TANGER (of which you command an Account) was of old so various in her fortunes, that History scarce knows in what shape to draw her Picture. And whether it happen from the early and frequent change of her Inhabitants, or from the want of Records, or from her own great Antiquity, Historians seem at a stand to give a clear account of her Genealogie. Procopius Caesariensis derives her Pedigree from the Phoenicians, ascribing to that antient People the Ho­nour of her foundation. But that inquisitive Anti­quary had no surer ground for this Conjecture, than the two suspected Pillars, found out not far from Tan­ger, which in Phoenician Characters are said to have an Inscription to this purpose: Nos fugimus à facie Josuae filii Nave. Others again are of opinion that the Posterity of Phut, the Son of Cham, were the first In­habitants [Page 2] of this City and Country, because there is a River still bearing that name.

But not to spend time in Conjectures about her Ori­ginal; When Rome was famous for Conquests, and Mauritania was brought under her yoak, Tingis (now Tanger) was thought worthy to give the name to Mauritania Tingitana: And under the Romans was of so great esteem, that Claudius made her a Colony, calling it Traduct a Julia. When this City had the happiness to become Christian, it was made a Bishops See. And we read of one Marcellus, casting away his military Girdle for the sake of Religion, here suffer'd Martyrdom in the time of Dioclesian.

But the glory of this antient City began at length to decline with the Roman Greatness, and to languish like many other limbs of that over-grown Empire. For when the Vandals broke into Barbary, Tanger became their slave, and endured their cruel Tyranny, till that great Captain Belisarius forc'd them thence, and resto­red it to Justinian. In which happiness she remained till Osman the third, Caliph of the Saracens, conque­ring Barbary, took her from the Romans, and added her to the Kingdom of Fez.

Under this sad change both of Government and Religion, Tanger continued, until Alphonso redeem'd her out of the hands of those unjust Possessors, peo­pled her again with Christians, and made her the Stage of many heroick Actions: his Incursions into the neigh­bouring Country were little Conquests, frequently baffling the Moors, and so long spoiling their Flocks and Herds, till at last enraged by such continual plun­ders, they raised a numerous Army, and with thirty six Guns (as some report) advance to besiege Tanger, but were violently repulsed, say some; others say, fairly [Page 3] treated off by the Portuguezes: In whose possession (to the envy and anger of Spain) Tanger continued, till it became English. The circumstances of which Al­teration are so well known, that it were superfluous to relate them.

The Earl of Peterborough (her first English Gover­nour) after some easie oppositions, having taken pos­session of Tanger, met with difficulties on all hands: The Moors grew jealous of their new Neighbours, chiefly because they were more numerous than their old, and their valour more renown'd. Gayland (chief Governour of the adjacent Country) though at first he entertain'd the Earl with overtures of Peace, yet he took all occasions to try the English metal. Several times he encountred, and overcame some of our unwary parties; which gave no less discouragement to ours, than heart to his own Souldiers. But to shew how things thrived under that Noble Personage the E. of P. is not the designe of this Paper. But yet the face of affairs was not of the best complexion, if you will believe a Let­ter at that time writ to England, telling us, That the Souldiers were eaten up of wants, cowed with their frequent misfortunes, possessed with an opinion the Moor was invincible: that nothing was so terrible to them as an Alheic and Cymiter: that the Gates had been for a long time lockt up, &c. Victuals, Clothes, &c. scarce, and even not to be had, &c. But what relates to the first condition of Tanger, upon its be­coming English, I leave you to collect out of the Nar­rative (you desire) of the Earl of Tiveot; in which, if I exceed the Laws of Lettering, your command is my Apology.

The Earl of Tiveot, upon the leaving of Dunkirk, where he had been Governour, was by his Majesty [Page 4] appointed to go in the same Character to Tanger; where he arrived May the first, 1663▪ and forgetting the wearisomness of a tedious Voyage, and waving the Ceremonies of Reception, the afternoon of his arrival he spent in viewing the stores of Provisions. How he found them, need not be mentioned; for the hungry looks of the Souldiers, and their exclamations for Pinch­gut-money (that was the word) declared, that Tan­ger for a long time had kept a niggardly house; and that either her Plenty or Liberality had been but lit­tle.

But the provident Earl (remembring how the Heduans negligence to bring in Corn for the relief of the Ro­man Army, had like to have cost Caesar his fortunes a­gainst the Helvetians) had made preventions of the like mischief; and so ordered things, that Tanger should still be provided with such considerable abun­dance, as that an ordinary accident should not reduce her to want. Which careful foresight nothing could hinder from being effectual, but the negligence of the Victuallers. I examine not the state of other Stores; yet however he found them, his care was to make them rich. And other Commodities which were scarce to be purchased at any rate, were within a short space after his arrival to be had at very considerable prices.

Every day brought the Earl new troubles; and the more he consider'd, the more he apprehended the hardships of his New Province; which made him often protest, That if he had foreseen what he was to en­counter, nothing but the Command of his Prince could have obliged him to an undertaking wherein he was to wear out the remains of his strength and age in that thankless Office, the mending of faults.

He that has seen what difficulties accompany the [Page 5] restauration of a body to strength, and to secure it from relapsing, after some emacerating disease has re­duced it to a sort of breathing Skeleton; how every stone must be cut and measured, hewn and polisht, that goes to mend those decays of Nature; and how at last any little mistake may pull down what has so long been a patching; he may by some faint resem­blance be able to conjecture how much watchfulness and industry was necessary to recover the health of a body Military, whose belly was shrivel'd with hunger, hands nasty with idleness, and whose very heart was broken with ill success. Besides, who knows not but that after-games in Courage, are as dangerous as those in Reputation?

Such was the condition of Tanger, that it would scarce admit of consultation; something was instantly to be done. And the Earl, who had Tack Time for his Motto, would not suffer a minute thereof to slip through his fingers, or the least opportunity to be eaten up of delay. Dangers appeared on all hands; nought heard of but Anakims; and some, either to dissemble their own Cowardise, or to dishearten the present Undertaking, as likely to disparage former pro­ceedings, preach'd up the Moors Valour as uncontrou­lable, and that their cunning was beyond defeat. O­thers, who rather wisht the Earl's safety than his ho­nour, and loved Tiveot better than the General, strongly disswaded him from going out of the Gates: And others again prophesied his coming short home, if he ventured far abroad: Most thought the City in no se­curity but under Lock and Key; and as men fallen in love with their prison▪ nothing by them seemed so much feared as enlargement.

The Earl gave every story the patience of his ear, [Page 6] and without betraying the least token of daring consi­dence, or drooping despair, he began gently to compose the affairs of the Garrison. First he viewed the num­ber of his Forces, which with 400 Recruits brought with him, would not amount to the number which the Muster▪rolls had promised in England. A thing that cost the Earl no small resentment, who knew the dangers of false Musters, especially where there was no Fortifications but Men.

The second day after his arrival, he reduced the Irish Regiments into one, and took care to transport the Reformed, having first discharged their Arrears: His next act of Justice (for the former was no less to his Majesty's service) he open'd the City-gates, and in person all alone took a view of the ground next the Walls, marking the best Grass for Hay, and the fittest places to essay a Fortification: whence he return'd safe with this intelligence, That nothing but Sweat and Bloud was to water his Laurels; that he was to pro­ceed with the industry of the Ox, and not with the force of the Lion. The Horse he commanded out to forage; setting others to mow and make Hay; where­by the want of that provision was quickly well sup­plied, and also many places made bare, which by tall­ness of the Grass made them more convenient for the Enemies Ambush.

The fourth day after his arrival, having reduced the English Foot to one Regiment, he marcht them out of the Gates.

Upon the fifth, being Tuesday (a day auspicious to the Earl, and solemn to his entrance upon any consi­derable affair) he began a little Redoubt in a place where the Enemy used to lay their Ambush, and from whence they might command some part of the City-Walls. [Page 7] This Redoubt proceeded so well, that within few days it was finished, with Lines and Trenches. In the mean time the Earl in person every night laid Perdues to prevent Surprisals; it being the Moors cu­stom to plant their Ambuscade a little before day. And now began the Garrison to express their resolution and courage in undergoing the difficulties and hardships of Military Discipline, not fainting under the tedious travels which attend great and warlike designs, until the Earl had finished five Redoubts, and forced Gay­land into a Truce.

The Roman Empire (saith Appian) was raised to its greatness, not by fortune, or good luck, but by Valour, patience of want and hardship: And Tanger could not have arrived at that State in which Tiveot left it, but by Sweat and Watchfulness, without yielding to danger, or giving place to Ease. The generous di­ligence of his Officers and others, did much alleviate the Earl's Travels: for they disputed not his Orders, but even seem'd to flatter him in an emulous execu­tion of his Commands, ever praising their happiness to serve under a General, who wanted neither Wisdom nor Justice, to value and reward their Merits.

The first Redoubt being finished, about the 7th of June, the Earl laid the foundation of a second, more considerable for Size, Scituation, and Strength, than the former. In the building of this, he was dayly in­terrupted by the Moors, who meeting in Parties, gave continual Alarms. And it conduced not a little to the Earls success in these first Essays, that Gayland was marcht (with the main Body of his Army) against Saly, which as yet was under the command of Abdalla Ebn Mahumed Ebn Abebeker, vulgarly called the Saint. But being advised of what was doing in the Fields of [Page 8] Tanger, Gayland marcht back in great haste, and with all the Forces he could raise, advanced toward the Earl, who upon June 15. was luckily informed there­of by a Negro; who running away from Gayland, made Tanger his Sanctuary. The Negro's Tydings of Gayland's being in the neighbouring Woods and Val­lies with his whole Army, was the next day confirm'd by another Moor. Whereupon the General order'd his affairs accordingly, and put himself in such a po­sture as he judg'd fittest to receive an Enemy, whom success had made confident and hardy.

The next morning, being Sunday, the Earl (contra­ry to his custom) stay'd from Church, in expectation of the Moors: But that subtle wary people would not raise their Ambushes, laid close to our Lines, till they saw our Reserves drawn off. Nor was this done, till a Party of Horse had first discover'd the Ground; which returning, confidently affirm'd, No Enemy was within two miles of the City. The Earl (trusting the Report) about midday retired to the upper Castle; where he was no sooner enter'd, but the Moors, swift and sudden as Lightning, were fallen upon our out-Guards, and begun to storm Pole-fort, then but half built; but it was so bravely defended with Hand-Granadoes, that the Moors were soon forced to for­sake their Attempt. The ground about the said Fort, and the several Avenues, were thick sown with Gal­traps; a Grain which seem'd the more strange to the shooless Moors, in that they reapt it with their feet. The Granadoes and Galtraps so cool'd their impetu­ousuess, that they were wary for the future how they came near the Forts and Lines. In this first Engage­ment with the Earl, the Enemy express'd great Reso­lution and Courage. One of them (a stout brave [Page 9] fellow) pursued some of the English to within forty paces of the Gate, and had not ('tis like) staid there, if not stopt by Death. The General would very glad­ly have taken him alive, to know of him what opini­on or fate made him so desperate, as to throw himself into dangers, which in humane reason he could not hope to overcome.

The Moors being driven from their Attacque of the Fort, possessed themselves of the Lines: fixing there­on three Colours, which according to their Military Laws, their Souldiers were bound to defend. The Earl with several Officers and Reformades pressed them out of the Trenches, and with such excellent Conduct managed the Dispute, that in two hours not one of the Enemy could be met with. Few English were this day killed or wounded, but in running away. And the Moors being very careful to carry off their slain, left but seventeen behind them. The fight being ended, as too violent to last long▪ the Earl took this oc­casion to salute Gayland with the following Letter in Spanish.

This Letter was kindly received by Gayland, and the next day answered in Spanish, thus Translated.

[Page 11] The Earl received the Letter with good Respect; and having very Courteously entertained the Messen­ger, he dismissed him with this Answer.

But these Overtures of Friendship pausing a while, the Earl in the interim (with signal diligence) pursued the Building of Forts. The time he could spare from being in person at that work, he spent in setling and composing things belonging to the Town and Port. All emergent differences he decided according to their fresh Circumstances; which he did with such speed, that Contests were as soon ended as known; and with such general satisfaction, that none disgusted his Decisions, save some humoursome Palates, which could relish nothing but what they cooked themselves. But the Earl was not much moved with such Carriage; [Page 12] though he would soon resent their dis-ingenuity, whom he saw ready to contradict what was apparently just, because it suted not with their Caprices.

And ere I go further, give me leave to step back to June the 5th, to acquaint you how at that time Two Messengers came from Saly, sent by the Saint to con­gratulate the Earls coming to Tanger, and to sollicite his assistance in relieving the Castle of Saly, reduced to a want of all sorts of Provisions; and to settle a fair Correspondence. One of these Messengers was a French Renegado, of a facetious humour, and quick appre­hension; the other a strict zealous Moor, of a grave and reserved Carriage, and of a very obliging Con­versation. The success of the Earl against their Ene­my Gayland, gave these Messengers cause of great joy. The serious Moor would often rebuke the Earl for ex­posing his person to such evident hazards. After se­veral days friendly Entertainment; at their request, he sent them back in a Ship of his own, appointing several Gentlemen to wait upon them to the Saint; To whom he made such Presents as he judged most suitable to his want. How much the Saint was delighted with the Earls generousness, both toward his Embassadours and himself, you may perceive from this ensuing Letter, Englished out of Arabique.

The Earl divided himself between the Affairs of the Town and Camp, acting in the one a Judge, in the other a Captain. Every day brought him from Gay­land a Present or an Ambush; and amidst the little Truces, he still made himself fitter for War. There ap­peared betwixt him and Gayland a sort of Amicable Hostility; and it was easie to conjecture, that nothing but the want of a handsome reserve of Honour, kept them from contracting a Friendship. And though the stripes both each day received, prepared them more and more for a complyance, yet that which hastned Gayland thereunto, was the Earls success on July the 16th, which was thus:

The Earl having at the utmost Lines placed a (St. Malo's) Guard of Dogs; upon Wednesday about two [Page 16] a clock in the morning, July 15. 1663. they discove­red an Ambush of the Enemies Horse. Upon notice whereof, all the Troopers were ordered to Mount: Eight of which the Earl commanded to ride directly to the place of Ambush; himself with the rest being close by to succour them. But it so happened, that the Moors finding themselves discovered, were already upon the march, and with an undaunted resolution Charged the Earl. The Engagement was very sharp; and had doubtless proved very bloody, if both sides had not willingly parted upon the appearance of the Moresco Foot; who alarm'd with the noise of this Combate, came down in great Numbers from the Neighbouring Hills. Upon this the Earl Retreated, and in all hast Man'd the five Forts he had erected, furni­shing them with Provisions; and commanded the Horse to Embody within the Lines, and to be ready to succour the Forts in case they should be Attackt.

The Enemy presently posted themselves. Those that came against the upper Castle, having the advantage of a Westerly wind, set the grass on fire, already scorcht with the Sun; the smoak of which, seconded with a Mist from the Sea, hindred the playing of our Great­guns; and gave the Moors opportunity to advance un­seen, within Musket shot of the Walls. But the wind changing to the East, gave us the advantage it had given the Moors. The Enemy as they were wont, fix­ed several of their Colours upon our Lines, which they were soon forced to fetch off. About six at night their whole Army drew off, and after a Consultation of the chief Officers, Gayland instantly sent his Treasurer with a White Bandrol, offering terms of Peace. The Treasu­rer having (according to their manner) in very few words delivered his Message, presently returned, pro­mising [Page 17] to come again next morning; which he accor­dingly did, and brought with him a Letter of great Courtiship, wherein Gayland magnified his happiness, in that he hoped to have a friendship with so brave an Enemy.

A personal Interview was concluded to be betwixt Gayland and the Earl; only the place was disputed▪ Gayland proffer'd to come into the Town: but to out-do that bravery, the Earl resolved to Treat with him in the Head of his Army. Which contrary to the Sentiments of his Officers, he did that afternoon. And a Tent being pitcht without the Lines, and furnisht with rich Chairs and Carpets, Gayland drew up his Army about it; and the Earl attended with Twenty of his Guards in rich Coats, rode thither to meet him. When he came to the Tent, Gaylands Brother was there ready to receive him: after came Gayland with his chief Officers. And being now met, (without any Ceremony) they instantly tell upon Proposals of Peace, which Gayland promised should be effected by the A­gents he would send the next day. The Enterview was concluded with a Banquet, and all parted with great satisfaction.

The next morning according to Gaylands promise, Commissioners came with full powers to conclude a Peace▪ On July 21. the Articles of Peace were sign'd by the Earl, who sent Commissionersto have the same done by Gayland at Arzila. The Commissioners re­turn'd July 23; and on the 26th, after a general Muster, in the Evening the several Companies took up their u­sual Posts; and with Small-shot and great Guns, the Earl commanded to salute the Peace: which was also done by the Frigats in the Bay. Gayland also the same night caused Bonfires to be made upon the more emi­nent [Page 18] Hills round about. And now nothing appear'd but marks of satisfaction and friendship. Gayland and the Earl continually complemented one another with Letters and Presents; and affairs were so wisely ma­nag'd, that the English and Moors seem'd to differ in nothing but Religion.

Affairs being now reduced to that condition, which but a few days before could scarce have been hop'd for, the Earl prepared to see England. But by reason of some intervening business, he put off his journey until August the 27. 1663. On which day he went aboard the Foresight, which weigh'd Anchor the next Morning. But ere I proceed in the Narrative of the Earl, I must not omit to tell you, that betwixt the conclusion of the Peace, and his going to England, he took all op­portunities to caress the Moors; giving leave also to several Gentlemen of the Garrison to visit the Country under Gaylands Seguro. By which means he became the better acquainted with many things tending to the Interest of his Government. He also in the interim sent a Present to the Sheck of Anjerah, who received it with great satisfaction, as the following Letter demon­strates, writ to the Earl in Arabique; and being first made Spanish, is here Englished.

This Shat was Father to one of Gaylan's Wives, nu­merous in Alliances, and reported to be an Andalusian, or of the Race of the Moors banisht Spain. He hath hereditary to his Family the Command of Anjera, which is a large Cavila adjoyning unto Tanger.

At the same time the Governours of Tituan made their Congratulations also, declaring their great satis­faction in the Peace, as appears by the ensuing Lines, rendered out of Spanish.

But ere I proceed, give me leave to acquaint you with the Earls singular carefulness to carry an equal hand in all Controversies that happened betwixt the Christians and those Jews that were residing upon the place▪ He was no stranger to the ill nature of the later, and how it was their Interest to favour the concerns of the Moors: as being (the most of them) born amongst them, and greatly sympathized in their Customs. Be­sides, many of them were only come to Tanger to Trade, having left their Wives and Children in the Moors Do­minions. But besides that, both by Nature and Reli­gion, he was inclined to an Impartial Justice; he knew that to do otherwise, would soon open the Mouth of a clamarous Jew, loudly to traduce him to the Moors. And thereby instil an ill opinion both of his Person and Religion.

His second care was to remove from the Moors all suspicion of any intended Invasion of their Country, with which they seem'd sturdily possessed. To this [Page 21] end, he let them plainly and sincerely know, That the King his Master had not sent him to Conquer, but to Rent their Land: That the chief design of his being sent thi­ther, was not to make War, but to settle a Peace: and to promote such a friendly and safe Traffique, as might conduce to the advantage of both. By which Decla­ration, seconded with Practice, the Earl attain'd to such an esteem with the Moors, that they would name him with a sort of Veneration. And understanding that he was one grown old in Military Attempts, they concluded that he was a person destined for great At­chievements; and that his very Reputation fought in his Souldiers. Upon his going for England, I heard the Illustrissimo's of Tetuan passionately wish his speedy and safe return to Barbary. Which was also desired by Gayland, as you may collect from the following Letter sent by him to the King.

The Earl being arrived in England, he was by im­portant concerns of his own, invited to take a Journey into Scotland, his Native Soil; which journey, as eve­ry thing else, he performed with so great celerity, that he return'd to Tanger on the 14th of the following Month, which was precisely eight days before the ex­piration of the Peace. The same Evening that he Landed, he removed not from the Water-side at Tan­ger, till the Horses brought for Recruits were boated ashore.

The next day he saluted Gayland by Letter, who up­on the receipt thereof, sent a Propio to congratulate the Earls safe arrival, and to let him know, how that out of Civility and favour to him, he had granted the Lieutenant-Governour a continuation of the Peace for two Months, without any variation of the first Ar­ticles.

The Earl return'd Gayland thanks; but withal as­sured him, That it was not in his power to prolong the Peace beyond the first conclusion, unless he was per­mitted to Fortifie, as he was ordered by his Master. But that in honour to the Lieutenant-Governours A­greement, and to show his respect to Gayland, he would make good every particular of the Articles that were for the Moors advantage.

[Page 23] Gayland here upon askt (and was granted) fifteen days space to consult with his Grandees, and gave the Earl to understand, that during that time he might fol­low his Fortifications without interruption.

Jan. 23. Gayland sent in his Secretary to let the Earl know, that if he would have the Peace prolong'd, they were to come to New Articles. The Secretary was a Spanish Renegado, of a bold, not to say insolent dis­course. He spoke highly in his Masters behalf, and in a braving Language Hector'd the Earl so loudly with Gaylands Greatness and Puissance, that he was forced at last to bid him tell his Mighty Master, that if he came within his Lines, he would send him to beg par­don for his Trespass of the King of Great Britain.

The fifteen days granted Gayland for Consultation being ended, he sent a Son of the Sheck of Anjera to confer with the Earl, who told him, the Mahumedan Law forbad them to suffer the Christian to erect Forti­fications in their Country; and that if the Earl would not desist from that work, he was not to expect any longer continuance of the Peace. To which Message the Earl made no other reply, but that the Sword should decide whether Mahumeds Law or his Masters Or­ders were more powerful: That he would neither take nor give Quarter: That he would observe every tittle of the Articles, and so lay the breach of Peace at Gay­lands door. And so the War was declared by beat of drum through the streets.

The next day the Earl set upon Building of Fort- Charles, on the Hill next the Upper-Castle; whose scituation was advantageous, not only to secure a con­siderable quantity of ground for the service of the Gar­rison, but also to discover the Enemy at a great di­stance. And if he had lived to compleat what he there [Page 24] designed, I believe no Force would have overcome it, but that of a Famine. He had scarce finished one half Bastion, when on the last of February 1663, Gayland with his whole Army came against it: the Fight lasted two days, in all which time the Trenches were so well contrived, that we lost but one man. On the second days Combat, Gayland commanded his Standard to be fixed in the very Mouth of the Fort, and even dared the Earl to touch it. And the greatest part of the day being spent in pelting at one another, in the Evening the Earl commanded a Squadron of Horse to fetch off the flanting Standard; who having bravely done it, it was set up upon the half-Bastion: which was no sooner perceived by the Moors, but they immediately marcht off, seeming much perplexed at this disgrace.

After this the Moors appeared no more, but in smal­ler Parties▪ On March 13, the Earl with his Troops had a severe Encounter with some of their best Cavalry, and was hard put to it to come off with Honour. On March 27, 1664. he counter-ambusht a strong Party of Horse, which was seconded with a Reserve of Foot. After a short dispute the Moors ran, and were pursued by the Earl, until the Woods and Rocks compelled him to desist. Two of their slain were brought off, one of which had several things about him that spake him to be a Person of Condition. This happened upon a Sunday: L. A. Chaplain to the Gar­rison having read Prayers, and preacht in the Generals Tent, (which was never omitted) the Earl commanded the two dead Bodies of the Moors to be decently washt, and shrouded; and so laying them on two Biers, sent them with a White Flag to their Friends. The Earl on Horseback, and the Troopers in Military Order, atten­ded the said Corps to the very Margent of the ground [Page 25] that was granted him by Gayland in the time of the Peace, where the Moors with a White Band-roll recei­ved them. They expressed great tokens of their thank­fulness for this Humanity; by which the Earl (as he designed) greatly upbraided that barbarous Butchery exercised by the Moors upon the Bodies of those un­happy English that fell into their hands.

These Successes of the Earl much abated the Moors frequency and Resoluteness in Ambuscades; but had no other influence upon him, save the encouraging of his Cares, which yet for all this were very much dasht, by a want of Materials to carry on the intended Horn­work, &c. The snarling old Duke of Medina Celi, angry at, and envying the Earls proceedings, denyed him Pratique in Spain, as to the things he most need­ed; which constrained him to send to Portugal for Lime, &c. and though it was there to be had, yet the di­stance was so great and hazardous, that it was very difficult to fetch it. But if he had been sufficiently furnished with Materials to carry on the Fortifications, in a few Months he would have made Tanger strong e­nough to defie the Force and Cunning of the Moors. And besides that this lack of Lime, &c. hindered the work, it also gave occasion to the Earl to venture too much abroad, and put him upon that fatal Action of May the fourth, 1664, the thoughts of which are so unplea­sant, that you must pardon me, if I totally pass it over in silence.

Thus you receive what you have so often requested; and what I have writ, is only an innocent Narrative of the more remarkable passages betwixt Gayland and the Earl of Tiveot. They all hapned in the space of six Months, the Earl being little longer Resident in Tan­ger. And if we may divine by what he did in so short [Page 26] a space, what he would have done had he lived; we may safely conclude, he would have made Tanger as famous an English Colony, as it was once a Roman. But all was crusht in his unfortunate death. And while I reflect upon that signal cautiousness he used in all other Adventures, I cannot but wonder by what Star he was led to that which was his last.

Having now given you a short Account of the Anti­quity of Tanger, and of what hapned there upon its first becoming English, I leave you to your own De­ductions. And shall trouble you no further, than with an intimation of the Earl of Tiveots Opinion of the Town, Fortisication, and Mole.

As to the first, he thought its Scituation so healthy and pleasant to live in, and so advantagious either to annoy or protect all Traffique into the Mediterranean, that he wondered it had so long continued in the lazy possession of the Portuguezes, and that neither Eu­rope nor Africk should attempt its Conquest.

But though he much admired the Scituation of the place, yet he greatly disliked its Strength: and in the condition he found it, he thought it altogether un­defensible. For notwithstanding that the Mole, when come to perfection, would secure it on that side next the Sea; yet that side of the Town next the Land, he saw to stand in bleeding need of Fortification; on which he was so intent, that he seemed deaf to all things be­sides. That we call Charles-Fort, he intended, if pos­sible, to make impregnable; and to erect another Fort over against it, to agree with it in Strength, and to Communicate. Pole-Fort he also designed to be made as strong as the other; because it looks into and Com­mands the Town. He likewise had begun a Bulwark on that part of the Town next the Sand-hills, which [Page 27] if finisht, would have commanded both them and the Strand towards old Tingis, and have also guarded the watering place for the Ships. As to smaller Forts up­on the Out-lines, (of which he had built some, and intended more) though he never thought they would be able long to withstand an Enemy, yet he fore▪saw they would serve a while to divert him.

As to the Great and Magnificent Enterprize of the Mole, he judiciously approved it: yet saw it would be loaden with difficulties, continually subject to dis­asters, and that it would exhaust a vast Exchequer. He was not very forward to have the Mole begun, till the Town was so well Fortified, as that it might bid defiance not only to the Moor, but every other Ene­my. For he knew the world would grow very jea­lous of so great and important a work. And what Prince (save our own, whom God preserve) would not labour to have it disappointed, to prevent that powerful Influence which it was like to have upon the most advantageous Trade in the World? &c.

Forgive me, Sir, if sense of growing tedious renders me abrupt; And that my love to Tanger makes me shut up all in this humble request, viz. That you would improve your Post for the preservation thereof. Which I shall not despair of, when I see a second Tiveot sent to remove all the Scruples of that naturally jealous people, the Moors; by assuring them how His Majesty intends nothing but a just, friendly, and last­ing Commerce: and that he is so far from taking from them any parcel of their Fields by violence, that he is ready to give them satisfaction for so many Acres as may suffice the Conveniencies of his City and Garrison of Tanger, and inable him to compleat the Mole, and sui­table Fortifications, &c.