AN ACCOUNT Of all the Lord BACON'S WORKS.
IT is my purpose to give a true and plain Account, of the Designs and Labours of a very great Philosopher amongst us; and to offer to the World, in some tollerable Method, those
Remains of his, which to that end, were put into my Hands.
Something of this hath been done already by his Lordship himself; and something further hath been added by the Reverend Dr.
Rawley: But their Remarks lay scattered in divers Places; and here they are
[Page 4] put under one View, and have received very ample Enlargements.
In this last and most comprehensive Account, I have, on purpose, used a loose and
Asiatic Style, and wilfully committed that venial fault with which the
Laconian (in
Boccalini) is merrily taxed, who had said that in
three words, which he might possibly have express'd in
two. I hop'd, by this means, to serve the more effectually,
ordinary Readers, who stand chiefly in need of this Introduction; and whose Capacities can be no more reach'd by a close and strict Discourse, than Game can be taken by a Net unspread.
For any praise upon the account of this small Performance, it is not worth the while to be solicitous about it. Yet sometimes, mean Men get a stock of Reputation, by gathering up the
Fragments of the Learned; as Beggars (they say) have gotten Estates by saving together the
Alms of the Rich. If that falls not out here where it is not expected, it will be abundantly enough to me if the Inferiour Reader may have Benefit, and any Honour may be done to the Memory of his Lordship, whose more
General Encomium I shall first set down, and then annex
a particular Narrative of those Designs and Labours of his, which may be
[Page 5] said, not only to merit, buteven to exceed all my Commendations.
I begin (as I said) with his Lordship's Praise, in a more general way. And here I affirm, with good assurance (for Truth is bold) that amongst those few, who by the strength of their private Reason, have resisted popular Errors, and avanced real and useful Learning; there has not arisen a more Eminent Person, than the
Lord High Chancellor Bacon. Such great Wits, are not the common Births of Time: And they, surely, intended to signifie so much who said of the Phoenix (though in Hyperbole as well as Metaphor) that Nature gives the World that
Individual Species, but once in five hundred Years.
It is true, There lived in part of the last, and this, Century, many memorable Advancers of Philosophical Knowledg. I mean not here such as
Patricius, or
Telesius, Brunus, Severinus the
Dane, or
Campanella. These, indeed, departed from some Errors of the Ancients, but they did not frame any solid
Hypothesis of their own. They only spun new Cobwebs, where they had brush'd down the old. Nay, I intend not, in this place, either
de Chart, or
Gassendi, They were, certainly, great Men, but they appeared somewhat later, and descended
[Page 6] into the depths of Philosophy, after the Ice had been broken by others. And those I take to have been chiefly
Copernicus, Father Paul the
Venetian, Galileo, Harvey, Gilbert, and the Philosopher before-remembred, Sir
Francis Bacon, who, if all his Circumstances be duly weigh'd, may seem to excel them all. He was by
Profession, a common Lawyer; by
Office, in the
Queen's time, one of the
Clerks of the Council; in the Reign of King
Iames, one of the
King's Counsel Learned, then
Solicitor General, and one of the
Iudges in the Knight-Marshals Court; then
Attorney General, and one of the King's
Privy-Council; then
Lord-Keeper of the Great Seal, and during the Kings absence in
Scotland, Lord Protector: And last of all,
Lord High Chancellor of England. So that in such a Life as his, so thickly set with Business of such Height, it is a Miracle that all Seeds of Philosophy were not daily overdropped, and in a short time, quite choaked; and that any one of them sprung up to Maturity. And yet his prosper'd beyond those of the Philosophers before-mentioned, though they were not pressed on with such a crowd of secular Business.
For
Copernicus, he concern'd himself especially in the Revolutions of the Heavenly
[Page 7] Bodies, in reviving and perfecting the obsolete Doctrine of
Philolaus, touching the motion of the Earth, and in setting free the Planets from those many Epicycles, Eccentrics, and Concentries, in which
Ptolomy, and others had entrangled them. And he well understood the Course of the Stars, though he did not much study that natural motive Power which carries them about in their several
Elliptics. The like Remark may be made concerning Mr.
Gilbert, who applied himself particularly to the consideration of Magnetic Powers; as also concerning Dr.
Harvey, who inquired principally into the Generation of Animals, and the motion of the Heart: Subjects in which he made great progress, though into the former, the help of Microscopes, would have given him further insight
See Dr.
Highmore, of Generation,
P. 70, 71.; and in both, he rather pursued the proofs of his Hypotheses, than the nature of the Mechanic force, which produced those great Effects.
Father Paul, was a more general Philosopher, and the Head of a
Meeting of Vertuosi in
Venice. He excelled in
Mechanics, in
Mathematics of all kinds, in
Philological Learning, in
Anatomy. In his Anatomical Studies, he exercis'd such Sagacity, that he made further discoveries in the fabrick of
[Page 8] the Eye, and taught
Aqua-pendente, those new Speculations which he publish'd on that Subject; he found out (saith
Fulgentio) the
Valvulae in the Veins, and began the Doctrine of the Circulation of the Blood: Though there is reason to believe, that he receiv'd the hints of it from Sir
Henry Wotton, who himself had taken them from Dr.
Harvey
Cartes diss. de Methodo.
P. 46. Herveo laus
[...]aec tribuenda est quò d primam in istâ materi
[...] glac
[...]em f
[...]egerit,
&c.. But, the present state of the Affairs of
Venice so requiring,
Father Paul bent his Studies to Ecclesiastical Polity, and chiefly employ'd his Pen in detecting the Usurpations and Corruptions of the
Papacy: Endeavouring (so far as Books could do it) to preserve the Neck of that Republick, from the Bondage of
Paul the Fifth, who attempted to set his Foot upon it.
Galileo further improv'd the Doctrine of
Copernicus; discover'd by Telescopes, new Stars in the Heavens; wrote
Dialogues concerning the
System of the World, and touching
Local Motion; which latter is the Key that openeth Nature. But he descended not to the several Classes of Bodies in Nature, and the particulars contained in them, and their respective Motions, and Uses. Neither did he publish any thing till many
[Page 9] Years had pass'd, since Mr.
Bacon had form'd and modelled in his thoughts, his larger Idea of Experimental Knowledg. His
Sidereus Nuncius, came not forth till towards the midst of the Reign of King
Iames. And King
Charles had sate some Years on his Throne, er'e he publish'd his Dialogue of the System of the World. Whereas Mr.
Bacon had not only publish'd two Books of his
Advancement, in the beginning of
K. Iames's Reign, but early in the
Queen's time, (as from his Letter to
Fulgentio, plainly appeareth) he had written his
Temporis Partus Maximus. That Book (pompous in its Title, but solid in its Matter; like a great Feather put sometimes on a good Head piece) contained in it, though in imperfect manner, and so far as the greenness of his Years permitted, the principal Rudiments of his
Instauration. The work therefore of the
Instauration, was an Original; and a Work so vast and comprehensive in its design, that though others in that Age, might hew out this, or the other
Pillar; yet of him alone it seemeth true, that he fram'd the
whole Model of the
House of Wisdom.
In those days in which he began his Studies,
Aristotle was, in effect, the Pope in Philosophy. The Lectures, both in his
[Page 10] private College, and in the publick Schools, were generally Expositions upon
Aristotle's Text. And every Opinion, wrote by him as his own, was esteem'd as Authentick, as if it had been given under the
Seal of the Fisher. It was, therefore, a very singular Felicity in a young Gentleman to see further into Nature, than that celebrated Philosopher, at whose feet he was plac'd. And it was as happy as it was extraordinary, that he took distaste betimes at the Vulgar Physicks. Use and Custome in that way, might have reconciled it to him, as it had done to others of great Learning. For a Philosopher is like a Vine, of which they say, It must be set of a Plant, and not of a Tree.
But, though there was bred in Mr.
Bacon so early a dislike of the Physiologie of
Aristotle, yet he did not despise him with that Pride and Haughtiness, with which Youth is wont to be puffed up. He had a just esteem of that great Master in Learning
De Augm. Scient. l. 3. c. 4. Caeterum, de viro tam Eximio certè, &, ob acumen Ingenii, mirabili,
Aristotele, &c▪, and greater than that which
Aristotle himself expressed towards the Philosophers that went before him. For he endeavour'd (some say) to stifle all their Labours; designing to himself an universal Monarchy over
[Page 11] Opinions, as his Patron
Alexander did over Men. Our Heröe owned what was excellent in him; but, in his Inquiries into Nature, he proceeded not upon his Principles. He began the Work a-new, and laid the foundation of Philosophick Theory in numerous Experiments.
By this Theory is not (as I conceive) so much to be understood, that most abstracted, and more narrow one, of the meer nature and definition of Matter, Motion, Place, Figure, Sight, Quantity, and the like, which a Man's Reason may find out, by a few common and daily Appearances in Nature, or Operations of Art: But we are to understand by it, a truer and fuller Knowledg, of the Systeme of the World, of the several Actions and Passions of Bodies in it, and of the divers Ways whereby, in themselves, or by the application of Art to them, they may be made serviceable to Humane Life.
Now this was a Work for a Man of a thousand Hands, and as many Eyes, and depended upon a distinct, and comprehensive, History of Nature. It was a way laborious and tedious, yet useful and honourable, and in this, like that way of the Snail, which
shineth though it is
slow.
Such an useful and noble Philosophy did
[Page 12] our Author design, instead of the
Art of Disputation, which then generally prevail'd, and which he compar'd to the condition of Children who are apt for
Talk, but not for
Generation. And certainly, that Character was most due unto himself which he gave to
Xenophanes, of whom he said, that he was
a Man of a vast Conceit, and that minded nothing but Infinitum
Hist. of Life & Death.
p. 15..
Easie it is to add to things already
invented; but to
Invent, and to do it under Discouragement, when the World is prejudiced against the Invention, and with loud Clamour hooteth at the Projector; this is not an Undertaking for Dulness, or Cowardize. To do this, argues an Inquisitive and
Sagacious Wit; A mind free from slavish prepossession;
a piercing Iudgment, able to see through the mists of Authority; a great
Power in the Understanding, giving to a Man sufficient
Courage to bear up the Head against the common Current of Philosophical Doctrines, and
Force to beat out its own way in untravelled Places.
With such Intellectual Ability, was the Lord
Verulam endow'd: And he
stood on the old Paths, and perceiv'd, the unsoundness of their Bottom; their intricate Windings; their tendency to an useless End, or
[Page 13] rather to endless Disputation; and the daily Justlings and Rencounters of those who travail'd in them: And he looked attentively round about him, and he espied a new, and better, and larger, and safer way; and he journey'd far in it himself; and he left a Map of it for Posterity, who might further pursue it; and he has been happy in being follow'd, by Men of the ablest Understandings, with singular success; and the
Societies for improving of Natural Knowledg, do not at this day, depart from his Directions, though they travel further than Death would suffer him to adventure.
I can, at present, call to remembrance but one Man, who hath undervalued his Lordship's Method; and it is the same Man who hath libell'd the Holy Scriptures themselves; the Infidel
Spinoza
B. D.
Spinoza in Ep. 2. ad H.
Oldenburg. with op. Posth.
p. 398, 399.. This Man objecteth against his Way, that it faileth in the very entrance of it, through a mistake about the
Original of Error.
His Lordship's Opinion is the same with that which
de Chart insisteth on, in his latter Philosophy. Both shew that therefore Man deceives himself, because his
Will (being larger in its desires, than the
Vnderstanding
[Page 14] is in its Comprehensions; and hastning its opinion of such Objects as it covets to know, before it hath sufficiently attended to them, and obtain'd a clear and distinct perception of them) does cause it to yield a blind and rash, and therefore groundless Assent to insufficient Evidence.
His Lordship hath expressed it
thus, after his better way of saying things.
‘The
Vnderstanding
Nov. Organ. l. 1. Aph. 49. p. 44, 45. is not only made up of dry Light, but it receives an infusion from the
Will and Affections: And that begets such Sciences as the Heart desireth. For a Man soonest believes that which he would have to be true. Wherefore he rejects
difficult Truths, through impatience in inquiring; and
sober Truths, because they restrain his hope [or desire;] and the
deeper Natural Truths, by reason of Superstition; and the
Light of Experiments, by reason of Arrogance and Pride, lest the Mind should seem to be conversant in mean and transitory Things; and
Paradoxes, out of respect to the opinion of the Vulgar. In sum, the
Will seasons and infects the
Mind, by innumerable Ways, and by such as are, sometimes, not at all perceived.’
Now, how, think you, doth
Spinoza shew this opinion, to be a gross and fundamental
Mistake? Why, by denying that there
[Page 15] is any such thing in Man as a
Will: (as if that general name was ever used to signifie a particular Act, and not rather to express the general notion of that Power:) By telling us that all Volitions are particular Acts, and as fatally determin'd by a Chain of Physical Causes, as any effects whatsoever of Natural Bodies. So that we are like to learn well, from his Philosophy, how to amend our Erroneous Assent, whilst it teacheth us that it is necessary, and not to be mended, unless Men could have other Bodies, and there were another Scheme of Nature.
It must be confess'd, that the Lord I write of, was not without Infirmities, Intellectual or Moral: And the latter of these have made the greater Noise from the greatness of his Fall. I do not, here, pretend to speak of an Angel, but of a Man: And no Man,
great in Wit, and
high in Office, can live free from suspicion of both kinds of Errors. For that
Heat which is instrumental in making a
great Wit, is apt to disorder the attention of the Mind, and the stability of the Temper. And
High Place, because it giveth power to Opportunity, though no Athority to offend, is ever look'd on with a jealous Eye: And corrupt Men who mete by their own Measures, think no Man can be Great, and Innocent too.
[Page 16] His Lordship own'd it under his Hand,
In his Letter to King
James, March 25. 1620. In the Cab. that,
He was frail, and did partake of the Abuses of the Times: And, surely, he was a partaker of their Severities also; though they proved, by accident, happy Crosses and Misfortunes. Methinks they are resembled by those of Sir
George Sommers, who being bound, by his Employment, to another Coast, was by Tempest, cast upon the
Barmudas. And there, a Shipwrack'd Man made full discovery of a new temperate fruitful Region, which none had before inhabited; and which Mariners, who had only seen its Rocks, had esteemed an inaccessible and enchanted Place. The great cause of his Suffering, is to some, a secret. I leave them to find it out, by his words to King
Iames
See Mr.
Bushels Extract.
p. 19.,
I wish (said he)
that as I am the first, so I may be the last of Sacrifices in your Times. And when from private Appetite, it is resolv'd, that a Creature shall be sacrific'd; it is easie to pick up sticks enough, from any Thicket whither it hath straid, to make a Fire to offer it with.
But whatsoever his Errors were, or the causes of his Misfortunes, they are overballanc'd by his Vertues, and
will die with Time. His Errors were but as some Excrescencies, which grow on those Trees that
[Page 17] are fit to build the Palaces of Kings: For though they are not proper and natural Parts, yet they do not very much deprive the Body of its use and value. And, further, (to express my self by a more decent Image, a Comparison of his own;)
‘His Fall will be to Posterity, but as a little Picture of
Night-work, remaining amongst the Fair and Excellent Tables of his
Acts and Works
Epist▪ to Bishop
Andrew
[...].’
These I distinguish, into two kinds,
His
Mechanical Inventions, and his
Writings.
I doubt not but his
Mechanical Inventions were many. But I can call to mind but Three, at this time, and of them I can give but a very broken Account: And, for his Instruments and Ways in recovering deserted
Mines, I can give no account at all; though certainly, without new Tools and peculiar Inventions, he would never have undertaken that new and hazardous Work. Of the three Inventions which come now to my Memory, the
First was an Engine representing the motion of the Planets. Of this I can say no more than what I find, in his own words, in one of his Miscellany Papers in Manuscript.
[Page 18] The words are these:
‘I did, once, cause to be represented to me, by
Wires, the motion of some
Planets, in fact as it is, without
Theories of
Orbs, &c. And it seemed a strange and extravagant Motion. One while, they moved in
Spires forwards; another while they did unwind themselves in
Spires backwards: One while they made larger Circles, and higher; another while smaller Circles, and lower: One while they mov'd to the North, in their Spires, another while to the South,
&c.’
His
Second Invention was a
secret Curiosity of Nature, whereby to know the Season of every Hour of the Year, by a Philosophical Glass, placed (with a small proportion of Water) in a Chamber. This Invention I describe in the words of him, from whom I had the notice of it, Mr.
Thomas Bushel
See his Extract.
p. 17., one of his Lordships Menial Servants; a Man skilful in discovering and opening of
Mines, and famous for his curious
Water-Works, in
Oxfordshire, by which he imitated
Rain, Hail, the
Rain-bow, Thunder and
Lightning.
This secret cannot be that Instrument which we call
Vitrum Calendare, or the
Weather-Glass, the Lord
Bacon in his
[Page 19] Writings
Hist. of life and death,
p. 22., speaking of that as a thing in ordinary use, and commending, not Water
In Form
[...] Calid
[...].
[...]. 24. p. 176. Org. but rectifi'd Spirit of Wine, in the use of it. Nor (being an Instrument made with Water) is it likely to have shewed changes of the Air with so much exactness, as the later Baroscope made with Mercury. And yet, it should seem to be a secret of high value by the Reward, it is said to have procured. For the Earl of
Essex (as he in his
Extract. pag. 17. reporteth) when Mr.
Bacon had made a Present of it to him, was pleas'd to be very bountiful in his Thanks, and bestow upon his
Twicknam-Park, and its Garden of Paradise, as a place for his Studies. I confess, I have not Faith enough to believe the whole of this Relation. And yet I believe the Earl of
Essex was extremely Liberal, and free even to Profuseness; that
he was a great lover of Learned Men, being, in some sort, one of them himself
MS. Hist. of Q.
Eli
[...]. p. 39.; and that with singular Patronage, he cherish'd the hopeful Parts of Mr.
Bacon, who also studied
his Fortunes and Service. Yet Mr.
Bacon himself, where he professeth his unwillingness to be short, in the commemoration of the favours of that Earl; is, in this great one, perfectly silent
Bacon's Apol. conc. the Eaerl of
Essex. p. 54, 55.. But there is, in his
Apologie, another Story, which may seem
[Page 20] to have given to Mr.
Bushel, the occasion of his Mistake.
‘After the Queen had deny'd to Mr.
Bacon, the Solicitor's Place, for the which the Earl of
Essex had been a long and earnest suitor on his behalf, it pleased that Earl to come to him, from
Richmond, to
Twicknam-Park; and thus to break with him: Mr.
Bacon
[...] the
Queen hath deny'd me the
Place for you.— you fare ill, because you have chosen
me for your Mean and Dependance: You have spent your thoughts and time in my Matters; I die—if I do not do somewhat towards your Fortune. You shall not deny to accept a piece of Land which I will bestow upon you.’ And it was, it seems, so large a piece, that he under-sold it for no less than Eighteen Hundred Pounds.
His
Third Invention was, a kind of
Mechanical Index of the Mind. And of this, Mr.
Bushel
In his Extract. p. 17, 18. hath given us the following Narrative and Description.
‘His Lordship presented to Prince
Henry, Two Triangular Stones (as the First-fruits of his Philosophy) to imitate the Sympathetical Motion of the
Load-stone and
Iron, although made up by the Compounds of Meteors (as Star-shot Jelly) and other like Magical Ingredients, with the reflected
[Page 21] Beams of the Sun, on purpose that the warmth distill'd into them through the moist heat of the Hand, might discover the affection of the Heart, by a visible sign of their Attraction and Appetite to each other, like the hand of a Watch, within ten Minutes after they are laid on a Marble Table, or the Theatre of a great Looking-Glass. I write not this as a feigned Story, but as a real Truth; for I was never quiet in my Mind, till I had procured these Jewels of my Lord's Philosophy from Mr.
Archy Primrose, the Prince's Page.’
Of this I find nothing, either in his
Lordship's Experiments
Nat. Hist. Cent. 10. Exp. 939.
&c. p. 205.
touching Emission, or Immateriate Virtues, from the Minds and Spirits of Men; or, in those concerning the
secret Virtue of Sympathy and Antipathy
Ibid. Exp. 960.
&c. p. 211. Wherefore I forbear to speak further in an Argument about which I am so much in the dark.
I proceed to subjects upon which I can speak with much more assurance, his Inimitable
Writings.
Now, of the Works of the Lord
Bacon, many are extant, and some are lost, in whole, or in part.
His
Abecedarium Naturae, is in part lost, and there remaineth nothing of it besides
[Page 22] the Fragment, lately retrieved, and now first publish'd. But this loss is the less to be lamented, because it is made up with advantage, in the second and better thoughts of the Author, in the two first Parts of his Instauration. The World hath sustain'd a much greater loss in his
Historia Gravis & Levis, which (I fear) is wholly perished. It is true, he had gone no further than the general Delineation of this Work; but those Out-lines drawn by so great an Artist, would have much directed others, in describing those important
Phenomena of Nature.
Also his Collection of Wise and Acute Sentences, entituled by him,
Ornamenta Rationalia; is either wholly lost; or, in some obscure place, committed to Moths and Cobwebs. But this is, here in some sort supplied, partly out of his own Works, and partly out of those of one of the Ancients.
Lost, likewise, is a Book which he wrote in his Youth, he call'd it
[Temporis Partus Maximus]
See the E
[...]ist. to
Fulgen. the Greatest Birth of Time: Or rather,
Temporis Partus Masculus, the Masculine Birth of Time. For so
Gruter found it call'd in some of the Papers of Sir
William Boswel
See the Page af
[...]er the Title of
Scripta Philosophica.. This was a kind of Embrio of the Instauration:
[Page 23] and if it had been preserved, it might have delighted and profited Philosophical Readers, who could then have seen the Generation of that great Work, as it were from the first Egg of it.
Of those Works of the Lord
Bacon's which are
Extant, some he left imperfect, that he might pursue his Design in others;
As the New Atlantis: Some he broke off on purpose, being contented to have set others on-wards in their way; as
The Dialogue of a Holy War. In some he was prevented by Death; as in the History of
Henry the Eighth. Of some he despaired; as of the
Philosophia Prima, of which he left but some few Axioms. And lastly, some he perfected; as some parts of the
Great Instauration. And amongst all his Works, that of his
Instauration, deserveth the first place. He thought so himself, saying to Dr.
Andrews, then Lord Bishop of
Winchester
In Epist. Dedic. before his Advertisement touching a holy War.,
‘This is the Work, which, in my own judgment,
(Si nunquam fallit Imago) I do most esteem.’
In this Work, he designed to take in pieces the former Model of Sciences; to lay aside the rotten Materials; to give it a new Form, and much Enlargement; and to found it, not upon Imagination, but Reason helped by Experience. This
[Page 24]
Great Instauration, was to consist of
Six Parts.
The
First Part proposed was, the
Partitions of the Sciences: And this the Author perfected in that Golden Treatise of the
Advancement of Learning, addressed to King
Iames, a Labour which he termed
In his Letter to Sir
T. Bodley, p. 34.
Resus. the comfort of his other Labours. This he first wrote in two Books, in the
English Tongue, in which his Pen excelled. And of this First Edition that is to be meant, which, with some Truth, and more Modesty, he wrote to the Earl of
Salisbury; telling him
In a Letter in
Resusc. p. 31.,
‘That, in his Book, he was contented to awake better Spirits, being himself like a Bell-ringer, who is first up to call others to Church.’ Afterwards he enlargeth the Second of those Two Discourses, which contained especially the abovesaid Partition, and divided the Matter of it into Eight Books. And, knowing that this Work was desired beyond the Seas, and being also aware, that Books written in a modern Language, which receiveth much change in a few Years, were out of use; he caus'd that part of it which he had written in
English, to be translated into the
Latine Tongue, by Mr.
Herbert, and some others, who were esteemed Masters in the
Roman Eloquence. Notwithstanding
[Page 25] which, he so suted the Style to his Conceptions, by a strict Castigation of the whole Work, that it may deservedly seem his own. The Translation of this Work (that is, of much of the Two Books written by him in
English) he first commended to Dr.
Playfer, a Professour of Divinity in the University of
Cambridg; using, amongst others, these words to him.
‘The
Collect. of Letters in
Resusc. p. 33, 34. privateness of the Language considered, wherein the Book is written, excluding so many Readers; as, on the other side, the obscurity of the Argument, in many parts of it, excludeth many others; I must account it, a second Birth of that Work, if it might be translated into
Latine, without manifest loss of the Sence, and Matter. For this purpose I could not represent to my self any Man, into whose hands I do more earnestly desire that Work should fall, than your Self: For, by that I have heard, and read, I know no Man a greater Master, in commanding Words to serve Matter.’
The Doctor was willing to serve so Excellent a Person, and so worthy a Design; and, within a while, sent him a Specimen of a
Latine Translation. But Men, generally, come short of themselves when they
[Page 26] strive to out-doe themselves. They put a force upon their Natural Genius, and, by straining of it, crack and disable it. And so, it seems, it happened to that Worthy and Elegant Man. Upon this great Occasion, he would be over-accurate; and he sent a Specimen of such superfine Latinity, that the Lord
Bacon did not encourage him to labour further in that Work, in the penning of which, he desired not so much neat and polite, as clear Masculine, and apt Expression.
The whole of this Book was rendred into
English by Dr.
Gilbert Wats, of
Oxford; and the Translation has been well received by many. But some there were, who wished that a Translation had been set forth, in which the Genius and Spirit of the Lord
Bacon had more appeared. And I have seen a Letter, written by certain Gentlemen to Dr.
Rawley, wherein they
thus importune him for a more accurate Version, by his own Hand.
‘It is our humble sute to you, and we do earnestly solicit you,—to give your self the Trouble, to correct the too much defective Translation of
de Augmentis Scientiarum, which Dr.
Watts hath set forth. It is a thousand pities, that so worthy a Piece should lose its Grace
[Page 27] and Credit by an ill Expositor; since those Persons, who read that Translation, taking it for Genuine, and upon that presumption not regarding the
Latine Edition, are thereby robbed of that benefit which (if you would please to undertake the Business) they might receive. This tendeth to the dishonour of that Noble Lord, and the hindrance of the
Advancement of Learning.’
This Work hath been also translated into
French upon the motion of the
Marquis Fiat. But in it there are many things wholly omitted, many things perfectly mistaken, and some things (especially such as relate to Religion) wilfully perverted. Insomuch that, in in one place, he makes his Lordship to magnifie the Legend: A Book, sure of little Credit with him, when he thus began one of his Essays
Essay of Atheism.;
‘I had rather believe all the Fables in the Legend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran, than that this Universal Frame is without a Mind.’
The fairest, and most correct Edition of this Book in
Latine, is that in Folio, printed at
London, Anno 1623. And whosoever would understand the Lord
Bacon's Cypher
In l. 6. c. 1., let him consult that accurate Edition. For, in some other Editions
[Page 28] which I have perused, the form of the Letters of the Alphabet, in which much of the Mysterie consisteth, is not observed: But the
Roman and
Italic shapes of them are confounded.
To this Book we may reduce the first four Chapters of that imperfect Treatise, published in
Latine by
Isaac Gruter
Inter Scripta Philos.
fol. 75., and called
The Description of the Intellectual Globe; they being but a rude draught of the Partition of the Sciences, so accurately and methodically disposed, in this Book of the Advancement of Learning. To this Work, also, we may reduce, the Treatise called
Thema Coeli, published likewise in
Latine, by
Gruter. And it particularly belongeth to the Fourth Chapter, and the Third Book of it; as being a Discourse tending to an improvement of the System of the Heavens, which is treated of in that place, the Houses of which (had God granted him life) he would have understood as well almost as he did his own. For the same Reason, we may reduce, to the same place of the
Advancement, the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Chapters, of the
Descriptio Globi Intellectualis, above remembred
See
Verulam's Scripta Philos. p. 90,
&c..
The Second Part of his Great Instauration (and so considerable a part of it, that the Name of the whole is given to it) is
[Page 29] his
Novum Organum Scientiarum, written by himself in the
Latine Tongue, and printed also most beautifully and correctly in Folio, at
London
1620. and in 2d
[...] part
Res. part of this Orga. is publ. in an
Engl. Version.. This Work he Dedicated to King
Iames, with the following Excuse; That, if he had stolen any time, for the Composure of it, from his Majestie's other Affairs, he had made some sort of Restitution, by doing Honour to his Name and his Reign. The King wrote to him, then Chancellor, a Letter of thanks, with his own Hand
Dated Octob. 16. 1620. See Collect. of Letters in
Resusc. p. 83.; and this was the first part of it.
‘My Lord, I have received your Letter, and your Book, than the which you could not have sent, a more acceptable Present, to me. How thankful I am for it, cannot better be expressed by me, than by a firm Resolution I have taken; First, to read it through with Care and Attention; though I should steal some Hours from my Sleep; having, otherwise, as little spare Time to read it, as you had to write it: And then to use the liberty of a true Friend, in not sparing to ask you the question in any Point, whereof I stand in doubt,
(Nam ejus est explicare, cujus est condere;) as, on the other part, I will willingly give a due commendation to such Places, as in my Opinion, shall
[Page 30] deserve it. In the mean time, I can with comfort, assure you, that you could not have made choice of a Subject, more befitting your Place, and your Universal, and Methodical Knowledg.—’
Three Copies of this
Organum, were sent by the Lord
Bacon to Sir
Henry Wotton, one who took a pride (as himself saith) in a certain Congeniality with his Lordship's Studies. And how very much he valued the
Present, we may learn from his own words.
‘You Lordship (said he
Sir H. Wotton'
s Remains, p. 298, 299.) hath done a great and ever-living Benefit to all the Children of Nature, and to Nature her self in her uttermost extent of Latitude: Who, never before, had so noble, nor so true an Interpreter, or (as I am readier to style your Lordship) never so inward a Secretary of her Cabinet. But of your Work (which came but this Week to my hands) I shall find occasion to speak more hereafter; having yet read only the First Book thereof, and a few Aphorisms of the Second. For it is not a Banquet that Men may superficially taste, and put up the rest in their Pockets; but, in truth, a solid Feast, which requireth due Mastication. Therefore, when I have once, my self, perused the whole, I determine to have
[Page 31] it read, piece by piece, at certain Hours, in my Domestic College, as an Ancient Author: For I have learned thus much by it already, that we are extremely mistaken in the Computation of Antiquity, by searching it backwards; because, indeed, the first Times were the youngest; especially in points of Natural Discovery and Experience.—’
This
Novum Organum containeth in it, Instructions concerning a better and more perfect use of Reason in our Inquisitions after things. And therefore the Second Title which he gave it was,
Directions concerning Interpretations of Nature. And, by this Art, he designed a Logick more useful than the Vulgar, and an
Organon apter to help the Intellectual Powers, than that of
Aristotle. For he proposed here, not so much the Invention of Arguments, as of Arts; and in Demonstration, he used Induction, more than Contentious Syllogism; and in his Induction, he did not straightway proceed from a few particular Sensible Notions, to the most general of all; but raised Axioms by degrees, designing the most general Notions for the last place; and insisting on such of them as are, not merely Notional, but, coming from Nature, do also lead to her.
[Page 32] This Book containeth Three Parts,
The Preface; the
Distribution of the Work of the Great Instauration;
Aphorisms, guiding to the Interpretation of Nature.
The Preface considereth the present unhappy state of Learning, together with Counsels and Advices to advance and improve it. To this Preface therefore, are to be reduced the
Indicia, and the
Proem in
Gruter
Script.
p. 285. & 479., concerning the Interpretation of Nature; the First Book
de Augmentis Scientiarum, which treateth generally of their Dignity and Advancement; and his Lordship'
s Cogitata & Visa
Pub. by
Gruter among the
Scripta., written by him, in
Latine, without Intention of making them publick in that Form, and sent to Dr.
Andrews
Ann
[...] 1607. see
Resusc. p. 35., as likewise to Sir
Thomas Bodely, with a desire to receive their Censures and Emendations. The
latter returned him a free and friendly Judgment of this Work, in a large and learned Letter, published in the
Cabala, in the
English Tongue, and by
Gruter in the
Latine
Inter Scripta Philos.
p. 62.. The like, perhaps, was done by the
former, though his Answer be not extant.
To
the Distribution, belongeth that
Latine Fragment in
Gruter
Inter Scripta.
p. 293., called, The Delineation, and Argument, of the Second Part of the Instauration. So doth that
Pag. 208. of the Philosophy of
Parmenides
[Page 33] and
Telesius, and (especially)
Democritus. For (as he sheweth in the beginning of that Part) he designed first to consider the Learning of which the World was possessed; and then to perfect that; and that being done, to open new Ways to further Discoveries.
To the Aphorisms is reducible, his Letter to Sir
Henry Savil, touching
Helps for the Intellectual Powers, written by his Lordship in the
English
Reusc. p 225, &
[...] Tongue. A part of Knowledg then scarce broken
[...]
[...] late,
S
[...] noza on that Subject., Men believing that Nature was here rather to be follow'd than guided by Art; and as necessary (in his Lordship's Opinion) as the grinding and whetting of an Instrument, or the quenching it, and giving it a stronger Temper.
Also there belong to this place, the
Fragment, call'd
Aphorismi & Consilia, de Auxiliis mentis. And
Sententiae Duodecim de Interpretatione Naturae; both published by
Gruter in the
Latine Tongue, in which his Lordship wrote them
See Script. p. 448, 451..
In the bringing this Labour to Maturity, he used great and deliberate Care; insomuch that Dr.
D. R▪ in Life of Lord
Bacon.
Rawley saith, he had seen Twelve Copies of it, revised Year by Year, one after another; and every Year alter'd and amended in the Frame thereof, till at
[Page 34] last it came to the Model in which it was committed to the Press. It was like a mighty Pyramid, long in its Erection; and it will, probably, be like to it in its Continuance.
Now he received from many parts beyond the Seas, Testimonies touching this Work, such, as beyond which he could not (he saith,
In Epi. to Bishop
Andrews.) expect at the first, in so abstruse an Argument; yet nevertheless (he saith again) he had just cause to doubt that it flew too high over
Mens Heads: He purpos'd therefore, (though he broke the order of Time) to draw it down to the sense by some Patterns, of
Natural Story and Inquisition.
And so he proceeded to
The Third Part of the Instauration, which he called the
Phaenomena of the Vniverse, or the History Natural and Experimental, subservient to the building of a true Philosophy.
This Work consisteth of several Sections:
The First is his
Parasceve, or Preparatory to the History Natural and Experimental. It is a short Discourse written in
Latine, by the Author, and annexed to the
Novum Organum Scientiarum. There is delivered in it, in Ten Aphorisms, the general
[Page 35] manner of framing a Natural History. After which followeth a Catalogue of particular Histories, of Coelestial and Aereal Bodies, and of those in the Terrestrial Globe, with the Species of them: Such as Metals, Gems, Stones, Earths, Salts, Plants, Fishes, Fowls, Insects; Man, in his Body, and in his Inventions mechanic and liberal.
A late Pen has travelled in the Translation of this little Description of Natural History; and it is extant in the Second Part of the
Resuscitation.
To this
Parasceve, it is proper to reduce the
Fragment of the Abecedarium Naturae; and a short Discourse written in
Latine by his Lordship, and published by
Gruter
Se
[...]. Ver.
[...] Phil.
p. 323.: It being (what also its Title shews) a
Preface to the Phaenomena of the Vniverse; or,
The Natural History.
Neither do we, here, unfitly place the
Fable of the New Atlantis: For it is the Model of a College to be Instituted by some King who philosophizeth, for the Interpreting of Nature, and the Improving of Arts. His Lordship did (it seems) think of finishing this Fable, by adding to it a Frame of Laws, or a kind of
Vtopian Commonwealth; but he was diverted by his desire of Collecting the Natural History
[Page 36] which was first in his esteem. This Supplement has been lately made by another Hand
See
R. H. contin. of N.
Atlantis Octo.
Lon. 1660.: A great and hardy Adventure, to finish a Piece after the Lord
Verulam's Pencil. This Fable of the
New Atlantis in the
Latine Edition of it, and in the
Franckfort Collection, goeth under the false and absurd Title of
Novus Atlas: As if his Lordship had alluded to a Person, or a Mountain, and not to a great Island, which according to
Plato, perished in the Ocean.
The Second Section is, the History of Winds, written in
Latine by the Author, and by
R. G. Gentleman, turned into
English. It was Dedicated to King
Charles, then Prince, as the First-fruits of his Lordship's Natural History; and as a grain of Mustard-seed, which was, by degrees, to grow into a Tree of Experimental Science. This was the Birth of the first of those Six Months, in which he determin'd (God assisting him) to write Six several Histories of Natural Things. To wit, of
Dense and Rare Bodies, of
Heavy and Light Bodies; of
Sympathy and Antipathy; of
Salt, Sulphur, and Mercury; of
Life and Death; and (which he first perfected) that of
Winds, which he calls the Wings by which Men flie on the Sea, and the
[Page 37] Beesoms of the Air and Earth. And he, rightly, observeth concerning those
Postnati (for, as he saith, they are not a part of the Six Days Works, or Primary Creatures) that the Generation of them has not been well understood, because Men have been Ignorant of the Nature and Power of the Air, on which the Winds attend, as
Aeolus on
Iuno.
The
English Translation of this Book of Winds, is printed in the Second Part of the
Resuscitatio, as it is called, though improperly enough; for it is rather a Collection of Books already Printed, than a Resuscitation of any considerable Ones, which before slept in private Manuscript.
The Third Section is, the History of
Density and
Rarity, and of the Expansion and Coition of Matter in Space. This Discourse was written by his Lordship in
Latine; and was publish'd very imperfectly by
Gruter, amongst other Treatises, to which he gave the Title of
Impetus Philosophici
See Verulamii Scripta,
p. 336, 337, &c.; and very perfectly and correctly by Dr.
Rawley, out of whose Hands none of his Lordship's Works came lame and ill shapen into the World.
In this Argument, his Lordship allowing that nothing is substracted, or added to the total Sum of Matter, does yet grant,
[Page 38] that in the same Space there may be much more or less of Matter; and that (for Instance sake) there is ten times more of Matter in one Tun of Water, than in one of Air. By which his Lordship should seem to grant, what yet I do not find he does in any other place; either that there is a
Vacuum in Nature, or
Penetration of parts in Bodies.
The Third Section is, the History of
Gravity and
Levity, which (as before was said) was but design'd; and remaineth not (that I can hear of) so much as in the rude draught of its Designation. Only, there are published his Lordship's Topics, or Articles of Inquisition, touching
Gravity and
Levity, in his Book of Advancement
De Augm. Scient. l. 5.
[...]. 3. p 386.; and a brief
Aditus to this History, annexed to the
Historia Ventorum. In that
Aditus, or Entrance, he rejecteth the Appetite of heavy Bodies to the Center of the Earth, as a Scholastic Fancy: He taketh it for a certain Truth, That Body does not suffer but from Body, or that there is any local motion which is not solicited, either from the parts of the Body it self which is moved; or from Bodies adjacent, either contiguously, or in the next Vicinity, or at least within the Orb of their Activity: And lastly, he commendeth
[Page 39] the Magnetic Virtues introduced by
Gilbert, whom yet in this he disalloweth, that he made himself as 'twere a Magnet, and drew every thing to his Hypothesis.
The Fourth Section is, the History of
Sympathy and
Antipathy. Of this we have only the
Aditus annexed to that of
Historia Gravis & Levis; and a few Instances in his
Sylva Sylvarum
See Exper. 95, 96, 97. 462, 480, to 498.. In this History he designed to avoid Magical Fancies, which raise the Mind, in these things, to an undue height; and pretence of occultness of Quality, which layeth the Mind asleep, and preventeth further Inquiry into these useful secrets of Nature.
The Fifth Section is, the History of
Salt, Sulphur, and
Mercury, the three Principles of the common
Chymists; of which three, he thought the first to be no primordial Body, but a Compound of the two others, knit together by an acid Spirit. The
Aditus
All these
Aditus are transl. into
Engl. by the Trans. of the History of Winds. to this is annexed to that of
Historia Sympathiae & Antipathiae Rerum; but the Treatise it self was (I think) never written.
The Sixth Section is, the History of
Life and
Death; written by his Lordship in
Latine; and first turn'd into
English by an injudicious Translator; and rendred much better a second time, by an abler Pen, made
[Page 40] abler still by the Advice and Assistance of Dr.
Rawley.
This Work, though ranked last, amongst the Six Monthly Designations; yet was set forth in the second Place: His Lordship (as he saith) inverting the Order, in respect of the prime use of this Argument, in which the least loss of time was, by him, esteemed very precious. The Subject of this Book (which Sir
Henry Wotton
Remains, p. 455. calleth, none of the least of his Lordship's Works) and the Argument of which, some had before undertaken
Pansa de propag. vitâ Octo.
Lips. 1615.; but to much less purpose is the first of those, which he put in his Catalogue of the
Magnalia Naturae. And doubless, his Lordship undertook both a great and a most desirable Work, of making
Art short, and
Life easie and long.
‘And it was his Lordship's wish, that the nobler sort of Physicians might not employ their times wholly in the sordidness of Cures, neither be honoured for necessity only; but become Coadjutors and Instruments of the Divine Omnipotence and Clemence, in prolonging and renewing the Life of Man: And in helping Christians who pant after the Land of Promise, so to journey through this World's Wilderness, as to have their Shoes and Garments,
[Page 41] (these of their frail Bodies) little worn and impair'd.’
The Seventh and greatest Branch of the
Third Part of the Instauration, is his Sylva Sylvarum,
or Natural History; which containeth many
Materials for the building of Philosophy, as the
Organum doth
Directions for the
Work. It is an History not only of Nature freely moving in her Course, (as in the production of Meteors, Plants, Minerals); but also of Nature in constraint, and vexed and tortur'd by Humane Art and Experiment. And it is not an History of such things orderly ranged; but thrown into an Heap. For his Lordship, that he might not discourage other Collectors, did not cast this Book into exact Method; for which reason it hath the less Ornament, but not much the less Use.
In this Book are contain'd Experiments of Light, and Experiments of Use (as his Lordship was wont to distinguish); and amongst them some
Extraordinary, and others
Common. He understood that what was Common in one Country, might be a Rarity in another: For which Reason, Dr.
Caius, when in
Italy, thought it worth his pains to make a large and Elegant Description of
Our way of Brewing. His Lordship also knew well, that an Experiment manifest
[Page 42] to the
Vulgar, was a good ground for the Wise to build further upon. And himself rendred
Common ones, extraordinary by
Admonitions, for further Trials and Improvements. Hence his Lordship took occasion to say
Nat. Hist. Cent. 1.
p. 25. Exper. 93., that his writing of
Sylva Sylvarum, was (to speak properly) not a Natural History, but a high kind of Natural Magic: Because it was not only a description of Nature, but a breaking of Nature into great and strange Works.
This Book was written by his Lordship in the
English Tongue, and translated by an obscure Interpreter, into
French, and out of that Translation, into
Latine, by
Iames Gruter, in such ill manner, that they darkned his Lordship's Sence, and debased his Expression.
Iames Gruter was sensible of his Miscarriage, being kindly advertised of it by Dr.
Rawley: And he left behind him divers amendments, published by his Brother
Isaac Gruter, in a second Edition
Amstel. 1661. in 16
•.. Yet still so many Errors have escaped, that the Work requireth a Third Hand.
Mounsieur Aelius Deodatus had once engaged an able Person in the translation of this Book; one who could have done his Lordship right, and oblig'd such Readers as understood not the
English Original. He
[Page 43] began, and went through the
Three first Centuries, and then desisted; being desired by him who set him on work, to take his hand quite off from that Pen, with which he moved so slowly. His Translation of the
Third Century is now in my Hands; but that of the two first, I believe is lost.
His Lordship thus began that Third Century in
English.
‘All Sounds (whatsoever) move round; that is to say, on all sides; upwards, downwards, forwards, and backwards. This appeareth in all Instances.’
‘
Sounds do not require to be conveyed to the sense in a right Line, as
Visibles do, but may be arched. Though it be true, they move strongest in a right Line; which nevertheless is not caused by the
rightness of the Line, but by the
shortness of the Distance;
Linea rect a brevissima. And therefore we see, if a
Wall be between, and you speak on the one side, you hear it on the other; which is not because the Sound passeth through the
Wall, but archeth over the
Wall.’
These words are thus turned, by
Iames Gruter, in his last Edition; and tollerably well: Especially if we compare with some other places in his Translation.
[Page 44] Omnes soni, qualescun
(que) sint, in circulum moventur; hoc est, in omnes partes, sursum, deorsum, antrorsum, retrorsum; quod omnes docent instantiae.
Soni non requirunt ut rectâ lineâ ad sensum devehantur, quemadmodum visibilia, sed potest esse arcuata; quamvis verum sit, quòd fortissimè per rectam lineam moveant: Ne
(que) tamen id lineae debetur rectitudini, sed minori intervallo; Linea enim recta est brevissima. Hinc, si quis ab alterâ interjecti Parietis parte vocem proferat, ab alterâ queat exaudiri; non quòd vox Parietem transeundo penetret, sed quòd arcuata ultra parietem ascendat.
But the Translator, employed by
Mounsieur Deodate, turned them after this better manner.
Omnes in universum Soni in Orbem feruntur: In omnem videlicet partem; sursum, deorsum, antrorsum, & retrorsum. Hoc in omnibus exemplis cernitur.
Soni non in rectâ tantùm lineâ ad sensum deferri necesse habent, quemadmodum visilia; sed & inflexa & arcuata devehi possunt: Quanquam in rectâ lineâ fortissimè moveantur. Vbi tamen non hoc imputandum Rectitudini Linae, sed brevitati Intervalli. Recta enim linea eadem brevissima est. Ita
(que) experimur, muro interjecto vocem, ex adversâ
[Page 45] parte muri exaudiri, quae ex alterâ ejus parte prolata fuerit. Auditur autem, non quòd per murum penetret, sed quòd eum transcendat motu flexuoso.
The Judicious Reader may discern by this little, how much this latter Translator excell'd the former, in comprehending and expressing his Lordship's Sence. And yet I cannot say, that throughout those Three Centuries in which he hath labour'd, he hath every where truly hit his Conceit. His Lordship had a very peculiar Vein with him; and I may resemble it to the singurity in the
Face of
Cardan, who tells us, in his own Life, that he set to Painters of divers Countries, yet could never have the Air of
it taken by them.
Whilst I am speaking of this Work of his Lordship's, of
Natural History, there comes to my mind a very Memorable Relation, reported by him who bare a part in it, the Reverend Dr.
Rawley. One day, his Lordship was dictating to that Doctor, some of the Experiments in his
Sylva. The same day, he had sent a Friend to Court, to receive for him a final Answer, touching the effect of a Grant which had been made him by King
Iames. He had hitherto, only hope of it, and hope deferr'd; and he was desirous to know the event of
[Page 46] the Matter, and to be free'd, one way or other, from the suspence of his thoughts. His Friend returning, told him plainly, that he must thenceforth, despair of that Grant, how much soever his Fortunes needed it.
Be it so, said his Lordship; and then he dismissed his Friend very chearfully, with thankful acknowledgments of his Service. His Friend being gone, he came straightway to Dr.
Rawley, and said thus to him. Well Sir!
Yon Business won't go on; let us go on with this, for this is in our Power. And then he dictated to him afresh, for some Hours, without the least hesitancie of Speech, or discernible interruption of Thought.
To this Work of Natural History,
may be reduc'd his Lordship's Treatises, De Sono & Auditu, De Metallis & Mineralibus, De Magnete, De Versionibus, Transmutationibus, Multiplicationibus, & Effectionibus Corporum, De Luce & Lumine
The Paper
De Luce & Lumine is also extant among the
Scripta Philosophica, p. 485..
All publish'd by Dr. Rawley,
in the Collection call'd Opuscula Varia Posthuma
Francisci Bacom.
We may likewise reduce to the same place, the Paper
De Fluxu & Refluxu Maris, published by
Isaac Gruter, amongst the
Scripta
Scripta Philosophica.
p. 178. &c.; and that other
De Ratione
[Page 47] Inveniendi causas Fluxus & Refluxus Maris;
See this (turn'd into
English by
R. G.) in
Resusc. Part 2.
p. 90. See it in
Latine at the end of the Tract.
De Motu, annexed to the Histor.
Ventor. p. 91. as also the
Baconiana Physiologica and
Medica, in these
Remains.
There may be further added, his
Cogitationes, De Naturâ Rerum; De Sectione Corporum; Continuo & Vacuo; and the Fragment called
Filum Labyrinthi sive Legitima Inquisitio de Motu: All publish'd by the same Mr.
Gruter, in the same Book. Likewise the Treatises,
De Motûs sive Virtutis activae variis Speciebus, & Historia Naturalis & Experimentalis de Formâ Calidi; joyned to the
Historia Ventorum
Hist. Vent.
p. 129, 191. see
Resusc. 2d Part.
p. 53., and inserted also into the
Organum
Nov. Organ. De Motu.
p. 314. de Forma Calidi.
p. 158.; and by
R. G. made English.
For it was his Lordship's design
Nov. Organ. in distrib. Op.
P. 13., not merely to exhibit an History of Bodies, but moreover to procure a distinct and comparative one, of their Virtues, such as those of Density and Rarity; Consistency and Fluidity; Gravity and Levity; Heat and Cold.
Such a Collection of
Natural History, was of necessity to be undertaken a-new. For the Collections, which were before in Mens Hands, were but a small and inconsiderable
[Page 48] heap, when the Chaff and Fable were sifted from them; though the more considerable for that Separation. And further, as his Lordship noteth
De Augment. Sc
[...]en. l. z. c. 3.
p. 135., too many of these Histories were at first framed rather for Delight, and Table-talk, than for Philosophy. Stories were feigned for the sake of their Morals; and they were frequently taken upon groundless Trust; and the later Writers borrowed out of the more Ancient, and were not Experimenters, but Transcribers: And such a one was
Pliny himself, both in his larger and lesser Work; I mean that of
Solinus, who is but
Pliny contracted.
There are who have accused the Lord
Bacon himself, for taking Experiments too readily upon Trust, and without deliberate and discreet Choice. To such I will return Answer in his own words.
‘The Rejection
Nat. Hist. Cent. 1.
p. 6. Exper. 25. which I continually use; of Experiments (though it appeareth not) is infinite; but yet, if an Experiment be probable in the Work, and of great use I receive it, but deliver it as doubtful.’
The Fourth Part of the Instauration
designed, was Scala Intellectû s.
To this there is some sort of entrance in his Lordship's distribution of the
Novum
[Page 49] Organum, and in a Page or two under that Title of
Scala, published by
Gruter
See Scripta,
p. 379.: But the Work it self passed not beyond the Model of it in the Head of the Noble Author.
That which he intended, was a particular Explication, and Application of the
Second Part of the Instauration, (which giveth general Rules for the Interpretation of Nature) by gradual Instances and Examples.
He thought that his Rules, without some more sensible Explication, were like Discourses in Geometry, or Mechanics, without Figures, and Types of Engines. He therefore designed to select certain Subjects in Nature, or Art; and as it were, to draw to the Sense a certain Scheme of the beginning and progress of Philosophical Disquisition in them; shewing by degrees, where our consideration takes Root, and how it spreadeth and advanceth. And some such thing is done by those who, from the
Cicatricula, or from the
Punctum Saliens, observe and register all the
Phaenomena of the Animal unto its Death, and after it also in the Medical, or Culinarie, or other use of its Body; together with all the train of the Thoughts occasioned
[Page 50] by those
Phaenomena, or by others in compare with them.
And because he intended to exhibit such Observations, as they gradually arise; therefore he gave to that Designed Work, the Title of the
Scale, or
Ladder of the Vnderstanding. He also expressed the same Conceit by another Metaphor
See Scriptae,
p. 384., advising Students to imitate Men, who by going by degrees from several Eminencies of some very high Mountain, do at length arrive at the Top, or Pike of it.
The Fifth Part of the Instauration, design'd, was, what he call'd
Prodromi sive Anticipationes Philosophiae Secundae. To this we find a very brief Entrance, in the
Organum
In Distrib. Op.
p. 17., and the
Scripta, publish'd by
Gruter
Virul. scrip. p. 385. Prodromi,
&c.. And though his Lordship is not known to have composed any part of this Work by it self, yet something of it is to be Collected from the Axioms, and greater Observations interspersed in his Natural Histories, which are not pure but mixed Writings. The Anticipations he intended to pay down as Use, till he might furnish the World wit the Principal, in
The Sixth and last Part of his Instauration, designed, which was,
Philosophia Secunda sive Scientia Activa. This General Philosophy, founded upon Sensible Nature, or
[Page 51] Artificial Experiments, and built up by degrees in Observations and Axioms, he at length despaired of, and commended to Posterity. Time only can throughly finish what his Lordship began, and sufficiently commend his Diligence and Sagacity, who collected so many Materials, and dispos'd them into such Order; and made in so short a Time, and (for the most part) in the midst of Civil Business, such mighty Preparations towards the building of the
House of Wisdom.
After having mentioned the several Parts of this great Work, which concerneth, especially,
Body Natural; we proceed to enumerate others of his Lordship's Writings, which concern
Civil, or
Religious Matters. And though most of them are of a mixed nature, and History is seldom written without some Political Reflections; yet to those who are not over Nice, the division of them into Historical and Political, may be passable.
His Historical Works are these:
The first, Is the History of
Henry the Seventh
Published first 1622., written Elegantly, by his Lordship in the
English Tongue, and Addressed to his Highness the Prince of
Wales; and turned afterwards into
Latine. An History which required such a Reporter:
[Page 52] those Times being Times both of great Revolution, and Settlement, through the Division and Union of the Roses.
This was the First Book which he Compos'd after his Retirement from an Active Life
See the Cat. of his Works then written in his Life, by
D. R.. Upon which occasion he wrote thus to the Bishop of
Winchester
In Epist. bef. Dial of an holy War.. Being (as I am) no more able to do my Country Service, it remaineth unto me, to do it Honour: Which I have endeavoured to do in my Work, of the Reign of King
Henry the Seventh.
The Second is, the Fragment of the
History of Henry the Eighth, printed at the end of his Lordship's Miscellany Works, of which the best Edition is that in Quarto, in the Year 1629. This Work he undertook, upon the Motion of King
Charles the First, but (a Greater King not lending him time) he only began it; for that which we have of it, was (it seems) but one Mornings Work.
The Third is, a Memorial, intituled the
Felicities of Queen Elizabeth
See in the
Resusc. the Letter to Mr.
Matthew. p. 37.. This was written by his Lordship, in
Latine
Publ. among his Opuscula.
p. 177. only. A Person of more good Will, than Ability, translated it into
English
Anne 1651. in 16., and call'd it, in the singular,
Her Felicity. But we have also a Version, much more Accurate and Judicious, performed by
[Page 53] Doctor
Rawley
Publ. in Resusc.
p. 181, &c., who was pleased to take that Labour upon him, because he understood the value his Lordship put upon this Work; for it was such, that I find
this Charge given concerning it, in his last
Will and Testament.
‘In particular, I wish the Elogie which I writ, in
Felicem Memoriam Elizabethae, may be published.’
For the Occasion of it, his Lordship telleth it thus, in a Letter to Sir
George Carey
Resusc.
p. 45., then in
France, to whom he sent it.—
‘Because one must begin, I thought to provoke your remembrance of me by a Letter: And thinking to fit it with somewhat besides Salutations, it came to my mind, that this last Summer-Vacation, by occasion of a factious Book that endeavour'd to verifie
Misera Faemina, (the Addition of the Pope's Bull) upon Queen
Elizabeth; I did write a few Lines in her Memorial, which I thought you would be pleased to reade, both for the Argument; and because you were wont to bear affection to my Pen.
Verum ut aliud ex alio: If it came handsomely to pass, I would be glad the President
de
Thuanus.
Thou (who hath written an History, as you know, of that Fame and Diligence) saw it: Chiefly, because I know not whether it may not serve him for
[Page 54] some use in his Story: Wherein I would be glad he did right to the Truth, and to the Memory
of that Lady; as I perceive by that he hath already written, he is well inclined to do.’
The Fourth is, the
Beginning of the History of Great Britain. This was an Essay, sent to King
Iames, whose Times it considered. A Work worthy his Pen, had he proceeded in it; seeing (as he
See Collect. of Letters in
Resusc. p. 30. Letter to King
James. And
p. 28, 29, 30. the Letter to the Lord Chancellor
Egerton, concerning this Subject. saith) he should have written of Times, not only since he could remember, but since he could observe; and by way of Introduction, of Times, (as he further noteth) of strange Variety; the Reign of a Child; the offer of an Usurpation by the
Lady Iane, though it were but as a Diary Ague; the Reign of a Lady married to a Forreigner, and the Reign of a Lady solitary and unmarried.
His Lordship, who had given such proof of his Skill in writing an History of
England, leaving the World, to the unspeakable loss of the learned part of it; his late Majesty, a great favourer of that Work, and wise in the choice of fit Workmen, encourag'd Sir
Henry Wotton to endeavour it, by his Royal Invitation, and a Pension
[Page 55] of 500
l. per annum. This Proposal was made to that Excellent Man, in his declining Years; and he died after the finishing some short Characters of some few Kings; which Characters are publish'd in his
Remains
Reliqu. Wotton.
p. 100.. But this new Undertaking diverted him from a Work, in which he had made some considerable Progress, the Life of
Luther, and in it, the History of the Reformation, as it was begun and carried on in
Germany: Of which Work, the Papers (they say) are lost, and in a Current of Time of no great depth, sunk beyond all possible Recovery.
The Fifth is,
the Imago Civilis Iulii Caesaris.
The Sixt, Imago Civilis Augusti Caesaris. Both of them
Among the Opuscula.
p. 195. short personal Characters, and not Histories of their Empire: And written by his Lordship in that Tongue, which in their Times, was at its height, and became the Language of the World. A while since, they were translated into
English, and inserted into the First Part of the
Resuscitation
See Resusc. Edw. 3d. p. 214..
In the Seventh Place, I may reckon his Book
De Sapientiâ Veterum, written by him in
Latine
See his Letter to Mr.
Matthews in
Resusc. p. 38., and set forth a second time with Enlargement; and translated into
[Page 56]
English by Sir
Arthur Gorges
This Translation is lately added to the Essays, in Octavo.: A Book in which the Sages of former Times, are rendred more Wise than it may be they were, by so dextrous an Interpreter of their Fables. It is this Book which Mr.
Sandys means, in those words which he hath put before his Notes, on the
Metamorphosis of Ovid
Pag. 18..
‘Of Modern Writers, I have received the greatest Light from
Geraldus, Pontanus, Ficinus, Vives, Comes, Scaliger, Sabinus, Pierius, and the Crown of the latter, the Vicount of Saint
Albans.’
It is true, the design of this Book was, Instruction in Natural and Civil Matters, either couched by the Ancients under those Fictions, or rather made to seem to be so, by his Lordship's Wit, in the opening and applying of them. But because the first ground of it is Poetical Story, therefore let it have this place, till a fitter be found for it.
For his Lordship's
Political Writings, they are such as relate, either to Ecclesiastical, or Civil Polity. His Writings which relate to
Ecclesiastical Polity, (for he was not willing
See his Epistle to Bishop
Andrews. that all his Labours should go into the City, and none into the Church) are the three following.
[Page 57] The
First is a Discourse
In
Resusc. p. 233. it was published before without his Lordship's Name in Quarto, 1640. bearing the Title of
Certain Considerations, touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of
England; and dedicated to King
Iames. The
Second
In Resusc. p. 162. is, an
Advertisement, touching the Controversies of the Church of
England. The
Third is, a
Dialogue touching an
Holy War: All written at first in
English, by his Lordship. The
First of these toucheth the Settlement of Doctrine: The
Second, the Settlement of Discipline amongst the
Christians in
England: The
Third, of Propagation of the Faith amongst
Vnbelievers. In all which it is plain, that his Lordship dealt in the Affairs of the Church, as he was wont to do in Civil Matters,
Suavibus Modis, and in the Mean. Accordingly he was wont to compare himself to the Miller of
Granchester, a Village by
Cambridg. Of him his Lordship telleth, that he was wont to pray
for Peace among the Willows: For whilst the Winds blew, the Wind-mills wrought, and his Water-mill was less Custom'd
See Letter to Mr
Matthew, in
Resusc. p. 36.. His Lordship was for pacifying Disputes, knowing that
Controversies of Religion, would hinder the
Advancement of Sciences.
His Writings which relate to
Civil Polity, are very considerable; and yet they fall
[Page 58] much short of that which he had sometimes in design. For he aimed at the complete Model of a Commonwealth, though he hath left only some preparation towards it in his
Doctrine of Enlarging the bounds of Empire; and in a few
Abhorisms concerning
Vniversal Iustice
In Augm. Scient.
l. 8 c. 3. p. 668. to
p. 690, &c.. He also made a Proposal to King
Iames, of a Digest of the Laws of
England. But other Studies, together with want of Time and Assistance, prevented the ripening of these Thoughts.
Now his Lordship's Writings in this Argument of Civil Polity, are either more
General, or such as have more
Especial respect to the several Dominions of the King of
England. His Political Writings of a more
general Nature, are his
Apothegms, and
Essays, besides the
Excerpta, out of the
Advancement above remembred. Both these contain much of that Matter which we usually call
Moral, distinguishing it from that which is
Civil: In the handling of which sort of Argument, his Lordship has been esteemed so far to excel, that he hath had a Comment written on him as on an Author in
Ethics
See
V. Placcii Comment. in
l. 7. Aug. Scient. de Philosophiâ Morali augendâ. in
Octavo. Franc. an. 1677. and an Advancer of that most useful part of Learning. Notwithstanding
[Page 59] which, I am bold to put these Books under this Head of
Matter Political: Both because they contain a greater portion of that Matter; and because in true Philosophy, the Doctrine of
Politics and
Ethics, maketh up but one Body, and springeth from one Root, the End of God Almighty in the Government of the World.
The
Apothegms (of which the first
Apoth. printed in Oct.
Lon. 1625. is the best Edition) were (what he saith also
See his Epistle to Bishop
Andrews. of his Essays) but as
the Recreations of his other Studies. They were dictated one Morning, out of his Memory; and if they seem to any, a
Birth too inconsiderable for the Brain of so great a Man; they may think with themselves how little a time
he went with it, and from thence make some allowance. Besides, his Lordship hath receiv'd much Injury by late Editions
Even by that added (but not by Dr.
Rawley) to the
Resuscitatio,
[...]. 3d. of which some have much enlarged, but not at all enriched the Collection; stuffing it with Tales and Sayings, too infacetiou
[...] for a Ploughman's Chimney-Corner. And particularly, in the Collection not long since publish'd
In Octavo.
Lon. 1669., and call'd
The Apothegms of King James,
King Charles,
the Marquess of Worcester,
the Lord Bacon,
and Sir Thomas Moor; his Lordship is dealt with very rudely. For,
[Page 60] besides the addition of Insipid Tales, there are some put in which are Beastly and Immoral
Ex. gr. Apotheg. 183, 184.: Such as were fitter to have been joyned to
Aretine, or
Aloysia, than to have polluted the chaste Labours of the Baron of
Verulam.
To those
Apothegms, may be referred these now publish'd▪
The Essays, or
Counsels Civil and Moral, though a By-work also, do yet make up a Book of greater weight by far, than the
Apothegms: And
coming home to Men's Business and Bosomes, his Lordship entertain'd this persuasion concerning them
See Epist. Ded. to the D. of
Bucks., that the
Latine Volume might last as long as Books should last. His Lordship wrote them in the
English Tongue, and enlarged them as Occasion serv'd, and at last added to them the
Colours of Good and Evil, which are likewise found in his Book
De Augmentis
Lib. 6. c. 3.
p. 453.. The
Latine Translation of them was a Work performed by divers Hands; by those of Doctor
Hacket (late Bishop of
Lichfield) Mr.
Benjamin Iohnson (the learned and judicious Poet) and some others, whose Names I once heard from Dr.
Rawley; but I cannot now recal them. To this
Latine Edition, he gave the Title of
Sermones Fideles, after the manner of the
Iews, who call'd the words
Adagies, or Observations
[Page 61] of the
Wise, Faithful Sayings; that is, credible Propositious worthy of firm Assent, and ready Acceptance. And (as I think) he alluded more particularly, in this Title, to a passage in
Ecclesiastes
Eccles. 12. 10, 11., where the Preacher saith that he sought to find out
Verba Delectabilia, (as
Tremellius rendreth the
Hebrew) pleasant Words, (that is, perhaps, his Book of
Canticles); and
Verba Fidelia (as the same
Tremellius) Faithful Sayings; meaning, it may be, his Collection of
Proverbs. In the next Verse, he calls them
Words of the Wise, and so many Goads and Nails given
Ab eodem Pastore, from the same Shepherd [of the Flock of
Israel.]
In a late
Latine Edition of these Essays, there are subjoyned two Discourses, the one call'd
De Negotiis, the other
Faber Fortunae. But neither of these are Works newly publish'd, but Treatises taken out of the Book
De Augmentis
Lib. 8. c. 2. p. 585, &c..
To this Book of
Essays may be annexed, that Fragment of an
Essay of Fame, which is extant already in the
Resuscitatio
Resusc. p. 281.
His Lordship's
Political Writings of a more
special Nature, as relating to the Polity, and various Affairs of the several Dominions of the King of
England, are very many, though most of them short.
[Page 62] As
First, a Discourse of the Union of
England and
Scotland
In Resusc. p. 197..
Secondly, Articles and Considerations, touching the Union aforesaid
Page 206..
Thirdly, Considerations touching the Plantation in
Ireland
Pag. 255..
Fourthly, Considerations touching the Queen's Service in
Ireland
P. 16. Of Coll. of Letters:.
Fifthly, Considerations touching a War with
Spain
Pub. in the Mis. works in Quarto,
An. 1629. & reprinted in
2d. part of
Resusc., then the Over-match in this part of the World; though now in meaner Condition.
Sixthly, His several
Speeches; by which I mean not only those which go under that Name, but likewise his several
Charges; they being much of the same Nature, though deliver'd
ex Officio, which the other were not always. These Speeches and Charges, are generally Methodically, Manly, Elegant, Pertinent, and full of Wise Observations; as those are wont to be which are made by Men of
Parts and Business. And I shall not pass too great a Complement upon his Lordship, if I shall say, That 'twas well for
Cicero, and the honour of his Orations, that the Lord
Bacon compos'd his in another Language.
Now his Speeches and Charges are very many, and I set them down in the following Catalogue.
[Page 63] His Speeches in Parliament to the Lower House, are Eight.
The
First, 39▪ Elizabeth, upon the Motion of Subsidy
Resusc. p. 1. of D.
R's Edition..
The
Second, 5 Iacobi, concerning the Article of General Naturalization of the Scotish Nation
P. 10..
The
Third, concerning the Union of Laws
P. 24..
The
Fourth, 5 Iacobi, being a Report in the House of
Commons, of the Earls of
Salisbury, and
Northampton, concerning the Grievances of the Merchants, occasioned by the Practice of
Spain
P. 29..
The
Fifth, 7 Iacobi, persuading the House of Commons, to desist from further Question of receiving the King's Messages by their Speaker, and from the Body of the Council, as well as from the King's Person
P. 45..
The
Sixth, 7 Iacobi, in the end of the Session of Parliament, persuading some Supply to be given to his Majesty, which seemed then to stand upon doubtful Terms; and passed upon this Speech
P. 47..
The
Eighth, 12 Iacobi, when the House was in great Heat, and much troubled about the
Vndertakers, who were thought to be some able and forward Gentlemen, who were said to have undertaken that the
[Page 64] King's Business should pass in that House, as his Majesty could wish
P. 48..
His Speeches in the
House of Lords, are Two.
The
First, To the
Lords, at a Conference in the Parliament, 7
Iacobi, by him then Solicitor; moving them to joyn with the Commons, to obtain liberty to treat of a Composition with his Majesty, for
Wards and
Tenures
P. 42..
The
Second, (when he was Chancellor) to Mr. Serjeant
Richardson, chosen then Speaker of the House of Commons; bebeing a Reply to his Excuse aud Oration
P. 94..
His Speeches to King
Iames, were also Two.
The
First, A Speech by him, chosen by the Commons, to present a Petition touching
Purveyors, deliver'd to his Majesty at
White-Hall, in the second Year of his Reign
P. 5..
The
Second, a Speech used to the King, by him, then Solicitor, and chosen by the Commons for the presenting of the
Instrument of their Grievances, in the Parliament 7
Iacobi
P. 41..
His Speeches in the
Chancery, are Two likewise.
[Page 65] The
First, At the taking of his Place in Chancery, when made Lord-Keeper
P. 79..
The
Second, To Sir
William Iones, upon his calling to be Lord Chief Justice of
Ireland, Anno 1617.
P. 89..
In the
Star-Chamber, he used a Speech to the Judges and others, before the
Summer Circuits, being then Lord-Keeper, and also
Lord-Protector; for his Majesty was at that time in
Scotland, Anno 1617.
P. 87..
In the
Common-Pleas, he used a Speech to Justice
Hutton, when he was called to be one of the Judges in the
Common-Pleas.
P. 93..
In the
Exchequer-Chamber, he used a Speech to Sir
Iohn Denham, when he was call'd to be one of the Barons of the Exchequer.
P 91..
There also he used an Argument (being Solicitor General) in the Case of the
Postnati of
Scotland
Publ. first in 4
•.
Lon. 1641., before the Lord-Chancellor, and all the Judges of
England
[...]
[...] in
Resusc. part 2.
p. 37.. The Question in this Case was, Whether a Child born in
Scotland since King
Iames's coming to the Crown of
England, was Naturaliz'd in
England or no? His Lordship argued for the Affirmative.
For his
Charges, they were these following.
[Page 66]
First, His
Charge at the Sessions, holden for the Verge in the Reign of King
Iames, declaring the Latitude and Jurisdiction thereof
Pub. in 4
•.
Lon. 1662. and reprinted in the
2d. part of
Resusc..
By the
Verge, is meant a Plat of twelve Miles round, laid to the King's settled Mansion-House, subject to special exempted Jurisdiction, depending upon his Person and great Officers. This his Lordship called an Half-pace, or Carpet spread about the King's Chair of Estate; and he judged that it ought to be cleared and void, more than other places of the Kingdom, that Offences might not seem to be shrowded under the King's Wings.
Secondly, His Charge in the Star-Chamber against Duels
See
Resusc. 2d. Part.
p. 1.; to which may be added the
Decree of the Star-Chamber in the same Case
In part 2. of
Resusc. p. 9..
Thirdly, His Charge in the Star-Chamber against
William Talbot, touching the Doctrine of
Suarez, concerning the Deposing and Killing of Excommunicated Kings
Res. 1 part.
p. 53..
Fourthly, His Charge in the same Court against Mr.
I. S. for Scandalizing and Traducing in the Public Sessions, Letters sent from the Lords of the Council, touching the
Benevolence
P. 60..
Fifthly, His Charge in the same Court against
M. L. S. W. and
H. I. for Traducing
[Page 67] the King's Justice in the proceedings against
Weston, one of the Instruments in the empoysoning of Sir
Thomas Overbury
P. 72..
Sixthly, His Charge in the
Kings-Bench against
Owen, for affirming conditionally, That if the King were Excommunicated, it were lawful to kill him
P. 68..
Seventhly, His Charge in the
Kings-Bench against the Lord
Sanquere
In part 2. of
Resusc. p. 15., a Scotish Nobleman, who in private Revenge, had suborned
Robert Carlile to murther
Iohn Turner, a Master of Fence.
Eighthly, His Charge before the Lord High Steward, Lord
Elesmere, and the Peers, against the Countess and Earl of
Somerset
Now first publ. at the beginning of these
Remains..
His Lordship's
Seventh Writing, touching
Civil Policy in Special, is his
Reading on the Statute of
Vses
Pub. in 4
•.
Lon. 1642..
The
Eighth is call'd,
Observations upon a
Libel, publish'd
Anno 1592, in Defamation of the Queen's Government
Resusc. p. 103.. In these Observations, his Lordship hath briefly set forth the present State of those Times; but he hath done the same thing more at large in his
Memorial of Queen
Elizabeth.
The
Ninth is, A true
Report of the
Treason of Dr.
Roderigo Lopez (a
Spaniard, and a Physician attending upon the Person of
[Page 68] the Queen; who was in Confederacy with certain Spanish Agents, and hired by the King of
Spain, to poyson her Majesty
Pag. 151..
The
Tenth is, His
Apologie touching the Earl of
Essex, in which he cleareth himself of Ingratitude by the plain reasons of the Case, and doth not (as many others have done) increase the suspicion by the very Excuse
Publ. in 4
•
Lon. 1642. and in 16
• An. 1651. and reprinted in the
2d part of
Resusc..
The
Eleventh is,
Advice to King
Iames touching Mr.
Sutton's Estate, in the settling of which, in the Hospital of the
Chartreaux, the Event sheweth that his Lordship was mistaken, when he called it
A Sacrifice without Salt
Reusc
p 265.. He proposed four other Ends of that great heap of Alms to the King's Majesty. As first, The Erection of a College for Controversies, for the encountring and refuting of
Papists. Secondly, The Erection of a
Receipt (for the word
Seminary he refus'd to make use of) for Converts from the persuasions of
Rome, to the Reformed Religion. Thirdly, A settlement of Stipends for Itinerary Preachers, in Places which needed them; as in
Lancashire where such care had been taken by Queen
Elizabeth. And lastly, An increase of Salary to the Professors in either University of this Land. Wherefore
[Page 69] his Lordship manifesting himself, not against the Charity, but the manner of disposing it, it was not well done of those who have publickly defam'd him, by declaring their jealousies of Bribery by the Heir.
The
Twelfth is, A Proposition to King
Iames, touching the
Compiling and Amendment of the Laws of England, written by him when he was Attourney General, and one of the Privy-Council
Pag. 271..
The
Thirteenth is, An
Offer to King
Iames, of a
Digest to be made of the Laws of
England
In the Miscelan. Works.
p. 137. & 2d part of
Resusc..
The
Fourteenth is, The
Elements of the Common Laws of
England, in a
double Tract: The one of the
Rules and
Maxims of the Common Law, with their Latitude and Extent. The other, of the
Vse of the Common Law, for the preservation of our Persons, Goods, and good Names
In 4
•. Anno 1639.. These he Dedicated to her Majesty, whose the Laws were, whilst the Collection was his.
The
Fifteenth is, a Draught of an Act against an
usurious shift of Gain
See
Resusc. part 2.
p. 62., in delivering Commodities in stead of Money.
Touching these latter Pieces, which may be termed Writings in
Iuridical Polity, and which he wrote as a debtor to his Profession;
[Page 70] it is beyond my Skill, as well as out of the way of my Studies, to pass a special Judgment on them. Onely I may note it in the general, that if he reached not so far in the Common Law, as Sir
Edward Cook, and some other Ornaments of the long Robe: the prepossession of his Mind by Philosophical Notions, and his regard to Matters of
Estate, rather than to those of
Law, may be assigned as the true Causes of it: For doubtless Parts were not wanting. On this Subject it is, that he thus writeth to Sir
Thomas Bodley
Coll. of Letters in
Resusc. p. 34..
‘I think no Man may more truly say with the Psalm,
multùm incola fuit Anima mea, than my self. For I do confess, since I was of any Understanding, my Mind hath, in effect, been absent from that I have done: And, in absence are many Errors, which I do willingly acknowledg, and amongst the rest this great one that led the rest; That knowing my self, by inward Calling, to be fitter to hold a Book than to play a Part, I have led my Life in civil Causes, for which I was not very fit by Nature, and more unfit by the preoccupation of my Mind.’
To a like purpose is
this, in a Manuscript Letter to the Lord Chancellor
Egerton, which I have sometimes perus'd.
[Page 71] —
‘I am not
M S.
Letter of L. Bacons. so deceived in my self, but that I know very well, (and I think, your Lordship is
major Corde, and in your Wisdom you note it more deeply than I can in my self) that in Practising the Law, I play not my best Game, which maketh me accept it with a
nisi quid potius; as the best of my Fortune, and a thing better agreeable to better Gifts than mine, but not to mine.’
And it appeareth, by what he hath said in a Letter to the Earl of
Essex
Coll. in
Resusc. p. III., that he once thought not to practise in his Profession.
‘I am purposed (said he) not to follow the practice of the Law.—And my Reason is only, because it drinketh too much Time, which I have dedicated to better purposes.’
To this Head of
Polity, relating to the Affairs of these Kingdoms, we may reduce most of his
Lordship's Letters, published correctly in the
Resuscitatio, and in these
Remains, and from uncorrect Copies, in the
Cabala. These they though often contain private Matters, yet commonly they have Matters of Estate intermingled with them. Thus, his Letter to the Lord-Treasurer
Burghley
P. 1., was writ in Excuse of his Speech in Parliament, against the Triple Subsidy. So, many of the Letters to the
[Page 72] Earl of
Essex
Pag.
[...], 5, 7., and Sir
George Villiers
P. 76., relate plainly to the
Irish Affairs. So, some Letters to King
Iames, relate to the Cases of
Peacham
P. 48, 51.,
Owen
P. 55., and others
P. 58.
I S.; to the Matter of his Revenue
[...]. 57.; to the New Company
P. 59, 61, 70., who undertook to Dye and Dress all the Cloaths of the Realm; to the
Praemunire in the Kings-Bench, against the Chancery
P. 66.. Most of the rest are a Miscellany, and not reducible to one certain Head.
Last of all, For his Lordship's Writings upon
Pious Subjects, though for the Nature of the Argument, they deserve the first place; yet they being but few, and there appearing nothing so extraordinary in the composure of them, as is found in his Lordships other
Labours; they have not obtain'd an earlier mention.
They are only these:
His
Confession of Faith, written by himself in
English, and turn'd into
Latine by Dr.
Rawley
Publ. in
Engl. at the end of the
Resus. and in
[...]a
[...]ine in the
O
[...]scula, p. 207..
The
Questions about an
Holy War, and the
Prayers, in these
Remains. And a
Translation of certain of
David's
Psalms, into English Verse. With this last Pious Exercise he diverted himself in the time of his Sickness, in the Year Twenty Five. When he sent it abroad into the World,
[Page 73]
'Twas publ. in
Lond. An. 1625. in 4
• and has lately been put into the
2d part of
Resusc., he made a Dedication of it to his good Friend, Mr.
George Herbert: For he judged the Argument to be sutable to him in his double Quality, of a
Divine, and a
Poet. His Lordship had very great judgment in Poetry, as appeareth by his Discourse
In l. 2. de Augm. Scient. c. 13. about it; and he had some sort of Talent that way also. Hence, when the Queen had a purpose to Dine at his Lodging at
Twicknam Park, he prepared a Sonnet
See
Apol. for the Earl of
Essex. p. 73., tending to the Reconcilement of her Majesty to the Earl of
Essex then in Disfavour. But it was very seldom that he courted these Muses, and therefore his Vein does not appear so Elegant and Happy, as Exercise might have made it. The truth is, 'tis one of the hardest things in the World, to excel in Poetry; and to Attempt, and not to Excel, is to lose both Time and Reputation: For in this Art, Mediocrity will not pass for Vertue. In this squeamish Age, (as
Mounsieur Rapine saith, in his
Iudicious Reflections) Verses are
Ridiculous, if they be not
Admirable. They are, it seems, like some Modern Dishes, which if they have not an high taste, occasion Disgust.
Now of these several Works of his Lordship's already Publish'd (of which a great
[Page 74] part
See them in
S. W. Dugdale, at the
[...]nd of these
Remains. was written in that
non ignobile Quinquennium, of his recess from Business) there is not yet made any exact Collection, either in
Latine, or
English; though some attempts have been made in both those Languages. The first
Latine Collection was set forth accurately, for so much of it, by Dr.
Rawley, under the Title of
Opera Moralia &Civilia
Londini, 1638. in
Fol. see Dr.
Rawley's Letter to
M. Deodate, and his Answer.. But it contained only the
History of Henry
the Seventh
[...] the Essaies; the Book of the Wisdom of the Ancients; the Dialogue of an Holy War; the New Atlantis;
the Book de Augmentis;
the History of Winds; the History of Life and Death. The second
Latine Collection was lately publish'd
Fran. ad Moenum, 1665. in
Fol. at
Francfort on the Meyn. It pretendeth, in the Title, to contain all his Lordship's Extant Works, whether Philosophical, Moral, Political, or Historical: Although, besides the Books in the foremention'd Collection, it containeth only his
Lordship's Life (without any mention of Dr.
Rawley, who wrote it); the
Organon; the
Scripta; the
Sylva Sylvarum; the
Felicities of Queen Elizabeth; the
Images of Julius,
and Augustus Caesar;
and the Epistle to Fulgentius, without the
Opuscula, to which that Epistle is annexed. In this Collection, the
Nova Atlantis is (as I noted a while ago) most absurdly called
Novus Atlas;
[Page 75] and the other Books are most falsly Printed. And yet the Stationer (who, I suppose by his performance, was both Corrector and Publisher) does tell us of this Edition, that it was purged of all Faults. But his Collection cannot be so purged, unless the whole Volume be made one entire Blot. Posterity (I hope) will do his Lordship Honour, and Benefit to themselves, in a larger and more accurate Collection of his Works. These
Latine ones, as also the
Miscellanies, and the two parts of the
Resuscitatio, (which are the only attempt in English) being far short of perfection.
Thus far I have travell'd in an Account, (such as it is) of those Genuine Writings of the
Lord Bacon, which are already publish'd; and which, being (like
Medals of Gold) both
rich in their
Matter, and
beautiful in their
Form, have met with a very great, and well nigh, equal number of Purchasers and Admirers.
This general Acceptance of his Works, has expos'd him to that ill and unjust usage which is common to Eminent Writers. For on such are fathered, sometimes Spurious Treatises; sometimes most Corrupt Copies of good Originals; sometimes their Essays and first Thoughts upon good Subjects,
[Page 76] though laid aside by them Unprosecuted and Uncorrected; and sometimes the very Toys of their Youth, written by them in trivial or loose Arguments, before they had arriv'd either at ripeness of Judgment, or sobriety of Temper.
The veriest
Straws (like that of
Father Garnet) are shewn to the World as admiral▪
Reliques, if the least stroaks of the
Image of a celebrated Author, does but seem to be upon them.
The Press hath been injurious in this kind, to the Memory of Bishop
Andrews, to whom it owed a deep and solemn Reverence. It hath sent forth a Pamphlet upon an Idle Subject, under the venerable Name of that great Man, who (like the Grass in hot Countries, of which they are wont to say that it groweth Hay) was born Grave and Sober: And still, further to aggravate the Injury, it hath given to that Idle Subject, the idler Title of the
Ex-ale-tation of Ale.
In such an unbecoming manner it hath dealt, long ago
About the Year 1658., with the very Learned and Ingenious Author of the
Vulgar Errors. It hath obtruded upon him, whilst alive, a dull and worthless Book stollen, for the most part out of the
Physic's of
Magirus, by a very Ignorant Person: A Plagiary so
[Page 77] ignorant and so unskilful in his
Rider, that not distinguishing betwixt
Laevis and
Levis, in the said
Magirus, he hath told us of the
Liver, that one part of it is
gibbo
[...]s, and the other
light. And yet he had the confidence to call this Scribble,
The Cabinet of Nature unlocked: An arrogant and fanciful Title, of which his true Humility would no more have suffer'd him to have been the Father, than his great Learning could have permitted him to have been the Author of the Book. For I can assure the Reader upon my knowledg, that as he is a Philosopher very inward with Nature, so he is one who never boasts of his Acquaintance with her.
Neither hath the Lord
Bacon gone without his share in this Injustice from the Press. He hath been ill dealt with in the Letters printed in the
Cabala, and
Scrinia, under his Name: For Dr.
Rawley professed, that though they were not wholly False, yet they were very corrupt and embased Copies. This I believe the rather, having lately compar'd some Original Letters with the Copies in that Collection, and found them imperfect. And to make a particular Instance; in comparing the Letter of Sir
Walter Raleigh to Sir
Robert Car, of whom a Fame had gone that he had begg'd his
[Page 78] Estate; I found no fewer then forty Differences, of which some were of moment.
Our Author hath been still worse dealt with, in a Pamphlet in
Octavo, concerning the Trial of the
Earl and
Countess of
Somerset: And likewise in one in
Quarto, which beareth the Title of
Bacon's Remains, though there cannot be spied in it, so much as the
Ruines of his beautiful Genius.
His Lordship, and other such memorable Writers, having formerly been subject to such Abuses; it is probable that many will, at first, suspect the faithfulness of this Collection; and look upon that as adulterate Ware, which is of such a sudden here brought forth to them, out of the Dark.
But let them first make trial, and then pass Sentence. And if they have sufficient knowledg of the peculiar
Air of this Author, they will not only believe that these
Remains are his, but also set a value upon them as none of his most useless and wast Papers. They say, the Feather of a
Phoenix is of price: And here such will own, they have some little of the Body, as well as part of the Plumage.
It is difficult to imitate such great Authors, in so lively and exact a form, as without suspicion, to pass for them. They
[Page 79] who are the most artificial Counterfeits in this way, do not resemble them as the Son does the Father, but at best, as the dead Picture does the living Person. And those who have true skill in the Works of the Lord
Verulam, like great Masters in Painting, can tell by the
Design, the
Strength, the
way of Colouring, whether he was the Author of this or the other Piece, though his Name be not to it.
For the Reader, who has been less versed in his Books, he may understand, that nothing is here offered to him as the
Labour of that
Lord, which was not written either by his own Hand, or in Copies transcrib'd by the most faithful Pen of his Domestic
Chaplain, Dr.
William Rawley: A Person whom his Lordship chiefly us'd in his Life-time, in Writing down, Transcribing, Digesting, and Publishing his Composures; and to whom, at his death, he expressed his Favour, by bequeathing to him in Money, One Hundred Pounds, and in Books, the great
Bibles of the
King of Spain.
I refer him, who doubteth of my Veracity in this Matter, to my worthy Friend Mr.
Iohn Rawley, (the Executor of the said Reverend Doctor) by whose care most of these Papers have been preserved
[Page 80] for the public Good; and who can bear me witness, (if occasion serveth) that I have not herein impos'd upon the World.
It is true, that Dr.
Rawley, in his Preface to the
Opuscula of his Lordship, hath forbidden us to expect any more of his
R
[...]mains in
Latine, or
English: He addeth in express Terms, that nothing further remained in his Hands. He meant, when he said this, that such Writings of his Lordship, were to be esteemed as not in being, which were not worthy to appear. This meaning of his, he more plainly deliver'd in his Preface to the Collection, called
Resuscitatio.
There he saith,
‘That he had left nothing to a future hand, which he found to be of moment, or communicable to the public, save only some few
Latine Works soon after to be publish'd.’ He deliver'd himself from the Obligation of that Promise in the Year fifty eight; publishing then, with all due care, those
Latine Works
Opus. Posth. Philos. Civil. Theologica
F. B. B. de Ver.. Soon after, he was accus'd by an obscure Prefacer, to a new Edition of the
Essays, in
Octavo, as one that had still concealed some of his Lordship's Philosophical Treasures. In vindication of himself from this Censure, I find him using these words in one of his papers, wherein he animadverteth on that
[Page 81] preface.
‘I have publish'd all I thought fit, or a well advised Man would have thought fit to be publish'd by me.’ He judged some papers, touching
Matters of Estate, to tread too near to the heels of Truth, and to the times of the Persons concerned, from which now they are further remov'd, by the distance of Twenty Years. He thought his Lord's Letters concerning his Fall, might be injurious to his Honour, and cause the old Wounds of it to bleed anew; whereas if the remembrance of them had not been fresh in the Minds of many, and in the Books of some, the Collection of the
Cabala, had revived part of it in a corrupt Copy; and the matter of those Letters is of such a nature, (as afterwards I shall shew) that it rather cleareth his Lordship's Fame, than throws more dirt upon it. For the
Philosophical Remains, he judged them unfit to be committed to the Press, because they were but Fragments; and such too, as his Lordship's last Hand had not rendred Correct. The excess of Veneration which he had for his Lordship, inclin'd him to think nothing worthy to bear his Name, which was not a Masterpiece. And for this Reason, If Surreptitious Copies had not moved him to do his Lordship right by printing
[Page 82] the true ones, we had wanted divers Papers which the World now enjoys, and receives with thankfulness. And where the substance is Gold, Men will readily accept it, though in the Ore and unrefined: Nor is it any disparagement to the
Inventory of his Lordship's philosophical Goods, if there are numbred amongst them certain broken uncoined pieces of valuable Metal.
Some few imperfect Papers, about his Lordship's private Affairs, or of very little moment in Philosophy, are still kept where they ought to be, in private Hands. But those which have been judged worthy the Light, by those Learned and Prudent Men whom I have consulted, are now, with no small Labour, communicated to the World. For so blotted were some of the Papers, so torn, so disjoynted, so intermixed in Contents of a different Nature; that the
Sense, as it now stands, may seem like
Mercury reduced to its
proper Form, after its divers Shapes and Transmutations.
Now these
Remains which I have been moved to publish, I have digested according to the nature of their Contents, and reduc'd them to these several Heads of Arguments,
Civil and
Moral; Physiological; Medical; Theological; and
Bibliographical.
[Page 83] Under the first Head of
Remains, Civil and
Moral, are contained these Papers.
The First is, His
Charges against the
Countess and
Earl of
Somerset, touching the death of Sir
Thomas Overbury.
The proper place for these
Charges was, in the first part of the
Resuscitatio
Resusc. p. 7
[...] ▪, before his Charge against three Persons for Scandal, and traducing of the King's Justice, in the proceedings against
Weston. But Dr.
Rawley (as appeared by a Note of his, on the Margent of those papers) did at that time forbear the inserting of them, lest they should be offensive to some then alive. Now, more than Sixty Years have passed, since the end of that Tragedy; and the News of it was told in the Ears of the World; and the Story was made publick and lasting by the Press, both before and after
Se
[...] it in Sir
W. Dugdale's Baron. of Eng.
Tome 2
[...]. P. 425. &c. the Doctor's death. And what Curtain soever our Prudence would draw; we could not conceal so public a Matter. Nor is it fitting we should. For thereby we should endeavour to hide from Men, one useful Memorial of Divine Justice: A Memorial apt to deter Greatness from a Practice, which if it were common, there would be no safe eating or drinking, or breathing in Courts.
[Page 84] At the Trial, some Body, of bad Memory, and no better Pen, wrote down most imperfectly, a little of that which Mr.
Attorney had spoken, largely and elegantly upon this solemn Occasion: And, in the Year fifty one, (a time of general Licence) this Scribble was publish'd
In the Pamphlet entituled,
[...] True and Historical Rel. of the Poyson of Sir
Tho. Overbury in 12
•.. The Publisher had the confidence to affirm, that the Narrative was Collected out of the Papers of Sir
Francis Bacon
'Tis so said in the Title Page., which, by the Copies I set forth, 'tis manifest the Relator never had seen. But a good Name in the Title-page, was an useful Bush for the putting off the crude and unfined Matter in the Book it self.
Little hath the Relator told of much which was said by Mr.
Attorney; and that which he hath told, he hath repeated in such ill manner, that it is no longer Sir
Francis Bacon's, but his own.
In
one Place
Pag. 107, 108., he introduceth Mr.
Attorney, speaking thus.
‘This is the second time since the King's coming these thirteen Years, that any
Peers have been Arraigned, and both these times your
Grace hath had the Place of
High Steward. The first was
Grey, and
Cobham; and though they were Convicted, yet Execution follow'd not; no Noble Blood hath been spilt since his Majestie's Reign.’
[Page 85]
‘The first was Revenge, of Treason against Male-contents; and this of the particular offence to a private Subject, against those that have been so high in the King's Grace and Favour; and therefore deserves to be written in a Sunbeam: but his being the best Master in in the World, hinders him not from being the best King; for
He can as well plain a Hill, as raise a Wall; a good Lesson to put to my Lords the Peers: He is Lieutenant to him who is no respecter of persons.’
Now how curtail'd, how incoherent, how mean and unelegant is this, in comparison of that which Mr.
Attorney spake? For he spake that which followeth.
‘In all this mean time, the King hath Reigned in his White Robe, not sprinkled with any one drop of Blood of any of his
Nobles of this Kingdom: Nay, such have been the depths of his Mercy, as even those Noble-mens Bloods (against whom the proceeding was at
Winchester) Cobham and
Grey, were attainted and corrupted, but not spilt, or taken away; but that they remained rather
Spectacles of Justice in their continual Imprisonment, than
Monuments of Justice in the memory of their Suffering.’
[Page 86]
‘It is true, that the Objects of his Justice then, and now, were very differing: For then it was the Revenge of an Offence against his own Person and Crown, and upon Persons that were Male-contents, and Contraries to the
State and
Government: But now it is the the Revenge of the Blood and Death of a particular
Subject, and the Cry of a
Prisoner: It is upon Persons that were highly in his Favour, whereby his Majesty, to his great Honour hath shewed to the World, as if it were written with a Sun-beam, that he is truly the Lieutenant of him, with whom there is no respect of Persons; That his Affections Royal are above his Affections Private; That his Favours and Nearness about him are not like
Popish Sanctuaries, to privilege Malefactours; and that his being the best Master in the World, doth not let him from being the best King in the World. His People, on the other side, may say to themselves, I will lie down in peace; for God, and the King, and the Law, protect me against the great and small. It may be a Discipline also, to great Men, specially such as are swollen in their Fortunes from small beginnings;
[Page 87] that
The King is as well able to level Mountains, as to fill Valleys, if such be their desert.’
In another place
Page 119. Of the Arraignment of the L. of
Somerset., he thrusteth into the Speech of Sir
Edward Cook, a part of Sir
Francis Bacon's, and (like the worser sort of Thieves) he does not only rob, but mangle him. Sir
Francis Bacon spake on this manner:
‘My Lords! He is not the Hunter alone that lets slip the Dog upon the Deer; but he that
lodges the Deer, or rouses him, or puts him out; or
he that sets a Toyl that he cannot escape.’
Instead of which, the Relator hath substituted this absurd Sentence.
‘It is not he only that slips the Dog, but he that
loves the Toyl, that kills the Deer.’
This (I thought) was not unnecessary to be said in Vindication of Mr.
Attorney's Honour, which is vilely traduc'd in this Pamphlet, where the
Daw would personate the
Orator.
The Second Paper is, his Letter to the University of
Cambridg, (to whom he was of Counsel) upon occasion of his being Sworn of the Privy-Council to the King. This I judged fit to bear that other company which is already printed
Resusc.
Letters, p. 82, 83., and answereth to their Congratulation at his
[Page 88] first coming to the Place of
Lord-Keeper.
The
Third is, his Letter to King
Iames, touching the Place of Lord High Chancellour of
England, upon the approaching death of the Chancellour
Egerton.
The
Fourth is, a Letter to the same Prince, for the relief of his Estate. This, with that
other of Submission in the
Cabala, seem to some to blemish his Lordship's Honour; to others, to clear it: For
in this, he appealeth to the King himself, whether he had not ever found him direct and honest in his Service, so as not once to be rebuked by him, during Nineteen Years Employment. He sheweth that his Fall was not the King's Act; and that the Prince was ready to reach out his Hand to stay him from falling. In the other he maketh this profession of his being free from malicious Injustice.
‘For the Bribery and Gifts wherewith I am charged, when the Books of Hearts shall be opened, I hope I shall not be found to have the troubled Fountain of a corrupt Heart, in a depraved habit of taking Rewards to pervert Justice, howsoever I may be frail, and partake of the abuses of the Times.’
The
Fifth Paper is, a Collection of his remaining
Apothegms, inferiour in number to those already published, but not in
[Page 89] weight. Some of these he took from Eminent Persons, and some from meaner ones, having set it down from his Observation
In Impet. Philosoph.
p. 476. Rusticorum Proverbia nonnulla apposite ad veritatatem dicuntur Sus rostro,
&c., that
The Bolt of the Rustic, often hits the Mark; and that the Sow, in rooting, may describe the letter A, though she cannot write an entire Tragedy.
The
Sixth is, a Supply of his Collection of Judicious and Elegant Sentences, called by him
Ornamenta Rationalia. He also gave to those Wise and Polite Sayings, the Title of
Sententiae Stellares; either because they were Sentences which deserved to be pointed to by an Asterisc in the Margent; or because they much illustrated and beautify'd a Discourse, in which they were disposed in due place and order; as the Stars in the Firmament, are so many glorious Ornaments of it, and set off with their Lustre, the wider and less adorned Spaces.
This Collection is either wholly lost, or thrown into some obscure Corner; but I fear the first. I have now three Catalogues in my Hands, of the unpublish'd Papers of Sir
Francis Bacon; all written by Dr.
Rawley himself. In every one of these appears the Title of
Ornamenta Rationalia, but in the Bundles which came with those Catalogues, there's not one of those
Sentences to be found. I held my self oblig'd,
[Page 90] in some sort, and as I was able, to supply this defect; it being once in my power to have preserved this Paper. For a Copy of it was long since, offer'd me by that Doctor's only Son, and my dear Friend (now with God) Mr.
William Rawley, of whom, if I say no more, it is the
greatness of my Grief for that irreparable loss, which causeth my
Silence. I was the more negligent in taking a Copy, presuming I might, upon any occasion, command the Original; and because that was then in such good Hands. Now, there remains nothing with me, but a general Remembrance of the quality of that Collection. It consisted of divers short Sayings, aptly and smartly expressed, and containing in them much of good Sense in a little room.
These he either made, or took from others, being moved so to do by the same Reason which caus'd him to gather together his
Apothegms, which (he saith)
he collected for his Recreation, his Lordship's Diversions being of more value than some Men's Labours. Nor do such
Sentences and
Apothegms, differ much in their Nature. For
Apothegms are only somewhat longer, and fuller of Allusion, and tell the Author, and the occasion of the
Wise Saying; and are but the same Kernel, with the Shell
[Page 91] and Leaf about it. That which he faith of the one, is true of the other.
‘They are both
Mucrones Verborum
In Preface to his
Apothegms., pointed Speeches, or Goads.
Cicero (saith he) calleth them
Salinas, Salt-pits, that you may extract Salt out of, and sprinkle it where you will. They serve to be interlaced in continued Speech: They serve to be recited, upon occasion, in themselves.’
Such
Ornaments have been noted in all Ages and Places, and in many Collected.
Amongst the
Hebrews, they had (of old) the Proverbs of
Agur, and
Salomon.
In Times more Modern, there have been set forth the
Pirke Avoth; and the Sentences, Proverbs, Apothegms, and Similitudes of the
Hebrew Writers, Collected in the
Florilegium Hebraicum of
Buxtorf.
Amongst the
Egyptians, we find such Aenigmatic Proverbial Forms as these;
He hath a Wing of a Bat. That is, the Man is impotent, yet daring; and so like a
Bat, which adventures to flie, though it has no Feathers.
The Crab keeps the door of the Oyster. That is, his Friend destroys him. For the
Crab (they say) puts in his Claw when the
Oyster gapes, and eats it up.
Amongst the
Arabians, we find the Proverbs
[Page 92] of
Lockman, or
Aesop; and those Collected by
Erpenius.
Amongst the
Greeks, we find the Sentences of their
Seven Wise Men, of
Theognes, and
Phocylides, and of divers others preserved by
Stobaeus. Pythagorus had his
[...]
See
Salmas. in Simplic. in Epict. ad calc.
p. 12., of which we should have known much more, if Time had not denied us the Book of
Aristotle
[...]. Thence, 'tis thought,
Laë r
[...]ius, and
Porphyrie, cite certain Pythogoric Symbols
Vide
Jonsium de
Script. Hist. Phil.
p. 54. Also
p. 76. & Jamblich. de vit
[...]
Pythag. p. 131., in which among others, the
Pleiades are called
the Harp of the Muses; and the
Northern Bears, the
Hands of
Rhea. Which latter Symbol, is for such a Toy, pretty enough, if expounded of Matter fixed, and detained from the course of its Fluidity, by cold, or rest. But I pretend not so much intimacy with the
Magical Pythagoras, as to be his Interpreter. To
Henry Stephens, we owe a Collection of
Greek Sentences, from the Comic Poets. The Monk
Thalasius, wrote an Hundred Sentences concerning Charity and Continence, after the way of the Cloyster, that is, in a pious, but less acute manner
See them in the M
[...]
[...]
p. 106..
Amongst the
Romans, Iulius Caesar, and
Macrobius wrote Collections of
Apothegms; and the Sentences of
Laberius, and also of
Publius, (who was, indeed, by Birth a
[Page 93]
Syrian, but by Education and Privilege a
Roman) are to this Day preserved.
Some, a-while ago, have gathered and amassed the Sentences of
Cicero, and of both the
Seneca's, though (I think) without much judgment, and as we gather Fishes in a Net, enclosing the good and bad together. Last Year, the
Sieur de Laval, did publish his Collection of the Sentences of St.
Austin
Sent. tirées des Oeuvres de
S. Aug. A. Paris, 1677. in Octavo.. And it is not long since,
Mounsieur Hache set forth a whole Folio of Sentences, Collected out of Twelve of the
Tomes of the
Bibliotheca Patrum
Sent. ex 12.
Bib. Patr. tomis selectae per
Fr. Hache, An. 1666..
Among the
Italians, Spaniards, French, Dutch, Turks, (which two last I put together, for the alike bluntness and coursness of their Sayings) there are divers Collections of
Apothegms and Proverbs.
Among our
Selves, we have the like, and particularly the
Wise Sayings by Mr.
Cambden, and the
Iacula Prudentum, in Mr.
Herbert; which latter some have been bold to accuse as having too much Feather, and too little Point. But the sense of that Metaphor, may be more truly apply'd to the Collection call'd
Flores Edvardi Coci
By
Tho. Ash. Lon. 1617. in 16
•.. Those Sayings, as they are represented without the Context of that Eminent Lawyer, are like the Flowers in an Herbal, of which no Man would put the Generality into his Garden.
[Page 94] The use of such little things, no Man knew better than Sir
Francis Bacon, who could turn every saying to Advantage; and if it wanted Lustre in it self, he could by Art create it, and by setting it well.
His own Collection was (as I remember) gathered partly out of his own Store, and partly from the Ancients, and accordingly 'tis supplied out of his own Works, and the
Mimi of
Publius.
Under the
Second Head of
Remains Physiological, or
Natural, is contain'd in the
First place,
A
Fragment of his Lordship's
Abecedarium Naturae. This is commonly said to be lost, and it is well nigh so, the latter part of it only remaining. But where the whole is good, each part is of value. And Antiquaries who travel in the Dominions of the
Grand Signior, do not despise the ancient Statues which they find there, though
Mahometan Superstition hath broken off their Heads.
This Work is said to be a
Metaphysical Piece; but it is not so, in the strictest sense. Its principal design is the Partition of things into their several Classes; a design which his Lordship brought to more perfection in his
Organon, and Book
De Augmentis Scientiarum. And though in it were
[Page 95] handled
Condittons of Being, yet not abstractly from all Body, but with reference to it. And therefor his Lordship did not call it
Abecedarium Hyperphysicum, but the
Alphabet of Nature. And his Lordship giveth express Caution, in his Book of
Advancement
De Augm. Scient.
l. 3. c. 2. p. 228., that where he speaks of Conditions of Entities, which are called Transcendental; (such as,
Much, Little, The Same, Divers, Possible, Impossible) he be not interpreted in a
Logical, but
Physical Sense. His Lordship was much averse to high and useless Speculations, and he was wont to express that Aversness in the following Comparison. The
Lark (said he) is an high flier, and in its flight does nothing but Sing: But the
Hawk flies high, and thence descends and catches its Prey.
The
Second Paper about Natural things, is his Lordship's Inquisition touching the
Compounding of Metals.
Then follow, in the
Third Place, his
Articles of Questions, touching Minerals. Of these, the first inquireth about the same Subject with the foregoing Paper; but finding them distinguish'd by his Lordship, I have not joyn'd them together.
These Questions were turn'd into
Latine, and in that Tongue, publish'd by Dr.
Rawley,
[Page 96] amongst his Lordship's
Opuscula; but the
English Originals are now, the first time set forth. And having by me three Copies, I publish them by that one on which his Lordship had endorsed with his own Hand,
This is the clean Copy.
Now these Inquiries being in themselves Imperfect, and without much Solution of his Lordship's adjoyn'd; I have here added to them the several Answers of Dr.
Meverel, to whom they were proposed by his Lordship. It has not been in my power, as yet, to inform my self duly about this
Doctor; but doubtless, he was a
Chymist, as those Times went, of the first Order. It was his Lordship's manner, on divers mornings, to set down Inquiries for the following Days, in some loose Papers. And in one of them, I find this, among other
Memoranda.
‘To send to Dr.
Meverel. Take Iron and dissolve it in
Aqua Fortis, and put a Loadstone near it, and see whether it will extract the Iron: Put also a Loadstone into the Water, and see whether it will gather a Crust about it.’
After the Questions of his Lordship about Minerals, and the Answers of Dr.
Meverel, there follows, in the
Fourth Place, an
Inquisition concerning the Versions, Transmutations, Multiplications, and
[Page 97] Effections of Bodies, not hitherto publish'd in the
English Tongue, in which his Lordship wrote it
See D.
R's. Translation among the Opuscula..
Fifthly, There is annexed a certain Speech touching the recovery of Drowned Mineral Works, prepared, as Mr.
Bushel saith, for that
Parliament under which he fell. His Lordship, no doubt, had such a Project; and he might prepare a Speech also, for the Facilitating of it. But that this is a true Copy of that Speech, I dare not avouch. His Lordship's Speeches were wont to be digested into more Method; his Periods were more round, his Words more choice, his Allusions more frequent, and manag'd with more decorum. And as no Man had greater command of Words, for the illustration of Matter, than his Lordship; so here he had Matter which refus'd not to be cloth'd in the best Words.
The
Sixth Paper about Natural Things, containeth certain Experiments about
weight in Air and Water.
The
Seventh containeth a few Proposals to the Country-Man, called
Experiments for Profit. The
Eighth, Experiments about the
Commixture of Liquors. The
Ninth, a Catalogue of
Bodies Attractive and not Attractive, with Experimental Observations about them.
[Page 98] Under the
Third Head of
Medical Remains, is contain'd in the
First place, a Paper which he called
Grains of Youth. In it he prescribeth divers things, as means to keep up the Body in its Vigour. Amongst these is the Receipt of the
Methusalem Water, against the Driness of Age, which his Lordship valued and used.
Next follows a
Catalogue of Astringents, Openers, and Cordials, Instrumental to Health. Then comes in the
Third place, an
Extract, by his Lordship, for his own use, out of the
History of Life and Death, together with some new Advices in order to Health.
Last of all,
there are added Four Medical Receipts.
The
First is, his
Lordship's Broth and Fomentation against the Stone, which I judg'd acceptable to the Public, seeing his
Receipt against the Gout had been so, though it worketh not an Infallible Cure. And here it may seem strange, that his Lordship does not mention Spirit of
Nitre, which he so often used, and which a very ingenious Experimenter
Dr.
Grew, in his Exper. of the Lu
[...]tion arising from Affus. of Menstruums upon all sorts of Bodies.
p. 10
[...]. hath noted, to be the best of
Acids against the Stone.
The
Second is, the Receipt of an Oyntment, called by his Lordship,
Vnguentum Fragrans sive Romanum. By this he meaneth an Unguent which consisteth of
Astringents,
[Page 99] preventing excess of Transpiration; and
Cordials comforting the Parts. And he called it (I suppose) the
Roman Vnguent, because that People did eminently make use of Baths and Anointings.
‘He himself held, that the anointing with Oyl, was one of the most potent Operations to long Life
Hist. of
Life & Death, of the Oper. upon Exclusion of Air.
[...]. 21.
P. 37.; and that it conduced to Health, both in
Winter, by the exclusion of the cold Air; and in
Summer, by detaining the Spirits within, and prohibiting the resolution of them; and keeping of the force of the Air, which is then most predatory.’ Yet it was his Lordship's opinon, that it was best to anoint without Bathing, though he thought Bathing without Anointing bad.
The
Third and
Fourth, are Receipts to comfort the Stomach. One of them he calleth a Secret; and I suppose it might be communicated to him by Sir
Henry Wotton. For Sir
Henry speaks of his preparation of a certain Wood
In Reliqu.
Wotton. P. 473., as of a rare Receipt to Coroborate the
Viscera, and to keep the Stomack in
Tono.
Under the
Fourth Head, of
Theological Remains, are contain'd only a few
Questions about the lawfulness of a
Holy War; and two Prayers, one for a
Philosophical Student, the other for a Writer. The substance
[Page 100] of these two Prayers is extant in
Latine, in the
Organon
Nov. Organum, p. 19.
ad Calc. partis primae., and
Scripta
Scripta Philos. P. 451. and after the Title-Page..
Under the
Fifth Head of
Bibliographical Remains, are contained some of his Lordship's own Papers concerning his Works, and likewise some Letters and Discourses of others upon the same Subject, together with a few interspersed Remarks concerning his Life.
His Lordship's Papers are these
Six.
The
First is, a Letter to
Elizabeth, the Sister of King
Charles the Martyr, and Wife to
Frederic, Prince
Palatine of the
Rhine; a Princess who found so many Thorns in the Crown of
Bohemia. She pleased to write to his Lordship, and he return'd Answer, and sent along with it as a Present, his
Discourse of a War with Spain; though neither came to her Hands, till after his Lordship's Death.
The
Second is, a Letter to the
Vniversity of
Cambridg, when he sent them his Book of the
Advancement of Learning.
The
Third is, a Letter to the same University, upon his sending to them his
Novum Organum: This he wrote in a loose sheet of paper; the
former, in one of the spare leaves at the beginning of the Book.
The
Fourth is, a Letter to
Trinity College, in
Cambridg (of which Society he had been a
[Page 101] Member) upon his sending thither the aforesaid Book
De Augmentis Scientiarum.
The
Fifth is, a Letter to the Bishop of
Lincoln; in which I note the goodness of his Lordship's Nature, whilst he still maintaineth his Friendship with him, though he had succeeded him in his place of Lord-Keeper. For Envy hates every one that sits in that Chair from whence it self is fallen.
The
Sixth is, a Letter to Father
Fulgentio, a Divine (if I mistake not) of the
Republic of Venice, and the same who wrote the Life of his Colleague, the excellent Father
Paul.
The
Seventh is, a Letter to the
Marquess Fiat, then Embassadour from
France, soon after the Marriage betwixt his late
Majesty and
Henrietta Maria, in the knitting of which he had been employ'd. This
Marquess was the Person, who, impatient of seeing so Learned a Man, was admitted to his Lordship when he was very ill, and confin'd to his Bed; and who saluted him with this high Compliment:
‘Your Lordship hath been to me hitherto like the Angels, of which I have often heard and read, but never saw them before.’ To which piece of Courtship, he return'd such answer, as became a Man in those Circumstances.
[Page 102]
‘Sir, the Charity of others, does liken me to an Angel, but my own Infirmities tell me I am a Man.’
The
Eighth is, a Transcript out of his Lordship's
Will, concerning his Writings. There, in particular manner, he commendeth to the Press, the
Felicities of Queen
Elizabeth. This I noted before; and observe it here again as an Argument of the Impartiality of his Lordship's Judgment and Affection. He was zealous in bearing testimony to the wise Administration of the Public Affairs in those Times, in which himself advanced little either in Profit, or Honour. For he was hindred from growing at Court by a great Man, who knew the slenderness of his Purse, and also fear'd that if he grew, he might prove Taller than himself
See his Lordship's Letter to Sir
R. C. in C
[...]ll. of Letters in 1st. part of
Resusc. p. 87. and that in
p. 110, 111.. The little Art used against him, was the representing of him as a
Speculator; though it is plain, no Man dealt better, and with kinder ways, in public Business than himself: And it generally ripened under his Hands.
For the Papers written by others, touching his Lordship and his Labours, they are these.
The
First is, a Letter from the University of
Oxford, to his Lordship, upon his sending to them his Book of
Advancement
[Page 103] of Learning, in its second, and much enlarged Edition. It should seem by a Passage towards the end of this Letter, that the Letter which his Lordship sent to them, together with his Book, was written (like the first to the
Vniversity of Cambridg) in one of the spare leaves of it, and contain'd some wholesome Admonitions in order to the pursuit of its Contents.
The
Second is, a Letter from Dr.
Maynwaring, to Dr.
Rawley, concering his
Lordship's Confession of Faith. This is that Dr.
Maynwaring, whose Sermon upon
Eccles. 8. 2. &c. gave such high Offence, about One and Fifty Years ago.
For some Doctrines, which he noteth in his Lordship's Confession, the Reader ought to call to mind, the times in which his Lordship wrote them, and the distaste of that Court against the proceedings of
Barnevelt, whose State-faction blemish'd his Creed.
The rest are,
Letters of Dr.
Rawley, Mounsieur Deodate, Isaac Gruter, touching the Edition of his Lordship's Works:
An Account of his Lordship's Life and
Writings, by Sir
William Dugdale, together with some new Insertions:
Characters of his Lordship, and his
Philosophy, by Dr.
Heylin, Dr.
Sprat, and Mr.
Abraham Cowley.
[Page 104] All these Papers I have put under the Title of
Baconiana, in imitation of those, who of late, have publish'd some Remains of Learned Men, and called them,
Thuana, Scaligerana, Perroniana.
These then are the particular Writings, in which I have labour'd, and in setting forth of which, I have undertaken the lower Office of a Prefacer. And I think it more desireable to write a mean Preface to a good Book, than to be Author of a mean Book, though graced with a Preface from some excellent Pen: As it is more Honour, with a plain
White Staff, to go before the King, than being an unpolish'd Magistrate of a mean and antiquated Corporation, to be usher'd forth with a Mace of Silver.
The Lord Bacon's REMAINS, Civil and Moral.
The Charge
Given May 24. 1616. by way of Evidence, by Sir Francis Bacon, his Majesties Attourney General, before the Lord High Steward,
The Lord Chancelor Egerton, Lord Ellesmere, and the Earl of Bridgwater. and the Peers, against Frances Countess of Somerset, concerning the poysoning of Sir Thomas Overbury.
IT may please your Grace, my
Lord High Steward of England, and you my Lords the
Peers.
I am very glad to hear this unfortunate Lady doth take this Course, to confess fully, and freely, and thereby to give Glory to God, and to Justice. It is (as I may term it) the Nobleness of an Offender to confess; and therefore those meaner
[Page 4] Persons, upon whom Justice passed before, confessed not, she doth. I know your Lordships cannot behold her without compassion. Many things may move you, her Youth, her Person, her Sex, her noble Family, yea, her Provocations, (if I should enter into the Cause it self) and Furies about her; but chiefly her Penitency and Confession. But Justice is the work of this Day; the Mercy-Seat was in the inner part of the Temple; the Throne is publick. But since this Lady hath by her Confession prevented my Evidence, and your Verdict; and that this Day's labour is eased; there resteth in the Legal Proceeding, but for me to pray that her Confession may be recorded, and Judgment thereupon.
But because
your Lordships the Peers are met, and that this day and to morrow are the Days that crown all the former Justice; and that in these great Cases it hath been ever the manner to respect Honour and Satisfaction, as well as the ordinary Parts and Forms of Justice; the Occasion it self admonisheth me, to give
your Lordships and the Hearers this Contentment, as to make Declaration of the Proceedings of this excellent Work of the King's Justice, from the beginning to the end.
It may please your Grace, my
Lord High
[Page 5] Steward of England, this is now the second time, within the space of thirteen years Reign of our Happy
Sovereign, that this high Tribunal Seat (ordained for the Trial of
Peers) hath been opened and erected, and that with a rare event, supplied and exercised by one and the same Person, which is a great Honour unto you, my
Lord Steward.
In all this mean time the King hath reigned in his white Robe, not sprinkled with any one Drop of the Blood of any of his Nobles of this Kingdom. Nay, such have been the Depths of his Mercy, as even those Noble-Mens Bloods, (against whom the Proceeding was at
Winchester) Cobham and
Grey, were attainted and corrupted, but not spilt or taken away; but that they remained rather
Spectacles of Iustice in their continual Imprisonment, than
Monuments of Iustice in the Memory of their Suffering.
It is true, that the Objects of his Justice then and now were very differing; for then it was the Revenge of an Offence against his own Person and Crown, and upon Persons that were Male-Contents, and Contraries to the State and Government; but now it is the Revenge of the Blood and Death of a particular Subject, and the Cry of a Prisoner; it is upon Persons that were highly in his Favour;
[Page 6] whereby his Majesty, to his great Honour, hath shewed to the World, as if it were written in a Sun-beam, that he is truly the Lieutenant of him
with whom there is no respect of Persons; that his Affections Royal are above his Affections private; that his Favours, and Nearness about him, are not like
Popish Sanctuaries, to privilege Malefactors; and that his being the best Master in the World, doth not let him from being the best King in the World. His People, on the other side, may say to themselves, I will lie down in Peace, for God, the King, and the Law, protect me against great and small. It may be a Discipline also to great Men, especially such as are swoln in their Fortunes from small beginnings, that the King is as well able to level Mountains, as to fill Vallies, if such be their desert.
But to come to the present Case, The great Frame of Justice
(my Lords) in this present Action, hath a
Vault, and hath a
Stage: A
Vault, wherein these Works of Darkness were contrived; and a
Stage, with Steps, by which it was brought to Light.
For the former of these, I will not lead your
Lordships into it, because I will engrieve nothing against a Penitent, neither will I open any thing against him that is absent.
[Page 7] The one I will give to the Laws of Humanity, and the other to the Laws of Justice; for I shall always serve my Master with a good and sincere Conscience, and I know
that he accepteth best. Therefore I will reserve that till to morrow, and hold my self to that which I called the
Stage or
Theater, whereunto indeed it may be fitly compared: for that things were first contained within the Invisible Judgments of God, as within a Curtain, and after came forth, and were acted most worthily by the King, and right well by his Ministers.
Sir
Thomas Overbury was murthered by Poison,
Septemb. 15. 1613. This foul and cruel Murder did for a time cry secretly in the Ears of God; but God gave no answer to it, otherwise than by that Voice, (which sometime he useth) which is
Vox Populi, the Speech of the People: For there went then a Murmur that
Overbury was poisoned; and yet the same submiss and low Voice of God (the Speech of the Vulgar People) was not without a Counter-tenor or Counter-blast of the Devil, who is the common Author both of Murder and Slander; for it was given out, that
Overbury was dead of a foul Disease; and his Body (which they had made
Corpus Iudaicum with their Poisons, so as it had no whole part) must be
[Page 8] said to be leprosed with Vice, and so his Name poisoned as well as his Body. For as to Dissoluteness, I have not heard the Gentleman noted with it; his Faults were of Insolency, Turbulency, and the like of that kind.
Mean time there was some Industry used (of which I will not now speak) to lull asleep those that were the Revengers of the Blood, the Father and the Brother of the Murdered. And in these terms things stood by the space of two years, during which time God did so blind the two great Procurers, and dazle them with their Greatness, and blind and nail fast the Actors and Instruments with security upon their Protection, as neither the one looked about them, nor the other stirred or fled, or were conveyed away, but remained here still, as under a privy Arrest of God's Judgments; insomuch as
Franklin, that should have been sent over to the
Palsgrave with good store of Money, was by God's Providence, and the Accident of a Marriage of his, diverted and stayed.
But about the beginning of the Progress the last Summer, God's Judgments began to come out of their depths. And as the revealing of Murder is commonly such as a Man said,
à Domino hoc factum est; it
[Page 9] is God's work, and it is marvellous in our eyes: so in this particular it was most admirable; for it came forth first by a Complement, a matter of Courtesy. My Lord of
Shrewsbury, that is now with God, recommended to a Councellor of State, (of special Trust by his place) the late Lieutenant
Called in
Sir H. Wotton
's Reliq. p. 413. Elvis
In Sir A. Welden
's Court of K. Iames,
p. 107. Elwaies.
In Aulic. Coquin.
p. 141. Ellowaies.
In Sir W. Dugdales
Baron. of Eng.
Tom 2. p. 425. Elways.
In Baker, Yelvis.
p. 434.
Helwisse, only for Acquaintance, as an honest and worthy Gentleman, and desired him to know him, and to be acquainted with him. That Councellor answered him civilly, That my Lord did him a favour, and that he should embrace it willingly; but he must let his Lordship know, that there did lie a heavy imputation upon the Gentleman,
Helwisse, for that Sir
Tho. Overbury, his Prisoner, was thought to have come to a violent and an untimely Death. When this Speech was reported back by my Lord of
Shrewsbury to
Helwisse, percussit ili
[...]ò animum, he was strucken with it, and being a politick Man, and of likelihood doubting, that the matter would break forth at one time or other, and that others might have the start of him, and thinking to make his own Case by his own Tale, resolved with himself upon this occasion, to discover unto my Lord of
Shrewsbury, and that Councellor, that there was an Attempt (whereunto he was privy) to have poisoned
Overbury, by the hands of
[Page 10] his Underkeeper,
Weston; but that he checked it, and put it by, and disswaded it. But then he left it thus, that it was but as an Attempt, or an untimely Birth, never executed; and as if his own Fault had been no more, but that he was honest in forbidding, but fearful of revealing, and impeaching or accusing great Persons. And so with this fine point thought to save himself.
But that Councellor of Estate wisely considering, that by the Lieutenant's own Tale it could not be simply a Permission, or Weakness; for that
Weston was never displaced by the Lieutenant, notwithstanding that Attempt; and coupling the Sequel by the beginning, thought it matter fit to be brought before his Majesty, by whose appointment.
Helwisse set down the like Declaration in writing.
Upon this Ground the King playeth
Salomon's part,
gloria Dei celare rem, & gloria Regis investigare rem, and sets down certain Papers of his own hand, which I might term to be
Claves Iustitiae, Keys of Justice, and may serve both for a Precedent for
Princes to imitate, and for a Direction for
Iudges to follow. And his Majesty carried the Ballance with a constant and steady hand, evenly and without prejudice, whether it were a true Accusation of the one part, or a Practice and factious Scandal of the other.
[Page 11] Which Writing, because I am not able to express according to the worth thereof, I will desire your Lordships anon to hear read.
This excellent Foundation of Justice being laid by his Majesties own hand, it was referred unto some Councellors to examine further, who gained some Degrees of Light from
Weston, but yet left it imperfect.
After it was referred to Sir
Ed. Cook, Chief Justice of the Kings Bench, as a Person best practised in Legal Examinations, who took a great deal of indefatigable pains in it without intermission, having (as I have heard him say) taken at least three hundred Examinations in this Business.
But these things were not done in a Corner, I need not speak of them. It is true, that my Lord Chief Justice, in the dawning and opening of the Light, finding the matter touched upon these great Persons, very discreetly became Suitor to the King, to have greater Persons than his own Rank joined with him; whereupon your Lordships, my Lord High Steward of
England, my Lord Steward of the King's House, and my Lord
Zouch, were joined with him.
Neither wanted there (this while) Practice to suppress Testimony, to deface Writings, to weaken the Kings Resolution, to
[Page 12] slander the Justice, and the like. Nay when it came to the first solemn Act of Justice, which was the Arraignment of
Weston, he had his lesson to stand mute, which had arrested the whole Wheel of Justice: but this dumb Devil, by the means of some discreet Divines, and the potent Charm of Justice together, was cast out; neither did this poisonous Adder stop his Ear to these Charms, but relented, and yeilded to his Trial.
Then followed the other Proceedings of Justice against the other Offenders,
Turnor, Helwisse, Franklin.
But all these being but the Organs and Instruments of this Fact, (the Actors, and not the Authors) Justice could not have been crowned without this last Act against these great Persons; else
Weston's Censure or Prediction might have been verified, when he said,
He hoped the small Flies should not be caught, and the greater escape. Wherein the King, being in great straits between the defacing of his Houour and of his Creature, hath (according as he useth to do) chosen the better part, reserving always Mercy to himself.
The time also of Justice hath had its true Motions. The time until this Ladies deliverance was due unto Honour, Christianity, and Humanity, in respect of her great Belly.
[Page 13] The time since was due to another kind of Deliverance too, which was, that some Causes of Estate which were in the Womb might likewise be brought forth, not for matter of Justice, but for Reason of State. Likewise this last Procrastination of Days had the like weighty Grounds and Causes.
But (my Lords) where I speak of a Stage, I doubt I hold you upon the Stage too long. But before I pray Judgment, I pray your Lordships to hear the Kings Papers read, that you may see how well the King was inspired, and how nobly he carried it, that Innocency might not have so much as Aspersion.
Frances, Countess of
Somerset, hath been indicted and arraigned, as accessary before the Fact, for the Murder and Impoisonment of Sir
Tho. Overbury, and hath pleaded guilty, and confesseth the Indictment: I pray Judgment against the Prisoner.
The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon, his Majesties Attourney General, by way of Evidence, before the Lord High Steward, and the Peers, against Robert Earle of Somerset, concerning the poisoning of Overbury.
IT may please your Grace, my Lord High Steward of
England, and you my Lords the Peers; You have here before you
Robert Earl of
Somerset, to be tried for his Life, concerning the procuring and consenting to the Impoisonment of Sir
Thomas Overbury, then the King's Prisoner in the Tower of
London, as an Accessary before the Fact.
I know your Lordships cannot behold this Nobleman, but you must remember his great favour with the King, and the great Place that he hath had and born, and must be sensible that he is yet of your Number and Body, a Peer as you are; so as you cannot cut him off from your Body but with grief; and therefore that you will expect from us, that give in the
[Page 15] King's Evidence, sound and sufficient matter of Proof, to satisfy your Honours and Consciences.
And for the manner of the Evidence also, the King our Master (who among his other Vertues, excelleth in that Vertue of the Imperial Throne, which is Justice) hath given us Commandment that we should not expatiate, nor make Invectives, but materially pursue the Evidence, as it conduceth to the Point in question; a matter that (tho we are glad of so good a Warrant) yet we should have done of our selves; for far be it from us, by any strains of Wit or Art to seek to play Prizes, or to blazo
[...] our Names in Blood, or to carry the Day otherwise than upon just Grounds. We shall carry the Lanthorn of Justice (which is the Evidence) before your Eyes upright, and be able to save it from being put out with any Winds of Evasions, or vain Defences, that is our part; not doubting at all, but that this Evidence in it self will carry that force, as it shall little need Vantages or Aggravations.
My Lords, The Course which I shall hold in delivering that which I shall say (for I love Order) is this,
[Page 16]
First, I will speak somewhat of the nature and greatness of the Offence which is now to be tried, and that the King, however he might use this Gentleman heretofore, as the
Signet upon his Finger (to use the Scripture Phrase) yet in this Case could not but put him off, and deliver him into the hands of Justice.
Secondly, I will use some few words touching the Nature of the Proofs, which in such a Case are competent.
Thirdly, I will state the Proofs.
And
lastly, I will produce the Proofs, either out of the Examinations and Matters in Writing, or Witnesses
viva voce.
For the Offence it self; it is of Crimes (next unto High-Treason) the greatest; it is the foulest of Fellonies. And take this Offence with the Circumstances, it hath three Degrees or Stages; that it is Murder; that it is Murder by Impoisonment; that it is Murder committed upon the Kings Prisoner in the Tower: I might say, that it is Murder under the Colour of Friendship; but that is a Circumstance moral, I leave that to the Evidence it self.
For Murder, my Lords, the first Record of Justice which was in the World was a Judgment upon Murder, in the person of
[Page 17]
Adam's first born,
Cain: And though it were not punished by Death, but with Banishment and mark of Ignominy, in respect of the primogeniture, or of the population of the World, or other points of God's secret Will, yet it was adjudged, and was (as I said) the first Record of Justice. So it appeareth likewise in Scripture, that the murder of
Abner by
Ioab, though it were by
David respited in respect of great Services past, or Reason of State, yet it was not forgotten. But of this I will say no more. It was ever admitted, and so ranked in God's own Tables, that Murder is of offences between Man and Man (next to Treason and Disobedience of Authority, which some Divines have referred to the First Table, because of the Lieutenancy of God in Princes and Fathers) the greatest.
For Impoisonment, I am sorry it should be heard of in this Kingdom: It is not
nostri generis nec sanguinis; It is an Italian Crime fit for the Court of
Rome, where that Person that intoxicateth the
Kings of the Earth with his Cup of Poison in Heretical Doctrine, is many times really and materially intoxicated and impoisoned himself.
But it hath
three Circumstances, which make it grievous beyond other Murders:
[Page 18] Whereof the
first is, That it takes a Man in full Peace; in God's and the King's Peace; He thinks no harm, but is comforting Nature with Refection and Food: So that (as the Scripture saith)
His Table is made a Snare.
The
second is, That it is easily committed, and easily concealed; and on the other side, hardly prevented, and hardly discovered: For Murder by violence Princes have Guards, and private Men have Houses, Attendants, and Arms: Neither can such Murders be committed but
cum sonitu, and with some overt and apparent Act, that may discover and trace the Offender. But for Poison, the said Cup it self of Princes will scarce serve, in regard of many Poisons, that neither discolour nor distast; and so passeth without noise or observation.
And the
last is, Because it containeth not only the destruction of the maliced Man, but of any other;
Quis modo tutus erit? For many times the Poison is prepared for one, and is taken by another: So that Men die other Mens Deaths;
Concidit infelix alieno vulnere: and it is as the Psalm calleth it,
Sagitta nocte volans; The Arrow that flies by night, it hath no aim or certainty.
[Page 19] Now for the
third Degree of this particular Offence, which is, that it was committed upon the King's Prisoner, who was out of his own Defence, and meerly in the King's protection, and for whom the King and State was a kind of Respondent, it is a thing that aggravates the Fault much. For certainly (my Lord of
Somerset) let me tell you this, That Sir
Tho. Overbury is the first Man that was murdered in the Tower of
London, since the murder of the two young Princes.
For the Nature of the Proofs,
your Lordships must consider, that Impoisonment, of Offences is the most secret: So secret, as if in all Cases of Impoisonment you should require Testimony, you were as good proclaim Impunity. I will put Book-Examples.
Who could have impeached
Livia, by Testimony, of the impoisoning of the Figs upon the Tree, which her Husband was wont, for his pleasure, to gather with his own hands.
Who could have impeached
Parisatis for the poisoning of one side of the Knife that she carved with, and keeping the other side clean; so that her self did eat of the same piece of Meat that the Lady did that she did impoison? The Cases are infinite, (and
[Page 20] indeed not fit to be spoken of) of the secrecy of Impoisonments; But wise Triers must take upon them, in these secret Cases,
Solomon's Spirit, that where there could be no Witnesses, collected the Act by the Affection.
But yet we are not to come to one Case: For that which
your Lordships are to try, is not the Act of Impoisonment (for that is done to your hand) all the World by Law is concluded,
[...]t to say that
Overbury was impoisoned by
Weston. But the Question before you is of the procurement only, and of the abetting (as the Law termeth it) as accessary before the Fact: Which abetting is no more, but to do or use any Act or Means, which may aid or conduce unto the Impoisonment.
So that it is not the buying or making of the Poison, or the preparing, or confecting, or commixing of it, or the giving or sending, or laying the Poison, that are the only Acts that do amount unto Abetment. But if there be any other Act or Means done or used, to give the opportunity of Impoisonment, or to facilitate the execution of it, or to stop or divert any impediments that might hinder it, and this be with an intention, to accomplish and atchieve the Impoisonment; all these are Abetments,
[Page 21] and Accessaries before the Fact. I will put you a familiar Example. Allow there be a Conspiracy to murder a Man as he journies by the ways and it be one Man's part to draw him forth to that Journey by invitation, or by colour of some business; and another takes upon him to disswade some Friend of his, whom he had a purpose to take in his Company, that he be not too strong to make his defence: And another hath the part to go along with him, and to hold him in talk till the first blow be given. All these
(my Lords) without scruple are Abetters to this Murder, though none of them give the Blow, nor assist to give the Blow.
My Lords, he is not the Hunter alone that lets slip the Dog upon the Deer, but he that lodges the Deer, or raises him, or puts him out, or he that sets a Toyle that he cannot escape, or the like.
But this
(my Lords) little needeth in this present Case, where there is such a Chain of Acts of Impoisonment as hath been seldom seen, and could hardly have been expected, but that Greatness of Fortune maketh commonly Grossness in offending.
To descend to the Proofs themselves, I shall keep this course.
[Page 22]
First, I will make a Narrative or Declaration of the Fact it self.
Secondly, I will break and distribute the Proofs, as they concern the Prisoner.
And
thirdly, according to that distribution, I will produce them, and read them, or use them.
So that there is nothing that I shall say, but your Lordship (my Lord of
Somerset) shall have three thoughts or cogitations to answer it:
First, when I open it, you may take your aim:
Secondly, when I distribute it, you may prepare your Answers without confusion: And
lastly, when I produce the Witnesses, or Examinations themselves, you may again ruminate and readvise how to make your defence. And this I do the rather, because your Memory or Understanding may not be oppressed or overladen with length of Evidence, or with confusion of order. Nay more, when your Lordship shall make your Answers in your time, I will put you in mind (when cause shall be) of your omissions.
First therefore, for the simple Narrative of the Fact. Sir
Tho. Overbury, for a time was known to have had great Interest, and great Friendship with my Lord of
Somerset, both in his meaner Fortunes, and after:
[Page 23] Insomuch as he was a kind of Oracle of Direction unto him; and if you will believe his own vaunts (being of an insolent
Thrasonical disposition) he took upon him, that the Fortune, Reputation, and Understanding of this Gentleman (who is well known to have had a better Teacher) proceeded from his Company and Counsel.
And this Friendship rested not only in Conversation and Business of Court, but likewise in Communication of Secrets of Estate. For my Lord of
Somerset, at that time, exercising (by his Majesties special favour and trust) the Office of the Secretary provisionally, did not forbear to acquaint
Overbury with the King's Packets of Dispatches from all parts,
Spain, France, the
Low Countries, &c. And this not by glimpses, or now and then rounding in the Ear for a favour, but in a setled manner: Packets were sent, sometimes opened by my Lord, sometimes unbroken unto
Overbury, who perused them, copied, registred them, made Tables of them as he thought good: So that I will undertake, the time was, when
Overbury knew more of the Secrets of State, than the Council Table did. Nay, they were grown to such an inwardness, as they made a Play of all the World
[Page 24] besides themselves: So as they had
Ciphers and Iargons for the King, the Queen, and all the great Men; things seldom used, but either by Princes, and their Embassadours and Ministers, or by such as work and practise against, or at least upon Princes.
But understand me (my Lord) I shall not charge you this day with any Disloyalty; only I say this for a foundation, That there was a great communication of Secrets between you and
Overbury, and that it had relation to Matters of Estate, and the greatest Causes of this Kingdom.
But (my Lords) as it is a principle in Nature, that the best things are in their corruption the worst: And the sweetest Wine makes the sharpest Vinegar: So fell it out with them, that this excess (as I may term it) of Friendship, ended in mortal Hatred on my Lord of
Somerset's part.
For it fell out, some twelve months before
Overbury's imprisonment in the Tower, that my Lord of
Somerset was entred into an unlawful love towards his unfortunate Lady, then Countess of
Essex; which went so far, as it was then secretly projected (chiefly between my Lord Privy Seal and my Lord of
Somerset) to effect a Nullity
[Page 25] in the Marriage with my Lord of
Essex, and so to proceed to a Marriage with
Somerset.
This Marriage and Purpose did
Overbury mainly oppugn, under pretence to do the true part of a Friend (for that he counted her an unworthy Woman) but the truth was, that
Overbury, who (to speak plainly) had little that was solid for Religion or Moral Vertue, but was a Man possessed with Ambition and vain Glory, was loth to have any Partners in the favour of my Lord of
Somerset, and specially not the
House of the Howards, against whom he had always professed hatred and opposition. So all was but miserable Bargains of Ambition.
And
(my Lords) that this is no sinister construction, will well appear unto you, when you shall hear that
Overbury makes his brags to my Lord of
Somerset, that he had won him the love of the Lady by his Letters and Industry: So far was he from Cases of Conscience in this Matter. And certainly
(my Lords) howsoever the tragical misery of that poor Gentleman
Overbury ought somewhat to obliterate his Faults; yet because we are not now upon point of Civility, but to discover the Face of Truth to the Face of Justice: And that it is material to the true understanding of
[Page 26] the state of this Cause,
Overbury was nought and corrupt, the Ballades must be amended for that point,
But to proceed, When
Overbury saw that he was like to be dispossessed of my Lord here, whom he had possessed so long, and by whose Greatness he had promised himself to do wonders; and being a Man of an unbounded and impetuous spirit, he began not only to disswade, but to deter him from that Love and Marriage; and finding him fixed, thought to try stronger Remedies, supposing that he had my Lord's Head under his Girdle, in respect of communication of Secrets of Estate, or (as he calls them himself in his Letters, Secrets of all Natures) and therefore dealt violently with him, to make him desist, with menaces of Discovery of Secrets, and the like.
Hereupon grew two streams of hatred upon
Overbury; The one from the Lady, in respect that he crossed her Love, and abused her Name, which are Furies to Women;
The other of a deeper and more Mineral Nature from my Lord of
Somerset himself; who was afraid of
Overbury's Nature, and that if he did break from him and fly out, he would mine into him, and trouble his whole Fortunes.
[Page 27] I might add a
third stream from the Earl of
Northampton's Ambition, who desires to be first in favour with my Lord of
Somerset, and knowing
Overbury's malice to himself, and his House, thought that Man must be removed and cut off. So it was amongst them resolved and decreed, that
Overbury must die.
Hereupon they had variety of Devices. To send him beyond Sea, upon occasion of Employment, that was too weak; and they were so far from giving way to it, as they crost it. There rested but two ways, Quarrel or Assault, and Poison. For that of Assault, after some proposition and attempt, they passed from it; It was a thing too open, and subject to more variety of chances. That of Poison likewise was a hazardous thing, and subject to many preventions and cautions, especially to such a jealous and working Brain as
Overbury had, except he were first fast in their hands.
Therefore the way was first to get him into a Trap, and lay him up, and then they could not miss the Mark. Therefore in execution of this Plot, it was devised, that
Overbury should be designed to some honourable Employment in Foreign Parts, and should under-hand by the Lord of
Somerset be encouraged to refuse it; and so
[Page 28] upon that contempt he should be laid Prisoner in the Tower, and then they would look he should be close enough, and Death should be his Bail. Yet were they not at their end. For they considered, that if there was not a fit Lieutenant of the Tower for their purpose, and likewise a fit under-keeper of
Overbury: First, They should meet with many Impediments in the giving and exhibiting the Poison:
Secondly, They should be exposed to note and observation, that might discover them: And
thirdly, Overbury in the mean time might write clamorous and furious Letters to other his Friends, and so all might be disappointed. And therefore the next Link of the Chain, was to displace the then
Lieutenant Waade, and to place
Helwisse a principal Abetter in the Impoisonment: Again, to displace
Cary, that was the under-Keeper in
Waade's time, and to place
Weston, who was the principal Actor in the Impoisonment: And this was done in such a while (that it may appear to be done, as it were with one breath) as there were but fifteen days between the commitment of
Overbury, the displacing of
Waade, the placing of
Helwisse, the displacing of
[...]ary the under-Keeper, the placing of
Weston, and the first Poison given two days after.
[Page 29] Then when they had this poor Gentleman in the Tower close Prisoner, where he could not escape nor stir, where he could not feed but by their Hands, where he could not speak nor write but through their Trunks; then was the time to execute the last Act of this Tragedy.
Then must
Franklin be purveyour of the Poisons, and procure five, six, seven several Potions, to be sure to hit his Complexion. Then must Mris
Turner be the
Say-Mistris of the Poisons to try upon poor Beasts, what's present, and what works at distance of time! Then must
Weston be the Tormenter, and chase him with Poison after Poison, Poison in Salts, Poison in Meats, Poison in Sweetmeats, Poison in Medicines and Vomits, until at last his Body was almost come, by use of Poisons, to the state that
Mithridate's Body was by the use of Treacle and Preservatives, that the force of the Poisons were blunted upon him:
Weston confessing, when he was chid for not dispatching him, that he had given him enough to poison twenty Men.
Lastly, Because all this asked time, courses were taken by
Somerset, both to divert all means of
Overbury's Delivery, and to entertain
Overbury by continual Letters, partly of Hopes and Projects for his Delivery, and partly
[Page 30] of other Fables and Negotiations; somewhat like some kind of Persons (which I will not name) which keep Men in talk of Fortune-telling, when they have a fellonious meaning.
And this is the true Narrative of this Act of Impoisonment, which I have summarily recited.
Now for the Distribution of the Proofs, there are four Heads of Proofs to prove you guilty (my Lord of
Somerset) of this Impoisonment; whereof two are precedent to the Imprisonment, the third is present, and the fourth is following or subsequent: For it is in Proofs, as it is in Lights; there is a direct Light, and there is a reflexion of Light, or Back-Light.
The
first Head or Proof thereof is, That there was a root of Bitterness, a mortal Malice or Hatred, mixed with deep and bottomless Fears, that you had towards Sir
Thomas Overbury.
The
second is, That you were the principal Actor, and had your hand in all those Acts, which did conduce to the Impoisonment, and which gave opportunity and means to effect it; and without which the Impoisonment could never have been, and which could serve or tend to no other end, but to the Impoisonment.
[Page 31] The
third is, That your hand was in the very Impoisonment it self, which is more than needs to be proved; that you did direct Poison, that you did deliver Poison, that you did continually hearken to the success of the Impoisonment, and that you spurred it on, and called for dispatch, when you thought it lingred.
And
lastly, That you did all the things after the Impoisonment, which may detect a guilty Conscience for the smothering of it, and avoiding punishment for it, which can be but of three kinds. That you suppressed, as much as in you was, Testimony: That you did deface, and destroy, and clip, and misdate all Writings that might give light to the Impoisonment; and that you did fly to the Altar of Guiltiness, which is a Pardon, and a Pardon of Murder, and a Pardon for your Self, and not for your Lady.
In this
(my Lord) I convert my speech to you, because I would have you attend the Points of your Charge, and so of your Defence the better. And two of these Heads I have taken to my self, and left the other two to the King's two Serjeants.
For the
first main part, which is the
[Page 32] mortal Hatred coupled with Fear, that was in my Lord of
Somerset towards
Overbury, although he did palliate it with a great deal of hypocrisie and dissimulation even to the end; I shall prove it
(my Lord Steward, and you
my Lords and Peers) manifestly, by matter both of Oath and Writing. The root of this Hatred was that that hath cost many a Man's Life; that is, Fear of discovering Secrets. Secrets (I say) of a high and dangerous nature; wherein the course that I will hold shall be this.
First; I will shew that such a Breach and Malice was between
my Lord and
Overbury, and that it burst forth into violent Menaces and Threats on both sides.
Secondly; That these Secrets were not light, but of a high nature, for I will give you the Elevation of the Pole. They were such as my Lord of
Somerset for his part had made a Vow, That
Overbury should neither live in Court nor Country. That he had likewise opened himself, and his own fears so far, that if
Overbury ever came forth of the Tower, either
Overbury or himself must die for it. And of
Overbury's part, he had threatned my Lord, That whether he did live or die, my
Lord's shame should never die, but he would leave him the most odious Man of the World. And farther
[Page 33] that my Lord was like enough to repent it, in the place where
Overbury wrote, which was the Tower of
London. He was a true Prophet
[...] that: So here in the height of the Secrets.
Thirdly; I will shew you, that all the King's Business was by my Lord put into
Overbury's Hands: So as there is work enough for Secrets, whatsoever they were. And like Princes Confederates, they had their
Ciphers and
Iargons.
And
lastly; I will shew you that it is but a Toy to say that the Malice was only in respect he spake dishonourbly of the Lady; or for doubt of breaking the Marriage: For that
Overbury▪ was a Coadjutor to that Love, and the Lord of
Somerset was as deep in speaking ill of the Lady, as
Overbury. And again, it was too late for that Matter, for the Bargain of the Match was then made and past. And if it had been no more but to remove
Overbury from disturbing of the Match, it had been an easy matter to have banded over
Overbury beyond Seas, for which they had a fair way; but that would not serve their turn.
And lastly,
Periculum periculo vincitur, to go so far as an Impoisonment, must have a deeper malice than flashes: For the Cause must bear a proportion to the Effect.
[Page 34] For the next general Head of Proofs, which consists in Acts preparatory to the middle Acts, they are in eight several points of the Compass, as I may term it.
First; That there were devices and projects to dispatch
Overbury, or to overthrow him, plotted between the Countess of
Somerset, the Earl of
Somerset, and the Earl of
Northampton, before they fell upon the Impoisonment: For always before Men fix upon a course of Mischief, there be some rejections; but die he must one way or other.
Secondly; That my Lord of
Somerset was principal Practicer (I must speak it) in a most perfidious manner, to set a Train or Trap for
Overbury to get him into the Tower; without which they never durst have attempted the Impoisonment.
Thirdly; That the placing of the Lieutenant
Helwisse one of the Impoisoners, and the displacing of
Waade, was by the means of my Lord of
Somerset.
Fourthly; That the placing of
Weston the under-Keeper, who was the principal Impoisoner, and the displacing of
Cary, and the doing of all this within fifteen days after
Overbury's Commitment, was by the means and countenance of my Lord of
Somerset. And these two were the active
[Page 35] Instruments of the Impoisonment: And this was a Business that the Ladies power could not reach unto.
Fifthly; That because there must be a time for the Tragedy to be acted, and chiefly because they would not have the Poisons work upon the sudden: And for that the strength of
Overbury's Nature, or the very custom of receiving Poison into his Body, did overcome the Poisons that they wrought not so fast, therefore
Overbury must be held in the Tower. And as my Lord of
Somerset got him into the Trap, so he kept him in, and abused him with continual hopes of Liberty; and diverted all the true and effectual means of his Liberty, and made light of his Sickness and Extremities.
Sixthly; That not only the Plot of getting
Overbury into the Tower, and the devices to hold him and keep him there, but the strange manner of his close keeping (being in but for a Contempt) was by the device and means of my Lord of
Somerset, who denied his Father to see him, denied his Servants that offered to be shut up close Prisoners with him, and in effect handled it so, that he was close Prisoner to all his Friends, and open and exposed to all his Enemies.
[Page 36]
Seventhly, That the Advertisement which my Lady received from time to time, from the
Lievtenant or
Weston, touching
Overbury's state of Body or Health, were ever sent up to the Court, though it were in Progress, and that from my Lady: such a thirst and listening this Lord had to hear that he was dispatched.
Lastly, There was a continual Negotiation to set
Overbury's Head on work, that he should make some recognition to clear the honour of the Lady; and that he should become a good Instrument towards her and her Friends: All which was but entertainment: For
your Lordships shall plainly see divers of my Lord of
Northampton's Letters (whose hand was deep in this Business) written (I must say it) in dark Words and Clauses; That there was one thing pretended, and another intended; That there was a real Charge, and there was somewhat not real; a main drift and a dissimulation. Nay further, there be some passages which the
Peers in their wisdom will discern to point directly at the Impoisonment.
After this Inducement followed the Evidence it self.
The Lord Bacon's Letter to the University of Cambridg.
Rescriptum Procuratoris Regis Primarii, ad Academiam Cantabrigiensem, quando in Sanctius Regis Consilium cooptatus fuit.
GRatae mihi fuere Literae vestrae, atque Gratulationem vestram ipse mihi gratulor. Rem ipsam ita mihi Honori, & voluptati fore duco, si in hâc mente maneam, ut
Publicis Utilitatibus, studio indefesso, & perpetuis curis, & puro affectu, inserviam. Inter partes autem Reipublicae, nulla Animo meo charior est, quàm
Academiae &
Literae. Idque & vita mea anteacta declarat, & scripta. Itaque quicquid mihi accesserit, id etiam vobis accessisse existimare potestis. Neque vero
Pacrocinium meum vobis sublatum aut diminutum esse credere debetis. Nam & ea pars
Patroni, quae ad consilium in causis exhibendum spectat, integra manet; Atque etiam (si quid gravius accideri
[...]) ipsum perorandi Munus (licentiâ
Regis obtentâ) relict
[...]m est; Quodque Iuris
Patrocinio deerit, id auctiore potestate
[Page 38] compensabitur. Mihi in votis est, ut quemadmodum à privatorum & clientelarum negotiis, ad
Gube
[...]nacula Reipublicae translatus jam sum; Ita & postrema Aetatis meae pars (si vita suppetit) etiam à publicis curis ad otium & Literas devehi possit. Quinetiam saepius subit illa Cogitatio, ut etiam in tot & tantis Negotiis, tamen singulis annis aliquos dies apud vos deponam; Vt ex majore vestrarum rerum notitiâ vestris utilitatibus melius consulere possim.
5. Julij 1616.
Amicus ves
[...]er maximè Fidelis & Benevolus. Fr. Bacon.
The same in English by the Publisher.
The Answer of the Lord Bacon, then Attorney General, to the University of Cambridg, when he was sworn of the Privy Council to the King.
YOur Letters were very acceptable to me; and I give
my self joy, upon
your Congratulation. The thing it self will (I suppose) conduce to my Honour and Satisfaction, if I remain in the mind I now am in; by unwearied study, and perpetual watchfulness, and pure affection, to promote the
Publick Good. Now among the Parts of the
Common-wealth, there are none dearer to me than the
Vniversities, and
Learning. And This, my
manner of Life hitherto, and my
Writings, do both declare. If therefore any good Fortune befalls me, you may look upon it as an accession to your selves. Neither are you to believe, that
my Patronage is either quite removed from you, or so much as diminished. For, that part of an
Advocate which concerneth the
giving of Counsel in Causes, remaineth entire. Also (if any thing more weighty & urgent falleth out) the very Office of
Pleading (the
[Page 40] King's leave being obtained) is still allow'd me. And whatsoever shall be found wanting in my Juridical Patronage, will be compensated by my more ample Authority. My wishes are, that as I am translated from the Business of private Men, and particular Clients, to the Government of the Common-wealth; so the latter part of my Age (if my Life be continued to me) may, from the Publick Cares, be translated to leisure and study.
Also this thought comes often into my mind, amidst so many Businesses, and of such moment, every year to lay aside some days to think on
You: That so, having the greater insight into your Matters, I may the better consult your Advantage.
Iuly
the 5th 1616.
Your most faithful and kind Friend, Fr. Bacon.
Sir Francis Bacon's Letter to King Iames touching the Chancellors Place.
It may please Your most Excellent Majesty.
YOur worthy
Chancellour
Chaenc. Egerton. (I fear) goeth his last day. God hath hitherto used to weed out such Servants as grew not fit for Your
Majesty. But now He hath gather'd to Himself one of the choicer Plants in Your
Majesties Garden. But Your
Majesties Service must not be mortal.
Upon this heavy Accident, I pray your
Majesty, in all humbleness and sincerity, to give me leave to use a few words. I must never forget when I moved your
Majesty for the
Attorney's Place, that it was your own sole Act, and not my
Lord of Somerset's; who, when he knew your
Majesty had resolv'd it, thrust himself into the Business to gain thanks. And therefore I have no reason to
pray to Saints.
I shall now again make Oblation to your
Majesty; first of my Heart; then of my Service; thirdly, of my Place of
Attorney; and fourthly, of my Place in the
Star-Chamber.
I hope I may be acquitted of Presumption,
[Page 42] if I think of it; both because my Father had the Place, which is some civil inducement to my desire, (and I pray God your Majesty may have twenty no worse years than Queen
Elizabeth had in her Model after my Father's placing) and chiefly because the Chancellor's place, after it went to the Law, was ever conferred upon some of the Learned Counsel, and never upon a Judg. For
Audley was raised from King's Serjeant; my
Father from Attorney of the Wards;
Bromlie from Sollicitor;
Puckering from Queen's Serjeant;
Egerton from Master of the Rolls, having newly left the Attorney's place.—
For my self, I can only present your Majesty with
Gloria in Obsequio; yet I dare promise, that if I sit in that Place, your Business shall not make such short turns upon you as it doth; But when a Direction is once given, it shall be pursued and performed: And your Majesty shall only be troubled with the true Care of a King; which is to think
what you would have done in chief; and not
how for the Passages.
I do presume also, in respect of my Father's Memory, and that I have been always gracious in the
Lower-House, I have some interest in the Gentlemen of
England;
[Page 43] and shall be able to do some good Effect in rectifying that Body of Parliament, which is
Cardo Rerum. For, let me tell your Majesty, That
that part of the Chancellor's place, which is to judg in equity between Party and Party, that same
Regnum Iudiciale (which since my Father's time is but too much enlarged) concerneth your Majesty least, more than the acquitting of your Conscience for Justice. But it is the
other Parts of a
Moderator amongst your
Council; of an
Overseer over your
Iudges; of a
Planter of fit
Iustices and
Governors in the Country, that importeth your Affairs, and these Times, most.
I will add likewise, that I hope, by my Care, the
Inventive Part of your
Council will be strengthned; who, now commonly, do exercise rather their
Iudgments than their
Inventions; and the
Inventive Part cometh from Projectors, and Private Men; which cannot be so well: In which kind my
Lord of Salisbury had a good Method.—
To conclude; If I were the Man I would be, I should hope, that as your Majesty of late hath won Hearts by Depressing, you should in this lose no Hearts by Advancing. For I see your People can better skill of
Concretum than
Abstractum; and that
[Page 44] the Waves of their Affection flow rather after Persons than Things. So that Acts of this nature (if this were one) do more good than twenty Bills of Grace.
If God call my
Lord Chancellor, the Warrants and Commissions which are requisite for the taking of
the Seal, and for working with it, and for reviving of Warrants under his Hand, which die with him, and the like, shall be in readiness. And in this Time presseth more, because it is the end of a Term, and almost the beginning of the Circuits; so that the
Seal cannot stand still. But this may be done as heretofore, by
Commission, till your
Majesty hath resolved on an
Officer. God ever preserve your
Majesty.
Your Majesties most humble Subject, and bounden Servant, F. Bacon.
A Letter written
About a year and half after his Retirement. by the Lord Bacon to King James, for Relief of his Estate.
May it please your most Excellent Majesty.
IN the midst of my misery, which is rather asswaged by Remembrance than by Hope; my chiefest worldly comfort is, to think, That since the time I had the first Vote of the Commons House of Parliament for Commissioner of the Union, until the time that I was this last Parliament, chosen by both Houses for their Messenger to your Majesty in the Petition of Religion, (which two were my first and last Services) I was ever more so happy as to have my poor Services graciously accepted by your Majesty, and likewise not to have had any of them miscarry in my Hands. Neither of which points I can any ways take to my self, but ascribe the former to your Majestie's Goodness, and the latter to your prudent Directions; which I was ever careful to have and keep. For as I have often said to your Majesty, I was towards you but as a Bucket, and a Cistern, to draw forth and conserve, your self was the Fountain.
[Page 40] Unto this comfort of nineteen years prosperity, there succeded a comfort even in my greatest adversity, somewhat of the same nature; which is, That in those offences wherewith I was charged, there was not any one that had special relation to your Majesty, or any your particular Commandments. For as, towards Almighty God, there are Offences against the first and second Table, and yet all against God. So with the Servants of Kings, there are Offences more immediate against the Sovereign: Although all Offences against Law are also against the King. Unto which Comfort there is added this Circumstance, That as my Faults were not against your Majesty, otherwise than as all Faults are; so my Fall was not your Majesties Act, otherwise than as all Acts of Justice are yours. This I write not to insinuate with your Majesty, but as a most humble Appeal to your Majesties gracious remembrance, how honest and direct you have ever found me in your Service; whereby I have an assured belief, that there is in your Majesties own Princely Thoughts, a great deal of serenity and clearness to me your Majesties now prostrate and cast-down Servant.
Neither (my most gracious Sovereign)
[Page 47] do I by this mention of my Services, lay claim to your Princely Grace and Bounty, though the priviledg of Calamity doth bear that form of Petition. I know well, had they been much more, they had been but my bounden Duty. Nay, I must also confess, that they were from time to time, far above my merit, over and super-rewarded by your Majesties Benefits which you heaped upon me. Your Majesty was and is that Master to me, that raised and advanced me nine times; thrice in Dignity, and six times in Office. The places indeed were the painfullest of all your Services; But then they had both Honour and Profits: And the then Profits might have maintained my now Honour, if I had been wise. Neither was your Majesties immediate liberality wanting towards me in some Gifts, if I may hold them. All this I do most thankfully acknowledg, and do herewith conclude, That for any thing arising from my self to move your Eye of pity towards me, there is much more in my present Misery, than in my past Services; save that the same your Majesties Goodness, that may give relief to the one, may give value to the other.
And indeed, if it may please your Majesty, this Theme of my Misery is so plentiful, as
[Page 48] it need not be coupled with any thing else. I have been some Body by your Majesties singular and undeserved favour, even the prime Officer of your Kingdom. Your Majesties Arm hath been over mine in Council, when you presided at the Table; so near I was: I have born your Majesties Image in Metal, much more in Heart: I was never in nineteen years Service chidden by your Majesty, but contrariwise often overjoyed, when your Majesty would sometimes say, I was a good Husband for you, though none for my self: sometimes, That I had a way to deal in Business
suavibus modis, which was the way which was most according to your own Heart: And other most gracious speeches of Affection and Trust, which I feed on to this day. But why should I speak of these things which are now vanished, but only the better to express the Downfal?
For now it is thus with me: I am a year and an half old in Misery; though I must ever acknowledg, not without some mixture of your Majesties Grace and Mercy; For I do not think it possible, that any you once loved should be totally miserable. Mine own Means, through mine own Improvidence are poor and weak, little better than my Father left me. The poor
[Page 49] Things which I have had from your Majesty, are either in Question, or at Courtesy. My Dignities remain Marks of your Favour, but Burdens of my present Fortune. The poor Remnants which I had of my former Fortunes in Plate or Jewels, I have spread upon poor Men unto whom I owed, scarce leaving my self a convenient Subsistence. So as to conclude, I must pour out my Misery before your Majesty, so far as to say,
Si deseris tu, perimus.
But as I can offer to your Majesties compassion little arising from my self to move you, except it be my extream Misery, which I have truly laid open; so looking up to your Majesty's own self, I should think I committed
Cain's fault if I should despair. Your Majesty is a King, whose Heart is as unscrutable for secret motions of Goodness, as for depth of Wisdom. You are, Creator-like,
Factive, and not
Destructive. You are the Prince, in whom hath been ever noted an aversation against any thing that savoured of an hard Heart; as, on the other side, your Princely Eye was wont to meet with any motion that was made on the relieving part. Therefore as one that hath had the happiness to know your Majesty near hand, I have (most Gracious Sovereign) Faith enough for a Miracle,
[Page 50] much more for a Grace, that your Majesty will not suffer your poor Creature to be utterly defaced, nor blot that Name quite out of your Book, upon which your Sacred Hand hath been so oft for new Ornaments and Additions.
Unto this degree of compassion, I hope God above, (of whose Mercy towards me, both in my Prosperity and Adversity I have had great Testimonies and Pledges, though mine own manifold and wretched unthankfulnesses might have averted them) will dispose your Princely Heart, already prepared to all Piety. And why should I not think, but that
thrice Noble Prince, who would have pulled me out of the Fire of a Sentence, will help to pull me (if I may use that homely phrase) out of the Mire of an abject and sordid condition in my last days: And that
excellent Favorite of yours, (the goodness of whose Nature contendeth with the greatness of his Fortune; and who counteth it a Prize, a second Prize, to be a good Friend, after that Prize which he carrieth to be a good Servant) will kiss your Hands with joy for any Work of Piety you shall do for me. And as all commiserable Persons (especially such as find their Hearts void of all malice) are apt to think that all Men pity them; I assure
[Page 51] my self that the Lords of your Council, who out of their Wisdom and Nobleness, cannot but be sensible of humane Events, will in this way which I go for the Relief of my Estate, further and advance your Majesty's Goodness towards me: For there is, as I conceive, a kind of Fraternity between Great Men that are, and those that have been, being but the several Tenses of one Verb. Nay, I do further presume, that both Houses of Parliament will love their Justice the better, if it end not in my ruin. For I have been often told, by many of my Lords, as it were in excusing the severity of the Sentence, that they knew they left me in good Hands. And your Majesty knoweth well, I have been all my life long acceptable to those Assemblies, not by flattery, but by moderation, and by honest expressing of a desire to have all things go fairly and well.
But if it may please your Majesty, (for Saints I shall give them Reverence, but no Adoration; my Address is to your Majesty the Fountain of Goodness) your Majesty shall, by the Grace of God, not feel that in Gift, which I shall extreamly feel in Help: For my Desires are moderate, and my Courses measured to a Life orderly and reserved, hoping still to do your Majesty
[Page 52] honour in my way. Only I most humbly beseech your Majesty, to give me leave to conclude with those words which Necessity speaketh: Help me, (dear Sovereign Lord and Master) and pity me so far, as I that have born a Bag, be not now in my Age forced in effect to bear a Wallet; nor I that desire to live to study, may not be driven to study to live. I most humbly crave pardon of a long Letter, after a long silence. God of Heaven ever bless, preserve, and prosper your Majesty.
Your Majesties poor ancient Servant and Beadsman, Fr.
St. Alb.
Certain Apothegms of the Lord Bacon's, hitherto unpublished.
1.
PLutarch said well, It is otherwise in a Common-wealth of
Men than of
Bees. The Hive of a City or Kingdom is in best condition, when there is least of noise or Buzze in it.
2. The same
Plutarch said, of Men of weak Abilities set in Great Place, that they were
like little Statues set on
great Bases, made to appear the less by their Advancement.
3. He said again; Good
Fame is like
Fire. When you have kindled it, you may easily preserve it; but if once you extinguish it, you will not easily kindle it again; at least, not make it burn as bright as it did.
4. The Answer of
Apollonius to
Vespasian, is full of excellent
This Apothegm is also found in his Essay of Empire,
P. 107 Instruction:
Vespasian asked him,
What was Nero's
overthrow? He answered, Nero
could touch and tune the Harp well; but in Government, sometimes he used to wind the Pins too high, sometimes to let them down too low. And certain it is, that nothing destroyeth Authority
[Page 54] so much as the unequal and untimely enterchange of Power
pressed too far, and
relaxed too much.
5. Queen
Elizabeth seeing Sir
Edward— in her Garden, look'd out at her Window, and asked him in
Italian, What does a Man think of when he thinks of nothing? Sir
Edward (who had not had the effect of some of the Queen's Grants so soon as he had hop'd and desir'd) paused a little, and then made answer,
Madam, He thinks of a Woman's Promise. The
Queen shrunk in her Head, but was heard to say,
Well, Sir Edward,
I must not confute you. Anger makes dull Men witty, but it keeps them poor.
6. When any Great Officer, Ecclesiastical or Civil, was to be made, the
Queen would enquire after the Piety, Integrity, Learning of the Man. And when she was satisfied in these Qualifications, she would consider of his Personage. And upon such an Occasion she pleas'd once to say to me,
Bacon, How can the
Magistrate maintain his Authority when the
Man is despis'd?
7. In
Eighty Eight, when the
Queen went from
Temple-Bar along
Fleetstreet, the Lawyers were rank'd on one side, and the Companies of the City on the other; said Master
Bacon to a Lawyer that stood next him,
[Page 55] do but observe the Courtiers. If they bow first to the Citizens, they are in Debt; if first to us, they are in Law.
8. King
Iames was wont to be very earnest with the Country Gentlemen to go from
London to their Country Houses. And sometimes he would say
thus to them; Gentlemen, at
London you are
like Ships in a Sea, which show like nothing; but in your Country Villages, you are like
Ships in a River, which look like great things.
9. Soon after the death of a great Officer, who was judged no advancer of the King's Matters, the King said to his Sollicitor
Bacon, who was his Kinsman; Now tell me truly, what say you of your Cousin that is gone? Mr.
Bacon answered, Sir, since your Majesty doth charge me, I'le e'ne deal plainly with you, and give you such a character of him, as if I were to write his Story. I do think he was no fit Counsellor to make your Affairs better; but yet he was fit to have kept them from growing worse. The King said,
On my So'l, Man, in the first thou speakest like a True Man, and in the latter like a Kinsman.
10. King
Iames, as he was a Prince of great Judgment, so he was a Prince of a marvellous pleasant humour; and there now come
[Page 56] into my mind two instances of it.
As he was going through
Lusen by
Greenwich, he ask'd what Town it was? they said,
Lusen. He ask'd a good while after, What Town is this we are now in? They said, still 'twas
Lusen. On my So'l, said the King,
I will be King of Lusen.
11. In some other of his Progresses, he ask'd how far 'twas to a Town whose name I have forgotten; they said,
Six miles. Half an hour after he ask'd again; one said,
Six miles and an half: The King alighted out of his Coach, and crept under the Shoulder of his Led Horse. And when some ask'd his Majesty what he meant;
I must stalk, said he,
for yonder Town is shie and flies me.
12. Count
Gondomar sent a Complement to my Lord St.
Albans, wishing him
a good Easter. My Lord thank'd the Messenger, and said, He could not at present requite the
Count better, than in returning him the like;
That he wished his Lordship a good Passover.
13. My Lord Chancellor
Elsmere, when he had read a Petition which he dislik'd, would say;
What! you would have my hand to this now? And the Party answering, yes; He would say further;
Well, so you shall. Nay, you shall have both my hands to't. And
[Page 57] so would,
with both his hands, tear it in pieces.
14. I knew a
See this also in his Essay of Dispatch,
p. 143.
Wise Man, that had it for a by-word, when he saw Men hasten to a Conclusion;
Stay a little that we may make an end the sooner.
15. Sir
Francis Bacon was wont to say of an angry Man who suppressed his Passion, That
he thought worse than he spake: and of an angry Man that would chide, That
he spoke worse than he thought.
16.
He was wont also to say, That Power in an ill Man, was like the Power of a black Witch; He could do hurt, but no good with it.
And he would add, That the Magicians could turn Water into Blood, but could not turn the Blood again to Water.
17. When Mr. Attourney
Cook, in the Exchequer, gave high words to Sr.
Francis Bacon, and stood much upon his higher Place; Sir
Francis said to him,
Mr. Attourney! The less you speak of your own greatness, the more I shall think of it; and the more, the less.
18. Sir
Francis Bacon coming into the Earl of
Arundel's Garden, where there were a great number of Ancient Statues of naked Men and Women, made a stand, and as astonish'd, cryed out,
The Resurrection.
19. Sir
Francis Bacon (who was always
[Page 58] for moderate Counsels) when one was speaking of such a Reformation of the Church of
England, as would in effect make it no Church; said thus to him, Sir, The Subject we talk of is the Eye of
England: And
if there be a speck or two in the Eye, we endeavour to take them off; but he were a strange Oculist who would pull out the Eye.
20. The same Sir
Francis Bacon was wont to say, That those who left useful Studies for useless Scholastic Speculations, were like the
Olympic Gamsters, who abstain'd from necessary Labours, that they might be fit for such as were not so.
21. He likewise often used this Comparison.
See the Substance of this in Nov. Org. Ed. Lugd. Bat.
p. 105. & inter Cogitata & visa.
p. 53.
The Empirical Philosophers are like
to Pismires; they only lay up and use their Store.
The Rationalists are like
to Spiders; they spin all out of their own Bowels. But give me a Philosopher, who
like the Bee, hath a middle faculty,
gathering from abroad, but digesting that which is gathered by his own virtue.
22.
The Lord St. Alban, who was not overhasty to raise
Theories, but proceeded slowly by Experiments, was wont to say to some Philosophers who would not go his Pace;
Gentlemen! Nature
is a Labyrinth, in which the very hast you move with will make you lose your way.
[Page 59] 23. The same Lord when he spoke of the
Dutchmen, used to say, That we could not abandon them for
our safety, nor keep them for
our profit. And sometimes he would express the same sense on this manner;
We hold the Belgic Lion by the Ears.
24. The same Lord, when a Gentleman seem'd not much to approve of his Liberality to his Retinue, said to him; Sir,
I am all of a Piece; If the Head be lifted up, the inferiour parts of the Body must too.
25. The Lord
Bacon was wont to commend the Advice of the plain old Man at
Buxton that sold Beesoms; A proud lazy young Fellow came to him for a Beesom upon Trust; to whom the
Old Man said; Friend! hast thou no Mony? borrow of thy Back, and borrow of thy Belly; they'l ne're ask thee again, I shall be dunning thee every day.
26. Solon
See this in his Essay of the true Greatness of Kingdoms.
p. 171.
said well to Craesus,
(when in ostentation he shewed him his Gold) Sir, if any other come that has better Iron than you, he will be master of all this Gold.
27.
Iack Weeks said of a great Man (just then dead) who pretended to some Religion, but was none of the best livers;
Well, I hope he is in Heaven. Every Man thinks as he wishes; but if he be in Heaven, 'twere pity it were known.
Ornamenta Rationalia.
A supply (by the Publisher) of certain weighty and elegant Sentences, some made, others collected, by the Lord Bacon; and by him put under the above-said Title; and at present not to be found.
A Collection of Sentences out of the Mimi of Publius; Englished by the Publisher.
1.
A Leator, quantò in Arte est melior, tantò est nequior.
A Gamster, the greater Master he is in his Art, the worse Man he is.
2. Arcum, intensio frangit; Animum, remissio.
Much bending breaks the Bow; much unbending, the Mind.
3. Bis vincit, qui se vincit in Victoriâ.
He conquers twice, who upon Victory overcomes himself.
[Page 61] 4. Cùm vitia prosint, peccat, Qui rectè facit.
If Vices were upon the whole matter profitable, the virtuous Man would be the sinner.
5. Benè dormit, qui non sentit, quòd malè dormiat.
He sleeps well, who feels not that he sleeps ill.
6. Deliberare utilia, mora est tutissima.
To deliberate about useful things, is the safest delay.
7. Dolor decrescit, ubi quò crescat non habet.
The flood of Grief decreaseth, when it can swell no higher.
8. Etiam Innocentes cogit mentiri dolor.
Pain makes even the Innocent Man a Lyar.
9. Etiam celeritas in desiderio, mora est.
[...] in desire, swiftness it self is delay.
10. Etiam capillus unus habet umbram suam.
The smallest Hair casts a shadow.
11. Fidem qui perdit, quò se servat in reliquum?
He that has lost his Faith, what has he left to live on?
12. Formosa Facies muta commendatio est.
A beautiful Face is a silent commendation.
[Page 62] 13. Fortuna nimium quem fovet, Stultum facit.
Fortune makes him a Fool, whom she makes her Darling.
14. Fortuna obesse nulli contenta est semel.
Fortune is not content to do a Man but one ill turn.
15. Facit gratum Fortuna, quam nemo videt.
The Fortune which no Body sees, makes a Man happy and unenvied.
16. Heu! quàm miserum est ab illo laedi, de quo non possis queri.
O! what a miserable thing 'tis to be hurt by such a one of whom 'tis in vain to complain.
17. Homo toties moritur quoties amit
[...]it s
[...]os.
A Man dies as often as he loses his Friends.
18. Haeredis fletus, sub personâ risus est.
The Tears of an Heir are laughter under a Vizard.
19. Iucundum nihil est, nisi quod reficit varietas.
Nothing is pleasant, to which variety do's not give a relish.
20. Invidiam ferre, aut fortis, aut foelix potest.
He may bear envy, who is either couragious or happy.
[Page 63] 21. In malis sperare bonum, nisi innocens, nemo potest.
None but a virtuous Man can hope well in ill circumstances.
22. In vindicando, criminosa est celeritas.
In taking revenge, the very haste we make is criminal.
23. In calamitoso risus etiam injuria est.
When Men are in calamity, if we do but laugh we offend.
24. Improbè Neptunum accusat, qui iterum Naufragium facit.
He accuseth
Neptune unjustly, who makes Shipwrack a second time.
25. Multis minatur, qui uni facit injuriam.
He that injures one, threatens an hundred.
26. Mora omnis ingrata est, sed facit sapientiam.
All delay is ungrateful, but we are not wise without it.
27. Mori est foelicis antequam Morte
[...] invocet.
Happy he who dies e're he calls for Death to take him away.
28. Malus ubi bonum se simulat, tunc est pessimus.
An ill Man is always ill; but he is then
[Page 64] worst of all when he pretends to be a Saint.
29. Magno cum periculo custoditur, quod multis placet.
Lock and Key will scarce keep that secure, which pleases every body.
30. Malè vivunt qui se semper victuros putant.
They think ill who think of living always.
31. Malè secum agit Aeger, Medicum qui haeredem facit.
That sick Man do's ill for himself, who makes his Physician his Heir.
32. Multos timere▪ debet, quem multi timent.
He of whom many are afraid, ought himself to fear many.
33. Nulla tam bona est Fortuna, de quâ nil possis queri.
There's no Fortune so good but it bates an Ace.
34. Pars beneficii est, quod petitur, st bene neges.
'Tis part of the Gift, if you deny
gentilely what is asked of you.
35. Timidus vocat se cautum, parcum sordidus.
The
Coward calls himself a
wary Man; and the
M
[...]ser says he is
frugal.
[Page 65] 36. O Vita! misero longa, foelici brevis.
O Life! an Age to him that is in misery, and to him that is happy, a moment.
A Collection of Sentences out of some of the Writings of the Lord Bacon.
1. IT is a strange desire which Men have, to seek Power and lose Liberty.
2. Children increase the cares of Life; but they mitigate the remembrance of Death.
3. Round dealing is the honour of Man's Nature; and a mixture of falshood is like
allay in Gold and Silver, which may make the Metal work the better, but it embaseth it.
4. Death openeth the Gate to good Fame, and extinguisheth Envy.
5. Schism, in the Spiritual Body of the Church, is a greater scandal than a corruption in Manners: As, in the natural Body, a Wound or Solution of Continuity, is worse than a corrupt Humour.
6. Revenge is a kind of
wild Iustice, which the more a Man's Nature
runs
[Page 66] to, the more ought Law to
weed it out.
7. He that studieth Revenge, keepeth his own Wounds green.
8. Revengeful Persons live and die like Witches. Their life is mischievous, and their end is unfortunate.
9.
It was an high Speech of Seneca, (
after the manner of the Stoic's) That the good Things which belong to Prosperity, are to be wish'd; but the good things which belong to Adversity, are to be admir'd.
10. He that cannot see well, let him go softly.
11. If a Man be thought
secret, itinviteth
discovery: as the more
close Air sucketh in the more
open.
12. Keep your
Authority wholly from your Children, not so your
Purse.
13. Men of Noble Birth are noted to be envious towards new Men when they rise. For the distance is alter'd; and it is like a deceit of the Eye, that when others come on, they think themselves go back.
14. That Envy is most malignant which is like
Cain's, who envyed his Brother, because his Sacrifice was better accepted, when there was no body but
God to look on.
15. The lovers of Great Place are impatient of Privateness, even in Age which
[Page 67] requires the Shadow: like old
Townsmen that will be still
sitting at their Street-Door, though there they offer Age to scorn.
16. In Evil, the best condition is, not to
will; the next, not to
can.
17. In great Place, ask counsel of both Times: of the
Ancient Time, what is
best; and of the
latter Time, what is
fittest.
18. As in Nature things move more
violently to their
Place, and
calmly in their
Place: So Virtue in Ambition is
violent; in Authority, setled and calm.
19.
Boldness in civil Business, is like
Pronuntiation in the Orator of
Demosthenes; the first, second, and third thing.
20.
Boldness is blind: wherefore 'tis ill in
Counsel, but good in
Execution. For in Counsel it is good to
see dangers, in Execution
not to see them, except they be very great.
21. Without
good Nature, Man is but a better kind of
Vermin.
22. God never wrought Miracle to convince
Atheism, because his ordinary Works convince it.
23. The great
Atheists indeed are
Hypocrites, who are always handling Holy Things, but without feeling; so as they must needs be cauteriz'd in the end.
24. The Master of
Superstition is the
[Page 68] People. And in all Superstition, wise Men follow Fools.
25. In removing
Superstitions, care would be had that (as it fareth in ill Purgings)
the good be not taken away with the bad, which commonly is done, when the
People is the
Physician.
26. He that goeth into a Country before he hath some entrance into the Language, goeth to
School, and not to
travel.
27. It is a miserable state of mind (and yet it is commonly the case of Kings)
to have few things to desire, and many things to fear.
28. Depression of the Nobility may make a King more
absolute, but less
safe.
29. All Precepts concerning Kings, are, in effect, comprehended in these Remembrances;
Remember thou art a Man; Remember thou art God's Vicegerent. The one bridleth their
Power, and the other their
Will.
30. Things will have their
first or
second agitation. If they be not tossed upon the
Arguments of Counsel, they will be tossed upon the
Waves of Fortune.
31. The true composition of a Counsellor, is rather to be skill'd in his Masters
Business than his Nature; for then he is like to
advise him, and not to
feed his humour.
[Page 69] 32. Private Opinion is more
free, but Opinion before others is more
reverend.
33.
Fortune is like a
Market, where many times if you stay a little the
price will fall.
34. Fortune sometimes turneth the
handle of the Bottle, which is easie to be taken hold of; and after the
belly, which is hard to grasp.
35. Generally it is good to commit the beginning of all great Actions, to
Argus with an
hundred Eyes; and the ends of them to
Briareus with an
hundred hands; first to watch, and then to speed.
36. There's great difference betwixt a
cunning Man and a
wise Man. There be that can pack the Cards, who yet can't play well; they are good in
Canvasses and
Factions, and yet otherwise mean Men.
37. Extreme self-lovers will set a Man's
House on fire, tho it were but to
roast their Eggs.
38. New Things, like Strangers, are
more admir'd, and
less favour'd.
39. It were good that Men in their Innovations, would follow the Example of Time it self, which indeed innovateth
greatly, but
quietly; and by degrees scarce to be perceived.
40. They that reverence too much
old
[Page 70] Time, are but a scorn to
the New.
41. The
Spaniards and
Spartans have been noted to be of small dispatch.
Mi venga la muerte de Spagna; let my death come from
Spain, for then it will be sure to be long a coming.
42. You had better take, for Business, a Man somewhat
absurd, than
overformal.
43. Those who want Friends to whom to open their Griefs, are Cannibals of their own Hearts.
44. Number it self importeth not much in Armies, where the People are of weak courage. For (as
Virgil says)
it never troubles a Wolf how many the Sheep be.
45. Let States, that aim at Greatness, take heed how their Nobility and Gentry multiply too fast. In
Coppice Woods, if you leave your
Staddles too
thick, you shall never have clean
Vnderwood, but
Shrubs and Bushes.
46. A Civil War is like the
heat of a Feaver; but a Forreign War is like the
heat of Exercise, and serveth to keep the Body in health.
47.
Suspicions among thoughts, are like
Bats among Birds, They ever
fly by twilight.
48. Base Natures, if they find themselves once suspected, will never be true.
[Page 71] 49. Men ought to find the difference between
saltness and
bitterness. Certainly he that hath a Satyrical Vein, as he maketh others afraid of his Wit, so he had need be afraid of others Memory.
50.
Discretion in Speech is more than Eloquence.
51. Men seem neither well to understand their
Riches, nor their
Strength: of the former they believe
greater things than they should, and of the latter
much less. And from hence certain fatal Pillars have bounded the progress of Learning.
52.
Riches are the
Baggage of Vertue; they can't be spar'd, nor left behind, but they hinder the
march.
53. Great
Riches have
sold more Men than ever they have
bought out.
54.
Riches have Wings; and sometimes they fly away of themselves, and sometimes they must be set flying to bring in more.
55. He that defers his Charity 'till he is dead, is (if a Man weighs it rightly) rather liberal of another Man's, than of his own.
56.
Ambition is like
Choler; if it can move, it makes Men
active; if it be stop'd, it becomes adust, and makes Men
melancholy.
57. To take a Souldier without Ambition, is to pull off his Spurs.
[Page 72] 58. Some ambitious Men seem as Skreens to Princes in matters of
Danger and
Envy. For no Man will take such parts, except he be like the
Seeld Dove, that mounts and mounts because he cannot see about him.
59. Princes and States should chuse such Ministers as are more sensible of
Duty than
Rising; and should discern a
busy Nature from a
willing Mind.
60. A Man's Nature
runs either to
Herbs or Weeds; Therefore let him seasonably water the one, and destroy the other.
61. If a Man look sharply and attentively, he shall see
Fortune; for though she be
blind, she is not
invisible.
62.
Vsury bringeth the Treasure of a Realm or State into few hands: For the Usurer being at certainties, and others at uncertainties; at the end of the Game,
most of the Mony will be in the Box.
63. Beauty is best in a Body that hath rather
dignity of Presence, than
beauty of Aspect. The beautiful prove accomplish'd, but not of great Spirit; and study, for the most part, rather
Behaviour than
Vertue.
64. The best part of Beauty, is that which a Picture cannot express.
65. He who builds
a fair House upon an
ill Seat, commits himself to
Prison.
66. If you will work on any Man, you
[Page 73] must either know his
Nature and Fashions, and so
lead him; or his
Ends, and so
perswade him; or his weaknesses
[...]d disadvantages, and so awe hi
[...], or those that have interest in him, and so govern him.
67. Costly Followers (among whom we may reckon those who are importunate in Suits) are not to be liked; lest while a Man maketh his Train longer, he maketh his Wings shorter.
68. Fame is like a River that beareth up things light and swollen, and drowns things weighty and solid.
69. Seneca
saith well, That Anger is like Rain, which breaks it self upon that it falls.
70. Excusations, Cessions, Modesty it self well govern'd, are but Arts of Ostentation.
71. High Treason is not written in Ice; that when the
Body relenteth, the
Impression should go away.
72. The best Governments are always subject to be like the fairest
Crystals; wherein every
Isicle or
Grain is seen; which, in a fouler Stone is never perceiv'd.
73. Hollow Church Papists are like the
Roots of
Nettles, which themselves sting not; but yet they bear all the stinging Leaves.