, the term in effect governeth the mean­ing. There be also two false Peaces, or Unities; the one, when the Peace is grounded but upon an implicite ignorance; for all Colours will agree in the dark: the other when it is pieced up upon a direct admission of contraries in Fundamental points. For Truth and Falshood in such things, are like the Iron and Clay in the toes of Nebuchadnezzar's Image, they may cleave, but they will not incorporate.

Concerning the Means of procuring Unity; Men must beware, that in the procuring or muniting of Religious Unity, they do not dissolve and deface the Laws of Cha­rity, and of Humane Society. There be two Swords amongst Christians, the Spiritual and Temporal; and both have their due office and place in the maintenance of Religion. But we may not take up the third Sword, which is Mahomet's Sword, or like unto it; that is, to propagate Religion by Wars, or by sanguinary Persecu­tions to force Consciences, except it be in cases of overt Scandal, blasphemy or intermixture of practice against the State; much less to nourish Seditions, to authorize Conspiracies and Rebellions, to put the Sword into the peoples hands, and the like, tending to the subversion of all Government, which is the Ordinance of God. For this is but to dash the First Table against the Second, and so to consider Men as Christians, as we forget that they are Men. Lucretius the Poet, when he beheld the Act of Agamemnon, that could endure the sacrificing of his own Daughter, exclaimed; ‘Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum.’ what would he have said, if he had known of the Mas­sacre in France, or the Powder-Treason of England? He would have been seven times more Epicure and [Page 9] Atheist than he was: For as the Temporal Sword is to be drawn with great circumspection in cases of Religion; so it is a thing monstrous, to put it into the hands of the common people. Let that be left unto the Anabap­tists, and other Furies. It was great blasphemy, when the Devil said, I will ascend and be like the highest; but it is greater blasphemy to personate God, and bring him in, saying, I will descend and be like the Prince of Darkness; And what is it better, to make the cause of Religion to descend to the cruel and execrable actions of Murthering Princes, Butchery of People, and Subversion of States and Governments? Surely this is to bring down the Ho­ly Ghost, instead of the likeness of a Dove, in the shape of a Vulture or Raven; and to set out of the Bark of a Christian Church, a Flag of a Bark of Pyrates and As­sassins. Therefore it is most necessary, that the Church by Doctrine and decree, Princes by their Sword, and all Learnings both Christian and Moral, as by their Mercury Rod, do damn and send to Hell for ever those Facts and Opinions, tending to the support of the same, as hath been already in good part done. Surely in Coun­cils concerning Religion, that Counsel of the Apostle would be prefixed, Ira hominis non implet justitiam Dei. And it was a notable observation of a wise Father, and no less ingeniously confessed, That those which held and perswaded pressure of Consciences, were commonly interessed therein themselves for their own ends.

IV. Of Revenge.

REvenge is a kind of wild Justice; which the more Man's Nature runs to, the more ought Law to weed it out. For as to the first wrong, it doth but offend the Law, but the Revenge of that wrong putteth the Law out of Office. Certainly in taking Revenge, a Man is [Page 10] but even with his Enemy; but in passing it over he is superiour: for it is a Princes part to pardon. And So­lomon, I am sure, saith, It is the Glory of a Man to pass by an offence. That which is past, is gone, and irrecovera­ble; and wise Men have enough to do with things pre­sent, and to come: therefore they do but trifle with themselves, that labour in past matters. There is no Man doth a wrong for the wrongs sake, but thereby to purchase himself profit, or pleasure, or honour, or the like. Therefore why should I be angry with a Man for loving himself better than me? And if any Man should do wrong meerly out of ill nature why? yet it is but like the Thorn or Bryar, which prick and scratch, be­cause they can do no other. The most tolerable sort of Revenge, is for those wrongs which there is no Law to remedy: But then let a man take heed, that the Revenge be such, as there is no Law to punish; else a Man's E­nemy is still before-hand, and it is two for one. Some when they take Revenge, are desirous the Party should know whence it cometh: this is the more generous. For the delight seemeth to be not so much in doing the hurt, as in making the party repent. But base and crafty Cowards are like the Arrow that flieth in the dark. Cos­mus Duke of Florence had a desperate saying against per­fidious or neglecting Friends, as if those wrongs were unpardonable: You shall read (saith he) that we are com­manded to forgive our Enemies; but you never read, that we are commanded to forgive our Friends. But yet the Spirit of Job was in a better tune; shall we (saith he) take good at God's hand, and not be content to take evil also? And so of Friends in a proportion. This is certain, that a Man that studieth Revenge, keeps his own wounds green, which otherwise would heal, and do well: Publick Re­venges are for the most part Fortunate, as that for the death of Caesar, for the death of Pertinax, for the death of Henry the Third of France, and many more. But in private Revenges it is not so. Nay, rather vindicative persons live the life of Witches; who as they are mis­chievous, so end they unfortunate.

V. Of Adversity.

IT was an high Speech of Seneca, (after the manner of the Stoicks) That the good things which belong to prosperi­ty are to be wished, but the good things that belong to adver­sity are to he admired: Bona rerum secundarum optabilia, ad­versarum mirabilia. Certainly, if Miracles be the com­mand over Nature, they appear most in Adversity. It is yet a higher Speech of his, than the other, (much too high for a Heathen) It is true greatness to have in [...] the frailty of a Man, and the security of a God; Vere mag [...]m ha­bere fragilitatem hominis, securitatem Dei. This wou [...] have done better in Poesie, where transcendencies [...] more allowed. And the Poets indeed have been busie with it; for it is in effect the thing, which is figured in that strange Fiction of the ancient Poets, which seemeth not to be without mystery; nay, and to have some ap­proach to the State of a Christian: That Hercules, when he went to unbind Prometheus) by whom Humane Nature is represented) sailed the length of the great Ocean in an Ear­then Pot or Pitcher; Lively describing Christian resolution, that saileth in the frail Bark of the Flesh, through the waves of the World. But to speak in a mean: The Vertue of Prosperity is Temperance, the Vertue of Adver­sity is Fortitude, which in Morals is the more heroical Vertue. Prosperity is the Blessing of the Old Testament, Adversity is the Blessing of the New, which carrieth the greater Benediction, and the clearer Revelation of God's favour. Yet even in the Old Testament, if you listen to David's Harp, you shall hear as many Hearse-like Airs, as Carols. And the Pencil of the Holy Ghost hath laboured more in describing the Afflictions of Job, than the Felicities of Solomon. Prosperity is not without many fears and distastes; and Adversity is not without comforts and hopes. We see in Needle-works and Em­broyderies, [Page 12] it is more pleasing to have a lively work upon a sad and solemn ground, than to have a dark and melancholy Work upon a lightsome ground. Judge therefore of the pleasure of the Heart, by the pleasure of the Eye. Certainly Vertue is like precious Odours▪ most fragrant when they are incensed or crushed: For Prosperity doth best discover Vice, but Adversity doth best discover Vertue.

VI. Of Simulation and Dissimulation.

DIssimulation is but a faint kind of Policy or Wisdom; for it asketh a strong Wit and a strong Heart, to know when to tell truth, and to do it. Therefore it is the weak­er sort of Politicks, that are the great Dissemblers.

Tacitus saith, Livia sorted well with the Arts of her Hus­band and Dissimulation of her Son; attributing Arts or Policy to Augustus, and Dissimulation to Tiberius. And again, when Mucianus encourageth Vespasian to take Arms against Vi­tellius, he saith, We rise not against the piercing Judgment of Augustus, nor the extream Caution or Closeness of Tiberi­us. These properties of Arts, or Policy and Dissimulation, or Closeness, are indeed habits and faculties, several, and to be distinguished. For if a man have that penetration of Judgment, as he can discern, what things are to be laid open, and what to be secreted, and what to be shewed at half lights, and to whom, and when (which indeed are Arts of State, and Arts of Life, as Tacitus well call­eth them) to him; a habit of Dissimulation is a hindrance, and a poorness. But if a Man cannot attain to that Judgment, then it is left to him generally to be Close, and a Dissembler. For where a man cannot chuse or va­ry in Particulars, there it is good to take the safest and weariest way in general; like the going softly by one that cannot well see. Certainly the ablest Men that ever [Page 13] were, have had all an openness and frankness of dealing, and a Name of Certainty and Veracity: but then they were like Horses, well managed; for they could tell passing well, when to stop or turn; And at such times, when they thought the case indeed required Dissimulati­on, if then they used it, it came to pass, that the former Opinion spread abroad of their good faith, and clearness of dealing, made them almost invisible.

There are three degrees of this hiding and veiling of Mans self. The first Closeness, Reservation, and Secrecy; when a Man leaveth himself without observation, or without hold to be taken what he is. The Second Dissi­mulation in the Negative, when a Man lets fall Signs and Arguments, that he is not that he is. And the third Si­mulation in the Affirmative, when a Man industriously and expresly feigns and pretends to be that he is not.

For the first of these, Secrecy: It is indeed the vertue of a Confessor; and assuredly the Secret Man heareth many Confessions: For who will open himself to a Blab, or a Babler? But if a man be thought Secret, it inviteth discovery, as the more close Air sucketh in the more open: And as in confession, the revealing is not for worldly use, but for the ease of a Mans heart; so Se­cret, Men come to the knowledge of many things in that kind, while Men rather discharge their minds, than im­part their minds. In few words, Mysteries are due to Secrecy. Besides (to say truth) Nakedness is uncomely, as well in mind as in body; and it addeth no small reve­rence to Mens manners and actions, if they be not alto­gether open. As for Talkers, and Futile persons, they are commonly vain, and credulous withal. For he that talketh what he knoweth, will also talk what he know­eth not. Therefore set it down, that an habit of Secrecy is both politick and moral. And in this part it is good, that a Mans face give his tongue leave to speak. For the dis­covery of Mans self, by the tracts of his countenance, is a great weakness and betraying, by how much it is ma­ny times more marked and believed, than a Mans words.

[Page 14] For the second, which is Dissimulation: It followed many times upon Secrecy by a necessity; so that he tha [...] will be Secret, must be a Dissembler in some degree. Fo [...] men are too cunning, to suffer a man to keep an indif­ferent carriage between both, and to be Secret withou [...] swaying the ballance on either side. They will so befo [...] a Man with questions, and draw him on, and pick it ou [...] of him, that without an absurd silence, he must shew [...] inclination one way; or if he do not, they will gather as much by his Silence, as by his Speech: As for Equivo­cations, or Oraculous Speeches, they cannot hold ou [...] long: so that no man can be Secret, except he give him­self a little scope of Dissimulation, which is, as it were, bu [...] the skirts or train of Secrecy.

But for the third degree, which is Simulation, and false profession: That I hold more culpable, and less politick, except it be in great and rare matters. And therefore a general custom of Simulation (which is this last degree) is a Vice, rising either of a natural falseness or fearful­ness, or of a mind that hath some main faults; which because a man must needs disguise, it maketh him pra­ctise Simulation in other things, lest his hand should be out of use.

The great advantages of Simulation and Dissimulation are three. First, To lay asleep opposition, and to sur­prise: For where a Mans intentions are published, it is an alarm to call up all that are against them. The se­cond is, to reserve to a Mans self a fair retreat: For if a man engage himself by a manifest Declaration, he must go through, or take a fall. The third is, the better to discover the mind of another: For to him that opens himself, Men will hardly shew themselves averse, but will (fair) let him go on, and turn their freedom of speech to freedom of thought. And therefore it is a good shrewd Proverb of the Spaniard, Tell a Lye, and find a Truth; as if there were no way of discovery, but by Si­mulation.

[Page 15] There be also three disadvantages to set it even. The first, That Simulation and Dissimulation commonly carry with them a shew of fearfulness, which in any business doth spoil the feathers of round flying up to the mark. The second, That it puzzleth and perplexeth the conceits of many, that perhaps would otherwise co-operate with him, and makes a man walk almost alone to his own ends. The third and greatest is, That it depriveth a man of one of the most principal instruments for action, which is Trust and Belief. The composition and temperature is, to have Openness in fame and opinion, Secrecy in habit, Dis­simulation in seasonable use, and a power to feign, if there be no remedy.

VII. Of Parents and Children.

THE joys of Parents are secret, and so are their griefs and fears; they cannot utter the one, nor they will not utter the other. Children sweeten labours, but they make misfortunes more bitter: they increase the cares of Life, but they mitigate the remembrance of Death. The perpetuity by generation is common to Beasts; but memory, merit, and noble works are proper to Men: and surely a man shall see the noblest Works and Foundations have proceeded from Childless Men, which have sought to express the Images of their minds, where those of their bodies have failed: So the care of posterity is most in them that have no posterity. They that are the first raisers of their Houses, are most indul­gent towards their Children; beholding them as the con­tinuance, not only of their kind, but of their work, and so both Children and Creatures.

The difference in affection of Parents towards their se­val Children, is many times unequal, and sometimes un­worthy, [Page 16] especially in the Mother; as Solomon saith, A wise Son rejoyceth the Father, but an ungracious Son shames th [...] Mother. A man shall see, where there is a House full of Children, one or two of the eldest respected, and the youngest made wantons; but in the midst, some that are as it were forgotten, who many times nevertheless prove the best. The illiberality of Parents in allowance towards their Children, is an harmful error, makes them base, ac­quaints them with shifts, makes them sort with mean company, and makes them surfeit more when they come to plenty: and therefore the proof is best, when men keep their authority towards their Children, but not their purse. Men have a foolish manner (both Parents, and School-Masters, and Servants) in creating and breeding an emulation between Brothers, during Childhood, which many times sorteth to discord when they are men, and disturbeth Families. The Italians make little difference between Children and Nephews, or near Kinsfolks; but so they be of the lump they care not, though they pass not through their own body. And to say truth, in Na­ture it is much alike matter, insomuch that we see a Ne­phew sometimes resembleth an Uncle, or a Kinsman, more than his own Parent, as the blood happens. Let Parents chuse betimes the vocations and courses they mean their Children should take, for then they are most flexible; and let them not too much apply themselves to the disposition of their Children, as thinking they will take best to that which they have most mind to. It is true, that if the affection or aptness of the Children be extraordinary, then it is good not to cross it: but gene­rally the precept is good, Optimum elige, suave & facil [...] illud facit consuetudo, younger Brothers are commonly for­tunate, but seldom or never where the elder are disin­herited.

VIII. Of Marriage and Single Life.

HE that hath Wife and Children, hath given hostages to Fortune, for they are impediments to great enterprises, either of Vertue or Mischief. Certainly the best works, and of greatest merit for the publick, have proceeded from the unmarried or Childless Men, which both in affection and means have married and endowed the publick. Yet it were great reason, that those that have Children, should have greatest care of fu­ture times, unto which they know they must transmit their dearest pledges. Some there are, who though they lead a Single Life, yet their thoughts do end with themselves, and account future times impertinencies. Nay, there are some other, that account Wife and Chil­dren but as Bills of Charges. Nay, more, there are some foolish rich covetous men, that take pride in ha­ving no Children, because they may be thought so much the richer. For perhaps they have heard some talk, Such an one is a great rich Man; and another except to it, Yea, but he hath a great charge of Children; as if it were an abatement to his riches. But the most ordinary cause of a Single Life is Liberty, especially in certain self plea­sing and humorous minds, which are so sensible of eve­ry restraint, as they will go near to think their Girdles and Garters to be Bonds and Shackles. Unmarried men are best Friends, best Masters, best Servants, but not al­ways best Subjects; for they are light [...] run away, and almost all Fugitives are of that condition. A single life doth well with Church-men: for Charity will hard [...]y wa­ter the Ground, where it must first fill a Pool. It is indifferent for Judges and Magistrates; for if they be fa­cile and corrupt, you shall have a Servant five times worse than a Wife. For Souldiers, I find the Generals [Page 18] commonly in their hortatives put men in mind of their Wives and Children. And I think the despising of Mar­riage amongst the Turks, making the vulgar Souldier more base. Certainly Wife and Children are a kind of humanity; and Single men, though they be many times more charitable, because their means are less exhaust: yet on the other side, they are more cruel and hard hearted, (good to make severe Inquisitors) because their tenderness is not so oft called upon. Grave natures, led by custom, and therefore constant, are commonly lo­ving Husbands; as was said of Ulysses, Vetulam suam prae­tulit immortalitati. Chast Women are often proud and froward, as presuming upon the merit of their chastity. It is one of the best bonds both of chastity and obedi­ence in the Wife, if she thinks her Husband wise, which she will never do, if she find him jealous. Wives are young mens Mistrisses, Companions for middle Age, and old mens Nurses; so as a man may have a quarrel to marry when he will. But yet he was reputed one of the wise men, that made answer to the question; When a man should marry? A young man not yet, an elder man not at all. It is often seen, that bad Husbands have ve­ry good Wives; whether it be, that it raiseth the price of their Husbands kindness when it comes, or that the Wives take a pride in their patience. But this never fails, if the bad Husbands were of their own chusing, against their Friends consent; for then they will be sure to make good their own folly.

IX. Of Envy.

THERE be none of the Affections, which have been noted to facinate or bewitch, but Love and Envy. They both have vehement wishes, they frame them­selves [Page 19] readily into imaginations and suggestions; and they come easily into the eye, especially upon the pre­sence of the objects, which are the points that conduce to fascination, if any such thing there be. We see like­wise the Scripture calleth Envy, an evil eye; and the A­strologers call the evil influences of the Stars, Evil As­pects; so that still there seemeth to be acknowledged in the act of Envy, an ejaculation or irradiation of the Eye. Nay, some have been so curious, as to note, that the times, when the stroke or percussion of an Envious Eye doth most hurt, are, when the Party envied is beheld in Glory or Triumph; for that sets an edge upon Envy: And besides, at such times the spirits of the Person envi­ed do come forth most into the outward parts, and so meet the blow.

But leaving these curiosities, (though not unworthy to be thought on in fit place) we will handle, What Persons are apt to envy others, what Persons are most subject to be envied themselves, and what is the difference between publick and private Envy.

A man that hath no virtue in himself, ever envieth virtue in others. For mens minds will either feed upon their own good, or upon others evil; and who want­eth the one, will pray upon the other; and who so is out of hope to attain to anothers vertue, will seek to come at even-hand by depressing anothers For­tune.

A man that is busie and inquisitive, is commonly En­vious: for to know much of other mens matters cannot be, because all that ado may concern his estate; there­fore it must needs be, that he taketh a kind of play­pleasure in looking upon the fortunes of others; nei­ther can he that mindeth but his own business, find much matter for Envy: For Envy is a gadding passion, and walketh the Streets, and doth not keep home, Non est curiosus, quin idem sit malevolus.

Men of noble Birth are noted to be envious towards new Men when they rise: For the distance is altered; [Page 20] and it is like a deceit of the eye, that when others come on, they think themselves go back.

Deformed persons, and Eunuchs, and old Men, and Bastards are envious: for he that cannot possibly mend his own case, will do what he can to impair anothers, except these defects light upon a very brave and heroi­cal nature, which thinketh to make his natural wants part of his honour; in that it should be said, that an Eunuch, or lame man, did such great matters, affect­ing the honour of a miracle, as it was in Narses the Eu­nuch, and Agesilaus, and Tamberlanes, that were lame men.

The same is the case of men that rise after calamities and misfortunes; for they are as men fallen out with the times, and think other mens harms a Redemption of their own sufferings.

They that desire to excel in too many matters, out of levity and vain glory, are ever Envious; For they can­not want work, it being impossible but many in some one of those things should surpass them; which was the character of Adrian the Emperour, that mortally envied Poets and Painters, and Artificers in works wherein he had a vein to excel.

Lastly, near Kinsfolks and Fellows in Office, and those that have been bred together, are more apt to En­vy their equals, when they are raised: For it doth up­braid unto them their own fortunes, and pointeth at them, and cometh oftner into their remembrance, and incurreth likewise more into the note of others; and Envy ever redoubleth from Speech and Fame. Cain's Envy was the more vile and malignant towards his Bro­ther Abel, because when his Sacrifice was better accept­ed, there was no body to look on. Thus much for those that are apt to Envy.

Concerning those that are more or less subject to Envy: First, Persons of eminent virtue, when they are advan­ced are less envied: For their fortune seemeth but due unto them; and no man envyeth the payment of a Debt, [Page 21] but Rewards and Liberality rather. Again, Envy is e­ver joyned with the comparing of a man's self; and where there is no comparison, no Envy; and therefore Kings are not envied, but by Kings. Nevertheless it is to be noted, that unworthy persons are most envied at their first coming in, and afterwards overcome it bet­ter; whereas contrariwise, Persons of worth and merit are most envied, when their fortune continueth long. For by that time, though their virtue be the same, yet it hath not the same Lustre; for fresh men grow up that darken it.

Persons of noble blood are less envied in their rising; for it seemeth but right done to their Birth. Besides, there seemeth not much added to their fortune; and Envy is as the Sun-beams, that beat hotter upon a Bank or steep rising Ground, than upon a Flat. And for the same reasons, those that are advanced by degrees are less envied, than those that are advanced suddenly, and per saltum.

Those that have joyned with their Honour great Travels, Cares or Perils, are less subject to Envy: For men think that they earn their Honours hardly, and pi­ty them sometimes; and Pity ever healeth Envy: Wherefore you shall observe, that the more deep and sober sort of politick Persons in their greatness, are e­ver bemoaning themselves, what a life they lead, chant­ing Quanta patimur. Not that they feel it so, but only to abate the edge of Envy. But this is to be understood of business that is laid upon men, and not such as they call unto themselves. For nothing increaseth Envy more than an unnecessary and ambitious engrossing of business; and nothing doth extinguish Envy more, than for a great Person to preserve all other inferior Officers in their full rights and preheminencies of their places: for by that means there be so many Skreens between him and Envy.

Above all, those are most subject to Envy which car­ry the greatness of their fortunes in an insolent and [Page 22] proud manner, being never well but while they ar [...] shewing how great they are, either by outward pomp, or by triumphing over all opposition or competition▪ whereas wise men will rather do Sacrifice to Envy, in suffering themselves sometimes of purpose to be crost and over-born of things that do not much concern them. Notwithstanding so much is true, That the car­riage of greatness in a plain and open manner (so it be without arrogancy and vain-glory) doth draw less En­vy, than if it be in a more crafty and cunning fashion. For in that course a man doth but disavow fortune, and seemeth to be conscious of his own want in worth, and doth but teach others to Envy him.

Lastly, To conclude this part; As we said in the be­ginning, that the Act of Envy had somewhat in it of witchcraft, so there is no other cure of Envy but the cure of witchcraft; and that is, to remove the Lot (as they call it) and to lay it upon another. For which purpose, the wiser sort of great Persons, bring in ever upon the Stage some body upon whom to drive the En­vy that would come upon themselves; sometimes upon Ministers and Servants, sometimes upon Colleagues and Associates, and the like; and for that turn there are never wanting some Persons of violent and undertaking Natures, who, so they may have Power and Business, will take it at any cost.

Now to speak of publick Envy. There is yet some good in publick Envy; whereas in private there is none. For publick Envy is an Ostracism, that eclipseth men when they grow too great. And therefore it is a bridle also to great ones, to keep them within bounds.

This Envy being in the Latine word Invidia, goeth in the modern Languages by the name of Discontent­ment, of which we shall speak in handling Sedition. It is a disease in a State like to infection; for as infection spreadeth upon that which is sound, and tainteth it; so when Envy is gotten once in a State, it traduceth even the best actions thereof, and turneth them into an ill [Page 23] odour. And therefore there is little won by interming­ling of plausible actions. For that doth argue but a weakness and fear of Envy, which hurteth so much the more, as it is likewise usual in infections; which if you fear them, you call them upon you.

This publick Envy seemeth to bear chiefly upon prin­cipal Officers or Ministers, rather than upon Kings and Estates themselves. But this is a sure rule, that if the Envy upon the Ministers be great, when the cause of it in him is small; or if the Envy be general, in a manner, upon all the Ministers of an Estate, then the Envy (though hidden) is truly upon the State it self. And so much of publick Envy or Discontentment, and the dif­ference thereof from private Envy, which was handled in the first place.

We will add this in general, touching the Affection of Envy; that, of all other Affections, it is the most im­portune and continual. For of other Affections there is occasion given but now and then. And therefore it was well said, Invidia festos dies non agit. For it is ever working upon some or other. And it is also noted, that Love and Envy do make a man pine, which other Af­fections do not; because they are not so continual. It is also the vilest Affection, and the most depraved: for which cause it is the proper Attribute of the Devil, who is called the envious Man, that soweth Tares amongst the Wheat by night: as it always cometh to pass, that Envy worketh subtilly, and in the dark, and to the prejudice of good things, such as is the Wheat.

X. Of Love.

THE Stage is more beholding to Love than the Life of Man. For, as to the Stage, Love is even matter of Comedies, and now and then of Tragedies: but in [Page 24] Life it doth much mischief; sometimes like a Syren [...] sometimes like a Fury. You may observe, that amongst all the great and worthy persons (whereof the Memo­ry remaineth, either Ancient or Recent) there is not one that hath been transported to the mad degree of Love: which shew, that great Spirits, and great Busi­ness, do keep out this weak Passion. You must except nevertheless, Marcus Antonius, the half Partner of the Empire of Rome; and Appius Claudius the Decemvir, the Law-giver: whereof the former was indeed a Volup­tuous Man, and Inordinate; but the Latter was an Au­stere and Wise Man. And therefore it seems, (though rarely) that Love can find entrance, not only into an open Heart, but also into a Heart well fortified, if watch be not well kept. It is a poor saying of Epicurus, Satis magnum Alter Alteri Theatrum sumus. As if Man, made for the contemplation of Heaven, and all noble Objects, should do nothing but kneel before a little I­dol, and make himself a Subject, though not of the Mouth (as Beasts are) yet of the Eye, which was given him for higher purposes. It is a strange thing to note the Excess of this passion; and how it braves the Nature and value of things by this, that the speaking in a per­petual Hyperbole is comely in nothing but in Love. Nei­ther is it meerly in the Phrase: for, whereas it hath been well said, that the Arch-flatterer, with whom all the petty flatterers have intelligence, is a Man's self; cer­tainly, the Love is more. For there was never a proud Man thought so absurdly well of himself, as the Lover doth of the Person Loved: and therefore it was well said, that it is impossible to Love, and to be wise. Neither doth this weakness appear to others only, and not to the Party Loved: but to the Loved most of all; except the Love be reciproque: for it is a true rule, that Love is e­ver rewarded, either with the reciproque, or with an inward and secret Contempt. By how much the more men ought to beware of this Passion, which loseth not only other things, but it self. As for the other losses, [Page 25] the Poets Relation doth well figure them; that he that preferreth Helena, quitteth the gifts of Juno and Pallas. For whosoever esteemeth too much of amorous affecti­on, quitteth both Riches and Wisdom. This Passion hath his Floods in the very times of weakness: which are great Prosperity, and great Adversity; though this latter hath been less observed. Both which times kindle Love, and make it more frequent, and therefore shew it to be the Child of Folly. They do best, who, if they can­not but admit Love; yet make it keep Quarter, and se­ver it wholly from their serious Affairs and Actions of Life: for if it check once with Business, it troubleth mens Fortunes, and maketh men that they can no ways be true to their own Ends. I know not how, but mar­tial men are given to Love; I think it is but as they are given to Wine; for Perils commonly ask to be paid in Pleasures. There is in a mans Nature a secret Incli­nation and Motion towards Love of others; which if it be not spent upon some one, or a few, doth natural­ly spread it self towards many, and maketh men be­come Humane and Charitable; as it is seen sometime in Friars. Nuptial Love maketh Mankind; Friendly Love perfecteth it; but wanton Love corrupteth and embaseth it.

XI. Of Great Place.

MEN in Great Place are thrice Servants: Servants of the Soveraign or State; Servants of Fame; and Servants of Business. So as they have no Freedom, ei­ther in their Persons, nor in their Actions, nor in their Times. It is a strange desire to seek Power, and to lose Liberty; or to seek Power over others, and to lose Pow­er over a Mans self. The Rising unto Place is laborious; and by Pains men come to greater Pains: and it is some­times [Page 26] base; and by Indignities men come to Digniti [...] ▪ The Standing is Slippery, and the Regress is either▪ Downfall, or at least an Eclipse, which is a melanch [...] ly thing. Cum non sis, qui fueris, non esse, cur velis vi [...] re. Nay, retire men cannot when they would; n [...] ther will they, when it were Reason: but are impatient of Privateness, even in Age and Sickness, whic [...] require the Shadow: Like old Townsmen; that [...] be still sitting at their Street Door, though thereby they offer Age to Scorn. Certainly Great Persons had nee [...] to borrow other mens Opinions, to think themselve [...] happy; for if they judge by their own feeling, they cannot find it: but if they think with themselves wh [...] other men think of them, and that other men woul [...] fain be as they are, then they are happy, as it were by report; when perhaps they find the contrary within▪ For they are the first that find their own griefs; though they be the last that find their own fault. Certainly Men, in great Fortunes are strangers to themselves, an [...] while they are in the puzzle of Business, they have n [...] time to tend their Health, either of body or mind. I [...] Mors gravis incubat, qui notus nimis omnibus, ignotus mor [...] tur sibi. In Place, there is licence to do Good and Evil, whereof the latter is a curse; for in Evil, the best con­dition is not to Will, the second not to Can. But Pow­er to do good, is the true and lawful end of aspiring: for good thoughts (though God accept them,) yet to­wards Men are little better than good dreams, except they be put in Act; and that cannot be without Pow­er and Place, as the Vantage and Commanding Ground Merit and good Works is the end of mans motion; and Conscience of the same is the accomplishment of mans rest: for if a man can be partaker of God's Theater; he shall likewise be partaker of God's Rest. Et conver­sus Deus, ut aspiceret opera, quae fecerunt manus suae, vidit quod omnia essent bona nimis; And then the Sabbath. In the Discharge of thy Place, set before thee the best Ex­amples; for Imitation is a Globe of Precepts. And af­ter [Page 27] a time set before thee thine own Example; and ex­amine thy self strictly whether thou didst not best at first. Neglect not also the Examples of those that have carried themselves ill in the same Place: not to set off thy self by taxing their memory; but to direct thy self what to avoid. Reform therefore without bravery or scandal of former Times and Persons; but yet set it down to thy self, as well to create good precedents as to follow them. Reduce things to the first Institution, and observe wherein, and how they have degenerated; but yet ask Counsel of both Times, of the Ancienter Time what is best, and of the Latter Time what is fit­test. Seek to make thy Course Regular, that men may know before-hand what they may expect, but be not too positive and peremptory; and express thy self well when thou digressest from thy Rule. Preserve the right of thy Place, but stir not questions of Jurisdiction; and rather assume thy Right in Silence and de facto, than voice it with Claims and Challenges. Preserve likewise the Right of Inferior Places; and think it more Honour to direct in chief, than to be busie in all. Embrace and invite Helps and Advices, touching the Execution of thy Place: and do not drive away such as bring Informati­on, as medlers, but accept of them in good part. The Vices of Authority are chiefly four: Delays, Corruption, Roughness and Faction. For Delays, Give easie access, Keep Times appointed, Go through with that which is in hand, and interlace not business but of necessity. For Corruption, Not only bind thine own hands, or thy Servants hands from taking, but bind the hands of Sui­tors also from offering: For integrity used, doth the one; but Integrity professed, and with a manifest dete­station of Bribery, doth the other; and avoid not on­ly the Fault, but the Suspicion. Whosoever is found variable, and changeth manifestly, without manifest Cause, giveth suspicion of Corruption. Therefore always when thou changest thine opinion or course, profess it plainly, and declare it, together with the Reasons that [Page 28] move thee to change, and do not think to steal it. A Servant, or a Favourite, if he be inward, and no other apparent Cause of Esteem, is commonly thought but a By-way to close Corruption. For Roughness, It is a need­less cause of Discontent; Severity breedeth Fear, but Roughness breedeth Hate. Even Reproofs from Autho­rity ought to be grave, and not taunting. As for Fa­cility, It is worse than Bribery: for Bribes come but now and then; but if Importunity, or idle Respects lead a Man, he shall never be without, as Solomon saith, To respect Persons is not good; for such a Man will trans­gress for a piece of bread. It is most true that was anci­ly spoken; A Place sheweth the Man: and it sheweth some to the better, and some to the worse: Omnium consensu; capax Imperii, nisi imperasset; saith Tacitus of Galba: but of Vespasian he saith, Solus imperantium Vespa­sianus mutatus in melius. Though the one was meant of Sufficiency, the other of Manners and Affection. It is an assured Sign of a worthy and generous Spirit, whom Honour amends: for Honour is, or should be, the place of Vertue; and as in Nature things move violently to their place, and calmly in their place: so Vertue in Am­bition is violent, in Authority settled and calm. All rising to Great Place, is by a winding Stair; and if there be Factions, it is good to side a Mans self, whilst he is in the Rising; and to balance himself when he is placed. Use the memory of thy Predecessor fairly and tenderly; for if thou dost not, it is a debt will sure be paid when thou art gone. If thou have Colleagues, respect them, and rather call them when they look not for it, than exclude them when they have reason to look to be called. Be not too sensible, or too remembring of thy Place in Conversation, and private Answers to Suitors; But let it rather be said, When he sits in Place he is another Man.

XII. Of Boldness.

IT is a trivial Grammar-School Text, but yet worthy a wise Mans consideration. Question was asked of Demosthenes, What was the chief part of an Orator? He answered, Action; What next? Action; What next a­gain? Action; He said it that knew it best, and had by nature himself no advantage in that he commended. A strange thing, that that part of an Orator which is but [...]uperficial, and rather the vertue of a Player, should be placed so high above those other noble parts of Inven­ [...]ion, Elocution, and the rest: Nay, almost alone; as if [...]t were All in All. But the reason is plain. There is [...]n Humane Nature generally more of the Fool than of the Wise; and therefore those faculties, by which [...]he foolish part of mens minds is taken are most potent. Wonderful like is the case of Boldness in civil business: What first? Boldness; What second and third? Boldness. And yet Boldness is a Child of Ignorance and Baseness, [...]ar inferior to other parts. But nevertheless it doth fas­cinate and bind hand and foot, those that are either [...]hallow in judgment, or weak in courage, which are the greatest part; yea, and prevaileth with wise men at weak times. Therefore we see it hath done Wonders in popular States, but with Senates and Princes less; and more, ever upon the first entrance of Bold Persons into action, than soon after: for Boldness is an ill Keep­er of Promise. Surely, as there are Mountebanks for the Natural Body, so are there Mountebanks for the Politick Body: Men that undertake great Cures, and perhaps have been lucky in two or three Experiments, but want the grounds of Science, and therefore cannot hold out. Nay, you shall see a Bold Fellow many times do Maho­met [...]s miracle: Mahomet made the People believe, that [Page 30] he would call an Hill to him; and from the top of [...] offer up his Prayers for the observers of his Law. [...] people assembled, Mahomet called the Hill to him agai [...] and again; and when the Hill stood still, he was n [...] ver a whit abashed, but said, If the Hill will not come [...] Mahomet, Mahomet will go to the Hill. So these [...] when they have promised great matters, and failed mo [...] shamefully, yet (if they have the perfection of Boldness they will but slight it over, and make a turn, and no more ado. Certainly to men of great judgment, [...] persons are a sport to behold; nay, and to the Vulga [...] also, Boldness hath somewhat of the Ridiculous. For [...] absurdity be the subject of laughter, doubt you no [...] but great Boldness is seldom without some absurdity Especially it is a sport to see, when a Bold Fellow is ou [...] of countenance; for that puts his face into a mo [...] shrunken and wooden posture, as needs it must: for i [...] b [...]shfulness the Spirits do a little go and come, but with Bold men, upon like occasion, they stand at a stay, lik [...] a Stale or Chess, where it is no Mate, but yet the Ga [...] cannot stir. But this last were fitter for a Satyr tha [...] for a serious Observation. This is well to be weighe [...] ▪ That Boldness is ever blind; for it seeth not danger and inconveniencies; therefore it is ill in Counse [...] good in Execution: so that the right use of Bold per­sons i [...], that they never command in Chief, but be Se­conds, and under the direction of others. For in Coun­sel it is good to see Dangers, and in Execution not to se [...] them, except they be very great.

XIII. Of Goodness, and Goodness of Nature.

I Take Goodness in this sence, the affecting of the we [...] of Men, which is that the Grecians call Philanthropi [...] and the Word Humanity (as it is used) is a little too ligh [...] [Page 31] to express it. Goodness I call the Habit, and Goodness of Nature the Inclination. This of all Vertues and Digni­ties of the mind is the greatest, being the Character of the Deity; and without it man is a busie, mischievous wretched thing, no better than a kind of Vermine. Goodness answers to the Theological Vertue, Charity, and admits no excess, but error. The desire of power in excess caused the Angels to fall; the desire of know­ledge in excess caused Man to fall; but in Charity there is no excess, neither can Angel or Man come in danger by it. The inclination of Goodness is imprinted deeply in the nature of man; insomuch, that if it issue not to­wards men, it will take unto other living Creatures; as it is seen in the Turks, a cruel people, who nevertheless are kind to Beasts, and give Alms to Dogs and Birds: Insomuch as Busbechius reporteth, a Christian Boy in Constantinople had like to have been stoned for gagging, in a waggishness, a long-billed Fowl. Errors indeed, in this Vertue, in Goodness or Charity may be committed. The Italians have an ungracious Proverb, Tanto buon che val niente; So good that he is good for nothing. And one of the Doctors of Italy, Nicholas Macchiavel, had the con­fidence to put in writing, almost in plain terms, That the Christian Faith had given up good men in prey to those that are tyrannical and unjust: which he spake, because indeed there was never Law, or Sect, or Opinion, did so much magnifie Goodness as the Christian Religion doth: therefore, to avoid the scandal, and danger both, it is good to take knowledge of the errors of an Habit so excellent. Seek the good of other men, but be not in bondage to their faces or fancies; for that is but fa­cility or softness, which taketh an honest mind prisoner. Neither give the Aesop's Cock a Gem, who would be better pleased and happier if he had had a Barly Corn. The Example of God teacheth the Lesson truly: He sendeth his Rain, and maketh his Sun to shine upon the Just and Unjust; but he doth not rain Wealth, nor shine Honour and Virtues upon Men equally. Common Be­nefits [Page 32] are to be communicated with all; but peculiar benefits with choice. And beware, how in making the Portraiture, thou breakest the Pattern; for Divinity maketh the love of our selves the Pattern; the love of our Neighbours but the Portraiture. Sell all thou hast and give it to the poor, and follow me: but sell not all thou hast, except thou come and follow me; that is, except thou have a Vocation, wherein thou mayst do as much good with little means as with great: for other­wise, in feeding the Streams thou driest the Fountain. Neither is there only a Habit of Goodness directed by right Reason: but there is in some Men, even in Na­ture, a disposition towards it; as on the other side, there is a natural malignity. For there be that in their Nature do not affect the good of others. The lighter sort of malignity turneth but to crossness, or froward­ness, or aptness to oppose, or difficileness, or the like; but the deeper sort to envy and meer mischief. Such men in other mens calamities, are as it were in season, and are ever on the loading part; not so good as the Dogs that licked Lazarus's sores, but like Flies, that are still buzzing upon any thing that is raw; Misanthrop, that make it their practice to bring men to the Bough, and yet have never a Tree for the purpose in their Gardens, as Timon had. Such dispositions are the very errors of Humane Nature; and yet they are the fittest Timber to make great Politicks of: like to knee-Tim­ber, that is good for Ships that are ordained to be tossed, but not for building Houses, that shall stand firm. The parts and signs of Goodness are many. If a Man be gra­cious and courteous to Strangers, it shews he is a Citi­zen of the world; and that his heart is no Island cut off from other Lands, but a Continent that joyns to them. If he be compassionate towards the afflictions of others, it shews that his heart is like the noble Tree, that is wounded it self, when it gives the Balm. If he easily pardons and remits offences, it shews that his mind is planted above Injuries, so that he cannot be shot. If he [Page 33] be thankful for small benefits, it shews that he weighs mens minds, and not their trash. But above all, if he have Saint Paul's perfection, that he would wish to be an Anathema from Christ, for the Salvation of his Brethren, it shews much of a Divine Nature, and a kind of con­formity with Christ himself.

XIV. Of Nobility.

WE will speak of Nobility, First as a Portion of an Estate, then as a Condition of Particular Persons. A Monarchy, where there is no Nobility at all, is ever a pure and absolute Tyranny, as that of the Turks, for No­bility attempers Soveraignty, and draws the eyes of the People somewhat aside from the Line Royal. But for Democracies they need it not: and they are commonly more quiet, and less subject to Sedition, than where there are Stirps of Nobles. For mens eyes are upon the business, and not upon the persons; or if upon the per­sons, it is for business sake, as the fittest, and not for flags and pedigree. We see the Switzers last well, notwith­standing their diversity of Religion, and of Cantons: for Utility is their Bond, and not Respects. The Uni­ted Provinces of the Low-Countries in their Government excel: for where there is an equality, the Consultations are more indifferent, and the payments and tributes more chearful. A great and potent Nobility addeth Ma­jesty to a Monarch, but diminisheth Power; and put­teth Life and Spirit into the People, but presseth their Fortune. It is well when Nobles are not too great for Soveraignty, nor for justice; and yet maintained in that height, as the Insolency of Inferiours may be bro­ken upon them, before it come on too fast upon the Majesty of Kings. A numerous Nobility causeth Pover­ty [Page 34] and inconvenience in a State: for it is a furcharge of expence; and besides, it being of necessity that many of the Nobility fall in time to be weak in Fortune, it maketh a kind of Disproportion between Honour and Means.

As for Nobility in particular Persons, It is a reverend thing to see an ancient Castle or Building not in decay; or to see a fair Timber Tree sound and perfect: how much more to behold an Ancient Noble Family, which hath stood against the Waves and Weathers of Time. For New Nobility is but the Act of Power; but Anci­ent Nobility is the Act of Time. Those that are first raised to Nobility are commonly more virtuous, but less innocent than their Descendents; for there is rarely any Rising, but by a commixture of good and evil Arts. But it is reason the memory of their Vertues remain to their Posterity; and their faults die with themselves. Nobility of Birth commonly abateth industry; and he that is not industrious, envieth him that is. Besides, Noble Persons cannot go much higher; and he that standeth at a stay when others rise, can hardly avoid motions of En­vy. On the other side, Nobility extinguisheth the Passive Envy from others towards them; because they are in possession of Honour. Certainly Kings that have able Men of their Nobility, shall find ease in employing them, and a better slide into their business: for people naturally bend to them, as born in some sort to command.

XV. Of Seditions and Troubles.

SHepherds of People had need know the Kalenders of Tempests in State; which are commonly greatest when things grow to equality; as natural Tempests are greatest about the Aequin [...]ctia. And as there are cer­tain [Page 35] hollow blasts of Wind, and secret swellings of Seas before a Tempest, so are there in States.

Libels and Licentious Discourses against the State, when they are frequent and open; and in like sort, false News often running up and down to the disadvantage of the State, and hastily embraced; are amongst the Signs of Troubles. Virgil giving the pedigree of Fame, saith, She was Sister to the Gyants.

As if Fames were the Relicks of Seditions past; but they are no less indeed, the Preludes of Seditions to come. Howsoever he noteth it right, That Seditious Tumults, and Seditious Fames, differ no more but as Brother and Sister, Masculine and Feminine; especially if it come to that, that the best Actions of a State, and the most plau­sible, and which ought to give greatest contentment, are taken in ill sence, and traduced: for that shews the envy great, as Ta [...]itus saith, Conflata magna Invidia, se [...] benè, seu malè, gesta premunt. Neither doth it follow, that because these Fames are a sign of Trou­bles, that the suppressing of them with too much seve­rity, should be a Remedy of Troubles: for the despising of them many times checks them best; and the go­ing about to stop them, doth but make a Wonder long­liv'd.

Also that kind of obedience which Tacitus speaketh of is to be held suspected; Erant in officio, sed tamen qui mallent mandata Imperantium interpretari, quam exequi; Disputing, Excusing, Cavilling upon Mandates and Directions, is a kind of shaking off the yoak, and essay [Page 36] of disobedience; especially, if in those Disputings, they which are for the direction, speak fearfully and tender­ly; and those that are against it audaciously.

Also, as Machiavel noteth well; when Princes, that ought to be common Parents, make themselves as a Party, and lean to a side, it is a Boat that is overthrown by uneaven weight on the one side; as was well seen in the time of Henry the third of France: for first him­self entred League for the extirpation of the Protestants, and presently after the fame League was turned upon himself: for when the Authority of Princes is made but an Accessary to a Cause, and that there are other Bands that tie faster than the Band of Soveraignty, Kings be­gin to be almost put out of possession.

Also, when Discords, and Quarrels, and Factions are carried openly and audaciously, it is a sign the Re­verence of Government is lost. For the Motions of the greatest Persons in a Government, ought to be as the motions of the Planets under Primum Mobile (ac­cording to the old Opinion:) which is, that every of them is carried swiftly by the highest Motion, and softly in their own Motion. And therefore when great Ones in their own particular Motion move violently; and as Tacitus expresseth it well, Liberius quam ut Im­perantium meminissent, it is a sign the Orbs are out of Frame: for Reverence is that wherewith Princes are girt from God, who threatneth the dissolving thereof; Solvam cingula Regum.

So when any of the four Pillars of Government are mainly shaken or weakned, (which are Religion, Justice, Counsel, and Treasure) Men had need to pray for fair weather.

But let us pass from this part of Predictions (con­cerning which, nevertheless, more light may be taken from that which followeth) and let us speak first of the Materials of Seditions; then of the Motives of them; and thirdly, of the Remedies.

[Page 37] Concerning the Materials of Seditions; It is a thing well to be considered: For the surest way to prevent Seditions (if the times do bear it) is to take away the matter of them. For if there be fuel prepared, it is hard to tell whence the spark shall come that shall s [...]t it on fire. The Matter of Seditions is of two kinds; much Poverty and much Discontentment. It is certain, so many Overthrown Estates, so many votes for Troubles. Lucan noteth well the State of Rome before the Civil War.

This same multis utile Bellum is an assured and infalli­ble sign of a State disposed to Seditions and Troubles. And if this Poverty and broken Estate in the better sort, be joyned with a want and necessity in the mean Peo­ple, the danger is eminent and great; sor the Rebel­lions of the Belly are the worst. As for Discontentments, they are in the Politick Body like to Humours in the Natural, which are apt to gather pre-natural Heat, and to enflame. And let no Prince measure the danger of them by this, whether they be just or unjust: for that were to imagine People to be too reasonable, who do often spurn at their own good: nor yet by this, whe­ther the griefs whereupon they rise, be in fact great or small: for they are the most dangerous Discontent­ments, where the fear is greater than the feeling. Do­lendi modus, Timendi non item. Besides, in great Oppres­sions, the same things that provoke the Patience, do withal make the courage; but in fears it is not so. Neither let any Prince or State be secure concerning Discontentments because they have been often, or have been long, and yet no Peril hath ensued; for as it is true, that every Vapour or Fume doth not turn into a Storm: So it is nevertheless true, that Storms though they blow over divers times, yet may fall at last: and as the Spanish Proverb noteth well; The Cord breaketh at the last by the weakest pull.

[Page 38] The Causes and Motions of Seditions are, Innovation in Religion, Taxes, Alteration of Laws and Customs, breaking of Privileges, General Oppression, Advancement of unworthy Persons, Strangers, Dearths, Disbanded Souldiers, Factions grown desperate. And whatsoever in offending People, joyneth and knitteth them in a Common Cause.

For the Remedies; there may be some general Pre­servatives whereof we will speak; as for the just Cure, it must answer to the particular Disease, and so be left to Counsel rather than Rule.

The first Remedy or Prevention is, to remove by all means possible that Material Cause of Sedition, whereof we speak; which is Want and Poverty in the Estate. To which purpose serveth the Opening and well Ballancing of Trade, the Cherishing of Manufactures, the Banish­ing of Idleness, the Repressing of Waste and Excess by Sumptuary Laws, the Improvement and Husbanding of the Soyl, the Regulating of Prices of Things vendi­ble, the Moderating of Taxes and Tributes, and the like. Generally it is to be foreseen, that the Populati­on of a Kingdom (especially if it be not mowen down by Wars) do not exceed the Stock of the Kingdom, which should maintain them. Neither is the Populati­on to be reckoned only by number; for a smaller num­ber that spend more, and earn less, do wear out an Estate sooner than a greater number that live lower, and gather more. Therefore the multiplying of Nobi­lity, and other Degrees of Quality, in an over Propor­tion to the Common People, doth speedily bring a State to Necessity: and so doth likewise an overgrown Cler­gy, for they bring nothing to the Stock. And in like manner, when more are bred Scholars than Preferments can take off.

It is likewise to be remembred, that forasmuch as the increase of any Estate must be upon the Foreigners; (for whatsoever is somewhere gotten, is somewhere lost.) There be but three things which one Nation sell­eth unto another; the Commodity as Nature yieldeth it; [Page 39] the Manufacture and the Vecture or Carriage: So that if these three Wheels go, Wealth will flow as in a Spring­tide. And it cometh many times to pass, that Materi­am superabit Opus; that the Work and Carriage is more worth than the Materials, and inricheth a State more: as is notably seen in the Low Country-men, who have the best Mines above Ground in the World.

Above all things good Policy is to be used, that the Treasure and Moneys in a State be not gathered into few Hands. For otherwise a State may have a great Stock, and yet starve. And Money is like Muck, not good except it be spread. This is done chiefly by sup­pressing, or at the least keeping a straight hand upon the Devouring Trades of Usury, Ingrosing, great Pastura­ges, and the like.

For removing Discontentments, or at least the danger of them, there is in every State (as we know) two por­tions of Subjects, the Nobless and the Commonalty. When one of these is Discontent, the danger is not great: for common people are of slow motion, if they be not ex­cited by the greater sort; and the greater sort are of small strength, except the multitude be apt and ready to move of themselves. Then this is the danger, when the greater sort do but wait for the troubling of the Waters amongst the meaner, that then they may declare themselves. The Poets feign, that the rest of the Gods would have bound Jupiter; which he hearing of, by the Counsel of Pallas, sent for Briareus with his hun­dred hands, to come in to his aid. An Emblem no doubt, to shew how safe it is for Monarchs to make sure of the good will of common people.

To give moderate liberty for Griefs and Discontent­ments to evaporate (so it be without too great Inso­lency or bravery) is a safe way. For he that turneth the Humours back, and maketh the Wound bleed in­wards, endangereth malign Ulcers, and pernicious Im­posthumations.

[Page 40] The part of Epimetheus might well become Prometheus in the case of Discontentments; for there is not a better provision against them. Epimetheus, when griefs and evils flew abroad, at last shut the Lid, and kept Hope in the bottom of the Vessel. Certainly the politick and artificial nourishing and entertaining of Hopes, and carrying men from Hopes to Hopes, is one of the best Antidotes against the Poyson of Discontentments. And it is a certain sign of a wise Government and Proceed­ing, when it can hold mens hearts by Hopes when it cannot by satisfaction; and when it can handle things in such manner, as no evil shall appear so peremptory but that it hath some out-let of Hope: which is the less hard to do, because both particular Persons and Facti­ons art apt enough to flatter themselves, or at least to brave that which they believe not.

Also the fore-sight and prevention, that there be no likely or fit Head, whereunto Discontented Persons may resort, and under whom they may joyn, is a known, but an excellent point of caution. I understand a fit Head to be one that hath Greatness and Reputation, that hath Confidence with the Discontented Party, and upon whom they turn their eyes; and that is thought Discontented in his own particular; which kind of Per­sons are either to be won, and reconciled to the State, and that in a fast and true manner; or to be fronted with some other of the same Party that may oppose them, and so divide the Reputation. Generally the dividing and breaking of all Factions and Combinati­ons that are adverse to the State, and setting them at distance, or at least distrust among themselves, is not one of the worst Remedies. For it is a desperate case, if those that hold with the proceeding of the State, be full of Discord and Faction; and those that are against it, be entire and United.

I have noted, that some witty and sharp Speeches, which have fallen from Princes, have given fire to Se­ditions. Caesar did himself infinite hurt in that Speech, [Page 41] Sylla nescivit literas, non potuit dictare: for it did utterly cut off that Hope which men had entertained, that he would at one time or other give over his Dictatorship. Galba undid himself by that Speech, Legi à se militem non emi, for it put the Soldiers out of Hope of the Do­native. Probus likewise by that speech, Si vixero, non opus erit amplius Romano Imperio militibus: A Speech of great despair for the Soldiers: And many the like. Surely Princes had need, in tender matters, and ticklish times, to beware what they say; especially in these short Speeches, which fly abroad like Darts, and are thought to be shot out of their secret Intentions. For as for large Discourses, they are flat things, and not so much noted.

Lastly, Let Princes against all Events not be without some great Person, one, or rather more, of Military Valour near unto them, for the repressing of Seditions in their beginnings. For without that, there useth to be more trepidation in Court, upon the first breaking out of Troubles, than were fit. And the State runneth the danger of that, which Tacitus saith; Atque is ha­bitus animorum fuit, ut pessimum facinus auderent pauci, plu­res vellent, omnes paterentur. But let such Military Per­sons be assured, and well reputed of, rather than Facti­ous and Popular, holding also good correspondence with the other great Men in the State, or else the Remedy is worse than the Disease.

XVI. Of Atheism.

I Had rather believe all the Fables in the Legend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran, that this Universal Frame is without a Mind. And therefore God never [Page 42] wrought a Miracle to convince Atheism, because his ordinary Works convince it. It is true, that a little Philosophy inclineth Mans mind to Atheism, but depth in Philosophy bringeth Mens minds about to Religion, for while the mind of man looketh upon second Causes scattered, it may sometimes rest in them, and go no further: but when it beholdeth the Chain of them Confederate and Linked together, it must needs fly to Providence and Deity. Nay, even that School which is most accused of Atheism, doth most demonstrate Religi­on: That is, the School of Leucippus and Democritus, and Epicurus. For it is a thousand times more credible, that four mutable Elements, and one immutable fifth Es­sence, duly and eternally placed, need no God, than that an Army of infinite small Portions, or Seeds un­placed, should have produced this order and beauty without a Divine Marshal. The Scripture saith, The Fool hath said in his heart, there is no God: it is not said, The fool hath thought in his heart: So as he rather saith it by rote to himself, as that he would have, than that he can throughly believe it, or be perswaded of it. For none deny there is a God, but those for whom it maketh that there were no God. It appeareth in nothing more, that Atheism is rather in the Lip, than in the Heart of Man, than by this; That Atheists will ever be talking of that their Opinion, as if they fainted in it within themselves, and would be glad to be strengthned by the consent of others. Nay more, you shall have Atheists strive to get Disciples, as it fareth with other Sects. And, which is most of all, you shall have of them that will suffer for Atheism and not recant; whereas if they did truly think, that there were no such thing as God, why should they trouble themselves? Epicurus is charged, that he did but dissemble for his credits sake, when he affirmed, there were Blessed Natures, but such as enjoyed them­selves, without having respect to the Government of the World: wherein, they say, he did temporize; though in secret he thought there was no God. But certainly [Page 43] he is traduced; for his Words are Noble and Divine; Non Deos vulgi negare profanum, sed vulgi Opiniones Diis applicare profanum. Plato could have said no more. And although he had the confidence to deny the Administra­tion, he had not the power to deny the Nature. The In­dians of the West have names for their particular gods, though they have no name for God; as if the Heathens should have had the names of Jupiter, Apollo, Mars, &c. but not the word Deus: shews, that even those barbarous People have the notion, hough they have not the latitude and extent of it. So that against the Atheist the very Savages take part with the very subtilest Phi­losophers: The Contemplative Atheist is rare: A Dia­goras, a Bion, a Lucian perhaps, and some others; and yet they seem to be more than they are: For that all that impugn a received Religion or Superstition, are by the ad­verse part branded with the name of Atheists. But the great Atheists indeed are Hypocrites, which are ever hand­ling Holy things, but without feeling; so as they must needs be cauterized in the end. The Causes of Atheism are Divisions in Religion, if they be many: for any one main Division addeth Zeal to both sides, but many Di­visions introduce Atheism. Another is, Scandal of Priests, when it is come to that which Saint Bernard saith, Non est jam dicere, ut populus, sacerdos: quia nec sic populus, ut sacerdos. A third is, Custom of Prophane Scoffing in Holy Matters, which doth by little and little deface the Reverence of Religion. And lastly, Learned Times, e­specially with peace and prosperity: for troubles and ad­versities do more bow Mens minds to Religion. They that deny a God, destroy Mans Nobility: for certainly Man is of kin to the Beasts by his Body; and if he be not of kin to God by his Spirit; he is a base and ignoble Creature. It destroys likewise Magnanimity, and the raising Humane Nature: for take an example of a Dog, and mark what a generosity and courage he will put on, when he finds himself maintained by a Man, who to him is instead of a God. or Melior natura: Which cou­rage [Page 44] is manifestly such, as that Creature without the confidence of a better Nature than his own, could never attain. So Man, when he resteth and assureth himself upon Divine protection and favour, gathereth a force and faith, which Humane Nature in it self could not obtain. Therefore as Atheism is in all respects hateful, so in this, that it depriveth Humane Nature of the means to exalt it self above Humane Frailty. As it is in particular Per­sons, so it is in Nations. Never was there such a State for Magnanimity, as Rome. Of this State hear what Ci­cero saith, Quam volumus, licet, Patres Conscripti, nos ame­mus, tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos, nec cal­liditate Poenos, nec artibus Graecos; nec denique hoc ipso hujus Gentis & Terrae domestico nativoque sensu Italos ipsos & La­tinos; sed Pietate ac Religione, atque hac una Sapientia, quod Deorum Immortalium Numine, omnia regi gubernarique per­speximus, omnes Gentes Nationesque superavimus.

XVII. Of Superstition.

IT were better to have no opinion of God at all, than such an opinion as is unworthy of him: For the one is Unbelief, the other is Contumely; and certain­ly Superstition is the reproach of the Deity. Plutarch saith well to that purpose: Surely (saith he) I had rather a great deal men should say, there was no such man at all as Plutarch, than that they should say, that there was one Plu­tarch, that would eat his Children as soon as they were born; as the Poets speak of Saturn. And as the Contumely is greater towards God, so the Danger is greater towards Men. Atheism leaves a man to Sense, to Philosophy, to Natural Piety, to Laws, to Reputation; all which may be guides to an outward Moral Vertue, though Re­ligion were not; But Superstition dismounts all these, and [Page 45] erecteth an absolute Monarchy in the minds of Men. Therefore Atheism did never perturb States; for it makes men weary of themselves, as looking no further: And we see the times inclined to Atheism (as the time of Au­gustus Caesar) were civil times. But Superstition hath been the Confusion of many States, and bringeth in a new Primum Mobile, that ravisheth all the Spheres of Government. The Master of Superstition is the People; and in all Superstition, Wise men follow Fools, and Ar­guments are fitted to Practice in a reversed order. It was gravely said by some of the Prelates in the Council of Trent, where the Doctrine of the School-men bare great sway, That the School-men were like Astronomers, which did feign Eccentricks, and Epicycles, and such engines of Orbs, to save the Phoenomena; though they knew there were no such things. And in like manner, that the School-men had framed a number of subtile and intricate Axi­oms and Theorems, to save the practice of the Church. The Causes of Superstitions are, pleasing and sensual Rites and Ceremonies: Excess of Outward and Pharisaical Holiness: Over-great Reverence of Traditions, which cannot but load the Church: the Stratagems of Prelates for their own Ambition and Lucre: the favouring too much of good Intentions, which openeth the Gate to Conceits and Novelties: the taking an Aim at Divine Matters by Humane, which cannot but breed mixture of Imaginations: And lastly, Barbarous Times, especi­ally joyned with Calamities and Disasters. Superstition without a veil is a deformed thing; for, as it addeth deformity to an Ape to be so like a Man: so the simi­litude of Superstition to Religion makes it the more de­formed. And as wholsome Meat corrupteth to little Worms: so good Forms and Orders corrupt into a Number of petty Observances. There is a Superstition in avoiding Superstition, when men think to do best, if they go furthest from the Superstition formerly received. Therefore Care would be had, that (as it fareth in ill Purgings) the good be not taken away with the bad, [Page 46] which commonly is done, when the People is the Re­former.

XVIII. Of Travel.

TRAVEL, in the younger Sort, is a part of Edu­cation; in the elder, a part of Experience. He that Travelleth into a Countrey before he hath some En­trance into the Language, goeth to School and not to Travel. That young men Travel under some Tutor, or grave Servant, I allow well, so that he be such a one that hath the Language, and hath been in the Country before, whereby he may be able to tell them, what things are worthy to be seen in the Countrey where they go, what Acquaintances they are to seek, what Exercises or Discipline the Place yieldeth. For else young men shall go hooded, and look abroad little. It is a strange thing, that in Sea-voyages, where there is nothing to be seen but Sky and Sea, men should make Diaries; but in Land-Travel, wherein so much is to be observed, for the most part they omit it; as if Chance were fitter to be registred than Observation. Let Dia­ries therefore be brought in use. The things to be seen and observed are the Courts of Princes, especially when they give Audience to Embassadors: The Courts of Justice, while they sit and hear Causes, and so of Con­sistories Ecclesiastick: the Churches and Monasteries, with the Monuments which are therein extant: the Walls and Fortifications of Cities and Towns; and so the Havens and Harbors: Antiquities and Ruins: Li­braries, Colleges, Disputations and Lectures, where any are: Shipping and Natives: Houses and Gardens of State and Pleasure near great Cities: Armories, Arse­nals, Magazines, Exchanges, Burses, Ware-houses: Ex­ercises [Page 47] of Horsmanship, Fencing, Training of Souldiers, and the like: Comedies, such whereunto the better sort of Persons do resort. Treasures of Jewels and Robes: Cabinets and Rarities. And to conclude, whatsoever is memorable in the Places where they go. After all which the Tutors or Servants ought to make diligent enquiry. As for Triumphs, Masques, Feasts, Weddings, Funerals, Capital Executions, and such Shews; Men need not to be put in mind of them; yet are they not to be neglected. If you will have a young man to put his Travel into a little room, and in short time to ga­ther much, this you must do. First, as we said, he must have some entrance into the Language before he goeth. Then he must have such a Servant or Tutor as know­eth the Countrey, as was likewise said. Let him carry with him also some Chard or Book, describing the Coun­trey where he Travelleth, which will be a good key to his Enquiry. Let him keep also a Diary. Let him not stay long in one City or Town, more or less, as the Place deserveth, but not long: Nay, when he stayeth in one City or Town, let him change his Lodging from one end and part of the Town to another, which is a great Adamant of Acquaintance. Let him sequester himself from the Company of his Countrey-men, and diet in such Places where there is good Company of the Nation where he Travelleth. Let him upon his Removes from one Place to another, procure recommendation to some Person of Quality, residing in the Place whi­ther he removeth, that he may use his Favour in those things he desireth to see or know. Thus he may a­bridge his Travels with much profit. As for the Ac­quaintance which is to be sought in Travel, that which is most of all profitable, is Acquaintance with the Se­cretaries and employed Men of Embassadors; for so in Travelling in one Country, he shall suck the experience of many. Let him also see and visit eminent Persons, in all kinds, which are of great Name abroad; that he may be able to tell how the Life agreeth with the Fame. [Page 48] For Quarrels, they are with Care and Discretion to be avoided: They are commonly for Mistresses, Healths, Place, and Words. And let a Man beware how he keepeth Company with Cholerick and Quarrelsome Persons, for they will engage him into their own Quar­rels. When a Traveller returneth home, let him not leave the Countries where he hath Travelled, altogether behind him, but maintain a Correspondency by Letters with those of his Acquaintance which are of most worth. And let his Travel appear rather in his Dis­course, than in his Apparel or Gesture; and in his Dis­course let him be rather advised in his Answers, than forward to tell Stories: And let it appear, that he doth not change his Countrey Manners for those of Foreign Parts; but only prick in some Flowers of that he hath learned abroad, into the Customs of his own Countrey.

XIX. Of Empire.

IT is a miserable State of Mind, to have few things to desire, and many things to fear, and yet that commonly is the Case of Kings, who being at the high­est, want matter of desire, which makes their minds more languishing, and have many Representations of Perils and Shadows, which makes their minds the less clear. And this is one reason also of that effect which the Scripture speaketh of; That the King's heart is inscru­table. For, multitude of Jealousies, and lack of some predominant desire that should marshal and put in or­der all the rest, maketh any Mans heart hard to find or sound. Hence it comes likewise, that Princes many times make themselves Desire, and set their Hearts up­on Toys: sometimes upon a Building, sometimes upon erecting of an Order, sometimes upon the advancing [Page 49] of a Person, sometimes upon obtaining excellency in some Art or Feat of the Hand; as Nero for playing on the Harp, Domitian for Certainty of the Hand with the Arrow, Commodus for playing at Fence, Caracalla for dri­ving Chariots, and the like. This seemeth incredible unto those that know not the principal; That the mind of Man is more cheared and refreshed by profiting in small things, than by standing at a stay in great. We see also that the Kings that have been fortunate Conquerours in their first years, it being not possible for them to go for­ward infinitely, but that they must have some check or arrest in their Fortunes, turn in their latter years to be Superstitious and Melancholy: as did Alexander the Great, Dioclesian; and in our memory, Charles the Fifth, and others: For he that is used to go forward, and find­eth a stop, falleth out of his own favour, and is not the thing he was.

To speak now of the true Temper of Empire; It is a thing rare, and hard to keep; for both Temper and Distemper consist of Contraries. But it is one thing to mingle Contraries, another to interchange them. The Answer of Apollonius to Vespasian is full of excellent In­struction; Vespasian asked him, What was Nero 's over-throw? He answered, Nero could touch and tune the Harp well, but in Government sometimes he used to wind the pins too high, sometimes to let them down too low. And certain it is, that nothing destroyeth Authority so much, as the unequal and untimely interchange of Power Pressed too far, and Relaxed too much.

This is true, that the Wisdom of all these latter Times in Princes Affairs, is rather fine Deliveries, and Shift­ings of Dangers and Mischiefs, when they are near, than solid and grounded Courses to keep them aloof. But this is but to try Masteries with Fortune: and let men beware how they neglect and suffer matter of Trouble to be prepared: for no man can forbid the spark, nor tell whence it may come. The difficulties in Princes Business are many and great; but the great­est [Page 50] difficulty is often in their own mind. For it is com­mon with Princes (saith Tacitus) to will Contradictories. Sunt plerumque Regum voluntates vehementes, & inter se contrariae. For it is the Solecism of Power, to think to Command the end, and yet not endure the means.

Kings have to deal with their Neighbours, their Wives, their Children, their Prelates or Clergie, their Nobles, their Second Nobles or Gentlemen, their Merchants, their Com­mons, and their Men of War. And from all these arise Dangers, if Care and Circumspection be not used.

First, For their Neighbours: There can no general Rule be given (the occasions are so variable) save one, which ever holdeth, which is, that Princes do keep due Centinel, that none of their Neighbours do over-grow so, (by increasing of Territory, by imbracing of Trade, by Approaches, or the like) as they become more able to annov them, than they were. This is generally the work of standing Counsels to foresee, and to hinder it. During that Triumvirate of King's, King Henry the 8th of England, Francis the 1st King of France, and Charles the 5th Emperour, there was such a Watch kept, that none of the Three could win a Palm of Ground, but the o­ther Two would straight-ways balance it, either by Confederation, or if need were, by a War, and would not in any wise take up Peace at Interest. And the like was done by that League, (which Guicciardine saith, was the Security of Italy) made between Ferdinando King of Naples, Lorenzius Medices, and Ludovicus Sforza, Poten­tate, the one of Florence, the other of Milain. Neither is the opinion of some of the School-men to be received▪ That a War cannot justly be made but upon a precedent Inju­ry or Provocation. For there is no question, but a just Fear of an imminent Danger, though there be no Blow given, is a lawful Cause of a War.

For their Wives: There are cruel examples of them Livia is infamed for the poysoning of her Husband: Rolaxana, Solyman's Wife, was the destruction of that re­nowned Prince, Sultan Mustapha, and otherwise trou­bled [Page 51] his House and Succession: Edward the Second of England, his Queen had the principal hand in the depo­sing and murther of her Husband. This kind of dan­ger is then to be feared, chiefly when the Wives have Plots for the raising of their own Children, or else that they be Advoutresses.

For their Children: The Tragedies likewise of dan­gers from them have been many. And generally the entring of Fathers into suspicion of their Children, hath been ever unfortunate. The destruction of Mustapha (that we named before) was so fatal to Solyman's Line, as the Succession of the Turks from Solyman until this day, is suspected to be untrue, and of strange blood; for that Selymus the second was thought to be supposititious. The destruction of Crispus, a young Prince of rare to­wardness, by Constantinus the Great, his Father, was in like manner fatal to his House; for both Constantinus and Constance his Son died violent Deaths; and Constan­tius his other Son did little better, who died indeed of Sickness, but after that Julianus had taken Arms against him. The destruction of Demetrius, Son to Philip the Second of Macedon, turned upon the Father, who died of Repentance. And many like Examples there are, but few or none where the Fathers had good by such distrust, except it were where the Sons were up in open Arms against them; as was Selymus the first against Bajazet, and the three Sons of Henry the Second, King of England.

For their Prelates: When they are proud and great, there is also danger from them; as it was in the times of Anselmus and Thomas Becket, Arch-Bishops of Canter­bury, who with their Crosiers did almost try it with the Kings Sword; and yet they had to deal with stout and haughty Kings; William Rufus, Henry the First, and Henry the Second. The danger is not from the State, but where it hath a dependance of Foreign Authority; or where the Church-men come in, and are elected, not by the collation of the King, or particular Patrons, but by the People.

[Page 52] For their Nobles: To keep them at a distance it is not amiss, but to depress them may make a King more ab­solute, but less safe, and less able to perform any thing that he desires. I have noted it in my History of King Henry the Seventh, of England, who depressed his Nobi­lity; whereupon it came to pass, that his times were full of Difficulties and Troubles; for the Nobility, though they continued loyal unto him, yet did they not co-ope­rate with him in his business; so that in effect he was fain to do all things himself.

For their Second Nobles: There is not much danger from them, being a Body dispersed. They may some­times discourse high, but that doth little hurt. Besides they are a counterpoize to the higher Nobility, that they grow not too potent: and lastly, being the most imme­diate in Authority with the Common People, they do best temper popular Commotions.

For their Merchants: They are Vena porta; and if they flourish not, a Kingdom may have good Limbs, but will have empty Veins, and nourish little. Taxes and Imposts upon them, do seldom good to the Kings Revenue; for that he wins in the Hundred, he looseth in the Shire; the particular Rates being increased, but the total bulk of Trading rather decreased.

For their Commons: There is little danger from them, except it be where they have great and potent Heads, or where you meddle with the point of Religion, or their Customs, or means of Life.

For their Men of War: It is a dangerous State, where they live and remain in a Body, and are used to Dona­tives, whereof we see examples in the Janizaries and Pretorian Bands of Rome: But Trainings of Men, and Arming them in several places, and under several Com­manders, and without Donatives, are things of Defence, and no danger.

Princes are like to Heavenly Bodies, which cause good or evil times; and which have much Veneration, but no Rest. All Precepts concerning Kings, are in effect com­prehended [Page 53] in those two Remembrances, Memento quod es Homo, and Memento quod es Deus, or Vice Dei; the one bridleth their Power, and the other their Will.

XX. Of Counsel.

THE greatest trust between Man and Man is the trust of Giving Counsel: For in other confidences Men commit the parts of Life, their Lands, their Goods, their Children, their Credit, some particular Affair: but to such as they make their Counsellors, they commit the whole, by how much the more they are obliged to all faith and integrity. The wisest Princes need not think it any diminution to their Greatness, or derogati­on to their Sufficiency, to rely upon Counsel. God him­self is not without, but hath made it one of the great Names of his blessed Son: The Counsellor. Solomon hath pronounced, that in Counsel is Stability. Things will have their first or second agitation; if they be not tos­sed upon the arguments of Counsel, they will be tossed upon the waves of Fortune, and be full of inconstancy, doing and undoing, like the reeling of a drunken man. Solomon's Son found the force of Counsel, as his Father saw the necessity of it. For the beloved Kingdom of God was first rent and broken by ill Counsel; upon which Counsel there are set for instruction the two marks, whereby Bad Counsel is for ever best discerned, that it was young Counsel for the Persons, and violent Counsel for the Matter.

The ancient times do set forth in figure, both the incorporation, and inseparable conjunction of Counsel with Kings, and the wise and politick use of Counsel by Kings; the one in that they say, Jupiter did marry. Metis, which signifieth Counsel, whereby they intend that [Page 54] Soveraignty is married to Counsel; the other in that which followeth, which was thus: They say, after Jupiter was married to Metis, she conceived by him, and was with Child: but Jupiter suffered her not to stay till she brought forth, but eat her up; whereby he became himself with Child, and was delivered of Pallas Armed out of his Head; which monstrous Fa­ble containeth a secret of Empire, how Kings are to make use of their Council of State. That first they ought to refer matters unto them, which is the first begetting or impregnation; but when they are elaborate, mould­ed, and shaped in the Womb of their Council, and grow ripe, and ready to be brought forth, that then they suffer not their Council to go through with the resolution and direction, as if it depended on them; but take the matter back into their own hands, and make it appear to the World, that the Decrees and fi­nal Directions (which, because they come forth with Prudence and Power, are resembled to Pallas Armed) proceeded from themselves: And not only from their Authority, but (the more to add reputation to themselves) from their Head and Device.

Let us now speak of the Inconveniencies of Counsel, and of the Remedies. The Inconveniences that have been noted in calling and using Counsel, as three: First, the revealing of Affairs, whereby they become less secret. Secondly, the weakning of the Authority of Princes, as if they were less of themselves. Thirdly, the dan­ger of being unfaithfully Counselled, and more for the good of them that Counsel, than of him that is Coun­selled. For which Inconveniencies, the Doctrine of Italy, and practice of France in some Kings times, hath in­troduced Cabinet Councils; a Remedy worse than the Disease.

As to Secrecy: Princes are not bound to communicate all matters with all Counsellors, but extract and select. Neither is it necessary, that he that consulteth what he should do, should declare what he will do. But let [Page 55] Princes beware, that the unsecreting of their Affairs comes not from themselves. And as for Cabinet Counsels, it may be their Motto; Plenus rimarum sum: One futile Person, that maketh it his glory to tell, will do more hurt, than many that know it their duty to conceal. It is true, there be some Affairs which require extream Secrecy, which will hardly go beyond one or two Per­sons beside the King: Neither are those Counsels un­prosperous; for besides the Secrecy, they commonly go on constantly in one Spirit of Direction without di­straction. But then it must be a prudent King, such as is able to grind with a Hand-mill; and those Inward Counsellors had need also be wise Men, and especially true and trusty to the King's ends; as it was with King Henry the Seventh, of England, who in his greatest bu­siness imparted himself to none, except it were to Morton and Fox.

For weakning of Authority: The Fable sheweth the Remedy. Nay, the Majesty of King's is rather exalted than diminished, when they are in the Chair of Coun­sel. Neither was there ever Prince bereaved of his de­pendencies by his Counsel, except where there hath been either an over-greatness in one Counsellor, or an over-strict combination in divers, which are things soon found and holpen.

For the last Inconvenience, that Men will Counsel with an Eye to themselves: Certainly, Non inveniet fidem su­per terram, is meant of the nature of times, and not of all particular Persons. There be, that are in nature, faithful and sincere, and plain, and direct, not crafty and involved: Let Princes above all draw to themselves such natures. Besides Counsellors are not commonly so united, but that one Counsellor keepeth Centinel over another; so that if any do Counsel, out of faction, or private ends, it commonly comes to the King's Ear. But the best Remedy is, if Princes know their Counsellors as well as their Counsellors know them: ‘ [Page 56] Principis est virtus maxima nosse suos.’

And on the other side, Counsellors should not be too speculative into their Soveraigns Person. The true composition of a Counsellor, is rather to be skill'd in their Masters business, than in his Nature; for then he is like to advise him, and not to feed his humour. It is of singular use to Princes, if they take the Opinions of their Counsel, both separately and together. For pri­vate opinion is more free, but opinion before others is more reverend. In private, Men are more bold in their own humours; and in consort, Men are more obnoxious to others humours: therefore it is good to take both. And of the inferiour sort, rather in private, to preserve freedom; of the greater, rather in consort, to preserve respect. It is vain for Princes to take Coun­sel, concerning Matters, if they take no Counsel like­wise concerning Persons: for all Matters are as dead Images; and the life of the execution of Affairs resteth in the good choice of Persons. Neither is it enough to consult concerning Persons, secundum genera, as in an Idea or Mathematical Description, what the kind and cha­racter of the Person should be; for the greatest errors are committed, and the most judgment is shewn in the choice of Individuals. It was truly said, Optimi Consili­arii mortui; Books will speak plain when Counsellors blanch. Therefore it is good to be conversant in them, especially the Books of such as themselves have been Actors upon the Stage.

The Councils at this day in most places are but fami­liar meetings, where matters are rather talked on than debated. And they run too swift to the Order or Act of Counsel. It were better, that in Causes of weight, the Matter were propounded one day, and not spoken [...]ill the next day, In nocte Consilium. So was it done in the Commission of Union between England and Scot­land, which was a grave and orderly Assembly. I [Page 57] commend set days for Petitions: for it gives both the Suitors more certainty for their attendance, and it frees the meetings for matters of Estate, that they may Hoc agere. In choice of Committees for ripening Business for the Council, it is better to chuse indifferent Persons, than to make an Indifferency, by putting in those that are strong on both sides. I commend also standing Commissions; as for Trade, for Treasure, for War, for Suits, for some Provinces: For where there be divers particular Councils, and but one Council of State, (as it is in Spain) they are in effect no more than standing Commissions; save that they have greater Authority. Let such as are to inform Councils out of their particular Professions (as Lawyers, Sea-men, Mint-men, and the like) be first heard before Committees, and then, as occasion serves, before the Council. And let them not come in multitudes, or in a Tribunitious manner; for that is to clamour Councils, not to inform them. A long Table, and a square Table, or Seats about the Walls, seem things of Form, but are things of Sub­stance; for at a long Table, a few at the upper end in effect sway all the business; but in the other Form, there is more use of the Counsellors Opinions that sit lower. A King, when he presides in Council, let him beware how he opens his own inclination too much in that which he propoundeth; for else Counsellors will but take the wind of him, and instead of giving Free Counsel, sing him a Song of Placebo.

XXI. Of Delays.

FORTUNE is like the Market, where many times if you can stay a little, the Price will fall. And again, it is sometimes like Sibylla's Offer, which at first offereth the Commodity at full, then consumeth part [Page 58] and part, and still holdeth up the Price. For Occa­sion (as it is in the Common Verse) turneth a bald Nod­dle, after she hath presented her Locks in Front, and no hold taken; or at least turneth the handle of the Bottle first to be received, and after the Belly, which is hard to clasp. There is surely no greater Wisdom, than well to time the Beginnings and Onsets of Things. Dan­gers are no more light, if they once seem light; and more Dangers have deceived Men, than forced them. Nay, it were better to meet some Dangers half way▪ though they come nothing near, than to keep too long a watch upon their Approaches; for if a Man watch too long, it is odds he will fall asleep. On the othe [...] side, to be deceived with two long Shadows (as some have been, when the Moon was low, and shone on their Enemies back, and so to shoot off before the time▪ or to teach Dangers to come on, by over-early Buck­ling towards them, is another extream. The Ripeness or Unripeness of the Occasion, (as we said) must ever be well weighed; and generally it is good to commit the Beginnings of all great Actions to Argus with his hundred eyes, and the Ends to Briareus with his hun­dred hands; first to Watch, and then to speed. For the Helmet of Pluto, which maketh the Politick Man go invisible, is Secrecy in the Counsel, and Celerity in the Execution. For when things are once come to the Execution, there is no Secrecy comparable to Ce­lerity; like the motion of a Bullet in the air, which flyeth so swift, as it out-runs the Eye.

XXII. Of Cunning.

VVE take Cunning for a Sinister or Crooked Wi [...] ­dom. And certainly there is great difference between a Cunning Man and a Wise Man, not only in [Page 59] point of Honesty, but in point of Ability. There be that can pack the Cards, and yet cannot play well: so there are some that are good in Canvasses and Factions, that are otherwise Weak Men. Again, it is one thing to understand Persons, and another thing to under­stand Matters; for many are perfect in Mens Humours, that are not greatly capable of the real part of Bu­siness, which is the Constitution of one that hath stu­died Men more than Books. Such Men are fitter for Practice than for Counsel: and they are good but in their own Alley, turn them to new men, and they have lost their Aim: so as the old Rule to know a Fool from a Wise man; Mitte ambos nudos ad ignotos, & videbis, doth scarce hold for them. And because these Cunning Men are like Haberdashers of small Wares, it is not amiss to set forth their shop.

It is a point of Cunning to wait upon him, with whom you speak, with your eye, as the Jesuits give it in precept: For there may be many wise men that have secret Hearts and transparent Countenances. Yet this would be done with a demure Abasing of your eye sometimes, as the Jesuits also do use.

Another is, that when you have any thing to obtain of present dispatch, you entertain and amuse the party with whom you deal, with some other Discourse, that he be not too much awake to make Objections. Iknew a Counsellor and Secretary, that never came to Queen E­lizabeth of England with Bills to sign, but he would al­ways first put her into some Discourse of Estate, that she might the less mind the Bills.

The like surprize may be made by moving things, when the party is in hast, and cannot stay to consider advisedly of that is moved.

If a Man would cross a Business, that he doubts some other would hansomely and effectually move, let him pretend to wish it well, and move it himself in such [...]o [...]t as may foyl it.

[Page 60] The breaking off in the midst of that one was a­bout to say, as if he took himself up, breeds a grea­ter Appetite in him with whom you confer to know more.

And because it works better, when any thing seem­eth to be gotten from you by Question, than if you offer it of your self; you may lay a Bait for a Questi­on, by shewing another Visage and Countenance than you are wont; to the end, to give occasion for the par­ty to ask, what the matter is of the Change, as Nehemia [...] did; And I had not before that time been sad before the King.

In things that are tender and unpleasing, it is good to break the Ice by some whose words are of less weight, and to reserve the more weighty voice to come in as by chance, so that he may be asked the Question upon the other Speech; as Narcissus did in relating to Claudius the marriage of Messalina and Silius.

In things that a Man would not be seen in himself, it is a point of Cunning to borrow the name of the World, as to say; The World says, or, There is a Speech a­broad.

I knew one, that when he wrote a Letter, he would put that which was most material in the Post-script, as if it had been a By-matter.

I knew another, that when he came to have speech, he would pass over that he intended most, and go forth, and come back again and speak of it, as a thing that he had almost forgot.

Some procure themselves to be surprized at such times, as it is like the party that they work upon will suddenly come upon them, and to be found with a Letter in their hand, or doing somewhat which they are not accustomed; to the end they may be opposed of those things, which of themselves they are desirous to utter.

It is a point of Cunning, to let fall those Words in a mans own Name, which he would have another man [Page 61] learn and use, and thereupon take advantage. I knew two that were Competitors for the Secretaries Place, in Queen Elizab [...]th's time, and yet kept good Quarter be­tween themselves, and would confer one with another upon the Business; and one of them said, That to be a Secretary in the Declination of a Monarchy, was a tick­lish thing, and that he did not affect it: the other strait caught up those Words, and discoursed with di­vers of his Friends, That he had no reason to desire to be a Secretary in the Declining of a Monarchy. The first man took hold of it, and found means it was told the Queen, Who hearing of a Declination of a Monarchy, took it so ill, as she would never after hear of the other's Suit.

There is a Cunning, which we in England call, The turning of the Cat in Pan; which is, when that which a man says to another, he lays it as if another had said it to him; and to say truth, it is not easie, when such a matter pass'd between two, to make it appear from which of them it first moved and began.

It is a way that some men have to glance and dart at others, by justifying themselves by Negatives; as to say, This I did not: As Tigellinus did towards Burrhus; Se non diversas spes, sed incolumitatem Imperatoris simpliciter spectare.

Some have in readiness so many Tales and Stories, as there is nothing they would insinuate, but they can wrap it into a Tale, which serveth both to keep them selves more in Guard, and carry it with more Pleasure.

It is a good point of Cunning, for a man to shape the Answer he would have in his own Words and Proposi­tions; for it makes the other party stick the less.

It is strange, how long some men will lie in wait to speak somewhat they desire to say, and how far about they will fetch, and how many other matters they will beat over to come near it; it is a thing of great Patience, but yet of much Use.

[Page 62] A sudden, bold, and unexpected Question, doth ma­ny times surprize a man and lay him open: Like to him, that having changed his Name, and walked in Paul's, a­nother suddenly came behind him, and called him by his true Name, whereat streight-ways he looked back.

But these small Wares, and petty points of Cunning are infinite; and it were a good deed to make a List of them: for that nothing doth more hurt in a State, that that Cunning Men pass for Wise.

But certainly some there are, that know the Resorts and Falls of Business, that cannot sink into the Main o [...] it: Like a House that hath convenient Stairs and En­tries, but never a fair Room. Therefore you shall see them find out pretty Looses in the Conclusion, but are no ways able to examine or debate Matters: and yet commonly they take advantage of their Inability, and would be thought Wits of direction. Some built rather upon the abusing of others, and (as we now say) Put­ting tricks upon them; than upon the soundness of their own proceedings. But Solomon saith, Prudens advertit a [...] gressus suos, Stultus divertit ad dolos.

XXIII. Of Wisdom for a Mans self.

AN Ant is a wise creature for it self, but it is a shrewd thing in an Orchard or Garden. And certainly men that are great Lovers of Themselves, waste the Pub­lick. Divide with reason between Self-love and Society, and be so true to thy Self, as thou be not false to others, especially to thy King and Country. It is a poor Cen­ter of a mans Actions, Himself. It is right Earth; for that only stands fast upon its own Center; whereas all things that have affinity with the Heavens, move upon the Center of another which they benefit. The refer­ring [Page 63] of all to a Mans Self, is more tolerable in a Sove­raign Prince; because Themselves, are not only Them­selves; but their Good and Evil is at the peril of the pub­lick Fortune. But it is a desperate Evil in a Servant to a Prince, or a Citizen in a Republick. For whatsoe­ver Affairs pass such a mans hands, he crooketh them to his own ends, which must needs be often Eccentrick to the ends of his Master or State: Therefore let Prin­ces or States chuse such Servants as have not this mark; except they mean their Service should be made but the accessary. That which maketh the effect more perni­cious, is, that all proportion is lost; it were dis-pro­portion enough for the Servants good, to be preferred before the Masters; but yet it is a greater extream, when a little good of the Servant shall carry things a­gainst the great good of the Masters. And yet that is the case of bad Officers, Treasurers, Ambassadours, Ge­nerals, and other false and corrupt Servants, which set a Byass upon their Bowl, of their own petty ends and envies, to the overthrow of their Masters great and im­portant Affairs. And for the most part, the Good which Servants receive, is after the model of their own fortune; but the Hurt they sell for that Good, is af­ter the model of their Masters Fortune. And certainly it is the nature of extream Self-Lovers, as they will set an House on fire, if it were but to roast their eggs: And yet these men many times hold credit with their Masters, because their study is but to please them, and profit Themselves; and for either respect they will aban­don the good of their Affairs.

Wisdom for a Man's self is in many branches thereof a depraved thing. It is the Wisdom of Rats, that will be sure to leave the House sometime before it falls. It is the Wisdom of the Fox, that thrusts out the Badger, who digged and made room for him. It is the Wisdom of Crocodiles, that shed tears when they would devour. But that which is specially to be noted, is, that those which (as Cicero says of Pompey) are, Sui amantes sine rivali, [Page 64] are many times unfortunate. And whereas they have all their time sacrific'd to Themselves, they become in the end themselves Sacrifices to the Inconstancy of For­tune, whose wings they thought by their Self-Wisdom to have pinnioned.

XXIV. Of Innovation.

AS the births of living Creatures at first are ill sha­pen, so are all Innovations, which are the births of Time. Yet notwithstanding, as those that first bring Honour into their Family, are commonly more wor­thy than most that succeed: So the first Precedent (if it be good) is seldom attained by imitation. For Ill to Mans nature, as it stands perverted, hath a natural mo­tion, strongest in continuance: But Good as a forced motion, strongest at first. Surely every Medicine is an Innovation; and he that will not apply new Remedies, must expect new Evils: for Time is the greatest Innova­tor. And if Time of course alter things to the worse, and Wisdom and Counsel shall not alter them to the better, what shall be the end? It is true, that what is settled by custom, though it be not good, yet at least it is fit. And those things which have long gone together are as it were confederate within themselves, whereas new things piece not so well: But though they help by their utility, yet, they trouble by their Inconformity. Besides, they are like strangers, more admired, and less favoured. All this is true, if Time stood still; which contrariwise moveth so round, that a froward retenti­on of custom is as turbulent a thing, as an Innovation: and they that reverence too much old times, are but a scorn to the new. It were good therefore, that men in their Innovations would follow the example of Time [Page 65] it self; which indeed Innovateth greatly, but quietly, and by degrees, scarce to be perceived: for otherwise whatsoever is new, is unlooked for; and ever it mends some, and pairs other: And he that is holpen, takes it for a Fortune, and thanks the Time; and he that is hurt, for a Wrong, and imputeth it to the Author. It is good also, not to try experiments in States, except the necessity be urgent, or the utility be evident; and well to beware, that it be the Reformation that draw­eth on the Change, and not the desire of Change that pretendeth the Reformation. And lastly, that the Novelty, though it be not rejected, yet be held for a suspect: And as the Scripture saith, That we make a stand upon the ancient way, and then look about us, and dis­cover what is the streight and right way, and so to walk in it.

XXV. Of Dispatch.

AFfected Dispatch is one of the most dangerous things to business that can be. It is like that which the Physicians call Pre-digestion, or Hasty Digestion, which is sure to fill the Body full of Crudities, and secret seeds of Diseases. Therefore measure not dispatch by the times of sitting, but by the advancement of the busi­ness. And as in Races, it is not the large Stride, or high Lift that makes the Speed; so in business, the keeping close to the matter, and not taking of it too much at once, procureth Dispatch. It is the care of some only to come off speedily for the time, or to con­trive some false periods of business, because they may seem Men of Dispatch. But it is one thing to abbreviate by contracting, another by cutting off; and business so hand­led at several sittings or meetings, goeth commonly [Page 66] backward or forward in an unsteady manner. I knew a Wise Man, that had it for a by-word, when he saw men hasten to a Conclusion; Stay a little, that we may make an end the sooner.

On the other side, True Dispatch is a rich thing. For Time is the measure of Business, as Money is of Wares; and business is bought at a dear hand, where there is small Dispatch. The Spartans and Spaniards have been noted to be of small Dispatch, Mivenga la Muerte de Spagna, Let my death come from Spain, for then it will be sure to be long in coming.

Give good hearing to those that give the first Infor­mation in Business; and rather direct them in the be­ginning, than interrupt them in the continuance of their Speeches: for he that is put out of his own order, will go forward and backward, and more tedious while he waits upon his memory, than he could have been, if he had gone on in his own course. But some­times it is seen, that the Moderator is more trouble­some than the Actor.

Iterations are commonly loss of time; but there is no such gain of time, as to iterate often the State of the Question; for it chaseth away many a frivolous Speech as it is coming forth. Long and curious Speeches are as fit for Dispatch, as a Robe or Mantle with a long train is for a Race.

Prefaces, and Passages, and Excusations, and other Speeches of reference to the Person, are great wasters of time; and though they seem to proceed of modesty, they are bravery. Yet beware of being too material, when there is any impediment or obstruction in mens Wills; for pre-occupation of mind ever requireth pre­face of Speech, like a fomentation to make the unguent enter.

Above all things, Order, and Distribution, and Sing­ling out of Parts, is the life of Dispatch: so as the Distri­bution be not too subtle; for he that both not divide, will never enter well into business: and he that divi­deth [Page 67] too much will never come out of it clearly. To chuse time, is to save time, and an unseasonable mo­tion is but beating the Air. There be three parts of Business; the Preparation, the Debate or Examination, and the Perfection; whereof if you look for Dispatch, let the middle only be the work of many, and the first and last the work of few. The proceeding upon some­what conceived in writing, doth for the most part fa­cilitate Dispatch: for though it should be wholly reject­ed, yet that Negative is more pregnant of direction, than an Indefinite; as Ashes are more generative than Dust.

XXVI. Of seeming Wise.

IT hath been an opinion, that the French are wiser than they seem, and the Spaniards seem wiser than they are. But howsoever it be between Nations, cer­tainly it is so between Man and Man. For as the A­postle saith of Godliness, Having a shew of Godliness, but denying the power thereof; so certainly there are in points of wisdom and sufficiency, that to do nothing or little very solemnly; Magno conatu nugas. It is a ridiculous thing, and fit for a Satyr, to persons of judgment, to see what shifts these Formalists have, and what pro­spectives to make Superficies to seem Body, that hath depth and bulk. Some are so close reserved, as they will not shew their Wares, but by a dark light; and seem always to keep back somewhat: And when they know within themselves, they speak of that they do not well know, would nevertheless seem to others, to know of that which they may not well speak. Some help themselves with countenance and gesture, and [Page 68] are wise by Signs; as Cicero saith of Piso, that when he answered him, he fetched one of his Brows up to his Forehead, and bent the other down to his Chin: Re­spondes, altero ad Frontem sublato, altero ad Mentum de­presso supercilio, crudelitatem tibi non placere. Some think to bear it, by speaking a great word, and being per­temptory; and go on, and take by admittance that which they cannot make good. Some, whatsoever is beyond their reach, will seem to despise or make light of it, as impertinent or curious, and so will have their ignorance seem Judgment. Some are never without a difference, and commonly by amusing men with a sub­tilty, blanch the matter; of whom A. Gellius saith, Ho­minem delirum qui verborum minutiis rerum frangit pondera. Of which kind also Plato in his Protagoras bringeth in Prodicus in scorn, and maketh him make a Speech, that consisteth of distinctions from the beginning to the end. Generally such men in all deliberations find ease to be of the Negative side, and affect a credit to object and foretel difficulties: For when Propositions are denied, there is an end of them; but if they be allowed, it re­quireth a new work; which false point of wisdom is the bane of business. To conclude, there is no decay­ing Merchant, or inward Beggar, hath so many tricks to uphold the credit of their Wealth, as these empty Persons have to maintain the credit of their sufficiency. Seeming Wise Men may make shift to get opinion, but let no man chuse them for employment; for certainly you were better take for business a man somewhat ab­surd, than over-formal.

XXVII. Of Friendship.

IT had been hard for him that spake it, to have put more truth and untruth together in few words, than in that Speech, Whosoever is delighted in solitude, is either a wild Beast, or a God. For it is most true, that a na­tural and secret hatred, and aversation towards Society in any Man, hath somewhat of the savage Beast; but it is most untrue, that it should have any character at all of the Divine Nature, except it proceed not out of a pleasure in Solitude, but out of a love and desire to sequester a mans self for a higher conversation; such as is found to have been falsly and feignedly in some of the Heathen, as Epimenides the Candian, Numa the Ro­man, Empedocles the Sicilian, and Apollonius of Tyana; and truly and really in divers of the ancient Hermits and Holy Fathers of the Church. But little do men perceive what Solitude is, and how far it extendeth: for a Crown is not Company, and Faces are but a Gallery of Pictures, and Talk but a Thinking Cymbal, where there is no Love. The Latine Adage meeteth with it a little, Magna Civitas, magna solitudo; because in a great Town Friends are scattered, so that there is not that fellowship, for the most part, which is in less Neighbourhoods. But we may go further, and affirm most truly, that is a meer and miserable solitude to want Friends, without which the World is but a Wilder­ness: and even in this Sense also of Solitude, whosoe­ver in the Frame of his Nature and Affections is unfit for Friendship, he taketh it of the Beast, and not from Humanity.

A Principal Fruit of Friendship is, the Ease and Dis­charge of the Fulness and Swellings of the Heart, which Passions of all kinds do cause and induce. We know [Page 70] Diseases of Stoppings and Suffocations are the most dan­gerous in the Body, and it is not much otherwise in Mind: You may take Sarza to open the Liver, Steel to open the Spleen, Flower of Sulphur for the Lungs, Castoreum for the Brain; but no Receipt openeth the Heart, but a true Friend, to whom you may impart Griefs, Joys, Fears, Hopes, Suspicions, Counsels, and whatsoever lieth upon the Heart to oppress it, in a kind of Civil Shrift or Confession.

It is a strange thing to observe, how high a Rate great Kings and Monarchs do set upon this Fruit of Friendship whereof we speak; so great, as they purchase it many times at the hazard of their own Safety and Greatness. For Princes, in regard of the distance of their Fortune from that of their Subjects and Servant, cannot gather this Fruit except (to make themselves capable thereof) they raise some Persons to be, as [...] were, Companions, and almost Equals to themselves, which many times sorteth to Inconvenience. The mo­dern Languages give unto such Persons the name of Favourites or Privadoes, as if it were matter of Grace o [...] Conversation. But the Poman name attaineth the true Use and Cause thereof, naming them [...] Cura­rum; for it is that which tyeth [...] ▪ And we see plainly that this hath been done, not by weak and pas­sionate Princes only, but by the Wisest▪ and most Po­litick that ever reigned: who have oftentimes joyned to themselves some of their Servants, whom both them­selves have called Friends, and allowed others likewise to call them in the same manner, using the word which is received between private men.

L. Sylla, when he commanded Rome, raised Pompey (after surnamed the Great) to that Height, that Pompey vaunted himself for Sylla's Over-match: for when he had carried the Consulship for a friend of his against the pursuit of Sylla, and that Sylla did a little resen [...] thereat, and began to speak great, Pompey turned upon him again, and in effect bad him be quiet; For th [...] [Page 71] more men adored the Sun-rising than the Sun-setting. With Julius, Decius Brutus had obtained that Interest, as he set him down in his Testament, for Heir in Remainder after his Nephew. And this was the man that had power with him, to draw him forth to his Death. For when Caesar would have discharged the Senate, in regard of some ill presages, and especially a Dream of Calpurnia; This man lifted him gently by the Arm out of his Chair, telling him, he hoped he would not dismiss the Senate, till his Wife had dreamed a better Dream. And it seemeth his favour was so great, as Antonius in a Let­ter which is recited verbatim in one of Cicero's Philippi­ques, called him Venefica, Witch; as if he had enchanted Caesar. Augustus raised Agrippa (though of mean Birth) to that Heighth, as when he consulted with Moecenas about the Marriage of his Daughter Julia, Moecenas took the Liberty to tell him, That he must either marry his Daughter to Agrippa, or take away his Life; there was no third way, he had made him so great. With Tiberius Caesar, Sejanus had ascended to that Heighth, as they two were termed and reckoned as a pair of Friends. Ti­berius in a Letter to him, saith, Hac pro Amicitia nostra non occultavi; and the whole Senate dedicated an Altar to Friendship, as to a Goddess, in respect of the great Dearness of Friendship between them two. The like or more was between Septimius Severus and Plantianus; for he forced his eldest Son to marry the Daughter of Plan­tianus, and would maintain Plantianus in doing affronts to his Son, and did write also in a Letter to the Senate these words; I love the man so well, as I wish he may over love me. Now if these Princes had been as a Trajan, or a Marcus Aurelius, a Man might have thought, that this had proceeded of an abundant Goodness of Nature; but being men so Wise, of such strength and severity of Mind, and so extream Lovers of themselves, as all these were; it proveth most plainly, that they found their own Felicity (though as great as ever happened to mor­tal man) but as an half Piece, except they might have [Page 72] a Friend to make it Entire; and yet, which is more, they were Princes that had Wives, Sons, Nephews, and yet all these could not supply the Comfort of Friendship.

It is not to be forgotten, what Commines observeth of his Master, Duke Charles the Hardy; namely, That he would communicate his Secrets with none; and least of all those Secrets which troubled him most. Where­upon he goeth on, and saith, that towards his latter time; That closeness did impair, and a little perish his un­derstanding. Surely, Commines might have made the same Judgment also, if it had pleased him, of his se­cond Master, Lewis the Eleventh, whose Closeness was indeed his Tormentor. The Parable of Pythagoras is dark, but true, Cor ne edito, Eat not the Heart. Cer­tainly if a man would give it a hard Phrase, those that want Friends to open themselves unto, are Cannibals of their own Hearts. But one thing is most admirable, (wherewith I will conclude this first Fruit of Friend­ship,) which is, That this Communicating of a Man's Self to a Friend, works two contrary effects; for it re­doubleth Joys, and cutteth Griefs in Halfs; for there is no man that imparteth his Joys to his Friend, but he Joyeth the more; and no man that imparteth his Griefs to his Friend, but he grieveth the less. So that it is in truth an Operation upon a Man's mind of like virtue, as the Alchymists use to attribute to their Stone for Man's Body, that it worketh all contrary effects, but still to the Good and Benefit of Nature; but yet without bring­ing in the Aid of Alchymists, there is a manifest Image of this in the ordinary course of Nature: For in Bodies Union strengthneth and cherisheth any natural Action; and on the other side, weakneth and dulleth any vio­lent Imperssion; and even so it is of Minds.

The second Fruit of Friendship is Healthful and Sove­raign for the Understanding, as the first is for the Affecti­ons: for Friendship maketh indeed a fair Day in the Af­fections from Storm and Tempests; but it maketh Day­light in the Affections from Tempests; but it maketh Day­light [Page 73] in the Understanding out of Darkness and Confusion of Thoughts. Neither is this to be understood only of Faithful Counsel which a man receiveth from his Friend: but before you come to that, certain it is, that whosoever hath his Mind fraught with many Thoughts, his Wits and Understanding do clarifie and break up in the Communicating and Discoursing with another; he tosseth his Thoughts more easily, he marshalleth them more orderly, he seeth how they look when they are turned into words. Finally, he waxeth wiser than Himself; and that more by an hours Discourse, than by a days Meditation. It was well said by Themistocles to the King of Persia, That Speech was like Cloth of Arras opened and put abroad; whereby the Imagery doth appear in Figure, whereas in Thoughts they lie but as in Packs. Nei­ther is this second Fruit of Friendship, in opening the Understanding, restrained only to such Friends as are able to give a Man Counsel; (they indeed are best) but e­ven without that a Man learneth of himself, and bring­eth his own Thoughts to Light, and whetteth his Wits as against a Stone, which its self cuts not. In a word, a Man were better relate himself to a Statue or Picture, than to suffer his Thoughts to pass in smother.

And now, to make this second Fruit of Friendship compleat, that other Point which lieth open, and fal­leth within Vulgar Observation, which is Faithful Coun­sel from a Friend. Heraclitus saith well in one of his Aenigma's; Dry Light is ever the best. And certain it is, that the Light that a Man receiveth by Counsel from a­nother, is drier and purer than that which cometh from his own Understanding and Judgment, which is ever in­fused and drenched in his Affections and Customs, so as there is as much difference between the Counsel that a Friend giveth, and that a man giveth himself, as there is between the Counsel of a Friend, and of a Flatterer; for there is no such Flatterer as in a Man's Self; and there is no such remedy against Flattery of a man's self, as the liberty of a Friend. Counsel is of two sorts; the [Page 74] one concerning Manners, the other concerning Business, For the first; the best preservative to keep the Mind in Health, is the faithful Admonition of a Friend. The calling of a Man's self to a strict account is a Medicine sometime too piercing and Corrosive. Reading good Books of Morality, is a little Flat and Dead. Obser­ving our Faults in others, is sometimes unproper for our case. But the best Receipt (best, I say) to work, and best to take, is the Admonition of a Friend. It is a strange thing to behold, what gross Errors, and ex­tream absurdities many (especially of the greater sort) do commit, for want of a Friend to tell them of them, to the great damage both of their Fame and Fortune: for, as St. James saith, they were as Men that look some­times into a Glass, and presently forget their own shape and favour. As for Business, a man may think, if he will, that two Eyes see no more than one; or that a Game­ster seeth always more than a Looker on; or that a Man in Anger is as wise as he that hath said over the four and twenty Letters; or that a Musket may be shot off as well upon the Arm, as upon a Rest; and such other fond and high Imaginations, to think himself All in All. But when all is done, the help of good Counsel is that which setteth Business streight; and if any man think that he will take Counsel, but it shall be by pieces, asking Counsel in one business of one man, and in ano­ther business of another man; it is well, (that is to say, better perhaps than if he asked none at all) but he run­neth two dangers; one, that he shall not faithfully be Counselled; for it is a rare thing, except it be from a perfect and entire Friend, to have Counsel given, but such as shall be bowed and crooked to some ends, which he hath that giveth it. The other, that he shall have Counsel gi­ven, hurtful and unsafe, (though with good meaning) and mixt; partly of mischief, and partly of remedy: even as if you would call a Physician, that is thought good for the Cure of the Disease you complain of, but is unac­quainted with your Body; and therefore may put you [Page 75] in a way for present Cure, but overthroweth your Health in some other kind, and so cure the Disease, and kill the Patient. But a Friend that is wholly ac­quainted with a Man's Estate, will beware by furthering any present Business, how he dasheth upon other Incon­venience; and therefore rests not upon scattered Counsels, for they will rather distract and mis-lead, than settle and direct.

After these two noble Fruits of Friendship, (Peace in the Affections, and Support of the Judgment) followeth the last Fruit which is like the Pomegranate, full of many kernels; I mean Aid, and Bearing a part in all Actions and Occasions. Here the best way to represent to the life the manifold use of Friendship, is to cast and see, how many things there are, which a man cannot do him­self; and then it will appear, that it was a sparing Speech of the Ancients, to say, That a Friend is another himself; for that a Friend is far more than himself. Men have their time, and die many times in desire of some things, which they principally take to heart; The bestowing of a Child, the finishing of a work, or the like. If a Man have a true Friend, he may rest almost secure, that the care of those things will continue after him: so that a Man hath as it were two Lives in his desires. A Man hath a Body, and that Body is con­fined to a place; but where Friendship is, all Offices of Life are as it were granted to him and his Deputy; for he may exercise them by his Friend. How many things are there, which a Man cannot, with any face or com­liness, say or do himself? A man can scarce alledge his own merits with modesty, much less extol them: A man cannot sometimes brook to supplicate or beg; and a number of the like. But all these things are grace­ful in a Friend's mouth, which are blushing in a man's own. So again, a man's Person hath many proper Relations, which he cannot put off. A man cannot speak to his Son, but as a Father; to his Wife but as a Husband; to his Enemy, but upon terms. Whereas a [Page 76] Friend may speak as the case requires and not as it sort­eth with the Person: But to enumerate these things were endless: I have given the Rule, where a man can­not fitly play his own part: If he have not a Friend, he may quit the Stage.

XXVIII. Of Expence.

RICHES are for spending, and spending for Ho­nour and good Actions: Therefore Extraordinary Expence must be limited by the worth of the occasion. For Voluntary Undoing may be as well for a man's Coun­try, as for the Kingdom of Heaven, but Ordinary Expence ought to be limited by a Man's Estate, and governed with such regard, as it be within his compass, and not subject to deceit and abuse of Servants, and ordered to the best shew, that the Bills may be less than the Esti­mation abroad. Certainly, if a man will keep but of even hand, his Ordinary Expences ought to be but to the half of his Receipts: And if he think to wax Rich, but to the third part. It is no baseness for the greatest to descend and look into their own Estate. Some forbear it, not upon negligence alone, but doubting to bring themselves into melancholy, in respect they shall find it broken; but Wounds cannot be cured without search­ing. He that cannot look into his own Estate at all, had need both chuse well those whom he employeth, and change them oftner; for new are more timorous, and less subtle. He that can look into his Estate but seldom, it behoveth him to turn all to certainty. A man had need, if he be plentiful in some kind of Ex­pence, to be as saving again in some other: as if he be plentiful in Diet, to be saving in Apparel: If he be plentiful in the Hall, to be saving in the Stable, and the like. For he that is plentiful in Expences of all kinds, [Page 77] will hardly be preserved from decay. In clearing of a man's Estate, he may as well hurt himself, in being too sudden, as in letting it run on too long. For hasty Selling is commonly as disadvantageous as Interest. Besides, he that clears at once will relapse; for fin­ding himself out of streights, he will revert to his customs: But he that cleareth by degrees, induceth a habit of frugality, and gaineth as well upon his mind as upon his Estate. Certainly, who hath a State to repair, may not despise small things: and commonly it is less dishonourable to abridge petty Charges, than to stoop to petty Gettings. A man ought warily to be­gin Charges, which once begun will continue; but in matters that return not, he may be more magnifi­cent.

XXIX. Of the true Greatness of Kingdoms and Estates.

THE Speech of Themistocles the Athenian, which was haughty and arrogant, in taking so much to him­self, had been a grave and wise observation and cen­sure, applyed at large to others, Desired at a Feast to touch a Lute, he said, He could not fiddle, but yet he could make a small Town a great City. These words, (holpen a little with a Metaphor) may express two dif­fering abilities in those that deal in business of Estate. For if a true Survey be taken of Counsellors and States­men, there may be found (though rarely) those which can make a small State great, and yet cannot fiddle: As on the other side, there will be found a great many that can fiddle very cunningly, but yet are so far from being able to make a small State great, as their Gift lieth [Page 78] the other way, to bring a great and flourishing Estate to ruine and decay. And certainly those degenerate Arts and Shifts, whereby many Counsellors and Go­vernours gain both favour with their Masters, and esti­mation with the Vulgar, deserve no better name than Fidling, being things rather pleasing for the time, and graceful to themselves only, than tending to the weal and advancement to the State which they serve. There are also (no doubt) Counsellors and Governours which may be held sufficient (Negotiis pares) able to manage Affairs, and to keep them from Precipices, and manifest inconveniences, which nevertheless are far from the ability to raise and amplifie an Estate in power, means, and fortune. But be the Workmen what they may be, let us speak of the Work; That is, the true Greatness of Kingdoms and Estates, and the Means thereof. An Argument fit for Great and Mighty Princes to have in their hand, to the end, that neither by over-measuring their Forces, they leese themselves in vain Enterprises; nor on the other side, by undervaluing them, they descend to fearful and pusillanimous Counsels.

The Greatness of an Estate in Bulk and Territory, doth fall under measure; and the Greatness of Finances and Revenue, doth fall under computation. The Po­pulation may appear by Musters, and the Number and Greatness of Cities and Towns by Cards and Maps. But yet there is not any thing among Civil Affairs, more subject to error, than the right valuation, and true judgment, concerning the Power and Forces of an Estate.

The Kingdom of Heaven is compared not to any great Kernel or Nut, but to a Grain of Mustard-seed, which is one of the least Grains, but hath in it a property and Spirit hastily to get up and spread. So are their States great in Territory, and yet not apt to Enlarge or Com­mand; and some that have but a small dimension of Stem, and yet apt to be the Foundations of great Mo­narchies.

[Page 79] Walled Towns, Stored Arsenals and Armouries, Goodly Races of Horse, Chariots of War, Elephants, Ordnance, Artillery, and the like: All this is but a Sheep in a Lions skin, except the breed and disposition of the People be stout and warlike. Nay, Number (it self) in Armies importeth not much, where the People is of weak courage: For, (as Virgil saith) It ne­ver troubles a Wolf, how many the sheep be. The Army of the Persians, in the Plains of Arbela, was such a vast Sea of People, as it did somewhat astonish the Comman­ders in Alexander's Army; who came to him therefore, and wished him to set upon them by night; but he answered, He would not pilfer the Victory: And the de­feat was easie.

When Tigranes the Armenian, being encamped upon a Hill with 400000 Men, discovered the Army of the Romans, being not above 14000 marching towards him, he made himself merry with it, and said, Yonder Men are too many for an Ambassage, and too few for a Fight: But before the Sun set, he found them enough to give him the Chase with infinite slaughter. Many are the examples of great odds between Number and Courage; so that a man may truly make a judgment, That the principal point of Greatness in any State, is, to have a Race of Military men. Neither is Money the Sinews of War, (as it is trivially said) where the Sinews of Mens Arms in Base and Effeminative People are fai­ling. For Solon said well to Croessus, (when in osten­tation he shewed him his Gold) Sir, If any other come, that hath better Iron than you, he will be Master of all this Gold. Therefore let any Prince or State think soberly of his Forces, except his Militia of Natives be of good and valiant Soldiers. And let Princes on the other side, that have Subjects of Martial disposition, know their own strength, unless they be otherwise wanting unto themselves. As for Mercenary Forces, (which is the Help in this Case) all examples shew, that whatsoever Estate or Prince doth rest upon them, He may spread [Page 80] his Feathers for a time, but he will mew them soon after.

The Blessing of Judas and Issachar will never meet, That the same People or Nation should be both the Lion [...] whelp, and Ass between Burthens: Neither will it be, that a People over-laid with Taxes, should ever become Va­liant and Martial. It is true, that Taxes levied by Consent of the State, do abate mens Courage less, as it hath been seen notably in the Excises of the Low Coun­tries; and in some degree, in the Subsidies of England: for you must note, that we speak now of the Heart, and not of the Purse. So that although the same Tri­bute and Tax, laid by Consent, or by Imposing, be all one to the Purse, yet it works diversly upon the Cou­rage: so that you may conclude, That no People, over-charged with Tribute, is fit for Empire.

Let States that aim at Greatness take heed how their Nobility and Gentlemen do multiply too fast: For that maketh the Common Subject grow to be a Peasant, and a base Swain, driven out of Heart, and in effect but a Gentlemans Laborour: even as you may see in Coppice Woods. If you leave your Stadles too thick, you shall never have clean Underwood, but Shrubs and Bushes. So in Countries, if the Gentlemen be too many, the Com­mons will be base: and you will bring it to that, that not the hundredth Poll will be fit for an Helmet; espe­cially as to the Infantry, which is the Nerve of an Ar­my; and so there will be great Population and little Strength. This which I speak of, hath been no where better seen, than by comparing of England and France: whereof England, though far less in Territory and Po­pulation hath been nevertheless an Over-match; in re­gard the Middle People of England make good Soldiers, which the Peasants of France do not. And herein the de­vice of King Henry the Seventh (whereof I have spoken largely in the History of his Life) was Profound and Ad­mirable in making Farms and Houses of Husbandry, of a Standard: that is, maintained with such a Pro­portion of Land unto them, as may breed a subject to [Page 81] live in Convenient Plenty, and no Servile Condition; and to keep the Plough in the hands of the Owners and not meer Hirelings. And thus indeed you shall attain to Virgil's Character which he gives to Ancient Italy

Neither is that State (which for any thing I know, is almost peculiar to England, and hardly to be found any where else, except it be perhaps in Poland) to be passed over; I mean the State of Free Servants and At­tendants upon Noblemen and Gentlemen, which are no ways inferiour to the Yeomanry for Arms: and therefore, out of all Question, the Spendor and Magnificence, and great Retinues, and Hospitality of Noblemen and Gen­tlemen received into custom, doth much conduce unto Martial Greatness: Whereas contrariwise, the close and reserving Living of Noblemen and Gentlemen, causeth a Penury of Military Forces.

By all means it is to be procured, that the Trunk of Nebuchadnezzar's Tree of Monarchy, be great enough to bear the Branches, and the Boughs; that is, That the Natural Subjects of the Crown or State, bear a sufficient Proportion to the Stranger Subjects that they govern. Therefore all States that are liberal of Naturalization towards Strangers are fit for Empire. For to think that an Handful of People can with the greatest Courage and Policy in the World, embrace too large extent of Dominion, it may hold for a time, but it will fail sud­denly. The Spartans were a nice People in point of Naturalization; whereby, while they kept their compass they stood firm; but when they did spread, and their Boughs were become too great for their Stem, they be­came a Wind-fall upon the sudden. Never any State was in this Point so open to receive Strangers into their Body, as were the Romans, therefore it sorted with them accordingly: for they grew to the greatest Mo­narchy. Their manner was to grant Naturalization, (which they called Jus Civitatis) and to grant it in the [Page 82] highest Degree; that is, not only Jus Commercii, Jus Connubii, Jus Haereditatis, but also Jus suffragii, and Jus Honorum. And this, not to singular Persons alone, but likewise to whole Families; yea, to Cities, and some­times to Nations. Add to this their Custom of Plan­tation of Colonies, whereby the Roman Plant was re­moved into the Soyl of other Nations; and putting both Constitutions together, you will say, that it was not the Romans that spread upon the World, but it was the World that spread upon the Romans; and that was the sure Way of Greatness. I have marvelled sometimes at Spain, how they clasp and contain so large Dominions with so few natural Spaniards: but sure the whole Compass of Spain is a very great Body of a Tree, far above Rome and Sparta at the first: and besides, though they have not had that usage to Natu­ralize liberally, yet they have that which is next to it; that is, To employ, almost indifferently, all Nations in their Militia of ordinary Soldiers: yea, and sometimes in their Highest Commands. Nay, it seemeth at this instant, they are sensible of this want of Natives, as by the Pragmatical Sanction, now published, appeareth.

It is certain, that Sedentary and Within-door Arts, and delicate Manufactures, (that require rather the Finger, than the Arm) have in their Nature a Contrariety to a Military disposition. And generally all Warlike People are a little idle, and love Danger better than Travel: neither must they be too much broken of it, if they shall be preserved in vigour. Therefore it was great Advan­tage in the Ancient States of Sparta, Athens, Rome, and others, that they had the use of Slaves, which commonly did rid those Manufactures: but that is abolished in greatest part by the Christian Law. That which cometh nearest to it, is to leave those Arts chiefly to Stran­gers (which for that purpose are the more easily to be received) and to contain the principal Bulk of the vulgar Natives within those three kinds; Tillers of the Ground, Free Servants, and Handicrafts Men of strong [Page 83] and manly Arts; as Smiths, Masons, Carpenters, &c. not rekoning professed Soldiers.

But above all, for Empire and Greatness it importeth most, that a Nation do profess Arms as their principal Honour: Study and Occupation: for the things which we formerly have spoken of, are but Habilitations towards Arms; and what is Habilitation, without Intention and Act? Romulus after his death (as they report or feign) sent a present to the Romans, that above all they should intend Arms, and then they should prove the greatest Empire of the world. The fabrick of the State of Sparta was wholly (though not wisely) framed and composed to that Scope and End. The Persians and Macedonians had it for a flash. The Galls, Germans, Goths, Saxons, Normans, and others had it for a time. The Turks have it at this day, though in great Declination. Of Christian Europe, they that have it, are in effect only the Spaniards. But it is so plain, That every Man profiteth in that he most intendeth, that it needeth not to be stood upon. It is enough to point at it, that no Nation which doth not directly profess Arms, may look to have Greatness fall into their mouths. And on the other side, it is a most certain Oracle of Time, that those States that continue long in that profession (as the Romans and Turks principally have done) do won­ders; and those that have professed Arms but for an Age, have notwithstanding commonly attained that Greatness in that Age, which maintained them long after, when their Profession and exercise of Arms are grown to decay.

Incident to this Point is, for a State to have those Laws or Customs which may reach forth unto them just Occasions (as may be pretended) of War: for there is that justice imprinted in the Nature of Men, that they enter not upon Wars (whereof so many Ca­lamities do ensue) but upon some, or at least specious Grounds and Quarrels. The Turk hath at hand, for cause of War, the Propagation of his Law or Sect, a [Page 84] Quarrel that he may always command. The Romans, though they esteemed the extending the Limits of their Empire to be great Honour to their Generals, when it was done; yet they never rested upon that alone to be­gin a War. First therefore, let Nations that pretend to Greatness, have this; that they be sensible of wrongs, ei­ther upon Borders, Merchants, or Politick Ministers, and that they sit not too long upon a Provocation. Second­ly, let them be prest, and ready to give Aids and Suc­cours to their Confederates; as it ever was with the Ro­mans: Insomuch as if the Confederate had Leagues defensive with divers others States, and upon Invasion offered, did deplore their Aids severally; yet the Ro­mans would ever be the foremost, and leave it to none other to have the Honour. As for the Wars which were anciently made on the behalf of a kind of Party, or tacit Conformity of Estate, I do not well say, how they may be well justified: As when the Romans made a War for the Liberty of Graecia; or when the La [...]edae­monians and Athenians made Wars to set up or pull down Democracies and Oligarchies; or when Wars were made by Foreigners, under the pretence of Justice or Pro­tection, to deliver the Subjects of others from Tyranny and Oppression, and the like. Let it suffice, That no Estate expect to be Great, that is not awake, upon any just Occasion of Arming.

No Body can be Healthful without Exercise, Nei­ther Natural Body, nor Politick; and certainly to a Kingdom or Estate, a just and Honourable War is the true Exercise. A Civil War indeed is like the Heat of a Fever; but a Foreign War is like the Heat of Exer­cise, and serveth to keep the Body in health: for in a slothful Peace both Courages will effeminate, and Man­ners corrupt. But howsoever it be for Happiness with­out all Question; for Greatness, it maketh to be still, for the most part in Arms; and the strength of a Veterane Army (though it be a chargeable Business) always on Foot, is that which commonly giveth the [Page 85] Law, or at least the Reputation amongst all Neighbour-States; as may well be seen in Spain, which hath had in one part or other a Veterane Army, almost continu­ally, now by the space of sixscore years.

To be Master of the Sea, in an Abridgment of a Mo­narchy. Cicero writing to Atticus, of Pompey his Pre­paration against Caesar, saith, Consilium Pompeii planè Themistocleum est; Putat enim qui Mari potitur, eum Re­rum potiri. And without doubt Pompey had tired out Caesar, if upon vain Confidence he had not left that Way. We see the great effects of Battels by Sea. The Battel of Actium decided the Empire of the World. The Battel of Lepanto arrested the Greatness of the Turk. There be many examples, where Sea Fights have been Final to the War: but this is when Princes or States have setup their Rest upon the Battels. But thus much is certain, that he that commands the Sea, is at great liberty, and may take as much, and as little of the War, as he will; whereas those that be strongest by Land, are many times nevertheless in great streights. Surely at this day, with us of Europe, the Vantage of strength at Sea (which is one of the principal Dowries of this Kingdom of Great Britain) is great: both be­cause most of the Kingdoms of Europe are not meerly In-land, but girt with the Sea, most part of their Com­pass; and because the Wealth of both Indies seem in great part but an Accessary to the Command of the Seas.

The Wars of Latter Ages seem to be made in the Dark, in respect of the Glory and Honour which reflected up­on Men from the Wars in Ancient Time. There be now for Martial Encouragement, some Degrees and Orders of Chivalry, which nevertheless are conferred promis­cuously upon Souldiers, and no Souldiers; and some Remembrance perhaps upon the Scutcheon; and some Hospitals for maimed Soldiers, and such like things. But in Ancient Times, the Trophies erected upon the place of the Victory; the Funeral Laudatives and Mo­numents [Page 86] for those that died in the Wars; the Crowns and Garlands personal; the Style of Emperor, which the great King of the World after borrowed; the Tri­umphs of the Generals upon their Return; the great Donatives and Largesses upon the Disbanding of the Armies, were things able to enflame all mens Courages. But above all, that of the Triumph amongst the Romans, was not Pageant or Gaudary, but one of the Wisest and Noblest Institutions that ever was: for it contained three things: Honour to the General; Riches to the Treasury out of the Spoil; and Donatives to the Army. But that Honour perhaps were not fit for Monarchies, except it be in the Person of the Monarch himself, or his Sons; as it came to pass in the times of the Roman Em­perors, who did impropriate the Actual Triumphs to themselves, and their Sons, for such Wars as they did atchieve in Persons; and left only for Wars atchieved by Subjects, some Triumphal Garments and Ensigns to the General.

To conclude, No Man can, by Care taking (as the Scripture saith) add a cubit to his Stature, in this little Model of a Mans Body; but in the great Frame of King­doms and Common-wealths, it is in the power of Princes or Estates to add Amplitude and Greatness to their King­doms. For by introducing such Ordinances, Constitu­tions and Customs, as we have now touched, they may sow Greatness to their Posterity and Succession. But these things are commonly not observed, but left to take their chance.

XXX. Of Regiment of Health.

THERE is a Wisdom in this beyond the Rules of Physick: A Mans own observation what he finds good of, and what he finds hurt of, is the best Physick [Page 87] to preserve Health. But it is a safer conclusion to say, This agreeth not well with me, therefore I will not continue it, than this, I find no offence of this, therefore I may use it. For strength of Nature in Youth passeth over many Excesses which are owing by a Man till his Age. Dis­cern of the coming on of years, and think not to do the same things still; for Age will not be defied. Be­ware of sudden change in any great point of Diet; and if necessity inforce it, fit the rest to it: For it is a secret both in Nature and State, that it is safer to change many things than one. Examine thy Customs of Di­et, Sleep, Exercise, Apparel, and the like: And try in any thing thou shalt judge hurtful, to discontinue it by little and little; but so, as if thou dost find any in­convenience by the change, thou come back to it again: For it is hard to distinguish that which is generally held good and wholesome, from that which is good particu­larly, and fit for a mans own Body. To befree mind­ed, and chearfully disposed at hours of Meat, and of Sleep, and of Exercise, is one of the best precepts for long Life. As for the Passions and Studies of the Mind; avoid envy, anxious Fears, Anger fretting inwards, subtil and knotty Inquisitions, Joys, and Exhilarations in Excess, Sadness not communicated; entertain Hopes, Mirth rather than Joy, variety of Delights, rather than Surfeit of them, Wonder and Admiration, and there­fore Novelties, Studies that sill the mind with splendid and illustrious Objects, as Histories, Fables, and Con­templations of Nature. If you fly Physick in Health al­together, it will be too strange for your Body when you shall need it. If you make it too familiar, it will work no extraordinary effect when Sickness cometh. I commend rather some Diet for certain Seasons, than frequent use of Physick, except it be grown into a cu­stom: For those Diets alter the Body more, and trouble it less. Despise no new accident in your Body, but ask opinion of it. In Sickness respect Health Principally, and in Health, Action: For those that put their Bodies [Page 88] to endure in Healths may in most Sicknesses, which are not very sharp, be cured only with Diet and tending. Celsus could never have spoken it as a Physician, had he not been a wise Man withal, when he giveth it for one of the great Precepts of Health and Lasting, That a Man do vary, and enterchange contraries, but with an inclination to the more benign extream. Use Fasting and full Eating, but rather full Eating; Watching and Sleep, but rather Sleep; Sitting and Exercise, but rather Exercise, and the like: So shall Nature be cherished, and yet taught Masteries. Physicians are some of them so pleasing, and conformable to the humour of the Pa­tient, as they press not the true cure of the Disease; and some other are so regular, in proceeding according to Art for the Disease, as they respect not sufficiently the condition of the Patient. Take one of a middle temper, or if it may not be found in one Man, com­bine two of either sort; and forget not to call as well the best acquainted with your Body, as the best reputed of for his Faculty.

XXXI. Of Suspicion.

SUSPICIONS amongst thoughts are like Bats a­mongst Birds, they ever fly by twilight. Certain­ly they are to be repressed, or at least well guarded; for they cloud the Mind, they leese Friends, that they check with Business, whereby Business cannot go on currant and constantly. They dispose Kings to Tyranny, Hus­bands to Jealousie, Wise Men to Irresolution and Me­lancholy. They are defects, not in the Heart, but in the Brain; for they take place in the stoutest Natures: As in the example of Henry the Seventh of England, there was not a more Suspicious Man, nor a more Stout: [Page 89] And in such a composition they do small hurt. For commonly they are not admitted, but with examination whether they be likely or no; but in fearful Natures they gain ground too fast. There is nothing makes a Man suspect much, more than to know little; and there­fore Men should remedy Suspicion, by procuring to know more, and not to keep their Suspicions in smother. What would Men have? Do they think those they im­ploy and deal with are Saints? Do they not think they will have their own ends, and be truer to themselves than to them? Therefore there is no better way to mo­derate Suspicions, than to account upon such Suspicions as true, and yet to bridle them as false. For so far a Man ought to make use of Suspicions, as to provide, as if that should be true that he suspects, yet it may do him no hurt. Suspicions that the mind of it self gathers are but Buzzes, but Suspicions that are artificially nourished, and put into Mens heads by the tales and whispering of o­thers, have Stings Certainly the best means to clear the way in this same Wood of Suspicions, is frankly to communicate them with the Party that he suspects; for thereby he shall be sure to know more of the truth of them than he did before; and withal, shall make that Party more circumspect, not to give further cause of Suspicion. But this would not be done to Men of base Natures: For they, if they find themselves once suspect­ed, will never be true. The Italians say, Sospetto licentia feda; as if Suspicion did give a Passport to Faith: But it ought rather to kindle it, to discharge it self.

XXXII. Of Discourse.

SOME in their Discourse desire rather commendati­on of Wit, in being able to hold all Arguments, than of Judgment in discerning what is true: As if it [Page 90] were a praise to know what might be said, and not what should be thought. Some have certain Common Places, and Themes, wherein they are good, and want variety; which kind of Poverty is for the most part te­dious, and when it is once perceived, ridiculous. The honourablest part of Talk, is to give the Occasion, a­gain, to moderate and pass to somewhat else; for then a Man leads the Dance. It is good in Discourse and Speech of Conversation, to vary and intermingle Speech of the present occasion with Arguments, Tales with Reasons, asking of Questions with telling of Opinions, and Jest with Earnest: For it is a dull thing to Tire, and as we say now, to Jade any thing too far. As for Jest, there be certain things which ought to be privi­leged from it; namely, Religion, Matters of State, Great Persons, any Mans present Business of impor­tance, and any Case that deserveth pity. Yet there be some that think their Wits have been asleep, except they dart out somewhat that is piquant, and to the quick: That is a vein which should be bridled.

And generally men ought to find the difference be­tween Saltness and Bitterness. Certainly he that hath a Satyrical Vein, as he maketh others afraid of his Wit, so he had need be afraid of others Memory. He that questioneth much, shall learn much, and content much; but especially if he apply his Questions to the skill of the Persons whom he asketh: For he shall give them occasion to please themselves in speaking, and himself shall continually gather knowledge. But let his Questi­ons not be troublesome; for that is fit for a Poser: And let him be sure to leave other Men their turns to speak. Nay, if there be any that would reign, and take up all the time, let him find means to take them off, and to bring others on, as Musicians use to do with those that dance too long Galliards. If you dissemble sometimes [Page 91] your knowledge of that you are thought to know, you shall be thought another time to know that you know not. Speech of a mans self ought to be seldom, and well chosen. I knew one was wont to say in scorn, He must needs be a Wise Man, he speaks so much of himself: And there is but one case, wherein a Man may com­mend himself with good Grace, and that is, in com­mending Vertue in another; especially if it be such a Vertue whereunto himself pretendeth. Speech of touch towards others should be sparingly used: For Discourse ought to be as a Field, without coming home to any Man. I knew two Noblemen of the west part of England, whereof the one was given to Scoff, but kept ever Ro­yal Cheer in his House: The other would ask of those that had been at the others Table, Tell truly, was there never a Flout or dry blow given? To which the Guest would answer, Such and such a thing passed: The Lord would say, I thought he would mar a good Dinner. Discre­tion of Speech is more than Eloquence; and to speak agree­ably to him with whom we deal, is more than to speak in good words, or in good order. A good continued Speech, without a good Speech of Interlocution, shews slowness; and a good Reply, or second Speech without a good settled Speech, sheweth Shallowness and Weak­ness; as we see in Beasts, that those that are weakest in the Course, are yet nimblest in the Turn; as it is be­twixt the Greyhound and the Hare. To use too many Circumstances e're one come to the Matter, is weari­some; to use none at all, is blunt.

XXXIII. Of Plantations.

PLANTATIONS are amongst Ancient, Primitive, and Heroical Works. When the World was young, it begat more Children; but now it is old, it begets fewer: for I may justly account new Plantations to be the Children of former Kingdoms. I like a Plantation in a pure Soyl, that is, where People are not Displanted, to the end, to Plant others; for else it is rather an Ex­tirpation, than a Plantation. Planting of Countries is like Planting of Woods; for you must make account to lose almost Twenty years Profit, and expect your Re­compence in the end. For the principal thing that hath been the destruction of most Plantations, hath been the base and hasty drawing of profit in the first years. It is true, Speedy Profit is not to be neglected, as far as may stand with the good of the Plantation, but no fur­ther. It is a shameful and unblessed thing, to take the Scum of People, and wicked condemned Men, to be the People with whom you Plant: and not only so, but it spoileth the Plantation; for they will ever live like Ro­gues, and not fall to work, but be lazy, and do mischief, and spend Victuals, and be quickly weary; and then certifie over to their Country to the discredit of the Plan­tation. The People wherewith you Plant, ought to be Gardners, Plough-men, Labourers, Smiths, Carpenters, Joyners, Fishermen, Fowlers, with some few Apothe­caries, Surgeons, Cooks, and Bakers. In a Countrey of Plantation, first look about what kind of Victual the Country yields of it self to Hand; as Chesnuts, Walnuts, Pine-Apples, Olives, Dates, Plumbs, Cherries, Wild-Honey, and the like, and make use of them. Then consider what Victual, or Esculent things there are, which grow speedily, and within the year; as Parsnips, [Page 93] Carrots, Turnips, Onions, Raddish, Artichoaks of Jerusalem, Maiz, and the like. For Wheat, Barly, and Oats, they ask too much labour: But with Pease and Beans you may begin, both because they ask less la­bour, and because they serve for Meat as well as for Bread. And of Rice likewise cometh a great encrease, and it is a kind of Meat. Above all, there ought to be brought store of Bisket, Oat-meal Flour, Meal, and the like, in the beginning, till Bread may be had. For Beasts and Birds, take chiefly such as are least subject to Diseases, and multiply fastest; as Swine, Goats, Cocks, Hens, Turkeys, Geese, House Doves, and the like. The Victual in Plantations ought to be expended, almost as in a besieged Town; that is, with a certain Allowance; and let the main part of the Ground employed to Gardens or Corn, be to a common stock, and to be laid in, and stored up, and then delivered out in Proportion, besides some Spots of ground that any particular Person will manure for his own pri­vate use. Consider likewise what Commodities the Soyl, where the Plantation is, doth naturally yield, that they may some way help to defray the charge of the Planta­tion: So it be not, as was said, to the untimely Prejudice of the main business; as it hath fared with Tobacco in Virginia. Wood commonly aboundeth but too much, and therefore Timber is fit to be one. If there be Iron Ore, and streams whereupon to set the Mills, Iron is a brave commodity where Wood aboundeth. Making of Bay Salt, if the Climate be proper for it, would be put in experience. Growing Silk likewise if any be, is a likely commodity. Pitch and Tar, where store of Firs and Pines are, will not fail. So Drugs, and Sweet Woods, where they are, cannot but yield great profit. Soap Ashes likewise, and other things that may be thought of. But moil not too much under Ground; for the hope of Mines is very uncertain, and useth to make the Planters lazy in other things. For Government, let it be in the hands of one assisted with some Counsel; [Page 94] and let them have commission to exercise Martial Laws with some limitation. And above all, Let Men make that Profit of being in the Wilderness, as they have God always, and his service before their eyes. Let not the Government of the Plantation depend upon too many Counsellors and undertakers in the Country that Planteth, but upon a temperate number; and let those be rather Noblemen and Gentlemen, than Merchants; for they look ever to the present Gain. Let there be Freedoms for Custom, till the Plantation be of Strength; and not only Freedom from Custom, but Freedom to carry their Commodities, where they may make the best of them, except there be some special cause of Cau­tion. Cram not in People, by sending too fast, Com­pany after Company, but rather hearken how they waste, and send supplies proportionably; but so, as the number may live well in the Plantation, and not by sur­charge be in penury. It hath been a great endangering to the health of some Plantations, that they have built a­long the Sea and Rivers in marish and unwholesome Grounds. Therefore, though you begin there to a­void carriage, and other like discommodities, yet build still rather upwards from the Streams, than along. It concerneth likewise the health of the Plantation, that they have good store of Salt with them, that they may use it in their Victuals, when it shall be necessary. If you Plant where Savages are, do not only entertain them with trifles and gingles, but use them justly and graciously, with sufficient guard nevertheless; and do not win their favour by helping them to invade their E­nemies, but for their defence it is not amiss. And send oft of them over to the Country that Plant, that they may see a better condition than their own, and commend it when they return. When the Plantation grows to strength, then it is time to Plant with Women as well as with Men, that the Plantation may spread into Gene­rations, and not be ever pieced from without. It is the sinfullest thing in the World to forsake or destitute a [Page 95] Plantation once in forwardness; for besides the dishonour, it is guiltiness of Blood of many commiserable Per­sons.

XXXIV. Of Riches.

I Cannot call Riches better than the baggage of Vertue. The Roman word is better, Impedimenta; for as the Baggage is to an Army, so is Riches to Vertue. It can­not be spared, nor left behind, but it hindreth the March: Yea, and the care of it sometimes loseth or disturbeth the Victory. Of great Riches there is no real use, except it be in the Distribution, the rest is but conceit: So saith Solomon, Where much is there are many to consume it; and what hath the owner, but the sight of it with his eyes? The personal Fruition in any man can­not reach to feel great Riches: There is a Custody of them, or a power of Dole and Donative of them, or a Fame of them, but no solid use to the owner. Do you not see what feigned Prices are set upon little Stones and Rarities? And what works of Ostentation are un­dertaken, because there might seem to be some use of great Riches? But then you will say, they may be of use to buy men out of dangers or troubles: as Solomon saith, Riches are a strong Hold in the Imagination of the Rich Man. But this is excellently expressed, That it is in Imagination, and not always in Fact: For certainly great Riches have sold more Men than they have bought out. Seek not proud Riches, but such as thou mayest get justly, use soberly, distribute chearfully, and leave contentedly: Yet have no Abstract nor Frierly contempt of them, but distinguish, as Cicero saith well of Rabirius Posthumus; In studio rei amplificandae apparebat, non Ava­ritiae praedam, sed instrumentum Bonitatis, quaeri. Hear­ken [Page 96] also to Solomon, and beware of hasty gathering of Riches: Qui festinat ad Divitias, non erit insons. The Poets feign, that when Plutus (which is Riches) is sent from Jupiter, he limps and goes slowly; but when he is sent from Pluto, he runs, and is swift of foot; mean­ing, that Riches gotten by good means, and just labour, pace slowly: But when they come by the death of o­thers, (as by the course of inheritance, Testaments, and the like) they come tumbling upon a Man. But it might be applied likewise to Pluto, taking him for the Devil; for when Riches come from the Devil (as by Fraud, and Oppression, and unjust means) they come upon Speed. The Ways to inrich are many, and most of them foul; Parsimony is one of the best, and yet is not innocent; for it withholdeth Men from works of Liberality and Charity. The Improvement of the ground is the most natural obtaining of Riches; for it is our Great Mothers Blessing, the Earths, but it is slow; and yet where the Men of great wealth do stoop to Husban­dry, it multiplieth Riches exceedingly. I knew a Noble­man of England, that had the greatest Audits of any Man in my time: A great Grasier, a great Sheep-Master, a great Timber-Man, a great Collier, a great Corn-Master, a great Lead-Man, and so of Iron, and a num­ber of the like points of Husbandry; so as the Earth seemed a Sea to him in respect of the perpetual Impor­tation. It was truly observed by One, that himself came very hardly to a little Riches, and very easily to great Riches; for when a Mans stock is come to that, that he can expect the Prime of Markets, and overcome those bargains, which for their greatness are few Mens money, and be Partner in the industries of Younger Men, he cannot but encrease mainly. The Gains of ordinary Trades and Vocations are honest, and furthered by two things, chiefly, by Diligence, and by a good Name, for good and fair dealing. But the Grains of Bargains are of a more doubtful Nature, when Men shall wait upon others Necessity, broke by Servants and Instru­ments [Page 97] to draw them on, put off others cunningly that would be better Chapmen, and the like practises which are crafty and naught. As for the Chopping of Bargains, when a Man buys, not to hold, but to sell over again, that commonly grindeth double, both upon the Seller and upon the Buyer. Sharings do greatly inrich, if the Hands be well chosen that are trusted. Usury is the cer­tainest means of Gain, though one of the worst; as that whereby a Man doth eat his Bread, In sudore vul­tus alieni: And besides, doth plow upon Sundays. But yet, certain though it be, it hath Flaws; for that the Scriveners and Brokers do válue unsound Men to serve their own turn. The Fortune, in being the first in an Invention, or in a Privilege, doth cause sometimes a wonderful overgrowth in Riches; as it was with the first Sugar-Man in the Canaries: therefore if a Man can play the true Logician, to have as well Judgment as Invention, he may do great matters, especially if the Times be fit. He that resteth upon Gains Certain, shall hardly grow to great Riches; and he that puts all upon Adventures, doth oftentimes break, and come to Poverty: It is good therefore to guard Adventures with Certainties that may uphold losses. Monopolies and Coemption of Wares for Re­sale, where they are not restrained, are great means to enrich, especially if the Party have intelligence what things are like to come into request, and to store him­self before-hand. Riches gotten by Service, though it be of the best Rise, yet when they are gotten by Flat­tery, feeding Humours, and other servile Conditions, they may be placed amongst the Worst. As for fishing for Testaments and Executorships, (as Tacitus saith of Sene­ca, Testamenta & Orbos tanquam Indagine capi) it is yet worse, by how much men submit themselves to mea­ner persons, than in Service. Believe not much them that seem to despise Riches; for they despise them that despair of them, and none worse when they come to them. Be not Penny-wise; Riches have Wings, and sometimes they fly away of themselves; sometimes [Page 98] they must be set flying to bring in more. Men leave their Riches either to their Kindred, or to the Publick; and moderate Portions prosper best in both. A great State left to an Heir, is as a Lure to all the Birds of prey, round about to seize on him, if he be not the better established in Years and Judgment. Likewise glorious Gifts and Foundations are like Sacrifices with­out Salt, and but the Painted Sepulchres of Alms, which soon will putrefie and corrupt inwardly: Therefore mea­sure not thine advancements by quantity, but frame them by measure; and defer not Charities till death: For certainly if a man weigh it rightly, he that doth so is rather liberal of another mans, than of his own.

XXXV. Of Prophecies.

I MEAN not to speak of Divine Prophecies, nor of Heathen Oracles, nor of Natural Predictions, but only of Prophecies that have been of certain Memory, and from hidden Causes. Saith the Pythonissa to Saul, To morrow thou and thy Son shall be with me. Homer hath these Verses,

A Prophecy, as it seems, of the Roman Empire. Seneca, the Tragedian, hath these Verses.

[Page 99] A Prophecy of the Discovery of America. The Daugh­ter of Polycrates dreamed, that Jupiter bathed her Father, and Apollo anointed him; and it came to pass that he was Crucified in an open Place, where the Sun made his Body run with Sweat, and the Rain washed it. Philip of Macedon dreamed he sealed up his Wife's Bel­ly; whereby he did expound is that his Wife should be barren: But Aristander the South-Sayer told him his Wife was with Child, because Men do not use to seal Vessels that are empty. A Phantasm that appeared to M. Brutus in his Tent, said to him, Philipps iterum me videbis. Tiberius said to Galba, Tu quoque, Galba, de­gustabis Imperium. In Vespasian's time there went a Pro­phecy in the East, that those that should come forth of Judea should reign over the World: Which though it may be was meant of our Saviour, yet Tacitus expounds it of Vespasian. Domitian dreamed the night before he was slain, that a Golden Head was growing out of the Nape of his Neck: And indeed the succession that fol­lowed him for many years made Golden Times. Henry the Sixth of England, said of Henry the Seventh, when he was a Lad, and gave him Water, This is the Lad that shall enjoy the Crown for which we strive. When I was in France, I heard from one Doctor Pena, that the Queen Mother, who was given to curious Arts, caused the King her Husband's Nativity to be Calculated under a false Name: And the Astrologer gave a Judgment, that he should be killed in a Duel; at which the Queen laughed, thinking her Husband to be above Challenges and Duels: But he was slain upon a Course at Tilt, the Splinters of the Staff of Mongomery going in at his Bever. The trivial Prophecy that I heard when I was a Child, and Queen Elizabeth was in the Flower of her Years, was;

Whereby it was generally conceived, that after the Princes had Reigned, which had the principal Letters of that Word Hempe, (which were Henry, Edward, Mary, Philip, and Elizabeth,) England should come to utter Confusion; which thanks be to God is verified in the Change of the Name; for that the King's Style is no more of England, but of Britain. There was also a­nother Prophecy, before the Year of 88. which I do not well understand:

It was generally conceived to be meant of the Spanish Fleet that came in 88. For that the King of Spain's Sir­name, as they say, is Norway. The Prediction of Re­giomontanus, ‘Octogessimus octavus mirabilis Annus,’ Was thought likewise accomplished, in the sending of that great Fleet, being the greatest in strength, though not in number, that ever swam upon the Sea. As for Cleon's Dream, I think it was a Jest; It was, That he was devoured of a long Dragon; and it was expounded of a Maker of Sausages that troubled him exceedingly. There are numbers of the like kind, especially if you include Dreams and Predictions of Astrology. But I have set down these few only of certain credit for example. My judgment is, that they ought all to be despised, and [Page 101] ought to serve but for winter-talk by the fire-side: Though, when I say Despised, I mean it as for belief; for otherwise, the spreading or publishing of them is in no sort to be Despised; for they have done much mis­chief. And I see many severe Laws made to suppress them. That that have given them grace, and some credit, consisteth in three things: First, That Men mark when they hit, and never mark when they miss; as they do generally also of Dreams. The second is. That probable Conjectures, or obscure Traditions, ma­ny times turn themselves into Prophecies, while the Na­ture of Man, which coveteth Divination, thinks it no peril to foretell that which indeed they do but collect: As that of Seneca's Verse. For so much was then subject to Demonstration, that the Globe of the Earth had great Parts beyond the Atlantick; which might be pro­bably conceived not to be all Sea: And adding thereto, the Tradition in Plato's Timaeus, and his Atlanticus, it might encourage one to turn it to a Prediction. The third and Last (which is the Great one) is, That al­most all of them, being infinite in number, have been Impostures, and by idle and crafty Brains meerly con­trived and feigned after the Event past.

XXXVI. Of Ambition.

AMBITION is like Choler, which is an Humour that maketh Men Active, Earnest, full of Alacrity, and Stirring, if it be not stopped, but if it be stopped and can­not have its way, it becometh a dust, and thereby Ma­lign and Venomous. So Ambitious Men, if they find the way open for their Rising, and still get forward, they are rather Busie than Dangerous; but if they be checkt in their desires, they become secretly discontent, [Page 102] and look upon Men and Matters with an Evil Eye, and are best pleased when things go backward, which is the worst property in a Servant of a Prince or State. There­fore it is good for Princes, if they use Ambitious Men, to handle it so, as they be still Progressive, and not Retro­grade; which, because it cannot be without inconve­nience, it is good not to use such Natures at all. For if they rise not with their Service, they will take order to make their Service fall with them. But since we have said, it were good not to use Men of Ambitious Na­tures, except it be upon necessity, it is fit we speak in what cases they are of necessity. Good Commanders in the Wars must be taken, be they never so Ambitious; for the use of their Service dispenseth with the rest; and to take a Soldier without Ambition, is to pull off his Spurs. There is also great use of Ambitious Men, in being Skreens to Princes in matters of danger and Envy; for no man will take that part, except he be like a seeld Dove, that mounts and mounts, because he cannot see about him. There is use also of Ambitious Men, in pulling down the greatness of any Subject that over-tops; as Tiberius used Macro in pulling down of Sejanus. Since therefore they must be used in such cases, there resteth to speak how they are to be bridled, that they may be less Dangerous. There is less Danger of them, if they be of mean Birth, than if they be Noble; and if they be rather harsh of Nature, than Gracious and Popular; and if they be rather new raised, than grown cunning, and fortified in their Greatness. It is counted by some a weakness in Princes to have Favourites; but it is of all others the best remedy against Ambitious Great Ones. For when the way of pleasuring and displeasuring lieth by the Favou­rite, it is impossible any other should be Over-great. A­nother means to curb them, is to balance them by o­thers as proud as they. But then there must be some middle Counsellors to keep things steady; for without that Ballast the Ship will roul too much. At the least▪ a Prince may animate and inure some meaner Persons, [Page 103] to be as it were Scourges to Ambitious Men. As for the having of them obnoxious to ruine, if they be of fear­ful Natures, it may do well; but if they be stout and daring, it may precipitate their Designs, and prove dangerous. As for the pulling of them down, if the Affairs require it, and that it may not be done with fafe­ty suddenly, the only way is, the enterchange continu­ally of Favours and disgraces; whereby they may not know what to expect, and be as it were in a Wood. Of Ambitions, it is less harmful the Ambition to prevail in great things, than that other to appear in every thing; for that breeds confusion, and mars business. But yet it is less Danger, to have an Ambitious Man stirring in business, than great in dependences. He that seeketh to be eminent amongst able Men, hath a great task; but that is ever good for the Publick; but he that plots to be the only Figure amongst Cyphers, is the decay of an whole Age. Honour hath three things in it: The Van­tage Ground to do good, the approach to Kings and Principal Persons, and the raising of a Mans own For­tune. He that hath the best of these Intentions when he aspireth, is an honest Man; and that Prince that can discern of these Intentions in another that aspireth, is a wise Prince. Generally, let Princes and States chuse such Ministers as are more sensible of Duty, than of Ri­sing; and such as love Business rather upon Conscience, than upon Bravery; and let them discern a busie Nature from a willing Mind.

XXXVII. Of Masks and Triumphs.

THESE Things are but Toys, to come amongst such serious Observations. But yet, since Princes will have such things, it is better they should be graced [Page 104] with Elegancy, than daubed with Cost. Dancing to Song, is a thing of great State and Pleasure. I understand it, that the Song be in Choire, placed aloft, and accompa­nied with some broken Musick, and the Ditty fitted to the Device. Acting in Song, especially in Dialogues, hath an extream good Grace: I say Acting, not Dancing, (for that is a mean and vulgar thing) and the Voices of the Dialogue would be strong and manly, (a Base, and a Tenor, no Treble,) and the Ditty High and Tragical, not Nice or Dainty. Several Choires placed one over a­gainst another, and taking the Voice by Catches, An­them-wise, give great Pleasure. Turning Dances into Fi­gure is a childish curiosity; and generally let it be noted, that those things which I here set down, are such as do naturally take the Sense, and not respect petty Wonder­ments. It is true, the Alterations of Scenes, so it be qui­etly, and without noise, are things of great Beauty and Pleasure, for they feed and relieve the Eye, before it be full of the same Object. Let the Scenes abound with Light, specially Coloured and Varied; and let the Mas­kers, or any other that are to come down from the Scene, have some motions upon the Scene it self, before their coming down; for it draws the Eye strangely, and makes it with great pleasure to desire to see that it can­not perfectly discern. Let the Songs be Loud and Chear­ful, and not Chirpings or Pulings. Let the Musick like­wise be Sharp and Loud, and well placed. The Colours that shew best by Candle-light, are White, Carnation, and a kind of Sea-water Green; and Oes or Spangs, as they are of no great Cost, so they are of most Glory. As for Rich Embroidery, it is lost, and not discerned. Let the Suits of Maskers be graceful, and such as become the Person when the Vizars are off, not after examples of known Attires; Turks, Soldiers, Mariners, and the like. Let Anti-masks not be long, they have been com­monly of Fools, Satyrs, Baboons, Wild-men, Antiques, Beasts, Spirits, Witches, Ethiops, Pigmies, Turquets, Nymphs, Rusticks, Cupids, Statua's moving, and the [Page 105] like. As for Angels, it is not Comical enough to put them in Anti-masks; and any thing that is hideous, as Devils, Giants, is on the other side as unfit. But chiefly, let the Musick of them be Recreative, and with some strange Changes. Some sweet Odours suddenly coming forth, without any drops falling, are in such a Com­pany, as there is Steam and Heat, things of great plea­sure and refreshment. Double Masks, one of Men, a­nother of Ladies, addeth State and Variety. But all is nothing, except the Room be kept clear and neat.

For Justs, and Turneys, and Barriers, the Glories of them are chiefly in the Chariots, wherein the Challen­gers make their Entry, specially if they be drawn with strange Beasts, as Lions, Bears, Camels, and the like; or in the Devices of their Entrance, or in the bravery of their Liveries, or in the goodly Furniture of their Horses and Armour. But enough of these toys.

XXXVIII. Of Nature in Men.

NATURE is often Hidden, sometimes Overcome, seldom Extinguished. Force maketh Nature more violent in the Return; Doctrine and Discourse maketh Nature less importune: But Custom only doth alter and subdue Nature. He that seeketh Victory over his Nature, let him not set himself too great, nor too small Tasks, for the first will make him dejected, by often Failings; and the second will make him a small Pro­ceeder, though by often Prevailings. And at the first, let him practise with Helps, as Swimmers do with Blad­ders or Rushes; but after a time let him practise with disadvantages, as Dancers do with thick Shooes: For it breeds great Perfection, if the practice be harder than the Use. Where Nature is mighty, and therefore the Victory hard, the Degrees had need be, First, to [Page 106] stay and arrest Nature in time, like to him that would say over the Four and Twenty Letters when he was Angry, than to go less in quantity: As if one should in forbearing Wine, come from drinking Healths to a Draught at a Meal, and lastly to discontinue altogether: But if a Man have the Fortitude and Resolution to en­franchise himself at once, that is the best;

Neither is the Ancient Rule amiss to bend Nature, as a wand to a contrary Extream, whereby to set it right, understanding it where the contrary Extream is no Vice. Let not a Man force a Habit upon himself with a perpe­tual Continuance, but with some Intermission; for both the Pause re-inforceth the new Onset: And if a Man that is not perfect be ever in practise, he shall as well practise his Errors, as his Abilities, and induce one Habit of both; and there is no means to help this, but by seasonable Intermission. But let not a Man trust his Victory over his Nature too far; for Nature will lie buried a great time, and yet revive upon the Occasion of Temptation. Like as it was with Aesop's Damsel, turned from a Cat to a Woman, who sate very demure­ly at the Boards end, till a Mouse run before her. Therefore let a Man either avoid the Occasion altoge­ther, or put himself often to it, that he may be little moved with it. A Mans Nature is best perceived in pri­vateness, for there is no Affection in Passion, for that putteth a Man out of his Precepts; and in a new Case of Experiment, for their Custom leaveth him. They are happy Men whose Natures sort with their Vocations, otherwise they may say, Multum Incola fuit Anima mea; when they converse in those they do not effect. In Studies whatsoever a man commandest upon himself, let him set hours for it; but whatsoever is agreeable to his Nature, let him take no care for any set Times, for [Page 107] his thoughts will fly to it of themselves; so as the spaces of other business or Studies will suffice. A mans Nature runs either to Herbs or Weeds; therefore let him sea­sonably water the one, and destroy the other.

XXXIX. Of Custom and Education.

MENS Thoughts are much according to their In­clination, their Discourse and Speeches according to their Learning and infused Opinions; but their Deeds are after as they have been accustomed: And therefore as Machiavel well noteth, (though in an ill-favoured In­stance) there is no trusting to the force of Nature nor to the bravery of Words, except it be corroborate by Custom. His instance is, that for the atchieving of a desperate Conspiracy, a Man should not rest upon the fierceness of any Mans Nature, or his resolute underta­kings; but take such an one as hath had his hands for­merly in Blood. But Machiavoel knew not of a Frier Clement, not a Ravilliac, nor a Jauregy, nor a Baltazer Gerrard; yet this Rule holdeth still, that Nature, nor the Engagement of Words are not so forcible as Customs. Only Superstition is now so well advanced, that Men of the first blood are as firm as Butchers by Occupation, and Votary Resolution is made Equipollent to Custom, even in matter of blood. In other things the predomi­nancy of Custom is every where visible, insomuch as a man would wonder to hear men Profess, Protest, En­gage, give great Words, and then do just as they have done before, as if they were dead Images, and Engines moved only by the wheels of Custom. We see also the Reign or Tyranny of Custom, what it is. The Indians (I mean the Sect of their Wise Men) lay themselves quietly upon a stack of Wood, and so Sacrifice them­selves [Page 108] by fire. Nay, the Wives strive to be burned with the Corps of their Husbands. The Lads of Sparta of ancient time, were wont to be scourged upon the Altar of Diana without so much as Squeeking. I remember in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's time, of England, an Irish Rebel condemned, put up a Petition to the De­puty, that he might be hanged in a Wyth, and not in an Halter, because it had been so used with former Rebels. There be Monks in Russia, for Pennance, that will sit a whole night in a Vessel of Water, till they be engaged with hard Ice. Many examples may be put down of the Force of Custom, both upon mind and bo­dy. Therefore since Custom is the Principal Magistrate of Man's life, let Men by all means endeavour to ob­tain good Customs. Certainly Custom is most perfect when it beginneth in young years: This we call Edu­cation, which is in effect but an early Custom. So we see in Languages, the Tongue is more pliant to all Expres­sions and Sounds, the Joynts are more supple to all Feats of Activity and motions in Youth than after­wards. For it is true, the late Learners cannot so well take the ply, except it be in some minds that have not suffered themselves to fix, but have kept themselves open and prepared to receive continual amendment, which is exceeding rare. But if the Force of Custom, Simple and Separate, be great, the Force of Custom Copulate, and Conjoyned, and Collegiate, is far greater. For their Example teacheth, Company comforteth, Emu­lation quickneth, Glory raiseth: So as in such Places the Force of Custom is in his Exaltation. Certainly the great multiplication of Virtues upon humane Nature, resteth upon Societies well ordained and disciplined: for Com­mon-wealths and good Governments do nourish Virtue Grown, but do not much mend the Seeds. But the misery is, that the most effectual Means are now apply­ed to the Ends least to be desired.

XI. Of Fortune.

IT cannot be denyed, but outward accidents con­duce much to Fortune: Favour, Opportunity, Death of others, Occasion fitting Virtue. But chiefly the mould of a Man's Fortune is in his own hands. Faber quisque Fortunae suae, saith the Poet. And the most frequent of External Causes is, that the Folly of one man is the Fortune of another. For no man prospers so suddenly, as by others errors. Serpens nisi Serpentem comederit non fit Draco. Overt and Apparent Virtues bring forth Praise; but there be Secret and Hidden Virtues that bring forth Fortune. Certain Deliveries of a Man's self, which have no Name. The Spanish Name, Desemboltura, partly expresseth them, when there be not Stands nor Restiveness in a Man's Nature, but that the Wheels of his Mind keep way with the Wheels of his Fortune. For so Livy (after he had described Cato Major, in these words, in illo viro, tantum Robur Corporis & Animi fuit, ut quocunque loco natus esset, Fortunam sibi facturus vi­deretur) falleth upon that, that he had Versatile Ingenium. Therefore if a man look sharply and attentively, he shall see Fortune: For though she be blind, yet she is not in­visible. The way of Fortune is like the Milkie Way in the Skie, which is a Meeting or Knot of a number of small Stars; not seen asunder, but giving Light together: So are there a number of little, and scarce discerned Virtues, or rather Faculties and Customs that make men Fortunate. The Italian note some of them, such as a Man would little think: When they speak of one that cannot do amiss, they will through in into his other Conditions that he hath, Poco di Matto. And certainly, there be not two more Fortunate properties, than to have a little of the Fool, and not too much of the Honest. There­fore extream Lovers of their Country, or Masters, were never Fortunate, neither can they be. For when a man [Page 110] placeth his thoughts without himself, he goeth not his own way, and hasty Fortune maketh an Enterpriser and Remover; (the French hath it better. Enterprenant or Remuant) but the exercised Fortune maketh the able Man. Fortune is to be Honoured and Respected, if it be but for her Daughters, Confidence and Reputation: For those two Felicity breedeth; the first, within a Man's self, the latter in others towards him. All wise men to decline the Envy of their own Virtues, use to ascribe them to Providence and Fortune; for so they may the better assure them: And besides, it is Greatness in a Man to be the Care of the Higher Powers. So Caesar said to the Pilot in the Tempest, Caesarem portas, & For­tunam ejus. So Sylla chose the Name of Felix, and not of Magnus. And it hath been noted, that those that as­cribe openly too much to their own Wisdom and Policy, end Unfortunate. It is written, That Timotheus the Athe­nian, after he had, in the account he gave to the State of his Government, often interlaced his Speech, And in this Fortune had no part, never prospered in any thing he undertook afterwards. Certainly there be, whose For­tunes are like Homer's Verses, that have a Slide and Easi­ness more than the Verses of other Poets, as Plutarch saith of Timoleon's Fortune, in respect of that of Agesilaus, or Epaminondas: And that this should be, no doubt it is much in a Man's self.

XLI. Of Ʋsury.

MANY have made witty Invectives against Usury. They say, That it is pity the Devil should have God's part, which is the Tithe. That the Usury is the greatest Sabbath-breaker, because his Plough goeth every Sunday. That the Usurer is the Drone that Virgil speaketh of: ‘ [Page 111] Ignavum fucus pecus à praesepibus arcent.’ That the Usurer breaketh the first Law that was made for Mankind after the Fall; which was, In sudore vultus [...] comedes panem tuum, not, In sudore vultus alieni. That Usurers should have Orainge-tawny Bonnets, because they do Judaize. That it is against Nature, for Money to be­get Money, and the like. I say this only, that Usury is a Concessum propter duritiem cordis: For since there must be Borrowing and Lending, and Men are so hard of Heart, as they will not lend freely, Usury must be permitted. Some others have made Suspicious and Cunning Pro­positions of Banks, discovery of Men's Estates, and o­ther Inventions, but few have spoken of Usury usefully. It is good to set before us the Incommodities and Commodities of Usury, that the good may be either Weighed out, o [...] Culled out; and wearily to provide, that while we make forth to that which is better, we meet not with that which is worse.

The Discommodities of Usury are, First, That it makes fewer Merchants: for were it not for this lazy Trade of Usury, Money would not lie still, but would in great part be employed upon Merchandising, which is the Vena Porta of Wealth in a State. The second, That it makes poor Merchants; for as a Farmer cannot husband his Ground so well, if he sit at a great Rent: So the Merchant cannot drive his Trade so well, if he sit at great Usury. The third is incident to the other two; and that is, The decay of Customs, of Kings, or States, which Ebb or Flow with Merchandizing. The fourth, That it bringeth the Treasure of a Realm or State into a few hands; for the Usurer being at Certainties, and o­thers at Uncertainties, at the end of the Game most of the Money will be in the Box; and ever a State flouri­sheth, when Wealth is more equally spread. The fifth, That it beats down the price of Land; for the employ­ment of Money is chiefly either Merchandizing or Pur­chasing [Page 112] and Usury way-lays both. The Sixth, That it doth dull and damp all Industries, Improvements, and new Inventions, wherein Money would be stirring, if it were not for this Slug. The last, That it is the Can­ker and Ruine of many Men's Estates, which in process of time breeds a publick Poverty.

On the other side, the Commodities of Usury are: First, That howsoever Usury in some respect hindreth Mer­chandizing, yet in some other it advanceth it; for it is certain, that the greatest part of Trade is driven by young Merchants, upon borrowing at Interest: So as if the Usurer either call in, or keep back his Money, there will ensue presently a great stand of Trade. The second is, That were it not for this easie borrow­ing upon Interest, Mens necessities would draw upon them a most sudden undoing, in that they would be forced to sell their Means (be it Lands or Goods) far under foot; and so whereas Usury doth but gnaw upon them, bad Markets would swallow them quite up. As for Mortaging or Pawning, it will little mend the mat­ter; for either men will not take Pawns without Use, or if they do, they will look precisely for the forfeiture. I remember a cruel Monied Man in the Country, that would say, The Devil take this Usury, it keeps us from Forfeitures of Mortgages and Bonds. The third and last is, That it is a vanity to conceive, that there would be ordinary borrowing without profit; and it is impo­sible to conceive, the number of inconveniences that will ensue, if borrowing be cramped: Therefore to speak of the abolishing of Usury is idle. All States have ever had it in one kind, or rate or other: so as that o­pinion must be sent to Utopia.

To speak now of the Reformation and Reiglement of U­sury how the Discommodities of it may be best avoided, and the Commodities retained. It appears by the Ballance of Commodities and Discommodities of Usury, two things are to be reconciled: The one, that the Tooth of Usury be grinded, that it bite not too much: The other, that [Page 113] there be left open a means to invite Monied Men to lend to the Merchants, for the Continuing and Quick­ning of Trade. This cannot be done, except you in­troduce two several sorts of Usury, a less and a greater. For if you reduce Usury to one low rate, it will ease the Common Borrower, but the Merchant will be to seek for Money. And it is to be noted, that the Trade of Mer­cha [...]dize, being the most Lucrative, may bear Usury at a good rate; other Contracts not so.

To serve both Intentions the way would be chiefly thus: That there be two Rates of Usury, the one Free and General for all, the other under Licence only to cer­tain Persons, and in certain Places of Merchandizing. First therefore, let Usury in general be reduced to Five in the Hun­dred, and let that Rate be proclaimed to be Free and Cur­rant; and let the Sate shut it self out to take any penal­ty for the same. This will preserve Borrowing from any general Stop or Dryness. This will ease infinite Borrowers in the Country. This will in good part raise the price of Land, because Land purchased at Sixteen years purchase, will yield Six in the Hundred, and some­what more, whereas this Rate of Interest yields but Five. This by reason will encourage and edge Industrious and Profitable Improvements, because many will rather venture in that kind, than take Five in the Hundred, especially having been used to greater profit. Secondly, Let there be certain Persons Licensed to lend to known Mer­chants, upon Usury, at a High-Rate; and let it be with the Cautions following. Let the Rate be, even with the Merchant himself, somewhat more easie than that he used formerly to pay: for by that means all Bor­rowers shall have some ease by this Reformation, be he Merchant or whosoever. Let it be no Bank or Com­mon Stock, but every man be Master of his own Mo­ney. Not that I altogether mislike Banks, but they will hardly be brooked, in regard of certain suspicions. Let the State be answered some small matter for the License, and the rest left to the Lender; for if the abatement be [Page 114] but small, it will no whit discourage the Lender. For he, for example, that took before Ten or Nine in the Hundred, will sooner descend to Eight in the Hundred, than give over his Trade of Usury, and go from Certain Gains to Gains of Hazard. Let these Licensed Lenders be in number indefinite, but restrained to certain prin­cipal Cities and Towns of Merchandizing, for then they will be hardly able to colour other mens moneys in the Country, so as the Licence of Nine will not suck away the current Rate of Five; for no man will Lend his Moneys far off, nor put them into unknown hands.

If it be objected, That this doth in a sort Authorize Usury, which before was in some places but permissive: The Answer is, that it is better to mitigate Usury by De­claration, than to suffer it to rage by Connivence.

XLII. Of Youth and Age.

A Man that is Young in Years, may be Old in Hours, if he have lost no time, but that happeneth rarely. Generally Youth is like the first Cogitations, not so wise as the second; for there is a Youth in Thoughts as well as in Ages: And yet the Invention of Young Men is more lively than that of Old, and Imaginations stream into their minds better, and, as it were, more Divine­ly. Natures that have much heat, and great and vio­lent desires and perturbations, are not ripe for Action till they have passed the Meridian of their years; as it was with Julius Caesar, and Septimius Severus, of the latter of whom it is said, Juventutem egit Erroribus, imo Furoribus plenam; and yet he was the ablest Emperor al­most of all the List. But reposed Natures may do well in Youth, as it is seen in Augustus Caesar, Cosmus Duke of Florence, Gaston de Fois, and others. On the other side, Heat and Vivacity in Age, is an excellent Com­position [Page 115] for business. Young Men are fitter to invent than to judge, fitter for Execution than for Counsel, and fitter for new projects than for settled business, for the Experi­ence of Age in things that fall within the compass of it directeth them, but in new things abuseth them. The Errors of Young Men are the ruin of Business; but the Errors of Aged Men amount but to this, that more might have been done or sooner. Young Men in the conduct and manage of Actions embrace more than they can hold, stir more than they can quiet fly to the end with­out consideration of the means and degrees, pursue some few Principles which they have chanced upon absurdly, care not to innovate, which draws unknown Inconveni­encies: Use extream Remedies at first, and that which doubleth all Errors, will not acknowledge or retract them, like an unready Horse, that will neither Stop nor Turn. Men of Age object too much, consult too long, adventure too little, repent too soon, and seldom drive business home to the full period, but content themselves with a mediocrity of Success. Certainly it is good to compound Employments of both; for that will be good for the present, because the vertues of either Age may cor­rect the defects of both, and good for Succession, that Young Men may be Learners, while Men in Age are Actors. And lastly, good for Extern Accidents, because Autho­rity followeth Old Men, and Favour and Popularity Youth. But for the moral part, perhaps Youth will have the preheminence, as Age hath for the politick. A cer­tain Rabbins upon the Text, Your young Men shall see visions, and your old Men shall dream dreams, inferreth, that Young Men are admitted nearer to God than Old, because Visi­on is a clearer Revelation than a Dream. And certain­ly the more a Man drinketh of the World, the more it intoxicateth; and Age doth profit rather in the pow­ers of Understanding, than in the Vertues of the Will and Affections. There be some have an over-early Ripeness in their years, which fadeth betimes: These are first such as have brittle Wits, the edge whereof is [Page 116] soon turned; such as was Hermogenes the Rhetorician, whose Books are exceeding subtil, who afterwards wax­ed stupid. A second sort is of those that have some natural Dispositions which have better grace in Youth than in Age; such as is a fluent and luxuriant Speech, which becomes Youth well, but not Age: So Tully saith of Hortensius, Idem manebat, neque idem decebat. The The third is, of such as take too high a strain at the first, and are magnanimous more than Tract of years can uphold: As was Scipio Africanus, of whom Livy saith in effect, Ultima primis cedebant.

XLIII. Of Beauty.

VERTUE is like a rich Stone, best plain set; and surely, Vertue is best in a Body that is comely, though not of delicate Features, and that hath rather Dignity of Presence, than Beauty of Aspect. Neither is it almost seen that very Beautiful Persons are otherwise of great Vertue, as if Nature were rather busie not to err, than in labour to produce Excellency; and therefore they prove accomplished, but not out of great Spirit, and study rather Behaviour than Vertue. But this holds not always, for Augustus Caesar, Titus Vespasianus, Philip de Belle of France, Edward the fourth of England, Alcibiades of Athens, Ismael the Sophy of Persia, were all high and great Spirits, and yet the most Beautiful Men of their times. In Beauty, that of Favour is more than that of Colour; and that of decent and gracious Motion, more than that of Favour. That is the best part of Beauty which a Picture cannot express, no nor the first sight of the Life. There is no excellent Beauty that hath not some strangeness in the proportion. A Man can­not tell, whether Apelles or Albert Durer were the more trifler; whereof the one would make a Personage by [Page 117] Geometrical Proportions, the other by taking the best Parts out of divers Faces to make one excellent. Such Personages I think would please no body, but the Pain­ter that made them. Not but I think a Painter may make a better Face than ever was, but he must do it by a kind of Felicity, (as a Musician that maketh an excel­lent Air in Musick) and not by Rule. A Man shall see Faces, that if you examine them part by part, you shall find never a good, and yet altogether do well. If it be true, that the principal part of Beauty is in decent motion, certainly it is no marvel, though Persons in Years seem many times more amiable, Pulchrorum Autumnus pub­cher; for no Youth can be comely, but by pardon, and considering the Youth, as to make up the comeliness. Beauty is as Summer-Fruits, which are easie to corrupt, and cannot last, and for the most part it makes a disso­lute Youth, and an Age, a little out of countenance; but yet certainly again, if it light well, it maketh Vertues shine, and Vices blush.

XLIV. Of Deformity.

DEFORMED Persons are commonly even with Na­ture; for as Nature hath done ill by them, so do they by Nature, being for the most part (as the Scrip­ture saith) void of Natural Affection, and so they have Revenge of Nature. Certainly, there is a consent be­tween the body and the mind, and where Nature err­eth in the one, she ventureth in the other; Ubi peccat in uno, periclitatur in altero. But because there is in Man an Election touching the Frame of his mind, and a Ne­cessity in the Frame of his body, the Stars of natural Inclination are sometimes obscured by the Sun of Dis­cipline and Vertue: Therefore it is good to consider of [Page 118] Deformity, not as a Sign which is more deceivable, but as a Cause which seldom faileth of the Effect. Whoso­ever hath any thing fixed in his Person that doth in­duce Contempt, hath also a perpetual Spur in himself to rescue and deliver himself from Scorn. Therefore all Deformed Persons are extream bold. First, as in their own Defence, as being exposed to Scorn, but in pro­cess of time, by a general Habit. Also it stirreth in them industry, and especially of this kind, to watch and observe the weakness of others, that they may have somewhat to repay. Again, in their Superiors, it quench­eth Jealousie towards them, as Persons that they think they may at pleasure despise; and it layeth their Com­petitors and Emulators asleep, as never believing they should be in possibility of Advancement, till they see them in Possession; so that upon the matter in a great Wit, Deformity is an advantage to Rising. Kings in an­cient times (and at this present in some Countries) were wont to put great Trust in Eunuchs; because they that are envious to all, are more obnoxious and officious to­wards one. But yet their Trust towards them hath ra­ther been as to good Spials, and good whisperers, than good Magistrates and Officers. And much like is the Reason of Deformed Persons. Still the ground is, they will if they be of Spirit, seek to free themselves from Scorn, which must be either by Vertue or Malice; and therefore let it not be marvelled if sometimes they prove excellent Persons; as was Agesilaus, Zanger the Son of Solyman, Aesop, Gasca President of Peru, and So­crates may go likewise amongst them, with others.

XLV. Of Building.

HOUSES are built to live in, and not to look on: Therefore let Use be preferred before Uniformi­ty, except where both may be had. Leave the goodly Fabricks of Houses, for Beauty only, to the Enchanted Palaces of the Poets, who build them with small cost. He that builds a fair House upon an ill Seat, committeth him­self to Prison. Neither do I reckon it an ill Seat only wherethe Air is unwholesome, but likewise where the Air is unequal; as you shall see many fine Seats set upon a knap of Ground, environed with higher Hills round a­bout it, whereby the Heat of the Sun is pent in, and the Wind gathereth as in Troughs; so as you shall have, and that suddenly, as great Diversity of Heat and Cold, as if you dwelt in several Places. Neither is it ill Air only that maketh an ill Seat, but ill ways, ill Markets; and if you will consult with Momus, ill Neighbours. I speak not of any more: Want of Water, want of Wood, Shade and Shelter, want of Fruitfulness, and mixture of Grounds of several Natures, want of Pro­spect, want of level Grounds, wnat of Places at some near Distance for Sports of Hunting, Hawking, and Ra­ces; Too near the Sea too remote, having the Com­modity of Navigable Rivers, or the Discommodity of their Overflowing: Too far off from great Cities, which may hinder Business, or too near them which lurcheth all Provisions, and maketh every thing dear: Where a Man hath a great Living laid together, and where he is scanted. All which, as it is impossible perhaps to find together, so it is good to know them, and think of them, that a Man may take as many as he can; And if have several Dwellings, that he sort them so, that what he wanteth in the one, he may find in the other. Lu­cullus [Page 120] answer Pompey well, who when he saw his Stately Galleries and Rooms so large and lightsome in one of his Houses, said, Surely an excellent Place for Summer, but how do you in Winter? Lucullus answered, Why do you not think me as wise as some Fowl are, that ever change their abode towards the Winter?

To pass from the Seat to the House it self, we will do as Cicero doth in the Orator's Art, who writes Books De Oratore, and a Book he Entitles Orator; whereof the former delivers the Precepts of the Art, and the [...]a [...] ­ter the Perfection. We will therefore describe a Princely Palace, making a brief model thereof. For it is strange to see now in Europe such huge Buildings, as the [...], and Escurial, and some others be, and yet scarce a very fair Room in them.

First therefore, I say, you cannot have a perfect Pa­lace, except you have two several Sides; a Side for the Banquet, as is spoken of in the Book of Hester, and a Side for the Houshold; the one for Feasts and Triumphs, and the other for Dwelling. I understand both these Sides to be not only Returns, but Parts of the Front, and to be uniform without, though severally Partiti­oned within, and to be on both sides of a great and Stately Tower in the midst of the Front, that as it were joyneth them together on either hand. I would have on the side of the Banquet in Front one only goodly Room above Stairs, of some forty foot high, and under it a Room for a Dressing or Preparing Place at times of Tri­umphs. On the other side, which is the Houshold side, I wish it divided at the first into a Hall and a Chappel, (with a Partition between) both of good state and big­ness, and those not to go all the length, but to have at the further end a Winter and a Summer Parlor, both fair; and under these Rooms, a fair and large Cellar sunk under Ground; and likewise some Privy Kitchens, with Bute­ries and Pantries, and the like. As for the Tower, I would have it two Stories, of eighteen foot high apiece above the two Wings, and goodly Leads upon the Top, [Page 121] railed with Statua's interposed, and the same Tower to be divided into Rooms as shall be thought fit; the Stairs likewise to the upper Rooms, let them be upon a fair open Newel, and finely railed in with Images of Wood, cast into a Brass colour, and a very fair Landing Place at the Top. But this to be, if you do not point any of the lower Rooms for a Dining Place of Servants, for otherwise you shall have the Servants Dinner after your own; for the steam of it will come up as in a Tunnel. And so much for the Front, only I understand the Heighth of the first Stairs to be sixteen Foot which is the Heighth of the lower Room.

Be [...]ond this Front is there to be a fair Court, but three sides of it of a far lower Building than the Front. And in all the four Corners of that Court fair Stair-Cases, cast into Turrets on the out side, and not within the Row of Buildings themselves. But those Towers are not to be of the height of the Front, but rather proportionable to the lower Building. Let the Court not be Paved, for that striketh up a great Heat in Summer, and much Cold in Winter; but only some Side-Alleys, with a Cross, and the Quarters to Graze being kept Shorn, but not too near Shorn. The Row of Return on the Banquet Side, let it be all Stately Galleries, in which Galleries let there be three or five fine Cupola's in the length of it, placed at e­qual distance, and fine Coloured Windows of several Works. On the Houshold side, Chambers of Presence and ordi­nary Entertainment, with some Bed-Chambers, and let all three Sides be a double House, without thorow Lights on the Sides, that you may have Rooms from the Sun, both for Fore-noon and After-noon. Cast it also, that you may have Rooms both for Summer and Winter, Shady for Summer, and Warm for Winter. You shall have sometimes fair Houses so full of Glass, that one can­not tell where to become to be out of the Sun, or Cold, for Inbowed Windows I hold them of good use; (in Cities indeed Upright do better, in respect of the Uniformity towards the Street) for they be pretty Retiring Places [Page 122] for Conference; and besides, they keep both the Wind and the Sun off: For that which would strike almost through the Room, doth scarce pass the Window. But let them be but few, four in the Court on the Sides only.

Beyond this Court let there be an Inward Court of the same Square and Heighth, which is to be environed with the Garden on all sides; and in the inside Cloi­stered upon all sides; upon decent and beautiful Arches, as high as the first Story. On the Under Story towards the Garden, let it be turned to a Grotta, or place of Shade or Estivation; and only have opening and Windows to­wards the Garden, and be level upon Floor, no whit sunk under Ground, to avoid all dampishness: And let there be a Fountain, or some fair Work of Statua's in the midst of this Court, and to be Paved as the other Court was. These Buildings to be for Privy Lodgings on both Sides, and the end for Privy Galleries: whereof you must fore-see that one of them be for an Infirmary, if the Prince or any special person should be Sick, with Cham­bers, Bed-Chambers, Anticamera, and Recamera, joyning to it: This upon the second Story. Upon the Ground Story a fair Gallery, open upon Pillars; and upon the third Story likewise, an open Gallery upon Pillars, to take the Prospect and Freshness of the Garden. At both Cor­ners of the furthest Side, by way of Return, let there be two delicate or Rich Cabinets, daintily Paved, Rich­ly Hanged, Glazed with Crystalline Glass, and a Rich Cupola in the midst, and all other Elegancy that may be thought upon. In the Upper Gallery too I wish that there may be, if the Place will yield it, some Fountains run­ning in divers Places from the Wall, with some fine A­voidances. And thus much for the model of the Pa­lace; save that you must have, before you come to the Front, three Courts: and a Green Court Plain, with a Wall about it; a Second Court of the same, but more Garnished with little Turrets, or rather Embellishments upon the Wall; and a third Court, to make a Square with the Front, but not to be Built, nor yet Enclosed [Page 123] with a Naked Wall, but Enclosed with Tarasses leaded aloft, and fairly Garnished on the three sides; and Cloy­stered on the in-side with Pillars, and not with Arches below. As for Offices, let them stand at distance with some Low-Galleries, to pass from them to the Palace it self.

XLVI. Of Gardens.

GOD Almighty first Planted a Garden; and indeed it is the purest of Humane pleasures. It is the grea­test refreshment to the Spirits of Man; without which, Buildings and Palaces are but gross Handy-works. And a Man shall ever see, that when Ages grow to Civility and Elegancy, Men come to Build Stately, sooner than to Garden Finely: as if Gardening were the greater Per­fection. I do hold it in the Royal Ordering of Gardens, there ought to be Gardens for all the Months in the Year, in which, severally, things of Beauty may be then in season. For December and January▪ and the latter part of November, you must take such things as are green all Winter; Holly, Ivy, Bays, Juniper, Cypress Trees, Yews, Pine-Apple Trees, Fir Trees, Rosemary, Laven­der, Perriwinckle the White, the Purple, and the Blew, Germander, Flags, Orange-Trees, Limon-Trees, and Myrtle, if they be stoved, and sweet Marjoram warm sets. There followeth for the latter part of January and February, the Mezerion Tree, which then blossoms, Crocus Vernus, both the Yellow and the Grey prim-Roses, Anemones, the Early Tulippa, Hyacinthus Ori­entalis, Chamairis, Frettellaria. For March there comes Violets, specially the Single Blew, which are Earliest, the Yellow Daffadil, the Daizy, the Almond-Tree in Blossom, the Peach-Tree in Blossom, the Cornelian-Tree in Blossom, sweet Briar. In April follow the double White Violet, the Wall-Flower, the Stock Gilly-Flower, [Page 124] the Cowslip, Flower-de-Lices, and Lilies of all Na­tures, Rosemary-Flower, the Tulippa, the Double Pio­ny, the Pale Daffadill, the French Honey-Suckle, the Cherry-Tree in Blossom, the Damascen and Plumb-Trees in Blossom, the White Thorn in Leaf, the Lelack-Tree. In May and June come Pinks of all Sorts, speci­ally the Blush-Pink, Roses of all kinds, except the Musk, which comes later, Hony Suckles, Strawberries, Bugloss, Columbine, the French Marygold, Flos Africanus, Cher­ry-Tree in Fruit, Ribes, Figs in Fruit, Rasps, Vine-Flow­ers, Lavender in Flowers, the Sweet Satyrian with the White Flower, Herba Muscaria, Lilium Convallium, the Apple-Tree in Bossom. In July come Gilly-flowers of all Varieties, Musk-Roses, and the Lime-Tree in Blossom. Early Pears and Plumbs in Fruit, Gennitings, Quod­lings. In August come Plumbs of all sorts in Fruit, Pears, Apricocks, Barberries, Filbeards, Musk-Melons, Monks-hoods of all Colours. In September comes, Grapes, Ap­ples, Poppies of all Colours, Peaches, Melo-Cotones, Nectarines, Cornelians, Wardens, Quinces. In October and the beginning of November, come Servises, Medlars, Bullises; Roses Cut or Removed to come late, Holly-oaks, and such like. These particulars are for the Cli­mate of London: But my meaning is perceived, that you may have Ver Perpetuum, as the place affords.

And because the Breath of Flowers is far Sweeter in the Air, (where it comes and goes, like the Warbling of Musick) than in the Hand, therefore nothing is more fit for that Delight, than to know what be the Flowers and Plants that do best perfume the Air. Roses Damask and Red are Flowers tenacious of their Smells, so that you may walk by a whole Row of them, and find no­thing of their Sweetness; yea, though it be in a Morn­ing Dew. Bays likewise yield no Smell as they grow, Rosemary little, nor Sweet-Marjoram. That which above all others yields the Sweetest Smell in the Air, is the Violet, specially the White double Violet, which comes twice a year, about the middle of April, and [Page 125] about Bartholomew-tide. Next to that is the Musk Rose, then the Strawberry Leaves dying with a most excellent Cordial Smell. Then the Flower of the Vines, it is a little Dust, like the Dust of a Bent, which grows upon the Cluster in the first coming forth. Then Sweet-Briar, then Wall-Flowers, which are very de­lightful to be set under a Parlour, or lower Chamber Window. Then Pinks and Gilly-Flowers. especially the matted Pink, and Clove Gilly-Flower. Then the Flowers of the Lime-Tree. Then the Hony-Suckles, so they be somewhatafar off. Of Bean-Flowers I speak not, because they are Field-Flowers. But those which perfume the Air most delightfully, not passed by as the rest, but being Trodden upon and Crushed, are three, that is, Burnet, Wild-Time, and Water-Mints. Therefore you are to set whole Alleys of them, to have the Plea­sure when you walk or tread.

For Gardens, (speaking of those which are indeed Prince­like, as we have done of Buildings) The Contents ought not well to be under Thirty Acres of Ground, and to be devided into three parts; a Green in the entrance, a Heath or Desart in the going forth, and the Main Garden in the midst, besides Alleys on both sides. And I like well, that four Acres of Ground be Assigned to the Green, six to the Heath, four and four to either Side, and twelve to the Main Garden. The Green hath two pleasures; the one, because nothing is more pleasant to the Eye than Green Grass kept finely shorn; the other, because it will give you a fair Alley in the midst, by which you may go in front upon a Stately Hedge, which is to enclose the Garden. But because the Alley will be long, and in great Heat of the Year or Day, you ought not to buy the shade in the Garden, by going in the Sun through the Green; therefore you are of either Side the Green to plant a Covert Alley upon Carpenters Work, about twelve foot in Heighth, by which you may go in shade into the Garden. As for the making of Knots of Figures, with Divers Coloured Earths, that they may lie under the Win­dows [Page 126] of the House, on that Side which the Garden stands, they be but toys, you may see as good sights many ti­mes in Tarts. The Garden is best to be square, encom­passed on all the four Sides with a Stately Arched Hedge: the Arches to be upon Pillars of Carpenters Work, of some ten foot high, and six foot broad, and the spaces between of the fame Dimension with the Breadth of the Arch. Over the Arches let there be an entire Hedge, of some four foot high, framed also upon Carpenters Work, and upon the Upper Hedge, over every Arch a little Tur­ret, with a Belly, enough to receive a Cage of Birds; and over every Space between the Arches some other little Figure, with broad Plates of Round Coloured Glass gilt, for the Sun to play upon. But this Hedge, I intend to be raised up­on a Bank, not steep, but gently slope, of some six foot, set all with Flowers. Also I understand, that this Square of the Garden, should not be the whole breadth of the Ground, but to leave on the either side Ground enough for diversity of Side Alleys unto which the two Covert Alleys of the Green may deliver you; but there must be no Alleys with Hedges at either and of this great Inclosure: not at the Higher End, for letting your prospect upon this fair Hedge from the Green; nor at the further End, for letting your prospect from the Hedge through the Arches upon the Heath. For the ordering of the Ground with­in the Great Hedge, I leave it to Variety of Device. Ad­vising nevertheless, that whatsoever form you cast it into; first it be not too busie, or full of Work; wherein I, for my part, do not like Images cut out in funiper, or other Garden-stuff, they for Children. [...]ittle low Hedges, Round like Welts, with some pretty Pyramids, I like well: And in some places Fair Collums upon Frames of Carpenters Work. I would also have the Alleys spacious and fair. You may have closer Alleys upon the Sid [...] Grounds, but none in the Main Garden. I wish also in the very middle a fair Mount, with three Ascents and Alleys, enough for four to walk a breast, which I would have to be perfect Circles, without any Bulwarks or Imboss­ments, [Page 127] and the whole Mount to be thirty foot high, and and some fine Banquetting House, with some Chimnies neatly cast, and without too much Glass.

For Fountains, they are a great Beauty and Refresh­ment, but Pools marr all, and make the Garden unwhol­some, and full of Flies and Froggs. Fountains I intend to be of two Natures, the one that sprinkleth or spouteth Water, the other a fair Receipt of Water, of some thirty or forty foot square, but without Fish, or Slime, or Mud. For the first, the Ornaments of Images Guilt, or of Marble, which are in use, do well; but the main matter is, so to convey the Water, as it never stay, ei­ther in the Bowls, or in the Cistern, that the Water be never by rest Discoloured, Green or Red, or the like; or gather any Mossiness or Putrefaction. Besides that, it is to be cleansed every day by the hand; also some steps up to it, and some Fine Pavement about it doth well. As for the other kind of Fountain, which we may call a Bathing-Pool, it may admit much Curiosity and Beauty, wherewith we will not trouble our selves, as that the bottom be finely paved, and with Images, the sides likewise; and withal Embellished with coloured Glass, and such things of Lustre; Encompassed also with fine Rails of low Statues. But the main point is the same, which we mentioned in the former kind of Fountain, which is, that the Water be in perpetual motion, fed by a Water higher than the Pool, and delivered into it by fair Spouts, and then discharged away under Ground by some equality of Bores, that it stay little. And for fine Devices of Arching Water without spilling and making it rise in several forms (of Feathers, Drin­king-Glasses, Canopies, and the like) they be pretty things to look on, but nothing to Health and Sweet­ness.

For the Heath, was the third part of our Plot, I wish it to be framed, as much as may be, to a Natural Wild­ness. Trees I would have none in it, but some Thickets, made only of Sweet-Briar, and Hony-Suckle, and some [Page 128] Wild Vine amongst, and the Ground set with Vi [...]lets, Strawherries and Primroses: for these are Sweet, and prosper in the Shade. And these to be in the Heath, here and there, not in any Order. I like also little Heaps, in the Nature of Mole-Hills (such as are in Wild-Heaths) to be set, some with Wild-Thyme, some with Pinks, some with Germander, that gives a good slower to the eye; some with Periwinkle, some with Violets, some with Strawberries, some with Cou [...]lips, some with Daizies, some with Red-Roses, some with Lilium Convallium, some with Sweet-Williams Red, some with Bears-Foot, and the like Low Flowers, being withal Sweet and Sightly. Part of which Heaps, to be with Standards, of little Bushes, prickt upon their top, and part without; the Standards to be Roses, Juniper, Holly, Bear-berries, (but here and there, because of the smell of their blossom) Red Currans, Gooseberries, Rosemary, Bays, Sweet-Briar, and such like. But these Standards to be kept with Cutting, that they grow not out of Course.

For the Side Grounds, you are to fit them with varie­ty of Alleys, private, to give a full shade, some of them, wheresoever the Sun be. You are to frame some of them, likewise for shelter, that when the wind blows sharp, you may walk as in a Gallery. And those Al­leys must be likewise hedged at both ends, to keep out the Wind, and these closer Alleys must be ever finely Gravelled, and no Grass, because of going wet. In many of these Alleys likewise, you are to set Fruit Trees of all sorts; as well upon the Walls, as in Ranges. And this would be generally observed, that the Borders wherein you plant your Fruit Trees, be sair and large, and low, and not steep, and set with fine Flowers, but thin and sparingly, lest they deceive the Trees. At the end of both the side Grounds, I would have a Mount of some pretty Height, leaving the Wall of the Enclosure breast-high, to look abroad into the Fields.

[Page 129] For the Main Garden, I do not deny, but there should be some fair Alleys ranged on both sides with Fruit-Trees, and some pretty Tufts of Fruit-Trees and Arbors with Seats, set in some decent Order; but these to be by no means set too thick; but to leave the Main Garden so, as it be not close, but the Air open and free; for as for Shade I would have you rest upon the Alleys of the Side Grounds, there to walk, if you be disposed, in the Heat of the Year or Day: but to make account, that the Main Garden is for the more temperate parts of the Year; and in the Heat of Summer, for the Morn­ing and the Evening, or Over-cast Days.

For Aviaries, I like them not, except they be of that largeness, as they may be turfed, and have Living Plants and Bushes set in them, that the Birds may have more scope, and natural Nesting, and that no foulness appear in the floor of the Aviary. So I have made a Plat-form of a Princely Garden, partly by Precept, part­ly by Drawing, not a Model, but some general Lines of it, and in this I have spared for no cost. But it is nothing, for Great Princes, that for the most part taking advice with Work-men, with no less Cost, set their things together, and sometimes add Statua's and such things, for State and Magnificence, but nothing to the true pleasure of a Garden.

XLVII. Of Negotiating.

IT is generally better to deal by Speech, than by Let­ter; and by the mediation of a Third, than by a man's self. Letters are good, when a Man would draw an Answer by Letter back again; or when it may serve for a Man's Justification afterwards to produce his own Letter, or where it may be danger to be in­terrupted [Page 130] or heard by pieces. To deal in Person is good, when a Man's face breedeth Regard, as commonly with Inferiors; or in tender Cases, where a Man's Eye upon the Countenance of him with whom he speaketh, may give him a Direction how far to go: And generally where a man will reserve to himself li­berty either to Disavow, or to Expound. In choice of Instruments, it is better to chuse men of a plainer sort that are like to do that is committed to them, and to report back again faithfully the success, than those that are cunning to contrive out of other Mens Business somewhat to grace themselves, and will help the mat­ter in Report for satisfaction sake. Use all such Per­sons as affect the business wherein they are imployed, for that quickneth much; and such as are fit for the matter: As bold Men for Expostulation, fair spoken Men for Perswasion, crafty Men for Enquiry and Ob­servation, froward and absurd Men for business that doth not well bear out it self. Use also such as have been lucky, and prevailed before in things wherein you have imployed them, for that breeds confidence, and they will strive to maintain their Prescription. It is better to sound a Person with whom one Deals afar off, than to fall upon the point at first; except you mean to surprise him by some short Question. It is better Dealing with Men in Appetite, than with those that are where they would be. If a Man Deal with ano­ther upon Conditions, the start of the first Perfor­mance is all, which a Man cannot reasonably De­mand, except either the nature of the thing be such which must go before; or else a Man can perswade the other Party that he shall still need him in some o­ther thing; or else that he be counted the honester Man. All Practice is to Discover, or to Work: Men Discover themselves in Trust, in Passion, at unawares, and of necessity, when they would have somewhat done, and cannot find an apt Pretext. If you would Work any Man, you must either know his nature and [Page 131] fashions, and so lead him; or his ends, and so per­swade him; or his weakness and disadvantages, and so awe him; or those that have Interest in him, and so govern him. In Dealing with cunning Persons we must ever consider their ends to interpret their Speech­es; and it is good to say little to them, and that which they least look for. In all Negotiations of diffi­culty a Man may not look to sow and reap at once, but must prepare business, and so ripen it by de­grees.

XLVIII. Of Followers and Friends.

COSTLY Followers are not to be liked, lest while a Man maketh his Train longer, he makes his Wings shorter. I reckon to be costly, not them alone which charge the Purse, but which are wearisome and importunate in Suits. Ordinary Followers ought to chal­lenge no higher Conditions than Countenance, Re­commendation, and Protection from wrongs. Factious Followers are worse to be liked, which follow not upon Affection to him with whom they range themselves, but upon Discontentment conceived against some o­ther; whereupon commonly ensueth that ill intelli­gence that we many times see between great Parso­nages. Likewise glorious Followers who make them­selves as Trumpets of Commendation of those that follow, are full of Inconvenience; for they taint bu­siness through want of Secrecy, and they export Ho­nour from a Man, and make him a return in Envy. There is a kind of Followers likewise which are dan­gerous, being indeed Espials; which enquire the se­crets of the House, and bear Tales of them to other; yet such Men, many times, are in great favour; for [Page 132] they are officious, and commonly exchange Tales, the Following by certain Estates of Men, answerable to that which a great Person himself professeth, (as of Soldi­ers to him that hath been employed in the Wars, and the like) hath ever been a thing Civil, and well taken even in Monarchies; so it be without too much pomp of popularity. But the most honourable kind of Fol­lowing, is to be followed, as one that apprehendeth to advance Vertue and Desert in all sorts of Persons. And yet where there is no eminent odds in sufficiency, it is better to take with the more passable, than with the more able. And besides, to speak truth, in base times Active Men are of more use than Vertuous. It is true, that in Government it is good to use Men of one Rank equally; for to countenance some extraor­dinarily, is to make them insolent, and the rest dis­content, because they may claim a due. But contra­riwise, in favour to use Men with much difference and election is good; for it maketh the Persons pre­ferred more thankful, and the rest more officious, be­cause all is of favour. It is good discretion not to make too much of any Man at the first; because one cannot hold out that proportion. To be governed (as we call it) by one, is not safe; for it shews Soft­ness, and gives a freedom to Scandal and Disreputati­on; for those that would not censure or speak ill of a Man immediately, will talk more boldly of those that are so great with them, and thereby wound their honour, yet to be distracted with many is worse; for it makes Men to be of the last Impression, and full of Change. To take advice of some few Friends is ever honourable; for Lookers on, many times, see more tha [...] Gamesters, and the Vale best discovereth the Hill. There is little Friendship in the World, and least of all be­tween equals, which was wont to be magnified. That that is, is between Superior and inferior, whose For­tunes may comprehend one the other.

XLIX. Of Suitors.

MANY ill matters and projects are undertaken, and private Suits do putrefie the publick Good. Many good matters are undertaken with bad minds, I mean, not only corrupt minds, but crafty minds that intend not Performance. Some embrace Suits which never mean to deal effectually in them; but if they see there may be life in the matter by some other mean, they will be content to win a Thank, or take a second Reward, or at least to make use in the mean time of the Suitor's hopes. Some take hold of Suits only for an occasion to cross some other; or to make an in­formation, whereof they could not otherwise have apt Pretext, without care what become of the Suit when that turn is serv'd; or generally, to make other Mens business a kind of Entertainment to bring in their own. Nay, some undertake Suits with a full purpose to let them fall, to the end, to gratifie the ad­verse Party or Competitor. Surely there is in some sort a Right in every Suit; either a Right of Equity, if it be a Suit of Controversie; or a Right of Desert, if it be a Suit of Petition. If Affections lead a Man to favour the wrong side in Justice, let him rather use his Countenance to compound the matter, than to carry it. If Affection lead a Man to favour the less worthy in Desert, let him do it without depraving or dis­abling the better Deserver. In Suits which a Man doth not well understand, it is good to refer them to some Friend of Trust and Judgment, that may report, whe­ther he may deal in them with Honour; but let him chuse well his Referendaries, for else he may be led by the Nose. Suitors are so distasted with Delays and Abuses, that plain dealing in denying to deal in [Page 134] Suits at first, and reporting the success barely, and in challenging no more thanks than one hath deserved, is grown not only Honourable, but also Gracious. In Suits of Favour, the first coming ought to take little place; so far forth Consideration may be had of his Trust, that if intelligence of the matter could not o­therwise have been had, but by him, advantage be not taken of the Note, but the Party left to his other means, and in some sort recompenced for his Disco­very. To be ignorant of the value of a Suit is sim­plicity; as well as to be ignorant of the Right thereof is want of Conscience. Secrecy in Suits is a great mean of obtaining; for voicing them to be in for­wardness, may discourage some kind of Suitors; but doth quicken and awaken others; but Timing of the Suit is the principal. Timing, I say, not only in re­spect of the Person that should grant it, but in re­spect of those which are like to cross it. Let a Man in the choice of his mean, rather chuse the fittest mean, than the greatest mean; and rather them that deal in certain Things, than those that are General. The Reparation of a Denial, is sometimes equal to the first Grant; if a Man shew himself, neither dejected, nor discontented: Iniquum petas, ut Aequum feras; is a good rule, where a Man hath strength of Favour: But otherwise a Man were better rise in his Suit; for he that would have ventured at first to have lost the Suitor, will not in the Conclusion lose both the Suitor, and his own former favour. Nothing is thought so easie a request to a great Person as his Letter; and yet, if it be not in a good Cause, it is so much out of his Reputation. There are no worse Instruments than these general Contrivers of Suits, for they are but a kind of poyson and infection to publick proceedings.

L. Of Studies.

STUDIES serve for Delight, for Ornament, and for Ability. Their chief use for Delight is in Pri­vateness and Retiring; for Ornament is in Discourse; and for Ability, is in the Judgment and Disposition of Business. For expert Men can execute, and per­haps judge of particulars one by one; but the general Counsels and the Plots, and Marshalling of Affairs, come best from those that are Learned. To spend too much time in Studies is sloth; to use them too much for Ornament is affectation; to make Judgment whol­ly by their Rules is the humour of a Scholar. They perfect Nature, and are perfected by experience: for Natural Abilities are like Natural Plants, that need Proyning by Study, and Studies themselves do give forth Directions too much at large, except they be bounded in by experience. Crafty Men contemn Stu­dies, Simple Men admire them, and Wise Men use them: For they teach not their own use, but that is a Wisdom without them, and above them, won by Observation. Read not to Contradict and Confute, nor to believe and take for granted, nor to find Talk and Discourse, but to weigh and consider. Some Books are to be tasted, others to be swallowed, and some few to be chewed and digested; that is, some Books are to be read only in parts; others to be read, but not curiously; and some few to be read, wholly, and with diligence and attention. Some Books also may be read by Deputy, and Extracts made of them by o­thers: But that would be only in the less important Arguments, and the meaner sort of Books, else distil­led Books are like common distilled Waters, flashy things. Reading maketh a full Man; Conference a [Page 136] ready Man; and Writing an exact Man. And there­fore if a Man Write little, he had need have a great memory; if he Confer little, he had need have a present Wit; and if he Read little, he had need have much cunning to seem to know that he doth not. Hi­stories make Men Wise, Poets Witty, the Mathematicks Subtil, Natural Philosophy Deep, Moral Grave, Logick and Rhetorick able to Contend. Abiunt Studia in Mo­res; Nay, there is no Stand or Impediment in the Wit, but may be wrought out by fit Studies: Like as Diseases of the Body may have appropriate Exercises. Bowling is good for the Stone and Reins, Shooting for the Lungs and Breast, Gentle Walking for the Sto­mach, Riding for the Head, and the like. So if a Man's Wit be wandering, let him Study the Mathema­ticks; for in Demonstrations, if his Wit be called a­way never so little, he must begin again: If his Wit be not apt to distinguish or find differences, let him Study the School-Men; for they are Cumini sectores. If he be not apt to beat over matters, and to call up one thing to prove and illustrate another, let him Study the Lawyers Cases; so every Defect of the mind may have a special Receipt.

LI. Of Faction.

MANY have an Opinion not Wise; that for a Prince to govern his Estate, or for a great Per­son to govern his Proceedings, according to the re­spect of Factions, is a principal part of Policy; where­as contrariwise, the chiefest Wisdom is, either in or­dering those things which are General, and wherein Men of several Factions do nevertheless agree; or in dealing with correspondence to particular persons one by one. [Page 137] But I say not, that the consideration of Factions is to be neglected. Mean Men in their rising must adhere, but great Men that have strength in themselves, were better to maintain themselves indifferent and Neutral: Yet even in beginners to adhere so moderately, as he be a Man of the one Faction, which is most passable with the other, commonly giveth best way. The lo­wer and weaker Faction is the firmer in Conjunction: and it is often seen, that a few that are stiff, do tire out a great number that are more moderate. When one of the Factions is extinguished, the remaining sub­divideth: As the Faction between Lucullus, and the rest of the Nobles of the Senate (which they called Optimates) held out a while against the Faction of Pom­pey and Caesar; but when the Senates Authority was pulled down, Caesar and Pompey soon after brake. The Faction or Party of Antonius, and Octavianus Caesar, a­gainst Brutus and Cassius, held out likewise for a time: But when Brutus and Cassius were overthrown, then soon after Antonius and Octavianus brake and subdivi­ded. These examples are of Wars, but the same hol­deth in private Factions: And therefore those that are Seconds in Factions, do many times, when the Faction subdivideth, prove Principals; but many times also they prove Cyphers and cashier'd. For many a Man's strength is in opposition, and when that faileth, he groweth out of use. It is commonly seen, that Men once placed, take in with the contrary Faction to that, by which they enter, thinking belike that they have their first sure, and now are ready for a new Pur­chase. The Traitor in Faction lightly goeth away with it; for when matters have stuck long in Bal­lancing, the winning of some one Man casteth them, and he getteth all the thanks. The even carriage be­tween two Factions, proceedeth not always of mode­ration, but of a trueness to a Man's self, with end to make use of both. Certainly in Italy, they hold it a little suspect in Popes, when they have often in their [Page 138] mouth padre commune, and take it to be a Sign of one that meaneth to refer all to the greatness of his own House. Kings had need beware, how they side them­selves, and make themselves as of a Faction or Party; for Leagues within the State are ever pernicious to Monarchies; for they raise an Obligation, Paramount to Obligation of Soveraignty, and make the King, Tanquam unus ex nobis; as was to be seen in the League of France. When Factions are carried too high, and too violently, it is a sign of weakness in Princes, and much to the prejudice both of their Authority and Bu­siness. The motions of Factions under Kings, ought to be like the motions (as the Astronomers speak) of the Inferior Orbs, which may have their proper motions, but yet still are quietly carried by the higher motion of Primum Mobile.

LII. Of Ceremonies and Respects.

HE that is only real, had need have exceeding great parts of Virtue, as the Stone had need to be rich, that is set without foil. But if a Man mark it well, it is in praise and commendation of Men, as it is in gettings and gains: For the Proverb is true, That light gains make heavy purses; for light gains come thick, whereas great come but now and then. So it is true, that small matters win great commendation, because they are continually in use, and in note; where­as the occasion of any great Virtue cometh but on Festivals. Therefore it doth much add to a Man's Re­putation, and is, (as Queen Isabella said) Like perpetual Letters Commendatory, to have good forms. To attain them, it almost sufficeth not to despise them; for so shall a Man observe them in others: And let him trust [Page 139] himself with the rest. For if he labour too much to express them, he shall lose their Grace, which is to be Natural and Unaffected. Some Mens behaviour is like a Verse, wherein every Syllable is measured. How can a Man comprehend great matters, that breaketh his mind too much to small observations? Not to use Ceremonies at all, is to teach others not to use them a­gain; and so diminish respect to himself; especially, they are not to be omitted to strangers, and formal Natures: But the dwelling upon them, and exalting them above the Moon, is not only tedious, but doth diminish the faith and credit of him that speaks. And certainly, there is a kind of conveying of effectual and imprinting Passions amongst Complements, which is of singular use, if a Man can hit upon it. Amongst a Man's Peers, a Man shall be sure of familiarity; and therefore it is good a little to keep State. Amongst a Man's Inferiors, one shall be sure of Reverence; and therefore it is good a little to be familiar. He that is too much in any thing, so that he giveth ano­ther occasion of Society, maketh himself cheap. To apply ones self to others is good, so it be with De­monstration, that a Man doth it upon regard, and not facility. It is a good Precept generally in seconding another, yet to add somewhat of ones own; as if you would grant his opinion, let it be with some distincti­on; if you will follow his Motion, let it be with Condition; if you allow his Counsel, let it be with alledging further Reason. Men had need beware, how they be too perfect in Complements: For be they never so sufficient otherwise, their enviers will be sure to give them that Attribute, to the disadvantage of their greater Vertues. It is loss also in business, to be too full of respects, or to be too curious in observing Times and Opportunities. Solomon saith, He that consi­dereth the Wind shall not Sow, and he that looketh to the Clouds shall not Reap. A wise Man will make more op­portunities than he finds. Mens Behaviour should be [Page 140] like their Apparel, not too Strait, or point device, but free for Exercise or Motion.

LIII. Of Praise.

PRAISE is the Reflection of Vertue, but it is as the Glass or Body which giveth the Reflection. If it be from the common People, it is commonly false and naught, and rather followeth vain Persons than vertuous. For the common People understand not many excellent vertues: the lowest vertues draw praise from them, the middle vertues work in them A­stonishment or Admiration, but of the highest Virtues they have no sence or perceiving at all, but shews and Species virtutibus similes serve best with them. Cer­tainly Fame is like a River, that beareth up things light and swoln, and drowns things weighty and solid: But if Persons of Quality and Judgment concur, then it is, (as the Scripture saith) Nomen bonum instar un­g [...]enti fragrantis. It filleth all round about, and will not easily away: For the Odours of Oyntments are more durable than those of Flowers. There be so many false Points of Praise that a Man may justly hold it a suspect. Some Praises proceed meerly of Flattery, and if he be an ordinary Flatterer, he will have certain common Attributes, which may serve e­very Man: If he be a cunning Flatterer, he will fol­low the Arch Flatterer, which is a Man's self: And wherein a Man thinketh best of himself, therein the Flatterer will uphold him most; but if he be an im­pudent Flatterer, look wherein a Man is conscious to himself that he is most defective, and is most out of Countenance in himself, that will the Flatterer Enti­tle him to per force, Spreta Conscientia. Some Praises [Page 141] come of good wishes and respects, which is a form due in Civility to Kings and great Persons, Laudando prae­cipere, when by telling Men what they are, they re­present to them what they should be. Some Men are praised maliciously to their hurt, thereby to stir envy and jealousie towards them, Pessimum genus inimicorum laudantium, insomuch as it was a Proverb amongst the Grecians; that he that was praised to his hurt should have a push rise upon his Nose; as we say, That a blister will rise upon ones Tongue that tells a Lye. Certainly mo­derate praise, used with opportunity, and not vulgar, is that which doth the good. Solomon saith, He that praiseth his friend aloud, rising early, it shall be to him no better than a Curse. Too much magnifying of a Man or matter, doth irritate contradiction, and procure en­vy and scorn. To praise a Man's self cannot be de­cent, except it be in rare cases; but to praise a Man's Office or profession, he may do it with good Grace▪ and with a kind of Magnanimity. The Cardinals of Rome, which are Theologues, and Fryars, and School-men, have a Phrase of notable contempt and scorn to­wards civil business: For they call all Temporal busi­ness, of Wars, Embassages, Judicature, and other em­ployments, Shirreri, which is under Sheriffries, as if they were but matters for Under-Sheriffs and Catch­poles: though many times those Under-Sheriffries do more good than their high speculations. Saint Paul, when he boasts of himself, he doth oft interlace; I speak like a Fool; but speaking of his Calling, he saith, Mag­nifico Apostolatum meum.

LIV. Of Vain Glory.

IT was prettily devised of Aesop, The Fly sate upon the Axletree of the Chariot-Wheel, and said, What a Dust do I raise? So are there some vain Persons, that whatsoe­ver goeth alone, or moveth upon greater means, if they have never so little hand in it, they think it is they that carry it. They that are glorious, must needs be factious; for all bravery stands upon comparisons. They must needs be violent, to make good their own vaunts. Neither can they be secret, and therefore not effectual; but according to the French Proverb, Beau­coup de Bruit, peu de Fruit; Much Bruit, little Fruit. Yet certainly there is use of this Quality in Civil Af­fairs. Where there is an Opinion and Fame to be created, either of Virtue or Greatness, these Men are good Trumpeters. Again, as Titus Livius noteth in the case of Antiochus, and the Aetolians, There are some­times great effects of cross Lyes: As if a Man that Ne­gotiates between two Princes, to draw them to joyn in a War against the third, doth extol the Forces of either of them above measure, the one to the other: And sometimes he that deals between Man and Man, raiseth his own credit with both, by pretending great­er Interest than he hath in either. And in these and the like kinds, it often falls out, that somewhat is pro­duced of nothing: For Lyes are sufficient to breed O­pinion, and Opinion brings on Substance. In Milita­ry Commanders and Soldiers, Vain Glory is an essen­tial Point: For as Iron sharpens Iron, so by Glory one Courage sharpneth another. In cases of great En­terprise, upon Charge and Adventure, a Composition of Glorious Natures doth put Life into Business; and those that are of solid and sober Natures have more [Page 143] of the Ballast than of the Sail. In Fame of Learn­ing the Flight will slow, without some Feathers of Ostentation. Qui de contemnendâ Gloriâ Libros scribunt, Nomen suum inscribunt. Socrates, Aristotle, Galen, were Men full of Ostentation. Certainly Vain Glory helpeth to perpetuate a Man's Memory; and Virtue was ne­ver so beholden to humane Nature, as it received his due at the Second Hand. Neither had the Fame of Cicero, Seneca, Plinius Secundus, born her Age so well, if it had not been joyned with some Vanity in them­selves; like unto Varnish, that makes Cielings not on­ly shine, but last. But all this while, when I speak of Vain Glory, I mean not of that property that Tacitus doth attribute to Mucianus, Omnium quae dixerat, fece­ratque, Arte quadam Ostentator: For that proceeds not of Vanity, but of Natural Magnanimity and Discreti­on: And in some Persons, is not only Comely, but Gracious. For Excusations, Cessions, Modesty it self well governed, are but Arts of Ostentation. And a­mongst those Arts there is none better than that which Plinius Secundus speaketh of, which is to be liberal of Praise and Commendation to others, in that wherein a Man's self hath any Perfection. For, saith Pliny very wittily, In commending another, you do your self right: For he that you commend, is either Superior to you, in that you commend, or Inferior. If he be Inferior, if he be to be commended, you much more: If he be Superior, if he be not to b [...] commended, you much less. Glorious.Men are the scorn of wise Men, the admiration of Fools, the Idols of Parasites, and the Slaves of their own Vaunts.

LV. Of Honour and Reputation.

THE Winning of Honour is but the revealing of Man's Virtue and Worth without Disadvantage. For some in their Actions do woo and affect Honour and Reputation; which sort of Men are commonly much talked of, but inwardly little admired. And some, contrariwise, darken their Virtue in the shew of it, so as they be undervalued in Opinion. If a Man perform that which hath not been attempted before, or attempted and given over, or hath been atchieved, but not with so good circumstance, he shall purchase more Honour, than by effecting a matter of greater difficulty or virtue, wherein he is but a follower. If a Man so temper his Actions, as in some one of them he doth content every Faction or Combination of People, the Musick will be the fuller. A Man is an ill Husband of his Honour that entreth into any Acti­on, the failing wherein may disgrace him more than the carrying of it through can Honour him. Honour that is gained and broken upon another, hath the quickest reflection, like Diamonds cut with Fascets. And therefore let a Man contend to excel any Com­petitors of his in Honour, in out-shooting them, if he can, in their own Bow. Discreet Followers and Ser­vants help much to Reputation: Omnis fama à Dome­sticis emanat. Envy, which is the Canker of Honour is best extinguished by declaring a Man's self in his ends, rather to seek Merit than Fame; and by attributing a Man's successes, rather to Divine Providence and Felicity than to his own Virtue or Policy. The true marshalling of the Degrees of Soveraign Honour, are these. In the first place are, Conditores Imperiorum, Founders of States, and Commonwealths; such as were [Page 145] Romulus, Cyrus, Caesar, Ottoman, Ismael. In the second place are, Legislatores, Law-givers; which are also cal­led Second Founders, or Perpetui Principes, because they govern by their Ordinances after they are gone; such were Lycurgus, Solon, Justinian, Edgar, Alphonsus of Castile the wise, that made the Siete Patridas. In the third place are, Liberatores or Salvatores; such as com­pound the long miseries of Civil Wars, or deliver their Countreys from Servitude of Strangers or Tyrants; as Augustus Caesar, Vespasianus, Aurelianus, Theodoricus, King Henry the Seventh of England, King Henry the Fourth of France. In the fourth place are Propagatores, or Propugnatores Imperii; such as in Honourable Wars enlarge their territories, or make noble defence against Invaders. And in the last place are Patres Patriae, which Reign justly, and make the times good wherein they live. Both which last kinds need no Examples, they are in such number. Degrees of Honour in Sub­jects are: First, Participes Curarum, those upon whom Princes do discharge the greatest Weight of their Af­fairs, their Right Hands, as we call them. The next are, Duces Belli, Great Leaders, such as are Princes Lieutenants, and do them notable services in the Wars. The third are Gratiosi, Favourites, such as need not this scantling, to be Solace to the Soveraign, and harmless to the People. And the fourth Negotiis Pares, such as have great places under Princes, and execute their pla­ces with sufficiency. There is an Honour likewise which may be ranked amongst the greatest, which hapneth rarely, that is, of such as Sacrifice themselves to Death or Danger for the Good of their Countrey; as was M. Regu­lus, and the two Decii.

LVI. Of Judicature.

JUDGES ought to remember, that their Office is, Jus dicere, and not Jus dare: To interpret Law, and not to make Law, or give Law: Else will it be like the Authority claimed by the Church of Rome, which under pretext of exposition of Scripture, doth not stick to add and alter, and to pronounce that which they do not find; and by shew of Antiquity to introduce Novelty. Judges ought to be more learned than Witty, more Re­verend than Plausible, and more advised than Confi­dent. Above all things Integrity is their Portion and proper Virtue: Cursed (saith the Law) is he that remo­veth the Land Mark. The mislayer of a meer-Stone is to blame; but it is the unjust Judge that is the Capital Re­mover of Land-Marks, when he defineth amiss of Lands and Property. One foul Sentence doth more hurt than many foul Examples; for these do but corrupt the Stream, the other corrupteth the Fountain. So saith Solomon, Fons turbatus, & V [...]na corrupta, est Justus cadens in causa sua coram Adversario. The Office of Judges may have reference unto the Parties that sue, unto the Advocates that plead, unto the Clerks and Ministers of Justice un­derneath them, and to the Soveraign or State above them.

First, For the Causes or Parties that sue. There be (saith the Scripture) that turn Judgment into Wormwood; and surely there be also that turn it into Vinegar; for In­justice maketh it bitter, and Delays make it sour. The principal Duty of a Judge is to suppress force and fraud, whereof force is the more pernicious when it is open, and fraud when it is close and disguised. Add thereto contentious Suits, which ought to be spewed out as the Surfeit of Courts. A Judge ought to prepare his way [Page 147] to a Just Sentence, as God useth to prepare his way by raising Valleys, and taking down Hills: So when there appeareth on either side an high Hand, violent Prose­cution, cunning Advantages taken, Combination, Power, Great Counsel, then is the Virtue of a Judge seen, to make Inequality Equal, that he may plant his Judgment as upon an even Ground. Qui fortiter emun­git, elicit sanguinem; and where the Wine-Press is hard wrought, it yields a harsh Wine that tastes of the Grape-Stone. Judges must beware of hard Constru­ctions, and strained Inferences; for there is no worse Torture than the Torture of Laws, especially, in case of Laws penal; they ought to have care, that that which was meant for Terror, be not turned into Ri­gor, and that they bring not upon the People that Shower whereof the Scripture speaketh, Pluet super eos Laqueos: for penal Laws pressed are a Shower of Snares upon the People. Therefore let Penal Laws, if they have been Sleepers of long, or if they be grown unfit for the present Time, be by wise Judges confined in the Execution, Judicis Officium est, ut Res ita Tempora Rerum, &c. In Causes of Life and Death, Judges ought (as far as the Law permitteth) in Justice to remember Mercy; and to cast a severe Eye upon the Example, but a merciful Eye upon the Person.

Secondly, For the Advocates and Council that plead; Patience and Gravity of hearing is an essential part of Justice, and an over-speaking Judge is no well-tuned Cymbal. It is no Grace to a Judge, first to find that which he might have heard in due time from the Bar, or to shew quickness of conceit in cutting off Evi­dence or Counsel too short, or to prevent Informations by Questions though pertinent. The parts of a Judge in hearing are four; To direct the Evidence; to mo­derate length, repetition, or impertinency of Speech. To Recapitulate, Select, and Collate the material Points of that which hath been said; And to give the Rule or Sentence. Whatsoever is above these, is too [Page 148] much; and proceedeth either of Glory and willing­ness to speak, or of Impatience to hear, or of short­ness of Memory, or of want of a stayed and eq [...]l Attention. It is a strange thing to see, that the bold­ness of Advocates should prevail with Judges; where as they should imitate God in whose seat they sit, who represseth the Presumptuous, and giveth Grace to the Modest. But it is more strange, that Judges should have noted Favourites; which cannot but cause multiplication of Fees▪ and suspicion of By-ways. There is due from the Judge to the Advocate some Commendation and Gracing, where Causes are well handled, and fair plea­ded; especially towards the side which obtaineth not; for that upholds in the Client the Reputation of his Counsel, and beats down in him the conceit of his Cause. There is likewise due to the Publick a civil Re­prehension of Advocates, where there appeareth cun­ning Counsel, gross Neglect, slight Information, in­discreet Pressing, or an overbold Defence. And let not the Counsel at the Bar chop with the Judge, nor wind himself into the handling of the Cause anew, after the Judge hath declared his Sentence: But on the other side, let not the Judge meet the Cause half way, nor give occasion to the Party to say, His Coun­sel or Proofs were not heard.

Thirdly, For that that concerns Clerks and Ministers. The Place of Justice is an hallowed Place; and there­fore not only the Bench, but the Foot-pace, and Pre­cincts, and Purprise thereof ought to be preserved without Scandal and Corruption. For certainly Grapes (as the Scripture saith) will not be gathered of Thorns or Thistles; neither can Justice yield her Fruit with Sweet­ness amongst the Briars and Brambles of Catching and Poling Clerks and Ministers. The Attendance of Courts is subject to four bad Instruments: First, Certain Persons that are sowers of Suits which make the Court swell, and the Country pine. The second sort is, Of those that engage Courts in Quarrels of Jurisdicti­on, [Page 149] and are not truly Amici Curiae, but Parasiti Curiae, [...] puffing a Court up beyond her bounds, for their own Scraps and Advantage. The third sort is, Of those that may be accounted the Left hands of Courts; Persons that are full of nimble and finister tricks and shifts, whereby they pervert the plain and direct Cour­ses of Courts, and bring Justice into oblique Lines and Labyrinths. And the fourth is, the Poller and Ex­acter of Fees, which justifies the common resemblance of the Courts of Justice to the Bush, whereunto while the sheep flies for Defence in Weather, he is sure to lose part of his Fleece. On the other side, an Ancient Clerk, skilful in Precedents, wary in proceeding, and understanding in the Business of the Court, is an excel­lent Finger of a Court, and doth many times point the way to the Judge himself.

Fourthly, For that which may concern the Sove­raign and Estate. Judges ought above all to remember the conclusion of the Roman Twelve Tables, Salus Popu­li Suprema Lex; and to know, that Laws, except they be in order to that end, are but things captious, and Oracles not well inspired. Therefore it is an happy thing in a State, when Kings and States do often con­sult with Judges; and again, when Judges do often consult with the King and State: The one, when there is a matter of Law intervenient in business of State; The other, when there is some consideration of State intervenient in matter of Law. For many times the things deduced to Judgment may be Meum and Tuum, when the reason and consequence thereof may Trench to point of Estate. I call matter of Estate not only the parts of Soveraignty, but whatsoever introduceth any great Alteration, or dangerous Precedent, or con­cerneth manifestly any great portion of People. And let no Man weakly conceive, that Just Laws and true Policy have any Antipathy: For they are like Spirits and Sinews, that one moves with the other. Let Judges also remember, That Solomon's Throne was supported by [Page 150] Lions on both sides: Let them be Lions, but yet Li­ons under the Throne; being circumspect, that the [...] do not check or oppose any points of Soveraignty. [...] not Judges also be so ignorant of their own right, as to think there is not left to them, as a Principal part of their Office, a wise Use and Application of Laws; for they may remember what the Apostle saith of a greater Law than theirs, Nos scimus quia Lex bona est, modo quis ea utatur legitime.

LVII. Of Anger.

TO seek to extinguish Anger utterly, is but a brave­ry of the Stoicks. We have better Oracles: Be angry, but sin not. Let not the Sun go down upon your an­ger. Anger must be limited and confined, both in Race and Time. We will first speak, how the Natural In­clination and Habit to be angry, may be attempted and calmed. Secondly, How the particular motions of anger may be repressed, or at least refrained from do­ing mischief. Thirdly, How to raise anger, or appease anger in another.

For the first: There is no other way but to Medi­tate and Ruminate well upon the effects of Anger, how it troubles Man's Life. And the best time to do this is, to look back upon Anger, when the fit is throughly over. Seneca saith well; That Anger is like Ruine, which breaks it self upon that it falls. The Scripture exhorteth us, To possess our Souls in patience. Whosoever is out of patience, is out of Possession of his Soul. Men must not turn Bees;

[Page 151] Anger is certainly a kind of Baseness; as it appears [...]ll in the Weakness of those Subjects in whom it [...]gns, Children, Women, Old Folks, Sick Folks. On­ly Men must beware, that they carry their Anger ra­ther with Scorn, than with Fear: So that they may seem rather to be above the injury than below it, which is a thing easily done, if a Man will give Law to him­self in it.

For the second Point. The Causes and Motives of Anger are chiefly three: First, to be too sensible of hurt: For no Man is Angry that feels not himself hurt; and therefore tender and delicate Persons must needs be of­ten Angry: They have so many things to trouble them, which more robust Natures have little sence of. The next is, the Apprehension and Construction of the In­jury offered, to be in the circumstances thereof, full of contempt. For contempt is that which putteth an edge upon Anger, as much or more than the hurt it self: And therefore when Men are ingenious in picking out circumstances of contempt, they do kindle their An­ger much. Lastly, Opinion of the touch of a Man's Reputation doth multiply and sharpen Anger: Where­in the remedy is, that a Man should have, as Gonsalvo was wont to say, Telam Honoris Crassiorem. But in all refrainings of Anger, it is the best remedy to win Time, and to make a Man's self believe that the Opportuni­ty of his revenge is not yet come; but that he fore­sees a time for it, and so to still himself in the mean time, and reserve it.

To contain Anger from Mischief, though it take hold of a Man, there be two things, whereof you must have special Caution: The one, of extream bitterness of Words, especially if they be Aculeate and Proper; for Communia Maledicta are nothing so much. And a­gain, That in Anger a Man reveal no Secrets; for that makes him not fit for Society. The other, That you do not peremptorily break off in any business in a fit of [Page 152] Anger; but howsoever you shew bitterness, do not act any thing that is not revocable.

For raising and appeasing Anger in another: It is do [...] chiefly by chusing of Times; when Men are frowardest and worst disposed, to incense them. Again, by ga­thering (as was touched before) all that you can find out to aggravate the contempt; and the two remedies are by the contraries: The former, to take good Times, when first to relate to a Man an angry business: For the first Impression is much; and the other is, to sever as much as may be the Construction of the Injury from the Point of contempt; imputing it to Misunderstanding, Fear, Passion, or what you will.

LVIII. Of Vicissitude of Things.

SOLOMON saith, There is no new thing upon the Earth. So that as Plato had an imagination, That all knowledge was but a remembrance: So Solomon giveth his sentence, That all Novelty is but Oblivion: Whereby you may see, That the River of Lethe runneth as well above ground as below. There is an abstruse Astro­loger that saith, If it were not for two things that are constant, (The one is, That the fixed Stars ever stand at like distance one from another, and never come nearer together, nor go further asunder; the other, That the Diurnal Moti­on perpetually keepeth Time) no Individual would last one moment. Certain it is, That the matter is in a perpetu­al Flux, and never at a stay. The great Winding-Sheets that bury all things in Oblivion are two; De­luges and Earthquakes. As for Conflagrations and great, Droughts, they do not meerly dispeople, but destroy. Phaeton's Car went but a Day: And the Three years Drought, in the time of Elias, was but particular, and [Page 153] left People alive. As for the great burnings by Light­ [...]ngs, which are often in the West Indies, they are but [...]arrow. But in the other two Destructions, by De­luge and Earthquake, it is further to be noted, That the remnant of People which hap to be reserved, are commonly ignorant and mountainous People, that can give no account of the time past; so that the Obli­vion is all one, as if none had been left. If you con­sider well of the People of the West-Indies, it is very probable, that they are a newer or younger People, than the People of the Old World. And it is much more likely, that the destruction that hath heretofore been there, was not by Earthquakes, (as the Egyptian Priest told Solon, concerning the Island of Atlantis, That it was swallowed by an Earthquake) but rather, it was Desolated by a particular Deluge: For Earth­quakes are seldom in those parts. But on the other side, they have such pouring Rivers, as the Rivers of Asia, and Africk, and Europe, are but Brooks to them. Their Andes likewise, or Mountains, are far higher than those with us; whereby it seems, that the Remnants of Generations of Men were in such a particular De­luge saved. As for the observation that Michiavel hath, That the Jealousie of Sects doth much extinguish the memory of things; traducing Gregory the Great, that he did what in him lay to extinguish all Heathen An­tiquities. I do not find that those Zeals do any great Effects, nor last long; as it appeared in the Successi­on of Sabinian, who did revive the former Antiqui­ties.

The Vicissitude or Mutations in the Superior Globe, are no fit matter for this present Argument. It may be Plato's Great year, if the World should last so long, would have some effect; not in renewing the State of like Individuals, (for that in the Fume of those, that conceive the Coelestial Podies have more accurate In­fluences upon these things below, than indeed they have) but in Gross. Cemets out of question have like­wise [Page 154] Power and Effect over the Gross and Mass of things: But they are rather gazed upon, and waite [...] upon in their Journey, than wisely observed in the [...] Effects, especially in their respective Effects; that [...] ▪ What kind of Comet for Magnitude, Colour, Version of the Beams, placing in the Region of Heaven, or lasting, produceth what kind of effects.

There is a Toy which I have heard, and I would not have it given over, but waited upon a little. They say it is observed in the Low-Countreys, (I know not in what part) That every five and thirty Years, the same kind and suit of Years and Weathers comes about a­gain, as great Frosts, great Wet, great Droughts, warm Winters, Summers with little Heat, and the like; and they call it the Prime. It is a thing I do rather mention, because computing backwards, I have found some con­currence.

But to leave these points of Nature, and come to men. The greatest Vicissitude of things amongst men, is, The Vicissitude of Sects and Religions: For those Orbs rule in mens minds most. The true Religion is built upon the Rock, the rest are tost upon the Waves of Time. To speak therefore of the Causes of new Sects, and to give some Counsel concerning them, as far as the weakness of Humane Judgment can give stay to so great Revo­lutions.

When the Religion formerly received, is rent by Dis­cords; and when the Holiness of the Professors of Religion is decayed, and full of Scandal, and withal the Times be Stupid, Ignorant, and Barbarous, you may doubt the springing up of a new Sect, if then also there should arise any extravagant and strange Spirit to make himself Author thereof: All which points held, when Mahomet published his Law. If a new Sect have not two properties, fear it not; for it will not spread. The one is, The Supplanting or the Oppo­sing of Authority established: For nothing is more popular than that. The other is, The giving Licence [Page 155] to pleasures and Voluptuous Life. For as for Specula­tive Heresies, (such as were in Ancient Times the [...], and now the Arminians) though they work mightily upon Mens Wits, yet they do not produce any great alteration in States, except it be by the help of Civil Occasions. There be three manner of Plan­tations of new Sects, By the Power of Signs and Mi­racles, by the Eloquence and Wisdom of Speech and Per­swasion, and by the Sword; for Martyrdo [...]s, I reckon them amongst Miracles, because they seem to exceed the strength of Humane Nature: And I may do the like of Superlative and Admirable Holiness of Life. Sure­ly there is no better way to stop the rising of new Sects and Schisms, than to reform abuses, to compound the smaller differences, to proceed mildly, and not with Sanguinary persecutions; and rather to take off the principal Authors by winning and advancing them, than to enrage them by violence and bitter­ness.

The Changes and Vicissitude in Wars are many, but chiefly in three things: In the Seats or Stages of the War; in the Weapons, and in the manner of the Con­duct. Wars in Ancient Time, seemed more to move from East to West: For the Persians, Assyrians, Arabians, Tartars (which are the Invaders) were all Eastern People. It is true, the Gauls were Western, but we read but of two Incursions of theirs, the one to Gallo-Graecia, the other to Rome. But East and West have no certain Points of Heaven, and no more have the Wars, either from the East or West any certainty of Obser­vation. But North and South are fixed, and it hath seldom or never been seen, that the far Southern Peo­ple have invaded the Northern, but contrariwise. Whereby it is manifest, that the Northern Tract of the World is in nature the more Martial Religion; be it in respect of the Stars of that Hemisphere, or of the great Continents that are upon the North, whereas the South Part, for ought that is known, is almost all [Page 156] Sea; or (which is most apparent) of the Cold of the Northern Parts, which is that, which without Aid of Discipline doth make the bodies hardest, and the Co [...] ­rages warmest.

Upon the Breaking and Shivering of a great State and Empire, you may be sure to have Wars. For great Empires, while they stand, do enervate and destroy the forces of the Natives which they have subdued, resting upon their own Protecting forces; and then when they fail also, all goes to ruine, and they be­come a Prey. So was it in the decay of the Roman Empire; and likewise in the Empire of Almain, after Charles the Great, every Bird taking a Feather, and were not unlike to befall to Spain, if it should break. The great Accessions and Unions of Kingdoms do likewise stir up Wars. For when a State grows to an Over-power, it is like a great flood that will be sure to over-flow. As it hath been seen in the States of Rome, Tur­kie, Spain, and others. Look when the World hath fewest Barbarous People, but such as commonly will not marry or generate, except they know means to live; (as it is almost every where at this day, except Tar­tary) there is no danger of Inundations of People; but when there be great Shoals of People, which go on to populate without foreseeing means of Life and Su­stentation, it is of necessity that once in an Age or two, they discharge a Portion of their People upon o­ther Nations, which the ancient Northern People were wont to do by Lot, casting Lot what part should stay at home, and what should seek their Fortunes. When a Warlike State grows soft and effeminate, they may be sure of a War; for commonly such States are grown rich in the time of their Degenerating, and so the Prey inviteth, and their decay in valour encourageth a War.

As for the Weapons, it hardly falleth under Rule and Observation; yet we see even they have Returns and Vicissitudes. For certain it is, that Ordnance was known [Page 157] in the City of the Oxydrakes in India; and was that which the Macedonians called Thunder and Lightning, and Magick. And it was well known, that the use Ordnance hath been in China above 2000 Years. The conditions of Weapons, and their improvement are; First, the fetching afar off; for that out-runs the danger, as it is seen in Ordnance and Muskets. Second­ly, The strength of the Percussion, wherein likewise Ordnance do exceed all Arietations, and ancient Inven­tions. The Third is, The commodious use of them; as that they may serve in all Weathers, that the Carriage may be light and manageable, and the like.

For the Conduct of the War; at the first Men rested exreamly upon Number, they did put the Wars likewise upon main Force and Valour, pointing days for pitched Fields, and so trying it out upon an even match, and they were more ignorant in Ranging and Arraying their [...]ttles. After they grew to rest upon Number, rather Competent than Vast, they grew to advantages of Place, Cunning Diversions, and the like; and they grew more skilful in the ordering of their Battles.

In the Youth of a State, Arms do flourish; in the middle Age of a State Learning, and then both of them together for a time: In the declining Age of a State, Mechanical Arts and Merchandize. Learning, hath his Infancy when it is but beginning, and almost Chil­dish; then his Youth when it is Luxuriant and Juve­nile; then his strength of Years, when it is solid and reduced; and lastly, his Old Age; when it waxed dry and exhaust: But it is not good to look too long up­on these turning Wheels of Vicissitude, lest we become giddy. As for the Philology of them, that is but a Cir­cle of Tales, and therefore not fit for this Writing.

LIX. A Fragment of an Essay of Fame.

THE Poets make Fame a Monster. They describ [...] her in part finely and elegantly; and in pa [...] gravely and sententiously. They say, look how ma­ny Feathers she hath, so many Eyes she hath underneath; so many Tongues; so many Voices; she pricks up so ma­ny Ears.

This is a flourish: There follow excellent Parables▪ as that she gathereth strength in going; that she goeth upon the ground, and yet hideth her head in the Clouds. That in the day-time she sitteth in a Watch-Tower, and flieth most by Night: That she mingleth things done, with things not done: And that she [...] a terror to great Cities: But that which passeth all the rest is: they do recount that the Earth, Mother of the Gyants, that made War against Jupiter, and were by him destroyed, thereupon, in anger, brought forth Fame: For certain it is, that Rebels figured by the Gy­ants and Seditious Fames, and Libels, are but Brothers and Sisters; Masculine and Feminine. But now if a Man can tame this Monster, and bring her to feed at the hand, and govern her, and with her flie other raven­ing Fowl, and kill them, it is somewhat worth. But we are infected with the stile of the Poets. To speak now in a sad and serious manner: There is not in all the Politicks, a Place less handled, and more worthy to be handled, than this of Fame. We will therefore speak of these points. What are false Fames; and what are true Fames; and how they may be best discern­ed; how Fames may be sown and raised; how they may be spread and multiplied, and how they may be checked and laid dead: And other things concerning the Nature of Fame. Fame is of that force, as there is [Page 159] scarcely any great Action wherein it hath not a great part, especially in the War. Mucianus undid Vitellius by a Fame that he scattered; that Vitellius had in pur­pose to remove the Legions of Syria into Germany: and the Legions of Germany into Syria: whereupon the Legions of Syria were infinitely inflamed. Julius Caesar took Pompey unprovided, and laid asleep his industry and preparations, by a Fame that he cunning­ly gave out, how Caesar's own Soldiers loved him not; and being wearied with the Wars, and laden with the spoils of Gaul, would forsake him as soon as he came into Italy. Livia setled all things for the Succes­s [...]on of her Son Tiberius, by continual giving out, that her Husband Augustus was upon recovery and amend­ment. And it is an usual thing with Bashaws, to conceal the Death of the great Turk from the Janiza­ries and Men of War, to save the Sacking of Constan­t [...]ple, and other Towns, as their manner is. Themi­s [...]cles made Xe [...]xes King of Persia post apace out of Graecia, by giving out that the Graecians had a purpose to break his Bridge of Ships, which he had made athwart Hellespont. There be a thousand such like Examples; and the more they are, the less they need to be re­peated; because a Man meeteth with them every where: Therefore, let all wise Governours have as great a watch and care over Fame, as they have of the Actions and designs themselves.

LX. A Civil Character of Julius Caesar.

JULIUS CAESAR was partaker at first of an exercised Fortune; which turned to his benefit▪ For it abated the haughtiness of his spirit, and whet­ted his Industry. He had a Mind, turbulent in his De­sires and Affections; but in his judgment and under­standing very serene and placid: And this appears by his easie deliverances of himself, both in his Transacti­ons and in his Speech. For no Man ever resolved more swiftly, or spake more perspicuously and plainly. There was nothing forced or difficult in his expressions. But in his will and appetite, he was of that Conditi­on, that he never rested in those things he had got­ten; but still thirsted and pursued after new; yet so, that he would not rush into new Affairs rashly, but settle and make an end of the former, before he at­tempted fresh Actions. So that he would put a sea­sonable period to all his Undertakings. And there­fore, though he won many Battles in Spain, and weakned their Forces by degrees; yet he would not give over, nor despise the Relicks of the Civil War there, till he had seen all things composed: But then assoon as that was done, and the State setled, instant­ly he advanced in his Expedition against the Parthi­ans.

He was, no doubt, of a very noble Mind; but yet such as aimed more at his particular Advancement, than at any Merits for the Common Good. For he re­ferred all things to Himself; and was the true and per­fect Centre of all his Actions. By which means, be­ing so fast tied to his Ends, he was still prosperous, and prevailed in his Purposes; Insomuch, that neither Country, nor Religion, nor good Turns done him, nor [Page 161] Kindred, nor Friendship diverted his Appetite, nor brid­led him from pursuing his own Ends. Neither was he much inclined to works of Perpetuity: For he establish­ed nothing for the future; He founded no sumptuous Buildings; He procured to be enacted no wholsome Laws, but still minded himself: And so his thoughts were confined within the Circle of his own Life. He sought indeed after Fame and Reputation, because he thought they might be profitable to his Designs: Other­wise, in his inward thoughts be propounded to himself rather Absoluteness of Power, than Honour and Fame. For as for Honour and Fame, he pursued not after them for themselves; but because they were the Instruments of Power and Greatness. And therefore he was carri­ed on through a Natural Inclination, not by any Rules that he had learned, to effect the sole Regiment▪ and rather to enjoy the same than to seem worthy of it. And by this means he won much Reputation amongst the People, who are no valuers of true Worth: But a­mongst the Nobility and great Men, who were tender of their own Honours, it procured him no more than this, that he incurred the Brand of an Ambitious and Daring Man.

Neither did they much err from the Truth who thought him so; for he was by Nature exceeding bold; and never did put on any shew of Modesty, except it were for some purposes. Yet notwithstanding, he so attempted his Boldness, that it neither impeached him of Rashness; nor was burthensome to Men; nor rendred his Nature suspected, but was conceived to flow out of an Innate Sincerity and freeness of Beha­viour, and the Nobility of his Birth: And in all other things he passed, not for a Crafty and Deceitful Person, but for an open hearted and plain-dealing Man. And whereas he was indeed an Arch-Politician, that could counterfeit and dissemble sufficiently well; and was wholly compounded of Frauds and Deceits, so that there was nothing sincere in him, but all artificial; yet he [Page 162] covered, and disguised himself so, that no such Vices, appeared to the Eyes of the World; but he was gene­rally reputed to proceed plainly and uprightly with all Men. Howbeit, he did not stoop to any petty and mean Artifices, as they do, which are ignorant in State Employments; and depend not so much upon the strength of their own Wits, as upon the Counsels and Brains of others, to support their Authority; for he was skilled in the Turnings of all Humane Affairs; and transacted all Matters, especially those of high Consequence by himself, and not by others.

He was singularly skilful to avoid Envy; and found it not impertinent to his Ends, to decline that, though it were with some diminution of his Dignity. For aiming at a Real Power, he was content to pass by all vain Pomp and outward shews of Power throughout his whole Life; Till at the last, whether high-flown with the continual Exercise of Power, or corrupted with Flatteries, he affected the Ensigns of Power, (the Stile and Diad [...]m of a King,) which was the Bait that wrought his Overthrow.

This is true, that he harboured the thoughts of a Kingdom from his very youth: And hereunto the Ex­ample of Sylla, and the Kindred of Marius, and his E­mulation of Pompey, and the Corruption and Ambition of the Times, did prick him forward: But then he paved his way to a Kingdom, after a wonderful and strange manner. As first, by a Popular and Seditious Power; afterwards by a Military Power, and that of a General in War. For there was required to effect his Ends; First, That he should break the Power and Authority of the Senate; which, as long as it stood firm, was ad­verse, and an hindrance, that no Man could climb to Soveraignty and Imperial Command. Then the Power of Crassus and Pompey was to be subdued and quelled, which could not be done otherwise, than by Arms. And therefore (as the most Cunning Contriver of his own Fortune) he laid his first Foundation by Bribes; [Page 163] By corrupting the Courts of Justice, by renewing the memory of Caius Marius, and his party; For most of the Senators and Nobility were of Sylla's Faction: by the Law of distributing the Fields amongst the Common People: by the Sedition of the Tribunes, where he was the Author: by the madness and fury of Catiline, and the Conspirators, unto which Action he secretly blew the Goals! By the Banishment of Cicero, which was the greatest Blow, to the Authority of the Senate, as might be; and several other the like Arts: But most of all by the Conjunction of Crassus and Pompey, both betwixt themselves, and with him; which was the thing that fi­nished the work.

Having accomplisht this part, he betook himself to the other; which was to make use of, and to enjoy his power. For being made Proconsul of France for five years; and afterwards continuing it for five years more; he furnished himself with Arms and Legions, and the power of a Warlike and Opulent Province; as was formidable to Italy.

Neither was he ignorant, that after he had strength­ned himself with Arms and a Military Power, neither Crassus nor Pompey could ever be able to bear up against him; whereof the one trusted to his great Riches, the other to his Fame and Reputation; the one decayed through Age, the other in Power and Authority: And neither of them were grounded upon true and lasting Foundations. And the rather, for that he had obliged all the Senators and Magistrates: And in a word, all those that had any power in the Common-wealth, so firmly to himself, with private benefits, that he was fearless of any Combination or Opposition against his Designs, till he had openly invaded the Imperial Power.

Which things, though he always bare in his Mind, and at the last acted it, yet he did not lay down his former person; but coloured things so, that what with the reasonableness of his Demands, what with [Page 164] his pretences of Peace, and what with the moderate use of his Successes, he turned all the Envy of the Ad­verse Party, and seemed to take up Arms upon necessity for his own preservation and safety. But the falseness of this pretence manifestly appeared; inasmuch as soon after having obtained the Regal Power, all Civil War being appeased, and all his Rivals and Opposites, which might put him to any fear, being removed out of the way by the stroke of Death; notwithstanding he ne­ver thought of resigning the Republick; no, nor ever made any shew or offer of resigning the same. Which shewed plainly, that his ambition of being a King was setled in him, and remained with him unto his last breath. For he did not lay hold upon occasions, as they hapned, but moulded and formed the occasions, as him­self pleased.

His chief Abilities consisted in Martial Knowledge; in which he so excelled, that he could not only lead an Army, but mould an Army to his own liking. For he was not more skilful in managing Affairs, than in winning of Hearts. Neither did he affect this by any ordinary Discipline, as by inuring them to fulfil all his commands; or by striking a shame into them to disobey, or by carrying a severe Hand over them: But by such a way as did wonderfully stir up an ala­crity and chearfulness in them: and did in a sort assure him of the Victory aforehand, and which did oblige the Soldier to him, more than was fit for a Free Estate. Now whereas he was versed in all kinds of Martial Knowledge, and joyned Civil Arts with the Arts of War; nothing came so suddenly, or so un­lookt for upon him, for which he had not a remedy at hand: And nothing was so averse, but that he could pick something for his Turn and Benefit out of it.

He stood sufficiently upon his State and Greatness. For in great Battels, he would sit at home in the Head Quarter, and manage all Things by Messages, which wrought him a double benefit. First, that it secured [Page 165] his Person more, and exposed him the less to Danger. Secondly, that if at any time his Army was worsted, he could put new spirit into them with his own pre­sence, and the Addition of fresh Forces, and turn the Fortune of the Day. In the conducting of his Wars, he would not only follow former Precedents, but he was able to devise and pursue new Stratagems, according as the accidents and occasions required.

He was constant, and singularly kind, and indul­gent in his Friendships contracted. Notwithstanding, he made choise of such Friends, as a Man might easi­ly see, that he chose them rather to be Instruments to his Ends, than for any Good will towards them. And whereas, by Nature, and out of a firm Resolution, he adhered to this Principle; not to be eminent amongst Great and deserving Men; but to be chief amongst Inferiours and Vassals: he chose only mean and active Men, and such as to whom himself might be all in all. And hereupon grew that saying; So let Caesar live, though I die; and other Speeches of that kind. As for the Nobility, and those that were his Peers, he contracted Friendship, with such of them as might be useful to him; and admitted none to his Cabinet Council, but those that had their Fortunes wholly depending up­on him.

He was moderately furnished with good Literature, and the Arts; But in such sort as he applied his skill therein to Civil Policy. For he was well read in Histo­ry: and was expert in Rhetorick, and the Art of speak­ing. And because he attributed much to his good Stars, he would pretend more than an ordinary Know­ledge in Astronomy. As for Eloquence, and a prompt Elo­cution, that was Natural to him, and pure.

He was dissolute, and propense to Voluptuousness and Pleasures; which served well at first for a Cover to his Ambition. For no Man would imagine, that a Man so loosely given could harbour any Ambitious and Vast Thoughts in his Heart. Notwithstanding, he so go­verned [Page 166] his Pleasures, that they were no hindrance, either to his profit, or to his business: And they did rather whet, than dull the vigour of his Mind. He was Tem­perate at his Meals; free from Niceness and Curiosity in his Lusts; pleasant and Magnificent at publick Interludes.

Thus being accomplished, the same thing was the Means of his down-fall at last; which in his Beginnings was a step to his Rise, I mean his Affectation of Popula­rity: For nothing is more popular, than to forgive our Enemies. Through which, either Vertue or Cunning, he lost his Life.

LXI. A Civil Character of Augustus Caesar.

AUGUSTUS CAESAR, (if ever any Mortal Man) was endued with a greatness of Mind, un­disturbed with Passions, clear and well ordered; which is evidenced by the High Atchievements which he perfor­med in his early youth. For those persons which are of a turbulent Nature or Appetite, do commonly pass their youth in many Errors; and about their middle, and then, and not before, they shew forth their Perfections; but those that are of a sedate and calm Nature, may be ripe for great and glorious Acti­ons in their youth. And whereas the Faculties of the Mind, no less than the Parts and Members of the Body, do consist and flourish in a good temper of Health, and Beauty, and Strength; So he was in the strength of the Mind, inferior to his Unkle Julius; but in the Health and Beauty of the Mind, superior. For Julius being of an unquiet and uncomposed Spirit, (as those, who are troubled with the Falling-Sickness for the most part are,) notwithstanding he carried on his own ends with much Moderation and Discretion; but he did not or­der [Page 167] his ends well, propounding to himself, vast and high Designs, above the Reach of a Mortal Man. But Augustus, as a Man sober, and mindful of his Mortali­ty, seemed to propound no other ends to himself, than such as were orderly and well weighed, and governed by Reason. For first he was desirous indeed to have the Rule and Principality in his hands; then he sought to appear worthy of that Power which he should ac­quire: Next, to enjoy an High Place, he accounted but a Transitory Thing: Lastly, He endeavoured to do such Actions, as might continue his memory, and leave an Im­pression of his good Government to After Ages. And there­fore, in the beginning of his Age, he affected Power; in the middle of his Age, Honour, and Dignity; in the de­cline of his years, Ease and Pleasure; and in the end of his Life, he was wholly bent to Memory and Posterity.