CHAP. I. A plain Narrative of the principall passages of his Life.

1. HIs Coat armour and pedigree will shew him to be of the same Originall and Stock, with that eminent prelate and wise states man John Morton, Bishop of Elie and Lord Chancellor of England, afterward Arch­Bishop of Canterbury, and Cardinall; by whose con­trivance and management the too Houses of York and Lancaster were united; Whereby that issue of blood was stopped which had so long and plenti­fully flowed within the bowells of this our Native Country. And from hence the judicious Reader will conclude his Ancesters could not be obscure, (at lest since this Cardinals time,) for such persons as he was seldom left their kindred without some considerable preferments. Io. Budden vit. Io. Mort. Archiep. Cant. pag. 50. Thomam Mor­tonum, Et Jo­hanem Mor­tonum duos ex fratribus filios Scripsit hare­des. If I were so good an Herald as to trace up his pedigree to those times, it is possible it would reach to Thomas or John Morton whom the Cardinall made his Heires as be­ing Sones to two of his Brothers. Sure I am that Sir. Thomas Morton of Dorsetshire who reckoned his descent from one of them, sought him out and ac­knowledged his kindred, and desired his acquain­tance, presently after he appeared in Print, and long [Page 62] before he ascended to any considerable eminency in the Church.

2. I am inforced to fetch my compass thus far about, (and when I have done to sit down with probabilities,) by his great modesty and humility, who would not receive, nor so much as look upon, a very fair and large descent of his Pedigree, when it was presented unto him, though he liberally re­warded the person that presented it. And therefore I shall say no more concerning his progenitors, and had not said thus much but that his Seall at Armes will warrant me in it.

3. The place of his Birth was the antient and famous City of YORK, where Constantius the Father of Constantine the great died in the armes of his Son, and where (some say) the said Constantine the first Christian Emperour was born: perhaps we must understand it, as Emperour, rather then as Constantine; for questionless he was there first de­clared Emperour. I might say more for the honour of that City, but only that it is unnecessary, as well as extrinsecall to the subject of my writing who needs no such advantages to add any luster to him.

4. His Parents were Mr. Richard Morton Citi­zen and Mercer of York, and Mrs. Elizabeth Leedale his wife, who inriched the World with him on Tues­day the 20. of March, Anno. Dom. 1564. He being the Sixth Child of Ninteen begotten and born of the same Parents. His Father was so eminent in his calling, that there is not at this day, nor hath been for many yeares by past, any Mercer in that City, who were not his Apprentices either im­mediatly [Page 63] or mediatly. His Mother also was a Gentlewoman of a very good family, descended from the Valvasours by her Mothers side: And by whom not only the Valvasours but the Langdales also, and other Gentlemen of eminent worth in Yorkshire, acknowledged themselves to be of his kindred.

5. Nor were his Parents less memorable for their Piety and Wisdom, then for these outward re­spects: One fruit whereof we have in the Edu­cation of their Children, though I shall instance only in him of whom I now write; Who by their care and providence was brought up in piety and learning; First at York under Mr. Pullen, and afterwards at Hallifax under Mr. Maud, of whom he alwayes spake with great reverence, as a grave man and a good Scholemaster.

6. It would be too great a digression to speak of his Scholefellowes, whom we may presume to be some better some worse. Otherwise I might menti­on Sir. Thomas Cheek on the one side, (not long since deceased,) venerable for his great worth and Age; and Guy Faux on the other infamous for his Dark lanthorn and villanous intention to blow up the King and Parliament in the Pouder treason, both which were his Schole-fellowes at York.

7. How well he profited in learning, both at Schole, and in the University, will appear by his own writings without my observation. Hincmar. in Vit. S. Remi­gii. Ʋt pri­mum disciplinarum capax factus est — Non modo natu majores, ingenii felicitate, discendique ardore, sed & morum maturitate singulari Excelluit. And though it to be true in him which was written of S. Remigius, [Page 64] that from the time of his first capacity of learning he out-stripped even those that were his superiors in age, both in excellency of parts, proficiency in learning, and maturity of morall virtues: Yet was he not, (as the fault is too common,) cast as an abortive, either out of the Schole into the University, or out of the University into the Church. For he took root in the Nurserie at Hallifax till the Eighteenth year of his age, before he was transplanted into the garden of the University.

8. But in the year 1582. he was sent to Cam­bridge and there admitted into St. Johns College, wherein were so many Eminent Scholers at that time, Epist. ad dict. Col. dat. Ian. 30, 1634. in Regist. Epist. p. 336. — Quod olim antistes literarum, divinus ille Whitta­kerus, Non collegium, sed propter omnium in eo Artium infignem Mer­caturam, Aca­demium ipsam indigitabat. as he was wont to say it seemed to be a whole University of it self. The Master of the College was Doctor Whittaker, whose learned writings have declared his worth in the world, and whom he was wont to quote for that saying. His first Tutour was Mr. Anthony Higgon, afterward Dean of Rippon, a good Benefactour to the College otherwayes, and in him not only to the College but also to the University, and the whole Church of Christ. But he being called out of the College to other more weighty imployments in the Church, left this his Pupill to the Tuition and care of Mr. Henry Nelson, afterward Rector of Hougham in Lincolnshire, who lived to see his Pupill pass through all the other Dignities he had in the Church till he came to be Bishop of Duresme, and a good many yeares after.

9. But I shall proceed in due order: In the be­ginning of November, 1584. he was chosen Scholar of the House into a place of Constables foundation, Regist. Coll. (as [Page 65] it is called,) peculiar to his own Native County of York. In the year 1586. He took his first De­gree of Bachellor of Arts, Dr. Tyndall, president of Queens College being then Vicechancellor, Regist. Aca­dem. and Mr. Smith of Corpus Christi College and Mr. Cowell of Kings College being Proctours: And three years and some Moneths after, (viz. Anno Dom. 1590. Thomas Preston Dr. of Law and Master of Trinity Hall being Vicechancellor, and Mr. Moutlow of Kings College and Mr. Betts of S. Peters College, Proctours,) he took his next Degree of Master of Arts: having first performed all Acts and exercises respectively requisite to each degree with great approbation and applause.

10. He continued his studies in the College at his Fathers Charge, after he was Master of Arts above two years. Regist. Coll. And then (viz. Mar. 17. 1592.) he was admitted Fellow into a place of the Foundati­on of Dr. Keyton, which I cannot mention without his honour to those that rightly understand the na­ture of that Foundation. For the said Dr. Keyton having founded two Fellowships and two Scholar­ships in St. Johns College under these Qualifications; Regist. Fun­dat. dict. Col. First that the persons be elect and chosen of such as be or have been Choristers in the Chappell of Southwell. And (2.) if none such be found able in the University aforesaid then, (for I use the very words of the Foundation,) the same Fellowes and Scholars to be chosen of such persons that be most singular in manners and learning, of what County soever they be that be then abiding in the said University: Upon this second branch of the Qualification, was Mr. Morton chosen into one of those Fellowships; And that meerly for [Page 66] his worth, against eight Competitors for the place, who were otherwise all as capable of it as he, and most of them better befriended: Which he was wont to recount with greater contentment to him­self, then his advancement to any dignity he ever enjoyed in the Church. And about the same time he was chosen Logick Lecturer for the University: Which place he discharged with much art and diligence, as may appear by his Lectures fair writ­ten, which I find among his papers after his death.

11. And now having laid so good a foundation in Arts and Sciences, we may look upon him in the next place as a builder in Gods Church. And for his qualifying thereunto, he did not, (as is now too frequent,) run before he was duly called and sent, but according to the method of holy Church, was admitted to the sacred order, first of Deacon, in the same year 1592. and the next year after of Priest­hood, by Richard Howland then Lord Bishop of Peter­burgh, who had formerly been Master of the same College whereof he then was Fellow.

12. Having thus received his commission from God and his Church, he was very ready to assist others in the way of Charity; but not too forward to take upon himself a particular cure of soules. And accordingly we find him for about five yeares after this, continuing in the College, prosecuting his own privat studie: and reading to such young Scholars as were committed to his care and Tuition.

Regist. Aca­dem.13. In the year 1598. (Dr. Iegon Master of Corpus Christi College being Vicechancellor, and Mr. [Page 67] Moon of Katherin Hall, and Mr. Sutton of Kings College, Proctors,) he took his Degree of Bachellor in Divinity. And about the same year, being pre­sented instituted and inducted to the Rectory of Long Marston, foure miles distant from his Native Citty of York, he betook himself wholly to the Cure of Soules there committed to him, which he discharged with great care and diligence: And yet he did not intermit his higher studies for the generall good of the Church while he attended it. And to that end he had alwayes some person to be his assistent, whom he knew to be pious and learned, as Mr. John Price, and Mr. Matthew Levet, who were both formerly his Pupills in Cambridge, the former after­ward a prebendary of Leichfeild, the later of Duresme, and also Subdean of Rippon.

14. And this assistence was the more necessary because his great parts and worth would not suffer him to enjoy his privacy in a Country cure. For first he was made choyce of by the Earle of Hun­tington, then Lord President of the North, to be his Chaplain, for his dexterity and accuteness in dis­puting with the Romish Recusants: For it was Queen Elizabeths express command to him to con­vince them by arguments rather then suppress them by force, and this she expressed, (as his Lord-ship was wont to say,) in the words of the Prophet: Nolo mortem peccatoris.

15. But the Earle dying presently after, he re­turned again to his privacy, at Marston, where he continued not long before the Lord Sheffeild, (who succeeded as Lord president,) commanded him to hold a publick Conference before his Lord-ship, and [Page 68] the Councell at the Manner house in York, with two Romish Recusants who were then prisoners in the Castle, the one was Mr. Young a Priest, the other Mr. Stillington a Lay-man; Which he per­formed with great satisfaction to the Auditory, among whom were many of the chief Gentry and Clergy of York-shire. I have heard there is still in some mens hands a true relation of that conferrence in writing; But he would never suffer it to be Prin­ted, because he and his Adversaries engaged them­selves by mutuall promise, not to Print it but by common consent, which he never could obtain from them, though he earnestly desired and sought it.

16. In the year 1602. began the great Plague at York, at which time he carryed himself with so much heroicall charity as will make the Reader wonder to hear it. For the poorer sort being re­moved to the Pest-house, he made it his frequent exercise to visit them with food, both for their bodys and soules. His chief errand was to instruct and comfort them, and pray for them and with them, and to make his coming the more accepta­ble, he carried usually a sack of provision with him for those that wanted it. And because he would have no man to run any hazard thereby but himself, he seldom suffered any of his servants to come near him, but sadled and unsadled his own Horse, and had a private door made on purpose into his house and chamber.

17. The next year following, the Lord Ever being sent Embassadour extraordinary by Queen Elizabeth both to the Emperour of Germany and King of Den­mark, [Page 69] he made choyce of him, and Mr. Richard Crakanthorp, (famous also for his learned works in Print,) to be his Chaplaines. And Mr. Mor­ton being desirous to improve himself by seeing forraigne Kingdomes, Churches and Universities, did willingly accept of the employment.

18. He had leave from the Lord Embassadour while he stayed at Breme to visit some of the chief Cityes and Universityes of High Germany. In which travell, while he was at Mentz he fell into a very familiar acquaintance with Father Mulhusinus, a learned Jesuit, (who gave him a Book of his own writing, inscribed with his own hand pro Domino Mortono,) and also with Nicholas Serarius, another learned Father of the same Society, and Rector of the College there, (who afterward mentioned him with civility in a Book he wrot against Joseph Scali­ger.) Both these were so well satisfied with his learning and piety, as to treat him with much courtesy while he stayed there, and to desire his prayers when he departed thence, and that ex animo too, when he pressed them to know whether it was not merely out of civility and complement. I cannot say he found Beccanus in the contrary tem­per at Colen, though he left him so. For being gaulled with some Arguments in a disputation be­tween them, he sleighted his prayers as of one whom he miscalled an Heretick. I only instance in this, to shew that many learned men of the Church of Rome, (and some even of the Jesuits order,) do not in their hearts and privat discourses condemne us of the Church of England for Hereticks, whatso­ever [...] [Page 68] [...] [Page 69] [Page 70] ever they publickly write or speak out of designe and policy.

19. His stay in these parts was the shorter be­cause the Embassadours commission determined at the death of the Queen. But however he improved his time so well, partly in furnishing his own libra­ry with Bookes at Frankfurt and else-where, but chiefly in his conversation with learned men, and in his forraign observations, that he alwayes very highly valued that oppertunity.

20. At his return he was sollicited by Roger Earle of Rutland to be his domesticall Chaplain. Which profer he was the more willing to accept for the privacy he hoped to enjoy in a place where he was not known, for making use of that Treasure of Bookes he had got in his travells: And the ra­ther because thereby he was brought so much nearer to London then before, whither he must have many occasions to travell for the putting forth of such Bookes as he had in designe to write. For it was not long after that he Printed the first part of his Apologia Catholica, of which and the rest of his works I shall speak more particularly hereaf­ter.

21. About this time it was, that the Arch-Bishop of York, Toby Matthews, (that most exquisit preacher,) conferred upon him a Prebend in that Metropoliticall Church.

22. In the year of our Lord 1606. Dr. Clayton Master of St. Johns College being then Vicechan­cellor, and Mr. Raven of Kings College and Mr. Gent of Corpus Christi College Proctours, he took the Degree of Doctour in Divinity, with much applause [Page 71] of those that heard him perform his Acts and exercises, and great approbation of both the pro­fessors in Divinity, Dr. John Overall that profound Scholler, and Dr. Thomas Playfer that accute dispu­tant and accurate preacher, who were both of them very competent Judges of mens abilities. And there began that intimate acquaintance he had with the said Dr. Overall, (afterwards Dean of St. Paules, Bishop of Leichfeild and Coventry and lastly of Norwich,) which continued between them till it was dissolved by death.

23. About the same time he was sworn Chap­lain in Ordinary to King James, and by him presen­ted to the Deanary of Glocester the same year 1606. And while he was Dean there, the Lord Ever above mentioned, then Lord President of Wales, assumed him for one of his Majesties Counsell for the Mar­ches.

24. In his first journey to Glocester, he went by Oxford at the Act-time, and was there incorporated and admitted to the same degree he had in Cam­bridge. At which time he fell into acquaintance with that reverend person and famous preacher Dr. John King, then Dean of Christ-Church, and afterwards Bishop of London, which afterward grew so intimate that the said Bishop made choyce of him to performe the last offices to him both at his Death and Buriall.

25. The same occasion gave him also the opper­tunity of being acquainted with Dr. Raynolds pre­sident of Corpus Christi College, Dr. Ayrey, provost of Queens College, and many other eminent persons in that University. And among others with Daniel [Page 72] Featley, (afterwards Dr. in Divinity,) who that year proceeded Master of Arts, and performed his exercises with such applause as made Dr. Morton carry a great friendship towards him ever after, which was answered with a proportionable reve­rence on the other side, which he publickly testified in the Epistle before a Book which he dedicated to him when he was Bishop of Duresme. And the like respect hath been shewed to him by other learned men: And in particular by the late reverend Bishop of Norwich who dedicated to him that little but most excellent Book called PAX TERRIS.

26. He continued not full three years Dean of Glocester, till King James removed him to the Deanary of Winchester, ( viz. in the year 1609.) Where he succeeded Dr. George Abbot, then con­secrated Bishop of Leichfeild and Coventry, and after­ward translated to the Arch-Bishoprick of Canter­bury. And while he was Dean there Dr. Thomas Bilson then Bishop of Winchester conferred on him the Rectory of Alesford.

27. At Winchester he fell into an intimate acquain­tance with that pious and learned man Dr. Arthur Lake then Master of St. Cross, afterward Bishop of Bath and Welles, as also with Dr. John Harmar war­den of Winchester College, and other learned men whose friendship he very much valued. And at the same time also Sibrandus Lubbertus, professour of Divinity in the University of Franeker in West Freisland wrot his answer to the 99. errours of Con­radus Vorstius, which he dedicated to him by the title of Dean of Winchester.

[Page 73]28. In the year 1610. being the seaventh year of King James, was held a Parliament. And at the same time, (as the manner is,) a Convocation of the Clergy of the province of Canterbury, at St. Paules Church in London, where with generall applause he preached the Sermon ad clerum upon St. Mat. 5, 13. Vos estis sal terrae. And should have been the prolocutour to the lower house of Convocation, but that in modesty he declined it, and the rather to make way for a friend of his, whom he rather de­sired might have that office.

29. Upon these and the like publick imploy­ments, was he constrained to be much in London, about this time. And when any business brought him thither, he was importuned by his worthy friend Dr. Overall above mentioned, Dean of St. Paules, to take his lodging in the Deanary house. And this gave him the oppertunity of a very early acquaintance with that very learned and judicious Scholar Monsieur Isaac Casaubon, who being then newly come out of France was likewise, (as his great merits required,) very freely and hospi­tably entertained and lodged there by the said Dean.

30. And this love thus begun between these two learned persons was never intermited in their lives nor obliterated by death, as appeares by the Monument set up in the Abbey Church of St. Peters at Westminster for Monsieur Casaubon, (he being buried their,) at the charge of this reverend Bishop: The inscription whereof was composed by that ex­cellent Poet and Scholar Dr. Thomas Goad, Rector of Hadley in Suffolk.

[Page 74]31. Upon the like occasions and about the same time, he had the opportunity of entering into a very good acquaintance with severall other eminent forraign Scholars and Divines; As namely Abraham Scultetus professour of divinity in the Uni­versity of Heidlebergh and Aulicus Concionator to his Highness Frederick Prince Electour palatine, John Diodati professour of divinity at Geneva a very learned and judicious Divine; Peter du Molin the famous preacher at Charington, and severall others, whose worth is very well known by their learned works in Print.

32. His continuance in the Deanary of Winchester was not so long as he desired, and yet when he was to be removed from it, and to be consecrated Bishop of Chester, there was a rub cast in his way by a cer­tain great person; Not out of any favour or respct to him, but the quite contrary. It was by one that had reason to know the revenues of that Church so well, as to think he might be believed upon his word, when he said in some passion to the King, that Dr. Morton had spoiled one of the best Deanaries in En­gland.

Psal. 141, 6.33. And this blow had been received as a precious balme, if it had not broke the head of his reputation, and of the truth together; because he was really as unwilling to take the heavy office of a Bishop upon him, as the other was loath he should enjoy the honour. But however as the case stood, it con­cerned the Dean to vindicate his good name from that foull and unjust aspersion. And therefore ac­quainting his brethren of the Chapter with it, they were very forward to give, and he not backward [Page 75] to receive a Testimoniall from them under their hands and sealls, Mr. Brown, Mr. Barlow, Mr. Hurward, and others. that he had been one of the best Deans that ever had been at Winchester in their times: and yet some of them were very antient men, and had long enjoyed their prebends in that Church.

34. On the other side there wanted not some potent persons in the Court, who pressed hard up­on the King to have him Consecrated Bishop, only in favour of his successors in that Deanary: Which made him bemoan himself in a Letter to an inti­mate friend wherein he complained of an [...], (as he called it,) which had occasioned his removall out of the dale wherein he could willingly have spent his dayes, to set him upon an Hill, &c.

35. And by this I leave the Reader to judge how really he might have said Nolo Episcopari. Hincmar. in vit. S. Remig. Ad pontificii culmen non tam electus, quam violentur rap­tus fuit. Bed. Hist. gent. Anglor. lib. Episcopatum suscipere fuit coactus. If it had not been to clear himself of that blot formerly mentioned, which was so unjustly cast upon him, I might have said of him as Hincmarus doth of St. Remigius, he was not so properly chosen, as violently snatched up to this height of Episcopall dignity. And (however) I cannot say less of him, then Venera­ble Bede, (who lyes buried in the Church where he was last Bishop,) said of St. Wilfrid, (who was Bishop of the Church where he was born.) He was forced to take upon him the office of a Bish­op.

36. This appeared yet further by the slowness of the proceedings towards his Consecration. For though the King nominated him for the Bishoprick of Chester in the year 1615. Yet was it the seaventh [Page 76] of July, 1616. before he was Consecrated, partly by occasion of this rub, partly by his own indiffe­rency, though withall I must say it was partly oc­casioned by the distance of those severall places, where the things must be respectively performed, which are perviously required by the Canons of the Church, and Lawes of the Land in order to his Con­secration. For the Conge d' esleire, was granted at London, the Election performed at Chester by the Dean and Chapter; which being signified back to the King, there wanted still his Royall assent to the Election, and after that the Metropolitans solemne Confirmation of it, which must be obtained at York, the see of Chester being in that Pro­vince.

37. The solemnity it self of his Ordination or Con­secration was one of the greatest that hath been seen in England in the memory of man; For there were three Metropolitans respectively engaged in it, beside other Bishops. The foundation of the whole proceedings was laid, (as regularly it ought,) in a Faculty from the Arch-Bishop of York: The Act it self was performed in chief by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to whom the said Faculty was directed, and he was assisted therein by the Pri­mat of Ireland, and the Bishop of Cathnes in Scot­land, beside the Bishop of London and other Bishops of the English Church. The place where this sacred office was performed was the Arch-Bishop of Canter­burys Chappell at Lambith.

38. But that which made this solemnity the greater was the presence of so many of the Nobility of England besides many Lords of Scotland that were [Page 77] there; Which was occasioned in part by a con­current action that was also solemnly performed at the same time and place: Namely the Absolu­tion of the Marquiss of Huntley, from the Band of an Excommunication, laid upon him by the Bishops of Scotland in the High Commission. The particulars whereof, (being perfectly extrinsecall to my pre­sent designe,) I shall refer the Reader for them to the History of the Church of Scotland, Lib. 7. ad. An. 1616. written by that wise and grave person the late Arch-Bishop of St. Andrewes.

39. The concurrence of these two great solem­nities occasioned a very great number of Communi­cants at the celebration of the Holy Eucharist, of the Nobility and Gentry of both Nations, beside the Clergy. Whereunto I must add, (as a thing not to be omitted,) that Prince Radzivils Son of Po­land, did also then communicate, and likewise a Noble man of that Kingdom that came over with him as his Governour: Who did both of them very much admire the glory and happiness of our English Church, and the reverend performance of those sa­cred offices in her.

40. I have now brought this great light almost to his Candlestick, where his actions will be so con­spicuous and so many, as it will be both unnecessa­ry and impossible for me to give the world a perti­cular account of them: And therefore I must con­tent my self, and desire the Reader to be contented also, with a few of the chief.

41. It fell out with him, as with a candle new­ly lighted, which is then in most danger to be blown out. For while necessaries were preparing for his [...] [Page 76] [...] [Page 77] [Page 78] journey to Chester, and for the accomodation of his palace there he retired himself to Clay Hall in Essex upon the earnest invitation of that noble Knight and his worthy friend Sir. Christopher Hatton, and there fell sick of a dangerous fever though, (blessed be God for it,) it continued not long with him.

42. Being happily recovered of this sickness, he made no delay, but presently put himself upon his journey towards his great work; And being ad­vanced as far as the borders of his own diocess, he was met on the way and brought into the City of Chester by such a great number of Knights and other the best Gentlemen of the Country, beside the Clergy, as may give a lasting testimony to their honour, as well as his, in shewing such a religious respect to their Bishop.

43. When he was setled there, he found all the inconveniences which he foresaw, and which made him at first so loath to undertake that weighty office, and some also which he could not foresee at so great a distance. For beside the great number of Romish Recusants, which hath allwayes been ob­served in this Diocess; he found another sort of Recusants, (better known by the name of Non-conformists,) who though they were not as many in number as the other, yet had they so much pervers­ness and obstinacy in them, as made them equall, or rather superior, in relation to the trouble he had with them.

44. And therefore his first care was to reduce them to their obedience to the Church, wherein he used no less of fatherly mildness towards them, then [Page 79] strength of argument against them. For having cited before him such of the Clergy as were the chief of that party, (whereof the principall ring-leader was one Mr. Hynd,) he first enquired of them the reason of their non-conformity; which when he understood to be, The use of the Surplice, the Cross at Baptisme, and the Ring in Marriage, he was content himself to endeavour their satisfaction in a publick and solemn conference with them upon all these three poynts. But their perversness frustra­ting his expectation and desires, in relation to their own good, his next care was to make his endeavours more publick, for the common good of the rest of their partie. And therefore he Printed a relation of that conference with some enlargements; which he intituled: The defence of the three innocent cere­monies.

45. And having committed this charitable and learned work to the blessing of God upon the hearts of the Readers, he betook himself to endeavour the reducing of the other adverse party, the Popish Re­cusants, wherein God blessed him exceedingly con­sidering how great the work was, and how little time he had to bring it towards any perfection, being Bishop there not full three years. And of this we have a very authentick and ample testimo­ny from royall authority in the declaration of King James, concerning lawfull sports to be used, in these words: We were informed, and that too truly, that our County of Lancashire, abounded more in Popish Recusants then any County in England, and thus hath still continued to our great regret, with little amendment, save that now of late, in our last riding though our said [Page 80] county, we find both by the report of the Judges, and of the Bishop of that diocess, (viz. this reverend Bishop,) that there is some amendment now daily beginning, which is no small content to us.

46. Having thus fallen casually upon this declara­tion, it will be requisite to speak more fully of it, seeing this reverend Bishop was in a peculiar manner concerned in it. And the case was thus: It was no small policie in the leaders of the Popish party to keep the people from Church by danceing and other recreations, even in the time of divine service, espe­cially on holy dayes, and the Lords day in the after noon: By which meanes they kept the people in ignorance and luke warmnesse, and so made them the more capable to be wrought upon by their emissa­ries: Which gross abuse this Bishop endeavered to redress in his primarie visitation.

47. But it was represented to King James as a very great greivance, at his return out of Scotland through Lancashire, Anno. 1617. by some in Court who were too favourable to that partie. And his readiness to hear any complaint against a thing that carried but the name of a publick greivance, incour­raged some to so much boldness the next Lords day after, as even to disturb the publick worship and service of God, by their piping and dancing within the hearing of all those that were at Church, where­of the King being fully informed by this Bishop, ut­terly disavoued any thoughts or intention of en­courraging such prophaneness: and therefore left them that were guilty of it to the Bishops censure; which he inflicted only upon one, that was the head and causer of it, by way of publick acknowledge­ment [Page 81] of the fault, and penance for it; having formerly caused the Piper to be laid by the heeles.

48. There wanted not some still to complain to the King of the Bishops proceedings herein as rigour­ous and tyranicall; considering that the chief thing they desired was only some Innocent Recreation for servants and other inferiour people on the Lords day and Holy dayes, whose laborious callings deprived them of it at all other times: and thereupon to sollicit his Majesty for some favour therein, and the rather because it was the generall desire of most of that Country. Which the King finding to be true upon enquirie, and willing to give them satisfaction therein, consulted with this reverend person being the Bishop of that Diocess, how he might satisfy their desires without endangering this liberty to be turned into Licentiousness.

49. The Bishop hereupon retiring from the Court at Houghton Tower, to his own lodging at Preston, considered of six Limitations or Restrictions, by way of Condition, to be imposed upon every man that should enjoy the benefit of that liberty; which he presented to the King in writing the next day; and which the King did very well approve of, and added a seventh; saying only, he would alter them from the words of a Bishop, to the words of a King. It is not to be omitted that Bishop Andrewes attended the King at the same time, and therefore in all pro­bability was consulted in the same business; but all I can positively say in it, is what I have here said, and this I can positively say because I have often heard it from this reverend Bishops own mouth. [Page 82] And upon this it was that King James published his Declaration of May the twenty-fourth in the 16. and 51. year of his Reigne, intituled [ concerning law­full sports to be used,] under these following Condi­tions and Limitations, which I think not amisse to insert, seeing all of them but one, (which I think is the first,) had their originall and first being from this reverend Bishop, viz.

50. 1. That all unlawfull games should be pro­hibited on Sundayes, as Beare & Bull-bayting, interludes, and bowling at all times by law prohibited to the meaner sort of people. 2. That all such known Recusants, either men or women, as abstained from coming to Church, or divine service, shall be barred from this benefit and liberty; they being therefore unworthy of any lawfull re­creation after the said service, that will not first come to Church and serve God. 3. All that, though conforme in religion, are not present at Church at the service of God before their going to the said recreations, were al­so debarred this liberty. 4. All such as, in abuse of this liberty, should use these exercises before the end of all divine services for that day, were to be Presented and sharply punished. 5. That every person should resort to his own parish Church, to heare divine ser­vice. And 6. that each parish by it self should use the said recreation after divine service. 7. And last of all. That no offensive weapons should be carried, or used, in the said times of recreation. I have kept my self to the very words of the Declaration as much as I could.

51. And he that shall duely consider these re­strictions, and compare them with the temper of the people in those parts at that time as they were then [Page 83] wrought upon by some emissaries of the Romish partie; will easily see and grant that this was in all probability the likest course to bring them to Church to serve God, and to be instructed out of his word; and consequently to stop the current both of Popery and Profaness, by allowing them a small latitude for innocent-recreations thus limitted and bounded.

52. I am not ignorant what tragicall exclamati­ons some have raised against the same Declaration, when it was reprinted and published a new by our late Gracious Soveraigne; whether out of faction and malice to traduce him and the Bishops, or igno­rance and inadvertencie in not searching into the true state of the question, must be left to the searcher of hearts to judge. Only this I shall add for the betrer information of the misguided people, that, (setting aside the convenience of republishing this declaration at that time, whereof I am no com­petent judge, and which ought not to be measured by the event,) all the arguments I could ever yet see urged against the Lawfullness of what is per­mitted by it, (taking it as it is still, and ever was restrained by these limitations and conditions,) are grounded upon no other bottom, for the most part, then the bare name of Sabbath, as it is applied, or misapplyed to the Lords day. Which being a question still under dispute among learned men on both sides, I shall trouble my Reader no further about it: and had not thus far, but only to defend this learned Bishop from the calumnies which some may still cast upon him in this parti­cular.

[Page 84]53. I shall say no more of him while he was Bishop of Chester, but only, that the great and un­wearied paines he took in this Diocess, and the small revenue of the Bishoprick, and the great necessity there was of advancing Charity, and maintaining Hospitality, (especially in that place where good House-keeping is so much valued and practised,) moved King James to bestow upon him the Recto­ry of Stopford by way of Commendam, for the better support of his charge and dignity, which he held during the time he was Bishop of this See; and where his name and memory is still precious among such of the parishoners as are of years sufficient to remember his being among them.

54. In the year 1617. the See of Leichfield and Coventry became void by the translation of his old friend that learned prelate Dr. Overall, (above mentioned,) to the Bishoprick of Norwich. To supply which vacancy the King was pleased to have this reverend Bishop translated thither the year after, at the motion of that great pattern of Episcopall perfection, Dr. Andrewes, (above mentioned,) then Bishop of Elie, who was never known to do the like for any other, and yet did this without his seeking or knowledge, that he might have him his nearer Neighbour, (as he said,) and of the same province with himself. His Tarnslation beareth date, Mar. 6, 1618.

55. And here his trouble was not so great as at Chester, though his Diocess was larger, because the common sort of people for the most part were better principled by the care and vigilancy of his [Page 85] predecessour. But yet he abated nothing of his former paines and industry, both in Writing, Preach­ing, and Conferring with those that were not wil­fully obstinat; beside his ordinary vigilancie in Vi­siting his Diocess, and care in Confirming such chil­dren as could give an account of their Faith. It would be too large a task for me to relate the par­ticulars.

56. About the time he was translated to this See, there came over into England that very learned, though unfortunate man, Marcus Antonius de Do­minis Arch-Bishop of Spalato, primat of Dalmatia, &c. Which, (as he was wont to glory,) was S [...]. Hieroms Native Country, as well as his. This great Scholar, (after he had so profoundly asser­ted the truth of Christian religion, as it is professed and practised in the Church of England, in so many particulars against the errours and corruptions of the See of Rome, in his learned and laborious Books, De Republica Ecclesiastica; and had also from the Kings bounty received so great incouragements for his honourable support, as the Deanary of Windsour and Mastership of the Savoy, besides many rich and yearly presents, not only from the Bishops and Clergy, but also from the Nobility and Gentery,) was so far wrought upon by that great Politition count Gon­damar, the Spanish Embassador then in England, and other instruments of the See of Rome, (that sought his ruin under some specious pretences,) as to take up a resolution of returning to Rome; and could not be disswaded from it by his true friends that really endeavoured his security: Among whom this Reverend Bishop was neither the least nor last, [Page 86] who very earnestly advised him, both by word and writing, not to venture himself upon such a hope­less and hassardous journey.

57. The Arch-Bishops pretence was very plausible and commendable, (and how reall he was in it, must be left to God,) namely, to Negotiat an unity in Religion between the Church of Rome and the Church of England, upon those moderate grounds which he had laid down, and so well defended in his learned and laborious works printed here at London. He applauded himself in the excellency of the work, in removing the Schisme; and of the honour in becoming a Repairer of the breach, and of the reward which is promised to the Peacemakers. And he thought himself the more likely to go through with his work by reason of the seasonable opportunity he had at that time when Gregory the fiftenth, was newly chosen Pope who had been of his old and intimate acquaintance, brought up in the same Schole and College with him. And how­ever, he was resolved to make an attempt; because if he failled in it, he hoped he should lose nothing but his labour. For as for his Indemnity, count Gon­damar had promised him the security of the King of Spain his Master. But how well that promise was performed will appear by the sequel.

58. While he was swelled up full with this pro­mise and these hopes, the Bishop of Leichfeild and Coventry coming to visit him, had this insuing dis­course with him, (among many others,) which I have often heard him repeat with pleasure, and shall therefore insert it: and the rather because it shewes us of how little authority the Councell of [Page 87] Trent would be, if it were not for the terrour of the Inquisition. Leichf. Domine quid tibi in animo est? Anne convertere Papam? Atque etiam conclave papale? Spal. Quid ni domine? Anne existimas eos diabolos esse, ut non possint converti? Leichf. Minime domine; nec puto dominum Spalatensem deum esse, ut hoc possit prestare: Nostin enim concilium Tridienti­num. Spal. Novi domine, & ausus sum tibi dicere, Millies mille sunt, etiam in Italia, qui huic concillo fidem nullam adhibent.

59. This discourse, (and many other too ex­trinsecall here to mention,) having passed between them, they parted friendly. And not long after did this Bishop reinforce his arguments, with an addition of many more, in a long and learned Epistle to him. Wherein, (among other mo­tives to dissvade him from his journey,) he used one, wherein he shewed himself a true prophet, concerning the entertainment he was like to find at Rome. Which proved to be that before he got to Rome; Pope Gregorie the fiftenth, his old friend was dead, and a successour chosen in his place; by whom this Arch-Bishop was imprisoned in Castro St. Angelo. Where he died, not without strong suspicion of Murder or Poyson: And his body was afterward burnt, (as of an Heretick,) in Campo Flori.

60. I could here start a problematicall question concerning this learned Arch-Bishop. Whether or no did he ever retract his works, which he published in Print? If he did, why did they at Rome burn his body for Heresie? If not, then they abused him in his life time, as well as after his death, in the [Page 88] Manifesto which they put forth in his name, which was so learnedly answered by Dr. Crakanthorp. There is but one way of avoiding this Dilemma, (and that will bring them into a greater strait then either of the other,) namely that they burnt him after his death for what he retracted in his life time; and if they own this, they must withall proclaime their injustice and cruelty to the world. Let them take it in which sence they will, his reasons and arguments laid down and urged in his learned works will more condemne their cause, then the altering of his opinion, (supposing but not granting that he ever altered it,) can tend to their advantage. His many clear and convincing Authorityes, from the Holy Scriptures, Councells, Fathers, Historians, and their own Authours will be far more argumentative to any indifferent person that is not wilfully pre­possessed; then his own dubious, (perhaps im­posed,) authority can countervaile. His Manifesto, (if it was his,) consisteth only in affirming or de­nying in bare words: In his works, whatsoever is affirmed or denied, is backt with such convincing and irrefragable arguments, as no man hath taken the boldness in all these forty years since they were written, to undertake the answering of them.

61. I must acknowledge this to be a Digression, and therefore must hasten the faster from it. And so I shall also from the rest of the occurrences which, concerned this Bishop while he governed the Church of Leichfeild and Coventry: Which were not many of any memorable note, (for as much as I could learn,) though the time he sate there [Page 89] was above fourteen years. I shall only instance in two, whereof the one concerned a person that seemed to be more then a man, the other a Boy that seemed to be little less then a Di­vell.

62. The former was one George Canner, who like another Didimus of Alexandria, or Fisher of West­minster, was born blind; and yet was not inferiour to either of them, (the proportion of his age being considered,) either in strength of parts, or industry in getting of learning, or memory in retaining what he had once heard. Among the rest of the works of Charity performed by this Bishop while he was of that See, one was to bring up this youth in good learning, (his parents being poor and not well able to do it themselves,) which he did first at Schole, and afterward when he was fitted to receive University learning he sent him to Cambridge, where he maintained him at his own charge in St. Johns College, and his Ʋakle with him to look to him. And after he was well grounded in all manner of secular learning, and had taken the Degree of Ba­chellour of Arts, he sent for him into his own family, and there instructed him in the whole Body of Di­vinity; And afterward admitted him into sacred Orders, and placed him in the parish Church of Clifton Canvile in Stafford-shire, where he undertook the cure of their soules, and diligently and laudably discharged the duty of his place; being a very good preacher, and (which is more) able also to perform the whole office of the Church, as it is prescribed by the Book of Common Prayer, only by the strength of his admirable memory.

[Page 90]63. The other instance I intimated; was the Son of one Edward Perry of Bilson near Woolver Hamp­ton in Stafford-shire, from whence he is best known by the title of the Boy of Bilson, both in those parts and elsewhere. This Boy being by nature very dull and uncapable of learning, and thereupon very un­willing to go to Schole, was wrought upon by some Romish Priests in those parts to free himself from that troublesome task of going to Schole, by counterfeiting himself to be possessed with a Di­vell; and he had the promise of a very good re­ward into the bargain, if he would suffer himself to be dispossessed by their Exorcismes. But the Di­vell having steeled his heart, (as his own phrase was afterward in his confession,) he continued to act the Demoniack both longer and otherwise then they desired who first instructed him in the art. And in pursuance of it, he accused a neighboring wo­man for bewitching him, notwithstanding she was of the Romish Communion, only because she com­monly went under the suspicion and title of a Witch. And he acted his part so cunningly in pro­secuting the charge against her at the Assizes at Stafford, as the woman did very hardly escape with her life. The particulars whereof both there in publick, and elsewhere more privatly, as also of his exceeding great art in Counterfeiting, and patience in enduring any thing to keep himself from being discovered, would be too large a task, and too impertinent here to relate; and hath been by In a book writ­ten on this sub­ject by Mr. Rich. Baddle­ley this Bi­shops Secreta­ry: see also Mr. Wilson in his narrative of the life of K. James, pag. 170. others upon other occasions published to the world. All that will concern my present under­taking is, that this Bishop, being fully perswaded [Page 91] in his own thoughts that the Boy did but personate and counterfeit in all this, (though so strangely as made it almost beyond discovery,) and again, that if it should not be discovered, the poor innocent Woman that was accused of Witchcraft, was in danger to lose her life, spake to the Judges that went the Circuit, that he might have the Boy home with him to his own house at Eccleshall Castle, assuring them he would use his best endeavours to find out the imposture before the next Assizes, which he did though not without great paines, difficulty, wisdom and patience; as the Reader may see in the above mentioned relations. And afterward upon the Boy's confession and Repentance, he bound him out an Apprentice to a Shoemaker in Bristol. The man is still living in or about London, (I think in the parish of St. Martins in the fields,) and I hope hath ingenuity enough as well as me­mory to testify the truth of all this, to those that shall make any doubt of it.

64. And now this Reverend Bishop having so well discharged himself of his duty in those places he had formerly sustained in the Church, it was his Majesties pleasure to have him translated to the See of Duresme, in the year 1632. (then void by the death of Dr. John Howson, the last Bishop there,) as to a place of greater trust and honour, as well as of a greater emolument, then either of the other Bishopricks, he had formerly enjoyed.

65. For beside the Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall affaires as before in his other Diocesses, he had the care and mannagement of all the temporall affaires within the County Palatine of Duresme, by virtue [Page 92] of the Palatinate which for many hundreds of years had been anexed to his Episcopall See. In par­ticular he had the power of placing and displace­ing all the Judges, Registers, Clerks, and other officers belonging to the Courts of Justice; of constituting the Sheriffe and under Sheriffe, Escheters, Feudaries, Coroners, &c. Of commissionating all Justices of the peace: and likewise of all the Deputy Leivtenants, Colonells, Captaines and all other officers of the Train­ed Band, within the said County palatine of Duresme. In sum his power was so great in all temporall affaires there as it passed for a maxim or generall rule: Quicquid potest Rex extra [Episcopatum] potest Episcopus intra. And yet in the mannagement of all these great affaires he carried himself with so much justice and equity, for ten years together be­fore these late troubles put a disturbance in the exercise of his government, that no complaint was ever made against him to the Parliament, during all the time that Satan was let loose to sift him like wheat, as well as the rest of his Brethren of that Holy Order; which is an argument of his integrity beyond all ex­ception.

66. I except only the case of Mr. Smart, which had no relation to the County Palatine, nor concerned this Bishop any otherwise then as one of the Judges in the High commission Court, if the charge had been made good, (as it never was,) against him or any of the rest. And yet for all that, he was troubled by him, (very undeservedly if the truth were known,) in a long vexatious suit for a pre­tended false imprisonment, though he never could re­cover any thing upon it.

[Page 93]67. It is a thing too notorious, that the people were wrought upon in some places to make com­plaints where there was no cause; and therefore I mention this the rather to the honour of the Gentry and others of this County that they could see when they were well: And they are the more to be pittied, in that respect, in being deprived of that just and moderate government under which they and their forefathers had lived so happily for so many generations. It is no part of my present designe to enquire how his predecessors administred that Government, though if it were, it would not any way deminish their honour. And yet what he did was not inferriour to any of them. I shall here observe some generall rules which he set to himself, because particular instances would be endless, and they shall be such wherein his own particular profit was concerned, because his modera­tion in them, will abundantly satisfy the Reader con­cerning his carriage in other affaires, where he had not the like temptations.

68. I have formerly observed, that he was possessed of Jura Regalia by reason of the County palatine of Duresme annexed to his Episcopall See: And by reason of this, beside his Ordinary Rents and Revenues, he had the disposall of all Wardships; and all Wrecks and Deodans, and other things of like nature were also confiscated to him: And therein his moderation was conspicuous. And first for his Fines at the renewing of Leases, he never intermed­led in setting them himself, but referred the business to foure Gentlemen of the Neighbour-hood to make a moderat composition between him and his Tenents. [...] [Page 92] [...] [Page 93] [Page 94] 2. In wrecks he took such a small sum of the per­son that had suffered them, as was not worthy of the name of a composition; having no other aime in taking any thing then only to preserve the right to himself and his successours, and assist the de­stressed person in the preservation and recovery of his goods from the Neighboring multitude, who are usually too ravenous in such Cases; herein truly imitating that of Justinian the Emperour in the like Case: Nolo siscum meum alienâ jacturâ di­tescere. 3. In Deodans, where any man had made himself away; though by law the whole estate was confiscated in detestationem criminis, to deterre others from committing the like horrid offence; Yet was he so compassionate as not to exceed a fourth part of the estate in his composition after the most moderate valuation: not willing to add more misery to the living; who had incurred so much affliction by the dead. 4. And last of all for Ward­ships, they were managed with that tenderness of care and moderation within the liberties of this Palatine, as none of the Gentry had ever any cause of any wrong done either to their persons or Estates during their Minority.

69. By these instances of his great compassion and Moderation in administring the Temporall affaires of the County palatine, even then when the Lawes of the Land would have warranted him to have advanced his own interest much higher then he did; we may measure, ( tanquam ex pede Herculem,) how much greater his Fatherly care was for the Spirituall affaires of the Bishoprick, seeing that by the Law of God, [Page 95] the loss of any one soul which he had committed to his charge, would have been the hazzard of his own. I must not inlarge into many instances to illustrate this; and I need not alledge more then this one fol­lowing, because it contains so many under it. The thing I mean was his pious endeavours to redress that grosse abuse which is so common, in starving the souls of the people for want of a sufficient mainte­nance for the Clergie, by settling some competent Augmentations upon the smaller benefices within his Diocesses, whereof the greater half were very mean­ly endowed Vicaridges, or (which was far worse) Stipendiarie Cures, some of which not above five pound per annum, and few above ten pounds or twenty marks.

70. His Interest was so great in that Country, as gave him the advantage above most of his Brethren to be a leading man in so good a work; and he doubted not but the rest of the Bishops (who saw the abuse as well as he, but foresaw withal how odi­ous and difficult a thing it would be to apply a reme­dy to it) might the more easily proceed to do the like, when the the Ice was once broken. Mr. Stephens pref. to S. Hen. Spelmans larger work of Tithes. He had given a good example long before whiles he was Bishop of Lichfield, in abating a good part of his sine to increase the portion of the Minister in the Vicarage of Pitchley in Northamptonshire, as a learned person and exact observer of such things hath told us: and if either his own example or power could redress a grievance of so bad consequence he was resolved neither of them should be wanting.

71. And therefore to lay his foundation the surer, in a work of so great difficulty as well as importance, [Page 96] he applied himself for Councel to three of the most learned and eminent persons that were in England for their knowledge both of the Common and Civil Law, the Lord Keeper Coventrie, Mr. Noy the Kings Attorney general, and Sir Henry Martin Judge of the Prerogative Court of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; who all of them unanimously concurred in these four points.

1. That all Abbots, Priors, and other Religious persons, who had Rectories or personages of Churches Appropriated to their several Convents were bound by law (especially since the time of King Richard the second) upon every avoidance of the incumbent to present an able Clerk, sufficiently endowed out of the Tithes belonging to the said Rectory, to the Bishop of the Diocess wherein any such Rectory was, to be in­stituted and admitted to the cure of souls within the said Parish.

2. That in case they did not present such a person so endowed within six Moneths after any vacancie, then the Bishop of the Diocess might Collate the said Vicarage jure de voluto, post lapsum temporis, upon any fit person, and endow it with sufficient mainte­nance, proportionable to the merit of the person and quantity of the Tithes.

3. That at the Dissolution of Abbies, Priories and other Religious Houses, all such Rectories Appropriate were setled upon the Crown no otherwise, then the said religious persons formerly had and enjoyed them. And therefore,

4. That the Bishops authority over Churches appro­priate was neither taken away, nor any way infring­ed, either by the Common or Statute Law; but that he [Page 97] may now as lawfully appoint a competent Augmen­tation out of the Impropriate Tithes, where the Vica­rage is not sufficiently endowed, as any Bishop might formerly have done while Abbies, Priories, and other Religious houses were in being.

72. Having thus fully informed himself of his just power in a matter of so high concerment for the advancement of Christian religion, and the good of souls, he resolved to put it in practise as far as God should enable him, and trust him with the event; though he knew it would be a matter of no small difficulty to revive a matter of that nature that had laid buried in the rubbish of religious houses ever since their dissolution. And because he was willing to shew his own good example as well as his power, he began (as charity directed him) at home with the parish of Bishop-Aukland, so called from one of his houses, the Castle there, (wherein there then was (and great pity it is not still) a Chappel inferiour to none of any Prince in Christendome;) here he aug­mented the stipend of the Mother Church from 16. pound per annum to fourscore; and the Chappels be­longing to it from about six pounds per annum to thirty; intending to extend the like Episcopal care in some proportion over all the rest of his Diocess. But this being such a fatal blow to the Prince of darkness, was not like to take the wished effect in the middest of this crooked and perverse generation. And therefore it is no wonder so pious a work should become a­bortive by the Scotch invasion, which then immedi­ately followed; and after that the rest of those trou­bles and desolations which have given such a mortal wound to a glorious Kingdom and a flourishing [Page 98] Church, as makes our friends pity our miserie, and our enemies rejoyce at our folly.

73. I cannot acknowledge any digression in all this, seeing it is one of the principal passages of his life, and such an Heroical action as I could not possi­bly omit it. But if any shall accuse me of a volun­tary digression in what now followes, I shall freely confess the fact, and submit to the Readers pardon. I know I am here engaged in a Paradox, (as that word is taken in the proper sense, for a truth not com­monly taken notice of,) but that might pass well e­nough, if it were not that I have stretched so far be­yond my own last, and intrenched upon the noble profession of the Law, in a point which self-interest and prepossession hath rendered very ticklish. Only this I have to plead for my self, that what I say here is no more then a bare report of a matter of fact: and I am the more imboldened to report it, because I find it so consonant to what that learned and judi­cious Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman hath delivered as the Law of England in this very In his larger works of Tithes chap. 29. case. I am as un­willing to put a fallacy upon the Reader, as to conceal the truth; and therefore (though I take the liberty to digress a little) I shall set down his own words, so far as they concern the point in hand; and that also with his own Apologie and Submission to the learn­ed Masters of the Law, p. 161. that I do it not asserendo docere, sed disserendo quaerere.

p. 153.74. The appropriation of a Parsonage (saith this excellent Author) was no more at first but a grant made by the Pope — to an Abbat, Prior, Prebendary, or some other spiritual person, being a body politick and successive, that he and his successours might for ever be [Page 99] Parsons of that Church; that is, that as one of them dyed, another might enter into the Rectory, and take the fruits and profits thereof, without further trouble of Admission, Plowd. f. 500. Institution, or Induction.

75. But shortly after Deans and Chapters — ob­tained like Licenses to them and their successours, p. 152. who being a body Corporate consisting of a multitude, could not joyntly perform this function, and in particular none of them was tyed unto it. Then was devised, that by their common Seal (which is the tongue of their Corpo­ration) they might appoint a Deputy or Vicar to do it for them, which invention gave the wound unto the Church, whereof it bleedeth at this day, &c.

76. By this window crept the Vicars into the Church, p. 153. who for the most part were some of the Monastery where­unto the Appropriation belonged, till the Statute of 4. H. 4. cap. 12. provided, that in every Church so ap­propriate a secular person [viz. a Priest that was not a Monck] be ordained Vicar perpetual, Canonically institute and induct in the same, and COVENABLY INDOWED BY THE DISCRETION OF THE OR­DINARY, to do divine service, and to inform the people, and to keep Hospitality there — and that no religious [ that is, none that was a Monck professed of any religious Order] be in any wise made Vicars in any Church so appropriate, &c.

77. Thus came Vicars to get a lock out of the Parsons fleece — But yet notwithstanding they were thus indued before this Statute: for in a Synod holden at [...] for the Province of Canterbury. Anno 1222. cap. 18. it was ordained that less should not be assigned to a perpetual Vicar then five marks a year in Rent; which in the proportion that the rents of that time hold to [Page 100] this, cannot be less then thirty or forty pounds a year, &c.

p. 157.78. It appeareth by that which is afore shewed, and the circumstances thereof (as this learned Author goes on) that the appropriating of a Parsonage, or the endow­ing of a Vicarage out of it, do not cut the Parsonage from the Church, or make it Temporal, but leaveth it still spiritual, as well in the eye of the Common Law, as of the Canon Law. For if it became Temporal by the Appropriation, then were it within the Statute of Mortmain, and forfeited by that very Act. But it is a­greed by the 21. Ed. 3. fol. 5. and in Plowd. Com. fo. 499. that it is not Mortmain, and therefore doth conti­nue spiritual. For which cause also the Ordinary and Ecclesiastical officers must have still the same authority over such appropriate Churches, as they had before those Churches were Appropriate. Therefore in the year 1252. Robert Bishop of Lincoln by Commission from In­nocent 4. not only enlarged the endowments that before were made to divers Vicarages, as he thought good, but endowed others out of those Appropriations which had no Vicarages endowed, to the great discontentment of all the Approprietaries of that time, as appeareth by Mat­thew Paris. And therefore also the Statute of 15. R. 2. cap. 6. and that of 4. H. 4. cap. 12. that ordained that in Licences of Appropriation in the Chancery it should be contained, that the Bishop of the Diocess in EVERY CHURCH so Appropriated, should PRO­VIDE BY HIS DISCRETION that the VICAR were Well and sufficiently en­dowed. 15. R. 2. c. 6. COVENABLY ENDOWED, divine service performed, and a CONVENIENT PROPORTION of the fruits thereof yearly DISTRIBUTED to the POOR of the Parish; did but agnise and affirm the spiritual end whereunto these Parsonages were appro­priated, [Page 101] and the authority the Church had still over them notwithstanding such appropriation, commanding the Bishops to see it executed.

79. Thus far this learned Author concerning the nature of Appropriations, and the Bishops power over them while they belonged to Religious houses. And as for the time since the dissolution, he proceedeth on thus.

80. The Statute [of 27. H. 8. c. 28.] saith, p. 161. that the King shall have all such Monasteries, Priories and other such Religious houses of Moncks — as were not above 200.l. a year — in as large and ample manner as the Go­vernours of those and such other Religious houses have, or ought to have the same, in right of their Houses, &c. — whereupon he inferreth, p. 154. that though the statute changed the owner, yet it changed not the nature of the thing. The Monastical persons had them before as spi­ritual livings, and now the King must have them in as large manner, but still as spiritual livings.

81. And again to the same effect — neither do I yet find where this power [viz. of granting Augmentati­ons] is taken from the Bishops; p. 158. for the Statute that giveth those appropriate Churches to the King, saith not the King shall have them as temporal lands, or dis­charged of the Bishops jurisdiction, but that he shall have them as the Religious persons had them, that is, as spiritual livings, and consequently subject to the jurisdi­ction the Bishops before had over them; and then are they no otherwise in the hands of the Layty.

82. Hitherto this learned and judicious Author whereunto I shall only adde (which I wonder he did omit) that both in the aforementioned Act of 27. H. 8. c. 28. and likewise in the other Act of 31. [Page 102] H. 8. c. 13. (where the rest of the Monasteries, &c. which were above 200.l. per annum are confirmed to the King) there is this express salvo: saving to all and every person and persons, and bodies politick, and their heirs and successours, and the heirs and successours of all and every of them (other then the said late Abbots, Priors, &c.) all such right, title and interest — Sy­nods, Proxies, and all other profits, as they or any of them have, claim, ought, may or might have had, in or to the premises, or any part or parcel thereof (and PERSO­NAGES APPROPRIATE are mentioned expresly as a part of the premises in the Statute of 31. H. 8. c. 13.) in such like manner, form and condition, to all in­tents, respects, constructions, and purposes, as if this Act had never been had, ne made. From whence I conceive it is no unreasonable inference to conclude that whatsoever power the Bishop of the diocess had over Churches appropriate before the dissolution of Mo­nasteries, he had and hath over Churches impropriate after. And then I have no more to say (as to this particular) but to beg my Readers pardon once a­gain for this long digression.

83. I have now brought this view of the life of this Reverend Bishop to the precipice of his outward splen­dour; though neither his glory nor happiness incurred the least diminution by his future sufferings: for he was never more happy in his own thoughts, nor more glorious in the eyes of all good men then in be­ing exercised in those troubles, whereof the continu­ed series of publick affairs afforded him a perpetual opportunity from this time till his death. The par­ticulars whereof were so many, as I shall only cull out two for instances: the one whereof was in con­junction [Page 103] with eleven of his reverend Brethren, the o­ther peculiar to himself alone.

84. I must make my passage to the former of these through those confluences of the rude multi­tude at Westminster at the beginning of the late Parlia­ment, which I hope may now be called by their pro­per name, Tumults without offence; and were ne­ver thought otherwise by any, but those that had sa­crificed their understandings and tongues to the Votes of the House of Commons. When I know a more pro­per term for the like overture of reformation made at Ephesus, when some cried one thing, some another, Acts 19.31. and yet the greater part knew not why they were come together, I shall most willingly apply it nearer home. I am sure there could hardly be a fitter parallel to that at Ephesus, then these at Westminster, in one whereof this Reverend Bishop was in extream hazard of his life, by the multitude that were beckoned thither by the contrivers of our late miseries: whereof some cried, pull him out of his Coach: orhers, nay he is a good man: others, but for all that he is a Bishop. And I have often heard him say, he believed he should not have escaped alive, if a leading man a­mong that rabble had not cried out; let him go and hang himself, which he was wont to compare to the words of the Angel uttered by Balaams Asse, though the rudeness of the expression argued more of the Asse then the Angel.

85. Upon these and the like violations of the li­berty and freedome essential to all the members of Par­liament, whereby the Bishops were necessitated to omit the discharge of their duty in the House of Peers, according to their ancient right before the name of [Page 104] Parliament was known in England, and according to the several Writs by which they were summoned to that Parliament; twelve of them (whereof this reve­rend person was one) meeting together to consult and advise how they might make the discharge of their duty, and the enjoyment of their safety consist together, agreed upon a Petition to the King, wherein they did remonstrate some of those violences offered to their persons, and the just fears they were in by those tumults; and did Protest their dissent from all Lawes which should be enacted, till they might attend the service of the House with freedome and safety; and the Nullity of them that should be made, while the Parliament was under such a force, as themselves and their Brethren (being one of the three estates,) could not attend the service of the house without the appa­rent hazard of their lives, or to this effect.

86. And though it was the known and continual practise of the House of Peers, that any one member of it might enter his dissent upon record from any thing he disliked though it had already passed the House; yet was this Protestation of the dissent of all these twelve Reverend Bishops aggravated with so much vi­rulence by the leaders of the faction, as to get them charged with High Treason by the House of Commons for it, and committed to prison upon it; and yet after they had got the Bill to pass against the Bishops sitting in Parliament, they let the accusation fall with­out ever drawing it into a formal Impeachment, as being ashamed of ever having it brought unto a Legal trial, where Council might be heard on both sides. And upon this occasion did this Reverend Bishop and the rest suffer about four moneths imprisonment; [Page 105] though it is true indeed the place of his and the Bi­shop of Lichfield and Coventries imprisonment was the house of the Huisher of the Black Rod, whereas the other Ten were sent to the Tower: but whether this was in favour to these two as being very old, or to the person to whom they were committed as being then reputed rich, may best be conjectured by the exces­sive charge they were at there, more then the other in the Tower.

87. And though this Fact was never permitted to come to a due examination according to the ancient and known manner of proceeding at law in cases of Treason, (though it was earnestly desired and en­deavoured by these Reverend Bishops,) yet were they so far prejudged by it, as to make all the twelve lyable to Sequestration for it, as that word bath been abused of late for the taking away of a mans whole estate Per­sonal and Real. Which yet had not been half so grievous to them, if they had not seen an occasion taken thereby to rob God of the patrimony, as well as of the moveable goods of their several Churches; which was shared among those that had long gaped for it, or made the price of blood by being put into the Treasu­rie out of which the War was maintained. I pray God it may never be laid to their charge.

88. But to let this pass as the common cause of this once flourishing Church, I shall return to this Reverend Bishop in particular, who being discharged from his first Imprisonment returned to his lodgings in Duresme House, and there attended his Devotions and study, till such time as his adversaries thought fit to give him another occasion to exercise his patience under a se­cond captivity, for which the snare was thus prepared.

[Page 106]89. It was represented to the House of Commons by some of his back-friends as a matter of much pre­judice to their affairs, that he should still have in his custody the Seal of the County Palatine of Duresme. (The method and motive were both of them near of kin to that which Jezebel practised to get Naboths Vineyard, 1 King. 21. though I shall forbear the mention of any particular Person.) The House hereupon sent a Committee of their own members to demand it; and the answer he returned was in the Negative, but yet as well sweetned with civil expressions as he could make it; and among other things he desired the In­terposition of the House of Peers (for it was while they sate) for their fuller satisfaction; which they right­ly interpreting to be an Appeal from those that were not his competent Judges to those that were, sent for him by their Sergeant at Arms to appear at their Bar; which he did, and made it evident to them. 1. That it was not a Seal transmitted from Bishop to Bishop successively, but one that had his own Arms and Impress cut upon it. 2. That to part with it could not but be of great prejudice to several persons with­in the County Palatine of Duresme, whose estates de­pended upon it, both by way of Patents for Offices and Leases for Lands. He added also 3. That it might be prejudicial to himself and successours, and to the Person by whom he received the power to make it. Which being a very reasonable Plea, (though the last part of it was not very acceptable to them) the House had nothing to object against it, and so dismist him for that time. And yet manet altâ mente; his adversaries that could not then have their wills on him, retained their malice against him till ano­ther opportunity.

[Page 107]90. And that fell out not long after upon this oc­casion. The right Honourable the Earl and Countess of Rutland having alwayes carried a very Reverend respect to this good Bishop, and he no less honour­able esteem of them and that noble Family, desired him to perform the holy Office of Baptisme to a sweet young Lady which God had then newly blessed them withall; which he did (as he alwayes judged a Bi­shop ought to do) exactly according to the order of the Church, prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer. And this being taken notice of by his old adversaries, and much aggravated by some Zealots of the contra­ry perswasion (whom I hope God hath forgiven) was complained of to the House of Commons, as a thing superstitious, idolatrous, or I know not what.

91. It is a hard case when the Commons must teach their Bishops (whom God hath placed over them in chief as the guides of their souls) what is superstition and idolatrie. But the world being then turned up­side down, it was the less wonder the case was so in this particular. And accordingly having sent for him as a Prisoner to their Bar, they patched up this fault to the former to make an Accumulative crime of both together, and so committed him prisoner to their Sergeant, under whose custody he continued about 6. Moneths before he could obtain his en­largement.

92. Having thus fallen upon a discourse concern­ing the Sufferings of this Reverend Bishop in relation to the Parliament, it will not be amiss to enlarge it a little farther, so as to take in a business pretended to be done in the late Parliament, wherein he had been a deep sufferer in point of his Reputation, if he had not [Page 108] lived to clear himself of it: the case was thus.

93. In the year 1657. came forth a Book said to be Printed at Rouen, intituled [ A Treatise of the Nature of Catholick Faith and Heresie] wherein the Author (or Authors) N. N. hath conjured up the old over­worn fable of the Nags-head Ordination or Consecrati­on from the place where it was first hatched; and imposeth the patronage of it upon this Reverend Bi­shop in these words.

Chap. 2. Sect. 3. p. 9.94. In the beginning of the late Parliament some Presbyterian Lords presented to the Upper House a certain Book, proving that the Protestant Bishops had no Succession nor Consecration, and therefore were no Bishops, and by consequence had no right to sit in Par­liament. Hereupon Doctor Morton pretended Bishop of Durham, who is yet alive, made a Speech against this Book, in his own and all the Bishops behalf then present: he endeavoured to prove succession from the last Catholick Bishops, who (said he) ordained the first Protestant Bishops at the Nags-head in Cheapside, as was notorious to all the world, &c. Therefore the said Book ought to be looked upon as a groundless Libel. This was told to many by one of the ancientest Peers of England, present in Parliament when Morton made his speech: and the same he is ready to depose upon Oath. Nay, he cannot believe that any will be so impudent as to deny a thing so notorious, whereof there are as many wit­nesses living as there were Lords and Bishops, that were that day in the Upper House of Parliament.

Sect. 28. p, 36, 27.95. And again in the same Chapter. Whereas Doctor Morton pretended Bishop of Durham affirmed publickly in the Upper House that the first Protestant Bishops were Consecrated at the Nags-head; this an­swer [Page 109] all the rest approved by their silence, and were glad to have that retiring place against the Presbyterians, who proved clearly that they were not Consecrated at Lambeth, as Mr. Mason pretends, &c.

96. These are the Authors words: and they have already been proved to be so notoriously imposte­rous and false in a Book written by the accurate pen of the right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of Derrie, that I might have saved my Reader this trouble, but only that I measure this action by what I know was the minde of this Reve­rend Bishop while he lived, who was so exceedingly sensible of the wrong done him in this particular, that he never thought any thing too much to vindi­cate himself from it. And this is evident by his tri­pling his guard against it: first in that Codecil annex­ed to his Will which is herewith published; then by a Letter to Mr. Gunning, desiring him to take no­tice of the injury in a Book which he was then prepa­ring for the Press: and last of all in a Formal Prote­station made by him in the presence of a publick Nota­rie before several competent witnesses; and attested unto afterwards by all the Bishops now surviving, who sate in that Parliament, (excepting only the Bishop of Bangor, who lives so far remote in Wales, as he could not conveniently be sent unto;) and likewise by as many of the Temporal Lords who sate in that Parliament, as with any convenience it could be presented unto; and last of all by all the Clerks that attended in the House of Peers, and who are sworn officers to keep true and perfect Records of what passeth there. The form whereof and of the Attestations annexed to it, are word for word as fol­loweth; [Page 110] and for the other circumstances of that Action, I shall refer the Reader to my Preface be­fore the Learned Bishop of Derries Book above men­tioned.

98. Hereunto was added the Attestation of a Publick Notarie ( subscribed with his hand, and Signed with his Notarial mark and Mot­to) in these words: I Tobie Holder, pub­lick Notarie, being requested by the right Reverend Father in God Thomas Lord Bi­shop of Duresme, at the House of Thomas Saunders Esq in the parish of Flamestead in the County of Hertford, in the year of our Lord, Moneth and Day above speci­fied, was then and there personally pre­sent, where and when the said Reverend Bishop did signe, publish and declare this his Protestation and Declaration above writ­ten [Page 115] to be his Act and Dead: and did cause his Authentick-Episcopal Seal to be thereto affixed, in the presence of the Witnesses, whose names are there subscribed. And did there and then likewise signe, publish, and declare as his Act and Deed, another of the same Tenour written in Paper, which he signed with his Manual Seal in the pre­sence also of the same witnesses. All this I heard, saw, and therefore know to be done. In testimony whereof I have sub­scribed, and thereto put my usual and ac­customed Notaries signe.

Tob. Holder.

99. To this Protestation were annexed these three following Attestations, from the Bishops, Temporal Lords, and Clerks.

102. This is so full a vindication of this Reverend Bishop from this foul aspersion, and so clear and ho­nourable an Attestation to the cause of the Church of England in point of Succession, that I cannot see what more needs be added to it, excepting only this ensu­ing Certificate out of the Journal of the House of Peers, which I must ascribe to the great pains and civility of Mr. Scobel, who after a long and diligent search, wrote these following words over against the place where the objection is made Page 9. in the Margine of the Book which I have in my custody.

103. And now (I speak it unfainedly) I know not what N.N. can reply to all these clear Testimo­nies either in truth or modesty, but only by confessing [Page 121] his error. If all these persons of Honour and ingenuity (after such a solemn charge laid upon them by this pious Bishop to speak nothing but the truth in sinceri­ty) must be thought to conspire together in a Lye, rather then his Ancient Peer shall incur the suspicion of being mistaken, yet the Authentick Record of the proceedings in the Lords House will sufficiently justi­fie them against that Calumnie. Or if (on the other side) the journal of the House shall be condemned by N.N. either as imperfect or obliterated in this parti­cular, yet the Readers, (even of the Romish perswasi­on) will be satisfied (as many of them as will be satisfied with reason) that this is a poor and ground­less shift, when they shall seriously consider these concurrent testimonies of so many persons of all ranks and orders, that are most likely both to know the truth and remember it. But both of these concurring together, will make it as clear as the sun at noon-day, that either N. N. or his Ancient Peer is mistaken.

104. And hence I conceive, it is, that N. N. (as I here) in a late reply (which I have not yet seen) to the above-mentioned Book of the learned Bishop of Derrie, hath not the confidence to deny the truth of what is both there and here testified; but only be­takes himself to the last reserve of a bad cause, down­right railing; venting all the malice he can upon the innocent Ashes of this deceased Bishop. Wherein I shall not gratifie him so much, as to make (even) that return which Michael the Archangel did to him that suggested this Topick to him; S. Jude ver. 9. but rather that which better becomes a Christian, and was taught us by our great Master, both by his example of [...]; and by his precept to love and Bless, 1 S Pet. 2 23. S Mat. 5.44. and pray for him.

[Page 122]105. It is more then high time that I return from this digression to the remnant of the life of this Reve­rend Prelate, which cannot be much now that we have seen him so near to his Nunc dimittis. All that I shall need to say further of it (though I glance a little back upon it) will be only this; that from the time this great light was not suffered to shine upon his Candlestick, he did burn the more zealously under his bushel, both in his Devotion towards God, and his Charity towards all men, even his enemies that caused this Eclipse; which offices (together with his uninterrupted laborious course of study) became thence-forward his whole work. This he performed at Duresme House in the Strand, till he was thrown out thence by the Souldiers that came to Garrison it, a little before that horrid fact was committed upon the person of our late gracious KING, which the greatest masters of language can never find out a proper word bad enough to express it by. And af­ter that, being importuned by the earnest sollicita­tion of his honourable friends, the Earl and Countess of Rutland above mentioned, he became a part of their care and family at Exeter-house in the Strand for some short time. But being loath to live at the charge of others, while he was able to subsist of him­self, and thinking the Aire of the Country might bet­ter suit with his declining years, then of the City; he left those Honourable persons (though not without much grief to them) and betook himself to sojourn first with Captain Saunders in Hertfordshire, and after with Mr. Thomas Rotheram in Bedfordshire, till by the great civility and earnest importunity of that Noble young Baronet, Sir Henry Yelverton, he went with [Page 123] him to his house at Easton Manduit in Northampton­shire; where he found all the tender respect and care from the whole family which a Father could expect from his Children, till after some few moneths he ren­dered up his happy soul into the hands of his Hea­venly Father.

106. If any shall be so inquisitive as to desire to know (which reason rather then curiosity may tempt any man to) how a person so open handed as he was both in his Hospitality, Liberality and Charity, should be able to subsist so long without being bur­thensome to any, after his being deprived so many years of all he had, and spending upon the stock, and yet continuing in some repute: I answer, that his case in this particular was not much unlike that of Elias while he was fed by the Ravens, 1 King. 17.6. which are of themselves Birds of prey, and more apt to pluck the meat out of a mans mouth then to bring it to his hand: as of old, so here once again, God was plea­sed to turn the hard rock into a standing water, Psalm 114.8, and the flint stone into a springing well; and indeed aqua ex si­lice is the best resemblance of what he got back from them that had taken from him all that he had.

107. The case in brief was thus: when the great contrivers of the ruine of the Church had prevailed so far in the House of Commons as to get a vote for the dissolving of Bishopricks, and selling the Lands that belonged to them; those among them that abhor­red the fact, though they wanted power to oppose it, yet prevailed so far upon the rest, as to get a feather stuck down where the goose was stoln: they ob­tained another vote of the House for some yearly allowance to the present Bishops during their lives, [Page 124] though in effect it proved far short of what I am bound in charity to believe many of them intended. I shall instance only in this Reverend Bishop, whose repute was so great among his very enemies, as to have 800. l. per annum voted to him, which was a far greater proportion then to any of his suffering Brethren, and yet signified very little in the conclusi­on. For while he was able to subsist without it he never troubled himself with looking after it; and at last when his pressing necessities put him upon this hard choice either to look after this or be burthen­some to his friends, making choice of the former, he procured a Copy of the Vote: but found it to con­tain no more then only that such a Summe should be payed, but no mention either by whom or whence. And by that time he could procure an Explanation of the Order to make the pension payable out of the Reve­nues of his own Bishoprick, all the Lands and Revenues of it were sold or divided among themselves. Only by the importunity of his friends he obtained an Or­der to have 1000. l. in part, payed out of their Treasu­rie at Goldsmiths Hall, with which he payed his debts, and purchased to himself an Annuity of 200. l. per annum during his life, upon which he hath subsisted ever since.

108. This Annuity was granted at first by the Ho­nourable the Lady Savile in the Minority of her son Sir George, and afterward confirmed by himself when he came to years. And it was a great provi­dence of God that this good Bishop fell into the hands of persons so just and noble as both of them are; seeing it is a thing too frequent that Annuities are so ill pay'd as the steed may starve while the grass [Page 125] grows, unless the fear of Law facilitates the payment, which was a thing he could hardly have been indu­ced to make use of, as appears by the whole course of his life.

109. But as the case was here, such remedies were so far from being necessary, as he never mist of the money at the time and place when and where it was payable. And indeed there was such a generous con­test between a Pious Bishop and a noble Baronet, as the one was troubled at nothing more then that he had not an estate to repay what he had received over and above the strict value of the purchase (though it was made at an equitable rate when it was first granted;) and the other was so sensible of his worth and sufferings, as to profer the pension for the Quar­ter current at his Death, (in case he left not an estate sufficient to bury him like himself) after he had re­payed double the summe received for the purchase: which yet his Executour durst not accept of, because he desired to do all things according to what he ei­ther knew or might reasonably presume, was or would have been the minde of this pious deceased Bishop.

110. This mention of his Executor may possibly suggest to some so much curiosity as to expect some­thing from me concerning his Will. But seeing he hath been necessitated to frustrate that expectation him­self, I must also of necessitie do the like. I have al­ready met with that enquiry (though out of self-in­terest, not curiosity;) and must still adhere to my answer, That no man can expect any thing conside­rable in the Will of a person deceased, who made his own hand his Executors while he lived. This Reve­rend [Page 126] Bishop, in this particular was much of the tem­per of his great kinsman the Cardinal and Arch-Bishop of Canterbury above mentioned, Antiq. Brit. in vit. Jo. Mor­ton. Caeteris suis necessariis admodum par­ce legavit quia ejus liberalitae­tem in vivis uberrime sense­rant. who chose rather to inrich his kindred and servants in his life-time, then at his death; or rather of William Warham (who suc­ceeded him not long after both in his Metropolitical See and Chancellourship of England) of whom I well remember I have read, though I have forgot where, that (lying upon his death-bed) he called for his ste­ward to let him know what money he had, and un­derstanding from him it was but thirty pounds, Triginta au­reos. he thanked God for it, and said his time was then come, for he never desired to die richer.

111. It is true indeed this Reverend Bishop had somewhat more money by him at his death, accord­ing to the number of pounds, though less according to the value and proportion of money now to what it was then. But to be sure he dyed far poorer in Estate, for his debts were either none or desperate, which is all one: and his goods were either plundered, or sold (not excepting his Books) in his life-time. Of that small remnant which his professed enemies, and seeming friends, and urgent necessities had left him, he gave 40. l. to the one of his servants that attended him at his death, (having abundantly provided for the other in his life) and ten pounds to the poor of the Parish where he dyed, and his Chalice with a Patin for the cover (both double guilt) to the noble Baro­net in whose family he dyed, for the use of his Chap­pel lately built. The rest (deducting some small Re­membrances) he ordered for his Burial, which though not much above one hundred pounds was so well husbanded (though I say it) as to have a small rem­nant [Page 127] for a Monument at his own charge; which though of necessity it must be far below his worth, yet will it be such a one as will sute better with his great modesty, then one much more sumptuous at the cost of another: and will tell posterity he dyed a Confessour in a good cause and bad times, (to the great reproach of a wicked and ungrateful generation) though the year he dyed in should not be written upon it.

112. I cannot here omit to mention again the chief Legacy of his Will; that which he designed for the common good of all pious and sober Christians, living in the Communion of the Church of England, but bequeathed (as his pastoral charge required) more particularly to those of his own Diocess of Du­resme. And this was paid in part by his Executor in the conclusion of his Funeral Sermon, and will be more fully discharged now that both that and this are made publick in print, and therefore I refer the Reader to that place for it.

113. Having thus carefully disposed of all out­ward things in order to his long journey seaven moneths (and of some of them seventeen) before he took it; we may reasonably presume he did the like much more carefully and timely in relation to those things which concerned his Spiritual and Eternal welfare. For, beside the principles of Christianity, he had also his great Calling, Learning and Years to mind him of his great account at a little distance. And he had studied the point so well, as it became a ve­ry familiar saying with him for many years together before his death, that he had Vitam in patientia, but mortem in desiderio: till at last God was pleased to [Page 128] Crown his desires with what he had patiently waited for so long a time. The knife that cut the thred of his long life (beside old age which is an incurable dis­ease) was an infirmity with which he had wresled for a long time, though it had much exercised his pati­ence, and impaired his strength. It was an Hernia or Rupture, which at last falling down more violent­ly then ordinary, became so painful to him, as he could not endure to have it reduced. Hereupon he was cast upon his death-bed for a moneth wanting three dayes; during which time God did wonder­fully supply him with a great measure of patience and other Christian virtues requisite for his condition in that extremity, (as I have See above in the Fune­ral Sermon. elsewhere manifested, and shall not here repeat) till at last God was graci­ously pleased to grant him his last and (infinitely) happiest Translation from the vale of misery to a Throne of glory, this he obtained the 22. day of September 1659. in the 95. year of his Age, being the 44. of his Episcopal Consecration, and 28. of his Translation to the See of Duresme.

114. Upon the eight day after his death, being the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-Angel, his Body was solemnly interred (according to the Order of the Church of England) in the Chancel of the Parish Church of St. Peter at Easton-Manduit, where he dy­ed. And though his Estate was so small as could not well consist with any solemn Invitation to his Funeral, yet had he so great respect from the Neighbouring people of all ranks and qualities, (for all he had been so short a time among them) that some of the Nobility, many of the Gentry, and most of the Cler­gy did freely and voluntarily give their attendance at [Page 129] his Funeral solemnity, the chief of them carrying up the skirts of the Pall, and the rest in due rank and order accompanying his Body to the grave, where now it resteth in Peace till a glorious and happy Re­surrection, shall once more Translate it to life ever­lasting.

CHAP. II. A Catalogue of the Books written by this Learned Bishop.

1. HE led his life in a holy and chaste Celibate, being never married to any beside God and the Church, which he had committed to his care and trust: so that what is usually added to the History of other mens lives concerning their Children, may and must be spared in this, seeing he never had any but such as were spiritual whom he begat to God in the Gospel of Christ.

2. And yet if we look upon the Issue of his brain, those learned works he hath left to the world, we shall find him more fruitful in them then his Parents were in the issue of their Body, though that was very remarkable. They had indeed nineteen Children, he left above twenty several volumes in Print, and seve­ral others that wanted only his last hand, and some not so much, but only the obstetrication of the Press to bring them into the world. It is true indeed that [Page 130] many of his Fathers issue have multiplied into a nu­merous posterity; and so had His also, but only for this paradox, that their strength caused their Imbecilli­ty: for if his Books had been less unanswerable, they had produced Replies and Duplies before this time, considering how long it is since most of them were published, as will appear by this ensuing Catalogue.

1. APOLOGIA CATHOLICA par. 1. Lond. 1605. 4 ^o.

3. This was the first-fruits of his great labours in writing, which he dedicated to God and the Church under the patronage of that wise Prelate Richard Bancroft then L. Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

4. But before the second part of this laborious work could be fitted for the Press, that horrid de­signe of the Gunpowder Treason occasioned another little Treatise, which he dedicated to the Seduced Brethren, and intituled,

2. An exact discovery of Romish Doctrine in the case of CONSPIRACY and REBELLION: or RO­MISH POSITIONS and PRACTICES, &c. Lon­don, 1605. 4 ^o.

5. And yet not long after he published and dedi­cated to King James his Book intituled,

3. APOLOGIA CATHOLICA Par. 2. Lond. 1606. 4 ^o.

6. The forementioned Book intituled Romish Po­sitions, &c. did not a little gall those that were con­cerned in it: in so much as a nameless Author was provoked by it to return a Moderate answer to it, as he styled it. Whereunto this Learned Author pre­sently returned a Reply, which he dedicated to King James. The subject whereof was concerning the Re­bellion and Equivocation of the Romish Priests and Jesuits: and the Title

[Page 131]4. A full SATISFACTION concerning a double Romish Iniquity, &c. Lond. 1606. 4 ^o.

7. And here steps in Mr. Parsons the Jesuit upon the stage under the mask of P. R. to vindicate his dear friend the Moderate Answerer in his two Positions of Rebellion and Equivocation, by a Book which he wrote and called A Treatise of Mitigation. But he, having a very dexterous wit, very handsomely skip­ped over the former Position, that of Rebellion, and betook himself to vindicate their other Practice of Equivocation. I will say nothing of his Blasphemie in attributing Equivocation to our B. Saviour himself, because I have heard he afterward repented of it. All that concerns my present purpose is, that this Learned Author returned a very acute Answer to him, which he dedicated to Robert Earl of Salisbury, and intituled,

5. A PREAMBLE unto an INCOUNTER with P. R. the Author of the deceitful Treatise of MITIGATION. Lond. 1608. 4 ^o.

8. Against which Book and some others written by this Learned Author, Mr. Parsons having made a reply under the title of A sober Reckoning, &c. he was answered in a Book dedicated to Prince Henry, and intituled,

6. THE ENCOUNTER against Mr. Parsons, Lond. 1609. 4 ^o.

9. But while this Book was in Writing and Printing, before it could come forth, one of the Champions di­ed, and so the combate fell to the ground.

10. During all these skirmishes with so nimble an Adversary as Mr. Parsons, this Learned Author was not afraid to engage himself in a much hotter battel [Page 132] against a whole Army of Apologists led out into the Field under the conduct of Mr. Roger Brereley:

Only this encouragement he found, that as his great friend Arch-Bishop Bancroft put him upon the work, so Doctor James took the pains to examine some of his Quotations in the University Library of Oxford. This Answer to the Protestants Apology was dedicated to King James, and intituled,

7. The CATHOLICK APPEAL for Protestants, &c. Lond. 1609. fol.

11. This learned and laborious work gave such a deadly blow to his Romish Adversaries, as none of them hitherto (and yet it is above 50. years since it was written) have ever been so hardy as to attempt any Answer to it. And therefore it is no wonder if we finde this learned writer so much retired for some years after, prosecuting the private course of his own positive studies, excepting only that at the very same time he wrote another little Book, which he in­tituled,

8. An Answer to the Scandalous Exceptions of THE­OPHILUS HIGGONS. Lond. 1609. 4 ^o.

12. The next Controversie he had was with some Adversaries of the contrary Principles, the Non-con­formists of his own Diocess, while he was Bishop of Chester, (whereof one Mr. Hynd was the ring leader) whom he first laboured to convince by a Conference: but finding them very perverse and obstinate, (as that is too usually their temper) he wrote a very ex­cellent Book by way of a Relation of that Conference, concerning the use of the Surplice, Cross after Bap­tisme, [Page 133] and Kneeling at the receiving of the B. Sacra­ment; which he dedicated to the Marquis of Bucking­ham, and intituled,

9. A Defence of the INNOCENCY of the three CERE­MONIES of the Church of England, &c. Lond. 1619. 4 ^o.

13. This Book, though it was very strongly forti­fied with many excellent Arguments, was never­theless impugned by a nameless Author, generally sup­posed to be Mr. Ames, which occasioned a very acute defence of it, written by Dr. John Burges of Sutton-Coldfeild in Warwick-shire, by the Kings Com­mand: and printed in the year 1631.

14. And now this trouble being taken off his hand, and committed to the management of such an ac­curate pen, this Reverend Author betook himself again to his former studies, in his former way of controversie with his Adversaries of the Church of Rome. And the first Champion he singled out was no less then their Achilles, Cardinal Bellarmine, and the subject of the Controversie no meaner then that of the Authority and Dignity of Kings, and the Person that put him upon the work no worse then the most learned of Kings, which infused so much generous spirit into him, as he performed the work so excel­lently, that the Book hath not in 40. years found any so hardy as to Answer it, and (which is more) that King James appointed it to be read to his Son (our late most incomparable Soveraign) to whom it was dedicated, while he was Prince of Wales. It was writ­ten against that Book of of Cardinal Bellarmine which he inscribed De officio Principis Christiani, & intituled,

10. CAUSA REGIA. Lond. 1620. 4 ^o.

[Page 134]15. The next Book he published, he dedicated to the same Gracious Prince, then newly advanced to the Crown upon the death of his Father of happy me­mory. The subject of it was, whether the Roman Church be the Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church, the Mother and Mistress of all Churches, out of which there is no salvation, which he proves at large in the Nega­tive. The Title of it is,

11. The GRAND IMPOSTURE of the (now) Church of Rome, &c. The second Edition enlarged, was printed at London 1628. 4 ^o.

16. And here it will be necessary to advertise the Reader, that there is an Answer written against this Book by a nameless Author (or Authors) under the mask of J.S. which he calleth Anti-Mortonus, where­unto as yet no reply is published, though there was one prepared for the Press within a year after the Ad­versaries Book first came to this Authors knowledge. Whereof the reason is this: the designe of the reply being thus largely laid; First to re-print the Book it self, and then, after every section excepted against, the exceptions of J. S.: and last of all this Authors reply to those exceptions; the Book hereby grew so voluminous as no Bookseller durst adventure the charge of Printing it, especially in such a dismal age of the Church as hath been of late, wherein those that desired to read such Books had not money to buy them, being sequestred and stripped of all their estates; and those that succeed in their Benefices, have generally no affections to such studies, being led in this (as in most other things) by their own interest, which directs them only to such studies as may qualifie them for the Pulpit. This is a sad truth [Page 135] which the Adversaries know well enough to be so, & have not a little contributed unto it: and I hope this will satisfie every moderate and indifferent man, that it was the infelicity, not the negligence of this learned and laborious Author that he should thus be necessitated to dye in debt to his Adversaries.

17. It was some years after before his next work came forth; and well might be so, considering how large and laborious it was. And yet it was re-printed with Additions in the year 1635. This Book he dedi­cated to all learned men, especially of the two Uni­versities, Cambridge and Oxford, and entituled,

12. Of the INSTITUTION of the SACRAMENT, &c. (by some called) the MASSE, &c. Lond. 1635. fol.

18. But before this second Edition saw the light, there were some strictures written upon the former, by a Romish Author under the name of an English Ba­ron, which occasioned this Author to write another little Book which he dedicated to the Lord Ar. Baron, intituled,

13. A DISCHARGE of five Imputations of MIS­ALLEGATIONS, Lond. 1633. 8 ^o.

19. The next Book he wrote, was not against any particular adversary, but yet upon a particular sub­ject, which he thought was too generally mistaken at lest, if not abused. He dedicated it (as his Book of the Masse) to both the Universities and other learned men, intituling it,

14. ANTIDOTUM adversus Ecclesiae Romanae de MERITO EX CONDIGNO venenum, Canta­brig. 1637. 4 ^o.

[Page 136]20. But here steps in a particular Adversary, and that a person of eminent note and learning, if by C. R. we are to understand the Bishop of Chalcedon. And though his Book contained not much when it ap­peared, Annis jam tri­ginta duobus praeter fluxis, à quo, &c. Replic. init. it had been, or might have been very long in contriving, being written against the first Book that ever this Author published, the former volume of his Catholick Apologie, which he had printed above (as he saith 32. but I believe it is the mistake of the Amanuensis or Printer for) two and forty years before, vid sup. Sect. 3 viz. in the year 1605. This Book occasioned a brief Velitation from this Author in defense of his former work, (for he thought it deserved no more) which he dedicated to all Scholars of the English Seminaries beyond Sea, and intituled,

15. REPLICA, five Refutatio Confutationis C. R. &c. Lond. 1638. 4 ^o.

21. Having thus wiped off this great Adversary, he betook himself to a review of his Book concerning the Masse, which he altered so far, both for Matter and Method, as well as Language, as it may justly challenge a peculiar place among his works. It was dedicated to King Charles the first, and intituled.

16. DE EUCHARISTIA Controversiae Decisio. Can­tabrig. 1640. 4 ^o.

22. But before this came forth, he had an occa­sion to Preach before the King at Newcastle, May 5. 1639. which he performed so well, that he was commanded to print his Sermon. The Text was, Rom. 13.1.

17. Let every soul be subject, &c. Lond. 1639. 4 ^o.

23. About two years after he was sollicited to preach at the Spittle in London, April 26.

[Page 137]18. A Sermon on the Resurrection, Lond. 1641. 8 ^o.

24. The next year after ( viz. Jun. 19. 1642.) upon the like sollicitation, he preached at St. Pauls that excellent Sermon upon I Cor. 11.16. But if any man seem to be contentious, &c. since printed, and en­tituled,

19. The presentment of a SCHISMATICK, Lond. 1642. 4 ^o.

29. His next Book that was printed, came forth both without his name to it, and knowledge of it, thought not without his full consent to it ex post facto, and that testified in an Authentick manner in the Codicil annexed to his Will. It was written in defense of Episcopal government, and sent to the late Reverend and learned Primate of Ireland, who committed it to the Press with some other excellent collections of his own upon the same subject, the title of it is,

20. CONFESSIONS and PROOFS of Protestant Divines, &c. Oxford 1644. 4 ^o.

26. I come now to the last Book he lived to pub­lish, the subject whereof was his Meditations upon Gods providence, a very fit study for his declining years in these sad times, during his solitude and retirement, being a thing both comfortable to himself and profitable to others: the title of it is,

21. EZEKIELS WHEELS, &c. Lond. 1653. 8 ^o.

26. Having been thus large (I wish I could not say tedious) in a bare narrative of what Books he hath left in Print; I shall not wrong either the Author or Reader so far as to continue this discourse any longer upon my weak commendations of them. My only advice shall be in the words of my great Master; COME and SEE. Joh. 1.39.

[Page 138]27. And yet beside these already Printed, there are a considerable number in Manuscript: some in my custody which I found by him at his Death; and some (that I hear of) in the hands of others; all of them once intended for the Press, whereof some have lost their first perfection, by the carelesness and negligence of some that should have kept them: others want his last hand and eye to perfect them; and others only a seasonable time to publish them. And he might and would have left many more (considering how vigorous his parts were even in his extream old Age) if the iniquity of the Times had not deprived him of most of his Notes and Papers.

28. There were in his own hands at his Death (and they are still in mine) Anciently Writ­ten M. S.

1. Tractatus, DE EXTERNO JƲDICE INFAL­LIBILI, ad Doctores Pontificios, inprimis vero ad Sacerdotes Wisbicenses.

2. Tractatus DE JUSTIFICATIONE. Two Co­pies, but both imperfect.

3. Some Papers written upon the Controversie be­tween Bishop MONTAGƲE and the GAGGER, Imperfect.

4. A Latine Edition of his Book called the GRAND IMPOSTƲRE. Imperfect.

5. Another Edition of both the parts of his Book cal­led APOLOGIA CATHOLICA.

29. Books lately Written, M. S.

6. The above mentioned ANSWER to I. S. his ANTIMORTONUS, Imperfect.

[Page 139]7. The above mentioned Treatise concerning EPIS­COPACY, revised and enlarged.

8. A Treatise concerning PRAYER in an ƲN­KNOWN TONGUE.

9. A Defence of INFANTS BAPTISM, against Mr. Tombes and others.

10. Several SERMONS.

30. But I must be so just to the Reader as to give him this Advertisement concerning these two last Books. First, that his Sermons are not yet perused, so that I know not yet whether any of them will be thought fit for the Press. And secondly, that he himself had laid aside his thoughts of Printing his Treatise of Poedo-Baptism, Dated Jan 29. 1654 upon a Letter which he received from the late Reverend Bishop of Exe­ter, to whom he had committed the perusal of those Papers; the reason I shall set down in the ve­ry words of the Letter, which I have still in my hand.

31. — I profess (my Lord) it rejoyces me to see your wonted Genius so lively acting in this Masculine Childe of your old age; but I crave this leave of your Lord­ship to express my thoughts, that having perused your Papers twice over, and with them both Mr. Tombes and his Adversaries Rejoynder to him; I find the cause is carried farther by these mens Altercations, then could be foreseen when you wrote this Confutation. And thereupon he adviseth him to supersede the publishing of it, though otherwise (he saith) it might have justly claimed the birthright before the other disputes, &c.

32. Beside these M. S. Books which I have in cu­stody, I hear of some others in other mens hands. viz.

[Page 140]11. A Relation of the CONFERENCE above men­tioned, held at YORK by him with Mr. Young and Mr. Stillington.

12. A further Confutation of R. G. in Defence of the Articles of the Church of England.

33. These are all I hear of in particular for the present. What other things of his there may be, I know not: only I understand by a letter from his old servant and Secretary Mr. Richard Baddeley, that he hath some things of his in writing which he thinks may be fit for the Press; but whether some of these already named, I know not. There have been so many things of late obtruded upon the world un­der the name of Authors of great fame and reputa­tion, that I must once for all give the Reader this Caution, that in case any thing shall hereafter be Printed in the name of this learned Author, it may not be reputed his, unless it have my approbation of it.

34. I have almost wearied my Reader with a bare Catalogue of his Works: what then would it be to read them all? But especially what was it for him to write them? For what Possidius saith of S. Augustine in this case, may very well be applied to this learned Bishop for a Conclusion to this Chapter: In vit. S. Aug. Tot & tanta eruditionis & ingenii sui edi­dit Monumenta— ut vix Cuncta a studiosissimo quo­libet volvi & cognosci queant.

CHAP. III. A short Character of his Person and Qualities.

1. I Am not ignorant how hard a task this third and last part of my undertaking would be, if I should be operose in it, for the same reason, that none was thought so fit to write Caesars Com­mentaries as Caesar himself. But this is a thing may the more lightly be passed over, both because he hath been a burning and shining Light upon so eminent a Candlestick for so many years, as renders him very well known to most men; and because I had not only his permission, but Command to write what now I do, on purpose to prevent the over la­vish expressions, by way of Panegyrick, which he feared, and forbad from another hand, which will obliged me both to moderation and brevity in what I shall speak of him; and last of all because I have upon another occasion made some Essay towards this work already, Sermon at his Funeral. which the reader will find here prefixed.

2. At that time the Text which confined my dis­course, led me wholly to make it appear how well he had studied, and how diligently he had practi­sed the example of S. Paul: and therefore it would be superfluous in me now to enter upon any large discourse, to shew what a Paraphrase his life was up­on 1 Tim. 3. & Tit. 1. vers. 6, &c. and how per­fectly his Episcopal Qualifications answered those Rules which that great Apostle there prescribeth as [Page 142] the Standard or Touch-stone whereby every Bishop ought to be tryed and examined. For the greater will presuppose the lesser a fortiore; and therefore he that had made the Apostles Life the rule of his own, may well be presumed to have taken out those inferiour lessons which are indispensably re­quired in every Bishop.

3. And yet because I must of necessity use some Method in what I have to say, and cannot have a better then what is there laid down by this Great Apostle, Orat. de S. Athanas. and was taken notice of by S. Gregory Na­zianzen in the like case; though I will not enlarge my Discourse to a Commentary upon the place, I shall use the particulars of that Text (especially the chief of them) for the heads of my discourse, though not in the same method and order, And when I have thus weighed him in the ballance, and by the shekel of the Sanctuary, and found him full weight. I shall add a word or two concerning the [...] or Superpondium; For as the former will shew he wanted nothing that is indispensably requi­red in a Bishop, so will the later, that he had superad­ded so much to it, as we may list him justly in the rank of very good Bishops. And I shall make out all this, as near as I can, by particular instances; that nei­ther his enemies may complain that I flatter his memory; nor his friends, that I obtrude my own fancies and conjectures upon the world in stead of reall Truths.

4. For the first Qualification, I shall have no occasion to give offence to any, because it is Ne­gatively set down. [ A Bishop must be blameless.] So that whosoever shall accuse him upon this first [Page 143] branch, is bound by the Law of Nature to make his charge good against him; and if we take in like­wise the Custome of the Romans, that the person accu­sed shall have the Accusers face to face, Act. 25.15. and licenee to Answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him: I shall still have the less cause to be sollici­tous in this business. For there is nothing in his Writings whereof he hath been accused, wherein he hath not cleared himself in the judgment of the im­partial Reader: and if there be any new Charge to be laid against him, the only competent Tribunal will be that of the Righteous Judge of all the earth, at the General Assizes of the World, where alone the parties may appear face to face. And as for his Life, he was in that (by the tacit consent of his greatest Enemies) [...] 1 Tim. [...].2. irreprehensible; or even [...] Tit. 1.6. sine crimine, if we take the word [ Crime] in the proper sense, not for sin, (for no man 1 S. Jo. 1.10. is without that) but for such scandalous sins Aquin. in Loc. as make a man justly lyable to Accusation and Infamy; in which sense multi sine crimine sunt, as St. Augustine S. Aug. lib. cont. duas Ep. Pelagia­nor. Multi sine crimine sunt, & fine querela vivunt, sed nemo sine p [...]ccato. tells us: and in that rank I doubt not but we may reckon this good Bishop.

5. For he had improved this Qualification to so high a pitch, as to make it also take in ano­ther, and make him have a good report of them which are without 1 Tim. 3.7. the Church: for of that rank I must conceive those to be, who by their Schism cut them­selves off from her Communion. And such were those Phanaticks who in a tumultuous manner as­saulted the Bishops going to, or coming from the [Page 144] Parliament at the beginning of our troubles; thereby then declaring that Schism, which since they have more avowedly professed. Yet these, even in the heat of their zeal spared the life of this reverend Bishop as a good man, though they had once the opportunity, See above Chap. 1. sect. 84. and wanted neither will nor power to have pulled him in pieces as a Bishop; of which I have already given an Account.

6. What I here prove by particular Instances might be demonstrated a priore, by taking in ano­ther Ephscopal Quality which was in him, [ a Bishop must be [...]] which though it be rendred [ Sober] is not of necessity to be understood of that sobriety which is opposite to Drinking, which was provided against in the word [...] (though that See the Funeral Serm. p. 30, 31. also was very conspicuous in him) but must be taken in that other sense as Sobriety signifieth Prudence in mo­derating the passions of the mind, and reducing them under the rule of Moral Vertues, which are said by the Philosopher to be knit together in Prudence. Arist. Eth. l. 6. c. 13. This in it self maks a mans soul very beautiful; but when it is seasoned, and elevated, and enlivened by the Grace of God, it makes it like the Kings Daugh­ter, Psal. 45.14. all glorious within. The former is never more conspicuous then in Government: but without a su­peraddition of the later, there can be no such thing as the Government of souls in order to eternal salva­tion, S. Greg. Na­zianz. Apo­loget. 1. which is therefore called by the Father, the Art of Arts, and Science of Sciences. And yet both of them were in this reverend Bishop in no small measure, as is evident to the world, so as I need not stand to prove it.

[Page 145]7. By the former of these he had learned, even from a Heathen Philosopher, that [...], Plutar. lib. de Doctrinâ prin. cipum. Secular Rulers, (and much more Spiritual) were like so many Dia­monds, wherein if any spot appear, it will make them lia­ble to be slighted and spoken against. And by the la­ter, that the least spot upon the pure linnen of the Ephod would be conspicuous, that a small crack in Aarons Bells would quite damp the sound. And therefore to secure the outward Acts of his great office, he began first with the internal acti­ons of his own soul. He took the Apostles Method for his direction, to take heed first to himself, and then to the stock, Act. 20 28. whereof the Holy Ghost had made him overseer. He was no stranger to that maxim which St. Bernard taught Pope Eugenius the fourth, (for­merly his Disciple, though then his superior) that the government of the Church, though it be a work both spi­ritual and necessary, may by continual attending to it, somewhat abate, if not quite choak the spirit of inward devotion; and that the charity of a Bishop towards the Church, may divert, or at least cool somewhat of the heat of that charity which a devout soul should carry towards God: Which made this good Bishops Charity begin at home, in the purifying of his own heart, and recti­fying his life, that he might in all things shew himself a pattern of good Works: and become both [...] and [...], blameless in this life, Tit. 2.7. and ir­reprehensible in his office. Because (as the same St. Bernard. lib. 4. de consid. ad Eugen. in fine. Oppertet to esse forma [...] justitiae, Sanctimoniae speculum, pietatis exemplar. Father tells us,) a Bishop must be the pattern of righteousness, the mirrour of holiness, the samplar of piety: and another S. Chrys. Hom. 3. in Act. Apost. before him, that others may [Page 146] sometimes finde an excuse for their sins, but a Bishop can­not; and a S. Greg. Naz. Apolo­get. 1. third before them both, that it is a fault in a Bishop not to be the best of men.

8. From this root of Christian Prudence (as it knits together all Christian Virtues) did also proceed those several branches of other Episcopal Qualities, which were so conspicuous in this Reverend person; And in the first place that [...] which St. Paul re­quires in every Bishop; 1 Tim. 3.3. which the Latine renders by the word [ Modesty] and the English by [ Patience] and may possibly signifie both, if we examine the word by the opposition it hath to those four Nega­tive Qualities with which it is there environed. A Bishop must not be a striker, nor so much as a Braw­ler, but [...], or Patient: and again he must not be given to filthy Lucre: nor so much as Covetous; but [...], a person of Equity, and Moderation: And so the case was in this reverend Bishop in all these particular instances.

Lib. 1. cont. Pelagian.9. He was neither striker nor brawler, but pa­tient. He was [...] even to St. Hieroms pitch of the sense of the word; Sine jurgio, not quarrel­some, so much as with his tongue, much less with his hands. In the greatest trial of his temper that ever he had, the news of the Vote that the Reve­nues of the Church were to be sold (which was much more harsh to him then any thing which did or could concern himself) all he returned was in the words of that Mirror of Patience: The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away, Blessed be the name of the Lord: Job. 1.21. which he repeated three times over be­fore the company he then was in, and how often afterward in private (for presently he retired him­self [Page 147] to his prayers) is known only to the searcher of hearts. And yet, for all this command he had over his own passions in this great triall, I have of­ten heard him plead for, or at least extenuate the passion of Old Eli, who upon the mention that the Ark of God was taken by the Philistims, fell from off the seat whereon he sate, and brake his neck, 1 Sam. 4.18. and died.

10. Again, he was [...], as that is opposed to being covetous and greedy of filthy lucre; and of this we have a convincing testimony from the em­ptiness of his purse at his death; which afforded him only the discharge of a moderately decent bu­rial, with a very little or no overplus. If all the men of England had been of his temper; Diog. Laer. in vit. ejus. we might have said of them (as Anacharsis of the Grecians) that they made no other use of money then only to account with. And this appeared by his very exemplary Hospitality, Liberality, and Charity to the poor.

11. Hospitality is a Duty enjoyned to all men, which are able to perform it, 1 Pet. 4.9. Rom. 12.13. Heb. 13.2. both by St. Peter and St. Paul. And the later of these two great Apostles makes it a Characteristical note, and consequently an indispensable Qualification of a Bishop in his Epistles both to Timothy and Titus, 1 Tim. 3.2. Tit. 1.8. which of necessi­ty must presuppose an estate wherewith to perform it. To reconcile these together, and shew how Hospitality may be a common duty of all Christians, and yet peculiar to a Bishop, we must take in St. Hieroms distinction of the magis and minus. That which will passe for a Christian duty in another man, will hardly arrive to the pitch of a moral [Page 148] virtue in a Bishop. S. Hieron. e­pist. ad Oce­an. Laicus unum aut duos aut paucos re­cipiens, im­plebit Hospita­litatis officium; Episcopus nisi omnes recipi­at, inhuma­nus est. For (as that Father tells us) A-Lay-man that entertains one, or two, or a few, hath per­formed the duty of Hospitality; but a Bishop is not so much as humane, unless he entertains all. And even in this height did this Reverend Bishop perform this du­ty: of which this one instance may suffice, that he entertained the King and his Court, and (at least the Officers of) his Army, all at one time in the first ex­pedition towards Scotland; which cost him above 1500 l. in one day, as (I have heard him say) his Stewards Books would make appear. Of which I think there will not be found many parallel acts in the way of Hospitality (as this was) in any History an­cient or modern; especially considering how plen­tifull and cheap all manner of provisions are in that place.

12. I cannot make a better transition from his Hospitality to his Liberality then by one usage he had which did participate of both: namely, that there seldome came any Scholar to him, whether Foreign Traveller or English Native, whom he did not re­ceive and entertain with free Hospitality, and dismiss with a considerable sum of Money (proportionable to the parts and merits of the person) to bestow upon some good Books to keep in remembrance of him.

13. His Liberality (considered in it self) was both great and good: large for the extension, and ve­ry well regulated for the intension of it, as aiming at some publick good, and especially the advancement of Learning or piety. He builded a Free-school at Bishop-Aukland, and endowed it with 24 l. per an­num, which is more by so much then ever he pur­chased [Page 149] to himself, for that was just nothing. And it was very rare if he had not some plants in the Garden, as well as in the Nursery of Learning & piety, which he watered at his own charge; especially if they were of more then ordinary hopes. I shall instance only in Mr. Canner Chap. 1. sect. 62. above mentioned, and one Mr. Loe (of whom I shall speak hereafter) both of them of singular parts, whom he maintained at his own charge in that College which had so happily afforded him his own education.

14. What his love and gratitude was to that Col­lege, will appear by the next instance of his Libera­lity (with which I shall conclude this particular) in giving so many excellent Books to it, to the value of four, if not five hundred pounds; with an intention at last to bestow 100 l. per annum upon it while he lived, provided they might be Books of special worth, Regist. Epis­tolar. dicti Collegii p. 371. and not for superfluity, &c. as his Letter to the said College of Aug. 30. 1639. doth expresly declare; and would most undoubtedly have performed it, if the iniquity of these late times had not disabled him, as will appear by his great Love to that Col­lege, and their no less gratitude to him expressed in Ibid. pag. 351. —qui ita annuus in teipsum redis, ita [...] beneficia repetis, ac si novissima quaequc munera recentiore ful­gore castigares. Et pag. 359. Tam frequentia sunt erga nos beneficia vestra, tam perpe­tuis choreis in orbem acta, ut ducat ilia gratitudo nostra, nec anbela tamen liberalitati tanta responders possit, &c. other Letters written by them to him upon those occasions.

15. What we commonly call Charity toward the Poor is nothing else but a branch of Liberality, ter­minated to such an object; And in this he was as eminent as in any other Episcopal virtue. Vide supr. pag. 33. His [Page 150] principal care was (with St. Augustine a Possid. in vita ejus Pauperum prima illi semper cura erat, eisque abundè succurrebat.) to provide for the poor in a plentiful measure; which he practised (with St. Chryso­stome b Vita ejus apud Garsium. ad diem 14. Sept. In pauperum ino­piâ sublevandâ mirè beneficus fuit— cum ipse interim tenuissimo victu vitam non tam sustineret, quam afflixit.) with a denying himself those things that were convenient for him, and extended it so far till he had almost reduced himself to the same Quality. He had learned from St. Hierom c St. Hieron. Epist. ad Ocean. Gloria Episcopi est pauperum opi­bus providere; ignominia Sacer­dotis est propriis studere. that the glory of a Bi­shop consisted in a provident care of the Poor; and his shame in studying to enrich himself; and therefore his de­sign was, to lay up his Treasure in hea­ven by a faithful dispensation of that Treasure which God had given him upon earth.

16. By these Instances (and others too many to insist upon) it will clearly appear how perfectly that Character will agree with this Reverend Bishop in these particulars, In vitâ Jo. Mortoni. pag. 300. which the Author of the British Antiquities gives his great Kinsman the Cardinal of Canterbury: In pauperibus crebris Eleemosynis refocil­landis, indigentium liberis in literis studiisque alendis, notis atque familiaribus promovendis— pietatem, libera. litatem & munificentiam summam declaravit.

17. We have no English word that better ex­presseth [...] (taken in its full latitude) then [ Equity] which in the true notion of it is defined to be Correctio juris legitimi, Aristot. Ethic. lib. 5. c. 10. a Moderation of strict Justice; And how eminent this Virtue was in him, I have elsewhere so fully observed, Supra cap. 1. sect. 68. & Ser. pag. 32. as I shall but need to add one instance more in this place.

S. Mat. 23.24.18. It is the fault of too many among the modern as well as the ancient Pharisees, to strain at a Gnat [Page 151] and swallow a Camel; to be exact in trifles, even to scrupulousness, the better to cover their Injustice in matters of higher concernment. But this was not his temper; for his Equity was never greater then in the highest Court of Justice, the Parliament, while he sate there; wherein he was alwaies led by Conscience, not drawn by Faction. It was a most im­ous Slander, which the contrivers of our late troubles cast both upon the King and Bishops, that He should urge them to Vote at his pleasure, or they gratifie him with their Votes, beyond or beside the rules of Justice, Prudence, or Conscience. How clearly both He and They foresaw, and how carefully they endeavoured to prevent that Inundation of popular faction which afterward bore down both King, Church, and Kingdome, is a thing which the world sees (now when it is too late) was necessary for Him and Them, and others to do. But farther then these rules this Reverend Bishop (nor I think any of the rest) never sided with any party in Parliament: but carried himself so indifferently between the King and the Subject, as if he had been another Solon; Justin. lib. 2. of whom it is observed, that though he himself su­stained the place and office of Archon, yet was he alwaies of such an equal temper between the Se­nate and Commons of Athens, that neither party could think themselves neglected by his siding with the other. Which Equity though on the one side it proved no better then a Pearl cast before Swine, S. Mat. 7.6. yet on the other it was so well accepted, that we have the words of our late most gracious Soveraign that glorious Martyr, for it, not long before his [...], [...]. chap. 17. that he never thought any Bishop worthy to sit in [Page 152] that House who would not Vote according to his Consci­ence. And that these were not his thoughts then first taken up upon this business, is a thing so evi­dent, that I have heard this Reverend Bishop very often magnifie his Majesties gracious disposition, who did not only leave it free by permission, but give it under a Command to him (and I make no question, to the rest likewise) that he should use the liberty of his own Conscience in Voting in Par­liament.

19. But there is yet more contained in the word [...] then I have yet observed, For the Vul­gar Latine in this place renders it Modestia, which signifieth Modesty and implieth Moderation, both which were very observable in this Reverend Bi­shop.

20. First, His Modesty was remarkable in refu­sing the Honour of being a Bishop, till a kinde of Ne­cessity cast it upon him, Chap. 1. sect. 32, 33, 34, 35. and yet undertaking the work when it did, as I have already shewed. In this particular he was perfectly of the same tem­per with S. Gregory Nazianzen, Note: S. Greg. Nazianz. Apologet. 1. [...]. who would neither take a Bishoprick be­fore it was profered, nor reject it when it was, because (as that Father hath resolved the case) the one is an ef­fect of Rashness, the other of Disobe­dience, and both of Ignorance.

21. Secondly, His Moderation was very great in order to matters both of Doctrine and Practise: Supra p. 43. whereof there are so many clear instances given in that excellent codicill annexed to his will (and here­with printed) that I should have very little to add [Page 153] here, if it had not been for a Question concerning that Codicil which was put to me by a reverend and learned person that heard it read both at his Death and Funeral, Dr. Samuel Bolton, now one of his Ma­jesties Chap­lains in Ordi­nary. whereunto I shall now publish the Answer I then gave, though I suppose the Que­stion proceeded chiefly from curiosity.

21. The Question was, Why this Reverend Bi­shop had not in all that Codicill declared any thing of his opinion concerning the matters of Contro­versie between the Remonstrants and Anti-remon­strants? And though the Answer was easie, That I could give no account of the Actions, (much less of the omissions) of another man, especially my Su­perior, yet I added withall (and gave him some In­stances of it) that I conceived his great Moderation made him unwilling to interpose in that contro­versie.

22. My Instances were, 1. That ever since I had the happiness to be near him, I had found him ve­ry reserved in his Discourses upon that subject. 2. That though he had a very high esteem of Mr. Calvin, yet (in a discourse with a very learned Lay Gentleman, Mr. Lawrence Maydwell. whereat I was present) he much disliked Mr. Calvins opinion concerning Reprobation, and would not believe he was so rigid in it, as it appeared he was, upon perusal of the place. And 3. I shewed him (afterwards) the Duplicat of a Letter which I found among the papers of this Reve­rend Bishop to the late most Reverend & learned Pri­mat of Ireland, Bishop Dave­nant. Edit. Can­tabr. 1650. concerning a passage in Corvinus which the late Reverend and learned Bishop of Salisbury hath objected and answered in his Book entituled DISSERTATIONES DƲAE, &c. p. 201. where­upon [Page 154] he saith (in that Letter) he must have a Meli­us inquirendum, to finde out the subtlety, how creatió ho­minis damnandi non sit subordinatum medium ad damna­tionem, &c. By which it appeareth his Moderation in that Controversie was greater then that of the learned Bishop of Salisbury, though he was one of the British Divines at the Synod of Dort, who surpassed all that were there present for Moderation.

23. I cannot omit one instance more of his Mo­deration, (which relates to practise, as the former did to Doctrine) because there are still some that are willing to mistake him, and to abuse that re­pute and reverence which he hath in many good mens minds, to the ingendring of jealousies concer­ning those ancient practises which have been deri­ved from the Fathers, and continued by uninter­rupted custome in his Majesties Chappel, and Cathe­drals, and in many Colleges and other places. And because I will not go beyond my warrant in what I shall say upon this particular, I shall keep me to the express words of a letter from him to St. Johns College in Cambridge (dated the 20. of April, Registr. E stol. pag. 343. 1635.) which stands still upon record in the said College, and was thus occasioned.

24. I have formerly mentioned one Mr. Loe, a person of very good parts, but especially of a singu­lar Memory, Supra sect. 13. whom this Reverend Bishop maintained in that College at his own Charge: when he came to be capable of it, the Bishop was desirous, and the College willing to make him one of the Fellowes; on­ly he had been wrought upon by some that labou­red to inveigle so hopeful a young man to their party, to express some dislike to the Ceremonies [Page 155] and practises then used in Gods publick Worship and service. Whereof this Reverend Bishop being informed by a Letter from the College, returned his Answer to them, expressing the same dislike of him in this particular which they did. His words are these: LOƲM nostrum quod attinet, saepe equidem inaudivi per totam Universitatem vestram extare pror­sus neminem, qui Ceremoniis illis, quarum ego innocen­tiam sartam tectam olim defendendam suscepi, repugnet aut reluctetur. Quod si vero gestui illi flectendi se ver­sus sacram Domini mensam hic juvenis adversetur, me multo seniorem habebit sibi utique adversarium: Nec sane immerito. Cum, &c. And then he proceeds on to prove his assertion by reasons and Authorities, which would be too long here to insert.

25. There are still some other Qualifications of a Bishop, which I have not yet mentioned, whereof one is that he must be [...]; 1 Tim. 2.9. And the word being rendred [ Modest] in the margin of our English Bi­ble, makes it to be of so much affinity with the last, as to view it in the next place. The Vulgar Latine translates it [ Ornatus] which St. Hierom tels us signi­fieth such a person as keeps a Decorum in his motion, Epist. ad O­cean. Ornatus vocatur qui de­corum servat, in motu, inces­su, habitu, & sermone. walking, habit, and speech; which is all comprised in our English phrase in that place, A person of good be­haviour. And this complex Qualification was so eminent in him, that his greatest enemies could not tax him of the contrary in any branch of it. His motion was upright, his walking sprightfull, his speech grave and sober, and his habit Episcopal, even then when it was hazardous to be seen in a Cleri­cal garment: wherein he was decent in his lowest ebb, and never excessive in his highest tide. As [Page 156] St. Augustine usually took his example from St. Cy­prian, so did this Reverend Bishop from both. With a Possid. in vita S. Aug. c. 16. Vestis ejus, aliaque & corporis & cubiculi ornamenta, nec nitida ni­mium, nec abjecta plurimum e­rant— veste honesta, & nequa­quam à vulgari consuetudine temporis illius abhorrente, uteba­tur: St. Augustine, he was neither too spruce nor too mean in his bodily appa­rel and furniture of his house; and for the fashion, it was such as was common­ly used by others of his own rank and quality: And with St. Cyprian b S. Greg. Nazianzen. Orat. 18. in Laud. S. Cypriani. In vestitu philosophiam, in Congressibus gra­vitatem cum humanitate conjun­ctam, pari intervallo à vilitate & arrogantia remotam, &c. (be­side the comeliness of his Apparel) there was in his carriage such an ex­act mixture of gravity and courtesie, as carried him in an equal line between pride on the one hand and meanness of spirit on the other.

26. It is not without cause that I have fetched down this Practise as high as St. Cyprian and St. Au­gustine, seeing the contrary corruption began to infest the Church even in those ancient times, which extorted very grievous complaints from St. Am­brose S. Ambr. de dignit. Sa­cerd c. 6. and St. Gregory S. Greg. Hom. 17. in Evangel. of bringing the Bishops and Clergy into contempt: And would much more ex­cuse me (now that the fault is grown almost epide­demical) if I should take the liberty to make a Di­gression upon the same subject. For it is that which the very Vulgar cry shame at to see the professors of the Law from the Judge to the Petty Attorny and Clerk, and the Citizens from the Mayor to the Ser­geants and Yeomen, preserve the gravity of their places by their Gowns and other ancient formalities; and only the Clergy (whose office it is or should be to teach all others by their example as well as do­ctrine) should throw them aside, and expose them­selves to the just censure of levity and inconstancy; [Page 157] and their places and callings to the great hazard of scorn and contempt. Ezra. 3.10. See also Ezr. 2 69. The Priests among the Jewes preserved their ancient and proper Apparel even af­ter their return from Captivity: And S. John wore his [...] (which was a peculiar Clerical habit) even in the times of Persecution. Polycrat. a­pud Euseb. Hist. l. 3. c. 31. And long experi­ence ever since hath confirmed it unto us, that such helps as these are very necessary to preserve that re­verence and respect which is due from the People to their Bishops and Clergy.

27. I shall not abuse the Readers patience by insisting upon those Qualifications of a Bishop which were so conspicuous in him, as none can be igno­rant of them: As that of being the Husband of one wife, whereas he never was of any, leading his whole life in a holy Caelibate; or [...], which whether we render Vigilant (as in the English) or Sober (as in the vulgar Latin) will be all one as to this particular; seeing he was sober in his person, and vigilant in his office.

28. And this also will supply another Qualifica­tion, that he was not given to wine, which he never drank but at meals, and that sparingly, till extream old age made it necessary for him by way of Phy­sick to drink a glass sometimes in the interim, to chear his spirits and warm his stomach. 1 Tim. 5.23. Timothy the Bishop of Ep [...]esus was so abstemious as not to drink wine without the Apostles command; but this Bishop would hardly drink any with it, even then when his stomach and often infirmities required it.

29. Now these Qualities being so conspicuous in him, we may easily believe there was nothing wanting in him which the Apostle requires, [Page 158] 1 Tim. 3.4. For his single life gave a supersedeas to that part of it which requires that a Bishop should have his children in subjection with all gravity: And his vigilance and good example in abstemiousness and so­briety made him [...], a good ruler of his own house (as well as [...], a good Bishop in the Church) even then when his family was so numerous, as would have taken up a mans whole endeavours to govern it. He had no chil­dren but those whom God had given him in the Gospel, which made him have the more fatherly care of his servants, whom he loved as his children, and had them in subjection with gravity. These he educated and instructed so well, that he could require nothing in the flock under his charge, whereof they might not see the pattern in his own family S. Hieron. Epist. ad O­cean. Sed quod populo praecepturus est, prius à domesticis exigat. which was (as S. Bernard Lib. 4. de confid. ad Eugen. Interest gloriae sanctitatis tuae ut quos prae oculis habes, ita ordinati, ita fint informati, quatenus totius honestatis & ordinis, ipsi speculum, ipsi fint forma. adviseth) the mirror and sam­plar of all honest conversation and good order.

30. This made the Right Honourable the now Earl of Lindsey, Lord Great Chamberlain of England, make choice of his Family as the fittest place for the education of one of his Sons: and many of the chief Gentry (to say nothing of the Nobility Sir Charles Fairfax son to Ferdinando Lord Fairfax was his Gen­tleman Hui­sher.) thought it not below them to get their Sons received into his service; which was indeed rather an Academi­call institution in piety virtue and learning, then any servitude.

31. There was not one Qualification of a Bishop required by S. Paul that was not conspicuous in him; [Page 159] And of all others there must be much Ignorance or Malice in the mistake, if any shall say he was [...], which signifieth a Novice, or newly Baptized Christian; not heri Catechumenus, hodie pontifex, S. Hieron. E­pist. ad Ocean. as S. Hierom paraphraseth the word. And therefore this is not to be understood of a man in respect of his age, but of a Christian in respect of his growth in grace. For in the ancient Church, when the of­fice of a Bishop was of more consideration then the honour, there was respect had to the strength of Bo­dy as well as of Minae, in the person that was cho­sen to that heavy charge: so that maturity of parts and aptitude for Government was more regarded in such a person then multitude of years. S. Paul himself that prescribes this qualification to Timothy, made Timothy Bishop of Ephesus even in his youth: 1 Tim. 4.12. S. Ambrose Baron. in vit. ejus. was chosen Bishop of Milan at 42. years of age; S. Augustin Idem ad Ann. 395. of Hippo at 41. Re­migius Lippelous in vit. ejus. of Rhemes at 22. Vigilius Vit. ejus apud Cas­sandr. of Trent at 20. yet all of these were excellent Bishops, and fa­mous men in their generations.

32. It is not therefore to be imputed as any ble­mish to this reverend person, that he should ascend to the honour of being a Bishop in the two and fiftieth year of his age; but rather esteemed as an honour that he was so soon fitted for so great a work. For he was no Novice in the literal sense, because (being baptized in his Infancy) he had been trained up in the Discipline of Christianity 52. years: S. Greg. lib. 4. ep. 50. Nunc inter Neophytos de­putan [...]us qui adhuc novus est in Sancta conversations. nor in the vulgar sense, being a person of great learning, and then in the full strength of his parts and age: Nor in S. Gregories sense, as it signifieth a man that is but a New-beginner in sanctity of life and conversation; [Page 160] for he was a person of exemplary piety from his youth. 1 S. Joh. 2.16. S. John reduceth all manner of sin to three Heads, the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life: in all which he had got so clear a vi­ctory over himself, that what S. Gregory Nazian­zen saith of S. Cyprian in these par­ticulars may very fitly be applied to him: Note: S. Greg. Naz. Orat. 18: [...], &c. The Discipline of his Mind was great in opposition to Covetous­ness and Ambition, and the Discipline of his Body was no less in purity of Conversa­tion.

33. That which is generally reputed the grea­test Qualification of a Bishop, is that he must be [...], apt to teach, and this I have reserved for the last place. S. Hilary a S. Hil. lib. 8. de Trin. Sum­ma omnium virtutum Episcopalium est scientia & doctrina. cals it the chief of all Episcopal virtues, Theophy­lact b Theophylact. in Tit. 1. Do­ctrine est virtus est Character E­piscopi. makes it the very characteristi­cal note, and the Council of Trent c Conc. Trid. Sess. 5. c. 1. Po­tissimum Episcopi munus, est Prae­dicatio verbi Dei. it self the principal office of a Bishop. I cannot therefore without too large a repetition of what I have already said, make it appear in every respect how well this Character befitted him. He that is apt to teach indeed, must be a person 1. Of great Learning, (and so was he, as his Works will declare.) 2. Of great Indu­stry; and his was so great, that the Emperour Seve­rus (who dyed at York where he was born) may seem to have infused his Genius together with his Motto [ LABOREMƲS] into him. And that not only before, but also after he ascended to the height of Episcopal Dignity, as if that other Motto [Page 161] of another Emperour Julius Ma­ximinus. had been his rule, [ QƲO MAJOR, EO LABORIOSIOR] S. Augustine Possid. in vita. S. Aug. Episcopali munere sus­cepto, multo ferventius, & summâ cum au­thoritate in o­pus Evange­lii incubuit. was his pattern in many Episcopal virtues, & amongst others in this; that the higher he ascended in the Church the more painful and industrious he was in his Office, Wherein he was so indefatigable, that what is said of his great kinsman the Cardinal and Archbishop of Canterbury, was very true concerning him: Jo. Bud­den in vita ejus. pag. 6. Vires supra mensuram corporis; neque aliunde magis, quam de laboribus reparandae. His labour was his recreation.

34. When I can see a man learn without Rules, I shall think he may be apt to teach that is not ob­servant of Order. That this Reverend Bishop was apt to teach in this respect also, is clear from that great respect he carried towards the Governours of the Church who were his Superiours either in Lear­ning, or Ecclesiastical Dignity; and such were those that were most eminent for piety, wisdome, and lear­ning in that age, viz. Archbishop Bancroft, Arch­bishop Matthews, Bishop Andrews, Bishop King, Bi­shop Bilson, Bishop Overall, and many others.

35. To this head I may also referr that intimate acquaintance which he had with all the learned men of his time, whether Equals or Inferiors, whereof I have already given some instances Supra cap. 1. sect. 24, 25, 27, 29, 30, & 31., and might here alledge many more, not only of Natives but forraigners, as Spanhemius, Rivetus, Willius, and others; from whom I found several Letters at his death among his papers, full of reverence & respect to him.

36. Nor can I here omit the great care he had to advance piety and learning, not only by his own [Page 162] pains in Writing, Preaching, Catechizing, &c. but also by his Chaplains, whom he chose with much care, treated with great respect, and promoted with all chearfulness. His precedent herein might possibly be S. Hugh the Bishop of Lincoln, Note: Vita ejus apud Surium. Suscepio igitur praesulatu, prima cura & solli­tudo ei fuit ut viros Sapientia & scientia instructos, atque in timore Dei probatissimos, suo lateri ad­hiberet. Horum consilio & auxi­lio fretus pastorali munus per­quam strenue executus est. commonly called Hugo Car­thusianus, whose chief care was after he came to be Bishop, to have men of Wis­dome, learning and piety alwaies about him, both to counsel and assist him in that great office. I could here give the Reader a Catalogue of very ma­ny and worthy persons who were sometimes related to him in the capacity of Chaplains. But all the rest will excuse me if I make one instance for all, in so eminent and worthy a person as the Right Reverend Father in God, the late Bishop of Exeter, who was his Chaplain, and by him made Archdeacon of Coventry, and afterwards Prebendary of Duresme, the later of which places was so considerable, that he held it in Commendam with his Bishoprick until his Death, w ^ch makes me wonder the more the learned Author of his life should take no notice of either of them.

37. When I speak of his Chaplains, I must not omit the great care he had in disposing those Dig­nities and other Ecclesiastical Benefices, whereof he had the Right of Patronage, which he seldome con­ferred upon any but those of whose worth he had a particular knowledge, and most commonly his own Chaplains. There are as few exceptions against this general rule in him, as in any that had so many places to dispose of as he had; and the persons were alwaies such as were of approved worth for piety and [Page 163] learning, which is another Topick to shew that he was [...].

38. When a thing is done Vigorously and Effectu­ally, it will well deserve the name that it carries; (otherwise not) and such was his aptness to teach. For his diligence and vigour in Teaching, I cannot better resemble him to any then Socrates; of whom Plutarch tels us, that he taught not only when he was in the Chair, or at his set hours of reading— but even when he played, when he eat or drank, in Campo, in Foro, in Carcere; he made every place a school of learning and virtue. And I make use of this re­semblance the rather, because this Reverend Bishop in his Writing, did so much resemble the manner of Philosophizing of that excellent Philosopher, which was not so much by using Arguments of perswasion, Cicero de In­vent. lib. 1. as by chusing to work something out of what the Adversa­ry had granted.

39. But that which shewes he was [...] indeed was the fruit and effect of his labour and learning, in reducing severall persons of great lear­ning and parts from the Errors of the Romish pro­fession, into the Communion of the Church of Eng­land. For instance, Mr. Theophilus Higgon, a very learned man and a smart writer, afterward Rector of Hunton in Kent: Mr. Redman a Priest, after­wards Curate of Congleton in Cheshire: Dr. Crofts, a learned man, now Dean of Hereford; Mr. To­bie Swinborne, heretofore brought up in the Eng­lish College at Rome, afterwards Doctor of the Lawes, and a very excellent Scholar: Mr. Hulse, Mr. Mat­thews; the Lady Cholmeley, Wife to Sir Henry [Page 164] Cholmeley, with divers others whose names I may possibly have forgotten.

40. But however I must hasten from this sub­ject: for having made it thus clearly appear how well this Reverend Bishop held measure with S. Pauls Standard, I must remember my promise to cast a glance upon those gifts in him, which God was pleased to cast in over and above, both by his own immediate work of Grace, and mediately by Na­tural endowments; for in both these God had vouch­safed him good measure, shaken together, and running over: insomuch as we may compare him with the best examples of the holy Bishops and others of all ages for some eminent gift or other.

41. I shall begin with his Predecessor, that most pious and famous Bishop of Duresme, St. Cuthbert, and compare them in their beginnings. For what Venerable Bede (whose ashes lye in­shrined in a now-defaced Tomb in that Church) sayes of the one, Note: Bed. Hist. l. 4. c. 27. Cumpuer adhuc, & ingenii acumine, & mirae agilitate membroram praedi­tus, puerilibus ludis certaminibus­que, ut fert illa ae [...]as, admo­dum deditus, allos fere omnes dexteritate quadam in quovis cer­tamine superabal— Nullo saltu, cursu vel lucta failgatus est, &c. is ve­ry true of the other: even in his childehood he had not only an excel­lent sharpness of Wit, but also a strange activity of Body, wherein he excelled all his fellowes in sports and games, espe­cially in leaping, running, and wrest­ling. This venerable Author sayes nothing in parti­cular of St. Cuthberts Foot-ball playing, and yet I hope the Reader will excuse it, if I here passe not over in silence how active this Reverend Bishop was therein in his younger years, seeing the fame of it continued till his old age, and ascended so high as to come to the Kings Ear. For he was once asked [Page 165] by King James whether it was true, that he struck up the heels of six men so speedily one after ano­ther, that the last was down before the first could get up again; which I have heard him say was true though the report which (seldome faileth on that side) had doubled the number.

42. But letting this passe, Lib. 3. c. 155. Vultu deco­rus, & quae­dam mixta ju­cundicate se veritas — un­de bonis erat affabilis, super­bis & negli­gentibus terri­bilis. I proceed to his riper years, wherein the Character which Trithemius gives of the above mentioned Venerable Bede, doth paint him out to the life; for he also was a person of a comely countenance, wherein there was such a mixture of sweetness and severity, as did very much en­courage those that were good, and terrifie those that were proud and negligent.

43. My intention is not to Hatter his memory, and therefore when I go about to compare him with Ancient holy Fathers of the Church, I must profess my meaning to be, not to make a parallel, but only to shew in some few instances how near he attained to their perfection. I cannot say (as St. Hierome of Hilarion) that he laid upon a Mat spread on the ground till his dying day: Note: S. Hier. in Vit. Hilar. Super nu­dam humum stratumque junceum usque ad mortem cubitavit: nec mutavit alteram tunicam, nisi eum prior penitus stissa est. nor that he never put on new cloathes till the old ones were worn to pieces: but I may truly say, he lay'd upon a straw-bed when he was past S. Hilarions age (who lived but about 80. years) and he seldome wore a new garment but he gave the old one away. And as for the Character given to St. Hierome himself by the Author of his life, it will well agree with this Reverend Bishop, that he laid hard, because he would sleep no more then only to sa­tisfie [Page 166] the necessity of Nature; that his cloathes were but course and ordinary, Vit. S. Hieron. apud Garsium die 30. Sept. Somnus non ad delicias, sed ad Naturae capitur necessi­tatem: in du­ro non in mol­libus cubat, & vili pallio non precioso & nitido tegitur indumento — canis jam totus aspersus nihil ex studiorum assidui­tate remittit — non minu [...] ad orandum alacris, quam ad legendum promptus. — mirum erat in corpore jejuniis & aetate consumpto tantum Spiritus tantum vigere fortitudinis. and that in his old age (I may truly say when he had out-lived St. Hierom many years) he remitted nothing of his pains and industry in his studies, nor of his alacrity in his prayers; insomuch that it was a wonder to see a body that had sustained so much fasting and labour to be so full of vigour and for­titude.

44. When I compare him with S. Hierom in point of Age and Vigor, I cannot pass by what the same Father hath left recorded of Paulus Concordiensis, a person of 100 years old, Note: S. Hier. epist. 21. ad Paul. Con­cordiens. Oculi quo lumine vi­gent? Pedes imprimunt certa ve­stigia, auditus penetrabilis — Vox sonora, corpus solidum & succi ple­num: cani cum rubore discrepant, vires cum aetate dissentiunt. after whose example God and nature had much fitted this Reverend Bishop. For his sight was good, considering his great years; He could walk very well; his hearing was quick; his voice was clear; his body solid and full of moysture; the whiteness of his head, and ruddiness of his face could hardly be imagined to be in one and the same person. I verily believe no Physician in the world would have judged him to be of above half the Age he was, if he had only considered the plumpness of his flesh and smoothness of his skin, without looking upon the whiteness of his hair.

45. I think he hath hardly left his equall behind him of any Bishop in the world for multitude of years either as a Man, or as a Bishop: And if we look [Page 167] over all Histories, we shall not find many precedents, if we take them both together: Simon (the second Bishop of Jerusalem) lived (I grant) till 120 Fulgos. lib. 8. cap. 14., But he fell far short of the years of this reverend person as he was Bishop: on the other side, St. Atha­nasius Patriarch of Alexandria Qui totos 46. annos A­lexandriae Ec­clesiae pontifica­tum egregia cum laude ges­sit. Sr. Cyril. epist ad Pres­byt. &c. in Act. Synod. E­phes. cap. 1., and St. Wilfrid Archbishop of York Obiit Anno aetatis 74. Quindecies ternos postquam egit Episcopus annos, i. e. Episcopatus anno 45. Vid. Bed. Hist. Ang. circa Anno Dom. 709. exceeded him, the one two years, the other one, as Bishops; but they fell far short of his age as a Man. I cannot call to mind any that exceeded him in both, except St. Remigius Archbishop of Rhemes Vit. ejus apud Hincmarum, In Episcopatu annos 74. sanctissime exegit. Idem ibid. Nonaginta quidem sex cum compleverat annos, Splendid [...] lux nostras deseruit tenebras., whose case I think is sin­gular, as being made Bishop in the 22. year of his age, and so continuing till the ninety sixth.

46. But it was not the Age of this Reverend Bi­shop that was so remarkable as his vigour and in­defatigable industry in his old age; wherein he was a [...], an Iron-side, another Hercu­les (as Laertius speaks of Cleanthes.) It was a Mira­cle that Moses should continue the vigour of his sight, and natural force till he was 120 years old, Deut. 34.7. and would be thought little less then a Miracle, that any of half his age should now enjoy them: and yet this Reverend Bishop found very little defect in any of his Senses (except only a little in his sight) till death deprived him of them all: What Suidas sayes of Servilius the Consul; and the Father of Ausonius the Poet, of himself, was very applicable to this Reve­rend Bishop, when he was older then either of them:

47. It is possible (I might say probable) that the smalness of his stature might give him some advan­tages above other men in this particular, (for the lesser the Body is, the more easie it is to be actuated by the spirits) And then, Plutarch. de Institut. liber. if he had lived before Ar­chidamus the King of Sparta this Example might have preserved that King from the Mulct which the Ephori imposed upon him, for marrying a little Wife, (utpote non Reges, sed Regulos daturus.) For how­ever some in those ancient times might dote upon Bulk more then Virtue (as appears by the great Sta­tue of little Lactius the Poet at Rome in Aede Camaena­rum) yet it is sure enough there have not been more famous men, Plin. lib. 34. cap. 5. then some of no great stature, as the instance of King Pipin in the French History, and King Edgar in our own, will make manifest. It is often seen that he that is Staturae exiguae, Joseph. An­tiq. lib. 18. c. ult. is animi ex­celsi: so it was with Asinaeus the Captain of the Jewes, as well as with these two famous Kings: and so was it likewise with this Reverend Bishop. Macrob. Sa­turnal. l. 2. c. 3. In­somuch as Cicero's jest may very fitly be applyed to him (if we consider his Body and Soul apart) which he made upon his Brother Quintus when he saw so great a picture (and yet but half way neither) drawn for so little a man; Major est dimidius quam totus; His inward and invisible part was greater then any would have thought the whole person to have been.

48. But I have given so large an account already of his inward and invisible part in the two foregoing [Page 169] Chapters, in relation both to his Life and Doctrine, that I may now be excused if I sum up both of them in that Character which Venerable Bede gives of his predecessor St. Cuth­bert, Bed. Hist. lib. 4. c. 28. Com­missam namque sibi plebem, & ora­tionibus protegebat assiduis, & ad­monitionibus salubriter ad coelestiae vocabat: Et (quod maxime Do­ctores juvare solebat) ea quae agen­da docebat, ipse prius agendo prae­monstrabat. that as he discharged the duty of a good Bishop both in his daily prayers for the people committed to his charge, and his wholsome exhortations to them; So he taught them nothing by his words, whereof he did not give them a good example in his actions.

49. And this excellent Method of teaching by his Deeds as well as his Words, was no new thing in him, but a constant habit of Virtue of very long continuance: For it was so remarkable in him as to be publickly taken notice of in a Sermon preached at St. Pauls Cross 50. years agoe, and since printed, Mr. Theophilus Higgons Re­cantation Sermon at S. Pauls Cross, Mar. 3. 1610. pag. 46. wherein we have these words: The learned and ve­nerable Dean of Winchester (for that was then his Ti­tle) of whose Knowledge and Charity I have had so much experience, that whether he be Melior or Doctior, a better Man, or a more learned Divine, I cannot easily resolve: only I can resolve with Seneca, that of these two commendations, O virum Doctum, and O virum bonum, the later doth excel the first.

50. This being a Truth so publickly avowed so many years agoe, will both acquit what I have here said from all suspicion of flattery, and excuse my not engaging any further upon this subject. And there­fore all I shall now add to what I have said, shall be one instance, which will above all other demon­strate that he was Vir bonus, and that is the Crown of Martyrdom, which he came so near to attain unto, [Page 170] that some even in the first and best ages of the Church have had their Memories celebrated as Martyrs ever since, for doing no more then what he did.

51. In the daies of Valerian the Emperour (as the Martyrologie a Martyrol. Rom. ad diem 28. Febr. Commemoratio sanctorum Presbyterorum, Diaconorum & a­liorum plurimorum, qui tempore Valeriani Imperatoris, cum pestis saevissima grassaretur, morbo labo­rantibus ministrantes libentissime mortem oppeliere; Quos velut Martyres religiosa piorum fides venerari consuevit. tels us out of un­questionable History Dionys. Alexandr. epist. ad Heracem Episc. apud Euseb. Hist. lib. 7. cap. 16, 17. Vid. Baron. in Martyrol. Rom. ibid. there was a very great and infectious Plague, and yet notwithstanding, several, both Priests, Deacons, and many others, did most willingly lay down their lives, that they might be assisting to those that were infected with this contagious disease: And for this reason are con­tinually commemorated as Martyrs up­on the 28. day of February.

Vid. Baron. Annal. Tom. 2, ad An.52. Though St. Cyprian had not attained the ho­nour of a particular Martyrdome, his heroical Cha­rity in this particular (for his example was emi­nent in this action) would have honour'd him with that title; and however it (hath and) ever will superadd a peculiar lustre to his Crown of Martyr­dome. It is none of the least causes why Cardinal Bor­romeus a Vit. ejus apud Gars. ad diem. 3. Novemb. Quia Meminerat bo­ni Pastoris esse ponere animam pro ovibus —tempore contagiosae pestis Mediolani, ab anno 1566. ad fi­nem usque 1567. non raro amore creditae sibi plebi [...], discrimini mor­tis objecit vitam. was honoured with the ti­tle of S. Charles of Milan, that in the years 1566, and 1567. when the Plague was so hot among the people committed to his charge, he frequent­ly discharged the duty of their Pastor, in visiting them with the hazard of his life. And then sure it will much more redound to the immortal honour as well as happiness of this Reverend Bishop, that he did the [Page 171] like upon the like occasion, not so much out of Du­ty as Charity, to those that were not of his peculiar charge, but only his Countreymen and fellow Ci­tizens; whereof I have already Vid. supra. chap. 1. sect. 16. given the Rea­der a sufficient account.

53. And now nothing remains but to summ up all I have said concerning this Reverend Bishop in this short Elogie. He was a Saint in his Life, a Doctor in in his works, a Confessor in his sufferings, and a Martyr in this his last mentioned Heroical Charity: [...] (as was said of S. Athanasius) a holy and irreprehensible Martyr; Const. Imp. epist. ad oc­cident. Sy­nod. 6. Act. 18. and this Martyrdome undertaken in the full vigour and strength of his age, and not when Age or Infirmi­ties had made his life a burthen to him, but so long before his Death as may equal the ordinary space of another mans life. Insomuch as we may con­clude that absolutely of him which Cassianus speaks only with a [ Penè] concerning S. Athanasius; Jo. Cassian. lib. 7. de In­carnat. cap. ult. Prius indeptus est MARTYRIS meritum, quam CONFES­SORIS caperet dignitatem.