Antiquity REVIV'D: OR THE GOVERNMENT OF A Certain Island Antiently call'd ASTREADA, In Reference to

  • Religion,
  • Policy,
  • War, and
  • Peace.

Some hundreds of Years Before the Coming of Christ.

Veritas, si oppugnata, magis Elucescat.

LONDON, Printed in the Year 1693.

Antiquity Revived, &c.

WHen Alexander, surnamed the Great, had subjugated to his Will and Power the most flourishing Domi­nions of Greece, together with the famous City of Athens, that had the highest Repute for Literature, and Civil Government, being forc'd to submit to that mighty Conque­ror: When not a few of Her Citizens de­spairing of their former Freedom, and those Encouragements to Erudition and polite Sci­ence, which She had with so much Renown formerly enjoy'd, left her Dominion. Amongst which a Senator, a Philosopher, and a person of Sacerdotal Function, took shipping, with intent to land in Persia where Darius then Reign'd, and was afterwards overcome by the abovemention'd Alexander.

But the Winds not favouring their Voyage, they were forc'd by a Storm on a certain Island that had been anciently call'd Astreada: which denomination, as some affim, was de­riv'd from the Goddess Astrea, celebrated by Poets as the Tutelar Deity of Piety and Ju­stice; which Deity, as they relate, had an­ciently a Being on Earth, till the depravation [Page 2] of Mankind both in respect of Divine Wor­ship, and their Integrity to Laws and Civil Go­vernment, caus'd this Goddess, as affronted by all sorts of Impieties, to abdicate her Per­son from the Beings of Men; whether for the Reason that the Precepts of this Celestial Guide had been longer retain'd in this Island, than in any other Region, might give occasion to its Inhabitants to call it Astreada, I will not positively affirm: But this I dare aver, That never any Country deserv'd more Esteem for preserving the Soundness of Her primitive Faith and Manners.

The Three Persons before express'd, being the Chief of those that the tempestuous Rage of the Ocean had cast on this lsland, our Dis­course shall be here limited to them, and a few such of the Inhabitants of Astreada as courteously gave them Reception.

This lsland was of large Extent, if not great and powerful, both in the Number, Grandeur, and Valor of Inhabitants, and Opu­lency of Soil, and Conveniency of Scituation, prefe [...]able in most Respects, if compar'd with other Neighbouring Dominions; and had not visibly deviated, in any known Age, from re­quisite Greatness or Virtue.

As soon as these Athenians landed, the next Inhabitants to the Shore, receiv'd them very courteously, and took care for their Accom­modation in all things as was requisite to [Page 3] their Distress: And discerning that of these shipwrack'd Persons, Three of them, by their Habits, had an important distinction from the rest, they gave notice of their Quality and Function to one of the chiefest of their Fide­fendons, whose Office was to examine Stran­gers, and take care that no Religion differing from theirs should be diffus'd within the Island of Astreada. This Fidefendon being accompa­nied with one of their Civil Superiors, who from the Duties of his Place was call'd a Jussinedos, or principal Magistrates of that Prin­cipality; which was so happy, as neither the Imputation of Tyranny in their Monarchs, or detestable Sedition and Rebellion of their People, had any sanguine Records amongst them.

As soon as they had kindly saluted the Athe­nian Strangers, and given them such Entertain­ment as was suitable to their Condition, the Fidefendon took occasion to let them know, That as they pitied their Sufferance in their past Voyage, so he could not but dissuade, for the benefit of their Souls, their manner of Worship, if dissenting from his in worshiping of the Divine Powers. And since he'perceiv'd that one of them was habited in the Vestments of a Priest and Sacrificer, according to the Custom of their Nation, he was willing to take cognizance of his Persuasion, and en­deavor, if he found it erroneous, to inform him better.

[Page 4]The Athenian Priest gravely return'd his thanks to the Fidefendon for his offer'd Favor; but told him withal, That their Religion con­sisting, for the most part, of Ceremonies and Sacrificial Duties to the Gods, which long continu'd Usage had been traditionally con­vey'd, and of which they had no greater Proof than Writings and Records, the Wisdom and Discipline of their Country had thought fit to allow, it would not be thought convenient for him to venture their Persuasion so receiv'd, and which he could not otherwise demon­strate, on the force of Argument. Adding be­sides, That he was obliged by his Function and Interest cautiously to discuss, at least not to allow of any Motives or Arguments, if prejudicial to the Tenents he was to pro­fess.

The Philosopher that was of the same Na­tion, was inwardly asham'd, as he observ'd the Evasion made by the Priest, telling the Fi­defendon, That if he would oblige them so far as to undertake to inform them better than they hitherto unde [...]stood, on the Divine Ac­count, he assur'd that it should be gratefully receiv'd by him, notwithstanding the present aversion of his Countryman the Athenian Priest, which he hoped did not proceed from obdurancy of Mind, in case his Reasons were appositely prevalent.

The Jussinedos likewise readily declar'd [Page 5] That after the Fidefendon had deliver'd what was fit to be understood in reference to the Religion of Astreada, that he would acquaint them with such Laws and Politiques of State as had been the long approv'd Support of their Monarchical Dominion.

The Athenian Senator, that had not yet spoke, acknowledg'd the Obligation great, be­ing no less desirous than the Philosopher, to hear the Maxims of that Island's Government explain'd, unto which other Countries were estrang'd both as to their Constitution and Practice.

The Fidefendon, by the Prerogative of his Office being first to speak, in respect that the Concern of Religion ought to have the pre­cedent Discussion, he began to deliver himself after this manner:

He told them, That he was very inclinable to treat favourably their Persuasion, both as they were Strangers, and because the Civility of their Island, and Complaisance of their Morals, oblig'd them not to reflect with bit­terness on the Persuasions of others that had been introduc'd by Custom, and as it were suck'd into their Understandings with the Milk of their Mothers: hoping that of themselves they would discern their Errors, if perspicu­ously unvail'd to their Judgments, by which they would soon apprehend what sort of Men ought to be charg'd with such Enormities and [Page 6] Absurdities in Belief, as were too frequent with Mankind.

After which, the Fidefendon, with a steady Countenance, deliver'd himself in this man­ner:

Know, said he, that the Worship we ac­knowledge, and to the observance of which we devoutly erect the eyes of our Souls, es­sentially consists on these following Particu­lars.

1. That as the World had a manifest Con­tinuation from Providence, so likewise was it founded on its Power, though not to be other­wise search'd or explain'd: And consequently that all definitions of the Deity, that it was totally spiritual; or as some held who had celebrated Demy-gods, after the manner of others, who attributed half Divinity to some Instructers of Worship, as well as to their reputed Heroiques, were no less ridiculous, than absurd. It being impossible that Reli­gion should be so near ally'd to Mortality, or be oblig'd to a Founder of human Denomi­nation. And if the World was govern'd by a visible and constant Providence, there was no Reason to doubt that Religion was dedu­cible from thence, and no less manifest and perpetually extant to Sense, as palpably as we behold the Sky and Stars above our Heads. Wherefore that this supreme Tenent ought to be allow'd and reverenc'd as the most clear [Page 7] foundation of Belief, concluding that it had been as generally conceded, had not the In­ventions and Frauds of Men oppos'd so clear and known a Truth. Adding, That he desir'd to hear what could be oppos'd to this No­tion, before he proceeded to other Principles of their Worship.

The Athenian Philosopher, judg'd that the Method propos'd was highly rational, and of divine and natural Simplicity: And turning to the Athenian Priest told him, That it was in­cumbent on him to justifie the reasonable In­tegrity of the Worship he profess'd, if in the compass of his understanding, lest his Devo­tion were held unrighteously apply'd to Hea­ven, and Altars polluted by the cruel Sacrifi­ces of Creatures, whereby the Divine Power might be rather incens'd, than propitiously implor'd to the advantage of Humane Frailty.

The Grecian Priest , was not a little con­cern'd that he should be thus woo'd to a Dis­putation of this Nature, which he was very prone to avoid: But judging that it was for the Credit and Interest of his Persuasion and Function, to act polemically in their Defence, he reply'd to this purpose:

That he would not undertake to prove any other Evidence of the Belief he profess'd, than what redounded from Usage and allow'd Re­ception, as it had been written, or traditio­nally [Page 8] convey'd by such that were not manifest­ly liable to the Imputation of Fraud in what they deliver'd; who, as they were Founders of Worship, were likewise esteem'd inspir'd, if not oraculously instructed from above. That Men from Men, in respect of outward Rules and Certainty, had been propense to acqui­esce in sueh Notions, though not otherwise demonstrative. Neither did he deny that general Providence, as the Fidefendon alledg'd, was more apparent and visible than any par­ticular Tenent of Religion, however it came to pass that Maxims of Worship were so ex­tremely various in divers Nations, though within the compass of one entire World, and Divine Conduct. That it were to be wish'd that every Article of Faith had been as discer­nable as the Orb of Light, nay, written with a Sun-beam on every Object we behold: But this general Conviction being not to be per­ceiv'd, Men ought to follow such Doctrines as have gain'd most Credit on their Under­standings.

The Fidefendon told him, That he com­mended him for wishing that the Essentials of Divine Worship had greater Evidence than human Relations or Tenents prescrib'd by the Pen of Man, by reason that it was not apparent how far they ought to be credibly allow'd, or accompany'd with any sensible Demonstration that Invention or Deceit did [Page 9] not manage the Contrivance: For though a Book may with sufficient assurance deliver a Math [...]matical Certainty with a quod erat de­monstrandum: It is much otherwise as to any Fundamental of Faith as it should respect Heaven, which teacheth the Soul visibly to apprehend the Illuminations without Book from above; to which undeniable Conviction all the Faculties of the Mind, and what can be attributed to every Sense that operates in Mankind, fully assent.

Suppose, he added, that I should inspect such Writings of yours as are no less esteem'd by you than sacred Records, and should find there such Acts of your deified Jupiter, as you grant Miraculous: Were it therefore as clear, in the judgment of any indifferent Un­derstanding, that your Deity either did such Wonders, or delegated by Inspiration any Per­sons to convey them to others; when you neither produce or relie on any visible Fact, or universal Manifestation of his Omnipotent Power, together with the Reverence incum­bent, from thence, on the Soul of Man. Our Intellects are sensibly assur'd, That we ought to pay Adoration on our Knees to what we see not, from what we ocularly behold in the admirable Frame and Structure of the Uni­verse, in whose Circumference should not the fixed Stars stand at one constant distance one from another, and the diurnal motion of the [Page 10] Orbs above perpetually keep the same time, no Individual would, in probability, last a mo­ment: But we reflect on you Grecians, no less than on other Nations of the Earth, that by invented Denominations and Beliefs, presump­tuously impose on Heaven what is not to be discern'd from thence by any actual Object or Propriety.

And could any thing be more perfectly or necessarily perceiv'd, than what obviously re­sult [...] from the Conduct of the Universe above and below: It were impious to concede, that it would not be effectually conveyed and seen by our Eyes no less undoubtedly than requisite to terminate and convict our Understandings, which to deny were very absurd, and conse­quently would force on Providence a de­fect.

Some there are who confidently affirm, That the Conduct of the Universe doth de­pendantly subsist, and guided in all its Ope­rations and Effects, by a spiri [...]ual Being; but how a spiritual Essence can actuate on things of a corporeal Nature, that are limited and qualified accordingly, is not intelligible, we may imagine, to the highest degree of Puri­ty, that one Substance may be more refin'd and dignifi'd than another, as we behold from the Figure and Beams of the Sun, and other of the Celestial Bodies; yet not be able from thence to define a Spirit, or to attribute to a [Page 11] Divine spiritual Essence the contiguous order and disposal of Substances terminated by ma­terial parts and effect [...] of Sense, as are our human Bodies, and whatsoever has Vegeta­tion or Life; to affirm otherwise, is not easily, discharg'd from Contradiction.

In like manner it seems no less naturally repugnant to Reason, in such as do maintain that spiritual Worship is due from the human Soul; which as it has its Being, and actuates in the Body of Man, can have no proper Idea of any spiritual Existence. Let any one that would be thought to believe otherwise, prostrate himself as devoutly as he can, and he will find, in opposition to this Maxim, That his Contemplation will furnish him with something or other that resembles Body and Parts, and most likely such as are of human Similitude, suitable to the Deities that for the most part are worshipt, for which the Fictions of the Priesthood ought to be accountable. This Example, in stead of other Argument, I hold fully sufficient to convince Opposers, that the Notion of spiritual Worship is neither rea­sonable, or naturally allowable: In stead of which I will clearly propose, when I touch that Particular, such a sensible and proper Wor­ship, though annexed to no denomination of Deity, in any kind, as shall manifest the Reli­gion we Astreadans profess, to be more ratio­nal than what can be urg'd to the contrary by any opposite Persuasion.

[Page 12]The Grecian Senator, very gravely observ'd the preceding Discourse; and though he was inclin'd to esteem the Laws and Usage of his Country both on the Divine and Civil Ac­count, he readily acknowledg'd that neither of those were valuable, if not of sound and unbiass'd Construction; wherefore he was very desirous to attend the Period of this con­siderable Debate.

When the Philosopher, his Associate, who had been positively educated in the Athenian School, acknowledg'd by the World for the most exquisit Seminary of Letters, where he had gradually arriv'd to the height of Phi­losophical Science, was somewhat earnester than the Senator, to understand if reverential Worship could be apparently deducible from the exterior and sensible Acts of Providence; assuring the Priest, his Companion, That un­less he could make out his particular method of Adoration, the Altars and Sacrifices, how­ever beneficial they had been to Men of his Function, would sink in Repute, notwith­standing the Esteem they had formerly recei­ved. At which words the Priest being not a little concern'd, and rubbing of his Forehead hard, with not a little Priestly Confidence, be­gan in this manner:

I well know, that Universal Providence, however it may seem disguis'd or perplex'd, by the various Opinions and Religions of the [Page 13] World, ought to have a Divine Attribute re­vere [...]c'd by Mankind; and that the Convi­ction is no less apparent, than that there is Day and Night, Heat and Moisture, and other elementary qualities, by which the Universe do's subsist: That not a few, of pro­found Erudition, have affirm'd, That the whole Bulk and Fabrick of the Universe is animated, preserv'd, and govern'd by one Soul or Providence; on which Account they acknowledge, that there is an actual Supreme Conduct as clearly manifest, as we know by Sense that Earth, Water, or Air, have their proper Qualities and Beings. But this gene­ral Soul of the World being impossible to be view'd or resembled by Shape or Figure, no more than the Soul or Life, that actuates the Body of Man, is to be seen or describ'd, they allow it a supreme and essential Conduct on which the conservation of all above and below depe [...]ds. For which Reason they hold it ab­surd to give a definitive Name to any thing that is not perceptible to Sense, how excel­lent soever they grant its Being and Con­duct.

And though I am of the Priesthood, my Ingenuity do's oblige to grant, that it is not easie to give a Denomination to an invisible Power, or a supreme Cause, whose Essence is absconded, and can no otherwise be reveren­ced, than by the Effects it produceth.

[Page 14]On which ground they argue. That an un­certain Name or Notion of Divine Power, as it may be signified by the Word Providence, is less temerarious, and of more practicable Intelligence, than Definitions of Men that pretend to explain a deified Essence.

And thus, continu'd the Priest, we are se­verely censur'd, and pretendedly recrimina­ted for proposing to the World such Tenents as undertake to furnish the Understanding with a more superlative Intimacy with the Di­vine Power, than by any Fact or Conduct of Heaven, is manifestly explain'd. And like­wise reflect on our usual Worship, as the Ca­talogue of superstitious Frauds and Devices, notwithstanding it be clear both to us and them, that unless it be granted that Devotion be explain'd, after our manner of Adora­tion, in reference to Divinity, Religion can have no Certainty, or practical Obser­vance.

The Fidefendon reply'd, that the Athenian Priest, had conceded enough in that he grant­ed, That the Omnipotent or Supreme Being might have an implicite Demonstration, though not the essence known by the word, as in the example you mention'd of the Soul in the Body of Man: the word Soul does not explain the Being of the human Soul, though by its conceiv'd Operation we give it a name, by which we rather would know than cer­tainly [Page 15] able from thence to express its nature. In like manner, We Astreadans, after the ra­tional form of Worship profess'd by us, at­tribute to the Denomination of Providence, an Omnipotency or Divine Conservator and Disposer of the total World, as it is either compos'd of whatsoever we behold, or of what we do neither discern or apprehend: And yet we do not definitively infer from any of these Expressions, the Essential Nature or Modality of Existence in reference to the Supreme Power which we devoutly celebrate: In your City of Athens, where Literature has been so anciently Famous, you deify an Om­nipotent Being; but instead of defining his Essence, you dedicate your Worship to the unknown God, as the publick Inscriptions on your Temples and Altars declare. By which it is evident, That you renounce all Tenents that pretend to Definitions of the Nature of the Deity you adore, by which the Prudence of your Republick judiciously avoided the in­tolerable Absurdities that otherwise would have been propagated amongst you.

And had your Citizens been allow'd the freedom of Discussing, or suffer'd any Tenents that had undertook to explain the Divine Es­sence, your City had been infectd with more contagious Errors relating to Belief, than you do at this day profess. For if you had allow'd any Corporeal Figure or Being, to what you [Page 16] Divinely celebrate; you must have repre­sented it in the likeness of Humanity, or other Animal. On the contrary, if you had given it a spiritual Attribute, you had then determin'd more Exorbitantly, and less In­telligible. Because the understanding can have no comprehension of any spiritual Existency that is in no kind the Object of Sense. Nor can any, however confident they seem to be, with the least shadow of Reason affirm, That a bodily Eye can discern that which hath no Body; which were a Contradiction to the undoubted Principle of Opticks, and no less wide from the Understanding, or impossible to fall within the compass of its knowledge; according to that clear Philosophical Maxim, That nothing is in the Intellect of Man, but was first the Senses; whereas it is evident from what is here alledg'd, That a spiritual Being cannot be in any kind the Object of the Un­derstanding or Senses.

To conclude, Whatsoever is not to be seen or felt, is impossible to be apprehended or notional to human Conception. And I think no Man will undertake to demonstrate, that a Spirit is either to be touch'd or seen. And these Reasons I conceive enough to invalidate all spiritual Definitions and Notions, by whom­soever asserted.

And yet I grant, said the Fidefendon, That from the sublime Effects and Proprieties of a [Page 17] Cause sensibly apparent, I may concede that it is supreme and ineffable; by Reason of the actual dignity of its Operation, notwithstand­ing it be far impossible for me to apprehend the manner of its Existence or Being; as is manifest from the Example of Providence, be­fore mention'd; the excellency of whose actual and continual Benignity in the won­derful Order and Conservation of the Uni­verse, and all things it contains, is apparent to our Understandings, by the undeniable al­lowance of all our Senses; as Seeing, Hear­ing, Tasting, Smelling, Touching; these as­sure us of a Providential Being. How remote soever, or absconded the Modality of its Ex­istence, is from our Apprehensions: Like to some admirable Structure, from whose Com­posure, Furniture, Parts, and Proportions, I admire the perfect Abilities of the Architect and Founder, though unknown to me the superlative Skill and Materials that com­pleated the Fabrick. And I cannot but reite­rate, That there is nothing more fallible or absurd, than positively to affirm, That in al­lowing of a Supreme Cause, they must ne­cessarily grant a spiritual Existence; it being very possible, that such an Efficient, howso­ever superlative allow'd in its Essence, may be no Spirit, as some undertake to define, nor of bodily substance in any corporeal Sense or Attribute that can be apprehended by us. [Page 18] And in Speculation we may acknowledge, that an extraordinary Cause may be notional­ly understood to be of a refin'd Nature, yet not therefore term'd Spiritual, no more than the Notion of a distinct fifth Essence, which Philosophers attribute to the Aetherial Bodies of the Sun and Stars, does imply a spiritual Being, or contrarily any Similitude of Sub­sistence, if likened to Elementary Compo­sition.

If the World did explain by any Work, or Thing, the Cause of its own Original, or any Creature that subsists in it, we could not be destitute of knowing, nay, seeing of it as perfectly as we do our selves: Though we must not conclude from thence, that the total Compass of the World doth not diffuse the Cause of its Being; And it were a very groundless and improper Notion, to imagine that any such Original Cause should have an Existence beyond the vast Extent of the Uni­verse; which were no less absurd, than to imagine that something may subsist where there is nothing: For I take it as granted by all of us, that the capacity of the World above and below, must be large enough to include its supreme Cause; We ought therefore to conclude, that the Reason why it cannot be discern'd, is because it is absconded by its effectual conduct and manner of Operation, in order to the conservation of the Universe. [Page 19] For if it animate all things, or be diffus'd, as a Soul, of which every individual Being par­ticipates, as was precedently mention'd, it cannot be perceptible in whole, or in part, no more than the human Soul is to be discern'd, in its Figure or Proportion that gives Life and Motion to the Body. All which does sufficiently manifest, that a Supreme Cause may be visibly existent in the Effects it pro­duceth; yet so, as not to be otherwise de­fin'd or apprehended.

On which grounds we of this Island of Astreada adore Providence, without giving to it the name of Deity, or obliging our selves to give a denomination to a Being or Essence that we cannot intelligibly express, and so be necessitated to devise an equivalent Term or Notion of Divinity at a Venture. Whereas we conceive that we are pertinently devout, if sensible of its Effects, however obscure its Being, if we pay our Adoration in that me­thod for the Benefits we receive: And that as an undiscernible Foreseer, Provider, and Dis­poser of all things, for the Glory of it self, and humane preservation and subsistence, we celebrate Providence; not with less reverence than such as would be thought strictly to worship and implore what they think fit to deifie.

'Twere more tedious than necessary, should [...] entertain you, who are Strangers to our [Page 20] Climate, with an elaborate Repetition of our Forms of Prayer, and manner of Devotion: which, in sums, is no other, than that we re­verence on our Knees the ineffable Disposer and Giver of the Blessings we receive; like to a Man that should have a Bounty convey'd to him by an unknown hand, and who, in that Case, would not think himself tacitely oblig'd to return his acknowledgment, though he was ignorant of the Motive, Nature, and Dignity of the Person that was the Be­stower.

On what account the Tenents and Super­structures of others, not to reflect on their notorious Frauds and Devices, have hood­wink'd the understandings of Men that are not united to us by the sensible method of our Persuasion, I leave, concluded the Fidefendon, to your judicious Examination.

The Philosopher observing that his Coun­tryman Priest was somewhat troubled to re­ply, or ruminating of what Argument wa [...] fittest to be insinuated in defence of his Per­suasion, spoke to the Fidefendon in these words.

I am apt to grant both as a Philosopher, and as far as Reason ought to convince me, that there is an implicit Reverence, as you have judiciously maintain'd, due to the sen­sible [Page 21] operations of Providence; all which I do as clearly perceive, as that the Sun has warmness in his Beams, and that Day and Night have a reciprocal management, as they beneficially vary and commode the several Climates of the Universe: or that Mankind, and every Animal and Vegetive is nourish'd and supported by operations of a Cause pre­dominately absconded.

To which, I likewise condescend, That you aptly give the denomination of Providence, without undertaking to define its Essence; as he that sees Light, feels the effects of the Suns heat, is capable of understanding what he intends by either of the words, but not therefore apprehensive of the composition or essential nature of the substance from whence they proceed.

Neither can I dissent from you, as you ce­lebrate under the Notion of Providence the Devotion you apply; in respect that what I am rationally oblig'd to admire as an ineffable Supporter and Disposer of all things, I may undoubtedly worship in a general Sense with­out other definition: to explain which, the Reasons you have precedently alledg'd are so many and perspicuous, as they need no Illustration: So that as a rational Man and a Philosopher, I readily concede, that the Be­lief you Astreadans profess, is both Natural [Page 22] and Philosophical; neither can any other re­ligious Proposal, however reputed divine or inspir'd, deter me from allowing my highest Admiration and Reverence to the methods of that Persuasion that is evidently familiar to my Soul and Senses, in the same manner as you deduce your Creed from the conduct of Providence; and why the Devotion of the World should not be universally united in that primitive one entire and obvious mean [...] of Worship, is not easily understood.

To which the Fidefendon readily answer'd, [...]elling the Philosopher, that he had proceeded ingeniously in his Concession relating to what had been discuss'd: And that he concluded with a very considerable mark on the deplo­rable Folly of Mankind in being so absurdly divided by their Beliefs, considering that as the World is one, so there can be but one true Proposition or Motive in order to wor­ship. As in the Instance that has been given of Providence, if that be clearer to the ap­prehension, as it must be because sensibly per­ceiv'd, than any Notion different from it, that ought to be made the Proposition that should generally unite and terminate hum [...]ne Wor­ship. And I do not think, said the Fidefendon, that the most confident of the Priesthood, will affirm that either their Oracles or Inspirations [Page 23] that they conceive most authentick, are so feel­ingly manifest, as the operation [...] of Provi­dence, or of like Antiquity; the latter being as old as the World, the other of dated and known Original.

And turning to the Grecian Priest, added, that hi [...] Function could not deny that their Jupi­ter, and other of their Deities were allow'd by Priesthoods to have been born, and liv'd on earth, and I doubt not but their Ends were likewise mortal.

But how Religions of that sor [...] should con­tinue so long, and yet propagated from so mean a Beginning and Date, or in substance no other than Creeds convey'd by the pra­ctice of Men for secular Esteem, Advantage and Interest; even contrary to the obviou [...] Devotion and Belief avow'd by us; I cannot imagine otherwise to arise, than from the prone Facility and credulous Impiety, too pre­valent with Mankind, in believing a Story or Fiction, plausibly contriv'd, superior in poin [...] of evidence, to the palpable information of our Senses. On which account the credence of such Doctrines has been subtilly introdu­ced, that has not only allured, deceived, and opposed Mens understandings by the various defiance of their Tenents, even to Warrs and Slaughters, but has presumptuously taught them to believe, that there have been Gods [Page 24] in humane shape, and sometimes Men that ought to be half-way deified, as Heroes of old were fictitiously celebrated; that is to say, worship as God and Man united.

All which, not to particularize the Ends and Interest of Impostors, have been suitably convey'd in order to captivate the Intellects of vulgar persons, as the greatest part of Mankind, and therefore more usefully impo­sed on, who being taught to pin their Faith on the Relations of such as had greatest re­putation of Piety and Learning, though in truth [...]he mistakers or abusers of both; soon prevailed with them to acquiesce in believing of things they never examined, though not undertaken to be proved by the Propo­sers.

And thus the Tales and Forgeries of a few at first, gain'd by degrees the approbation of multitudes, who because they observed no­thing above or below that did by words de­clare a supreme Cause, or any providential Benignity derived from thence, as if the uni­versal World, Sun and Stars were to be less admired because speechless, they easily con­sented that such as with the highest vogue and applause of opinion presented themselves for Tu [...]ors, ought to be received as commis­sioned by Heaven. And this Error was dili­gently continued by the craft and for the ad­vantage [Page 25] of their Guides and Directors; well knowing that a Worship that depended upon sensible assurance, would invalidate all Per­suasions that had nothing but verbal Affirma­tions. Neither had any of those Men, who pretended most to Divine Inspirations and Re­cords divulged to that end, attained the re­pute of Founders, or as it were the original Monarchs of diversity of Persuasions and Sects redounding from thence; if they had undertook to inform Men no farther than the conviction of Seeing and Feeling, according as we deduce our providential Worship, be­cause that method had put Men in mind of what was as palpable to them as it could be to such who undertook to be their Di­rectors.

As it can be for no Bodies advantage to assure Men that there is a Mathematical Cer­tainty, or [...]hat they may demonstrate how far they ought to believe, in point of Reli­gion, as surely as they can know any thing by their Senses. True it is, that Erectors and Founders of Worship have alledg'd, to credit their Doctrines, Divine Illuminations and Miracles, that have been better known, or at least so pretended, to themselves, than to such they undertake to inform. But with what confidence can they affirm, that such Propo­sitions are either sufficient or large enough [Page 26] to convict the World replenished with Men; or why there should not be one Belief as evi­dent to Sense, as that Men discern the Ope­rations of Providence.

If contrarily you can clearly explain, con­cluded the Fidefendon, that your Persuasion ought to dissent, I am ready to consider the validity of your Proposals; in the mean time I have set forth, in their genuine dress, the ground and motives relating to the Worship that we Astread [...]ns maintain, and devoutly profess.

The Priest touch'd to the quick to hear the Authority of his Creed, and Interest of his Function so attack'd by the force of the Fide­fendon's Discourses, almost wished that he had been drown'd in his late tempestuous Voyage, rather than preserv'd as he saw hi [...] endear'd Belief thus catechis'd and oppos'd; where­fore, suitable to the usual confidence of Men of his Robe, with Fervor in his Looks and Vi­sage, he told the Fidefendon, That it was too strictly severe to require a Demonstration from Sense for Articles of his Doctrine; or to prove it annex'd to Providence in the man­ner of the Astreadan Persuasion. And since the Tenents of us Grecians are deriv'd, as we alledge them from spiritual Inspiration, that [Page 27] have both defin'd the Deity, and the manner of Worship celebrated by us, undoubtedly, as we conceive, deliver'd by our known Re­cords and long Usage; we canone lessen its sublime Authority by departing from what we receiv'd, because we cannot prove, other­wise than as it is testified by writing, that it was heretofore inspir'd: And should we grant the contrary, we must deny the spiritual Il­lumination we pretend to, though I grant it is not intelligible in what manner a spiritual Act or Thought can have to do with our Sen­ses; and consequently invalidate every Fun­ction of Priesthood, and the Reverence at­tributed to them in numerous and glorious Nations. How many of our Robe have been allow'd of sanctified Repute, nay such [...]s have prophetically foretold Kings and Po­tentates what should succeed, and how far their Affairs are favoured by Heaven. If our Presages have sometimes err'd, none can de­ny that we have not been now and then in the right.

True it is, that Men of plain apprehen­sions have occasionally tax'd our Doctrines for shifting of Sides and Parties, or seeming inspir'd in behalf of the most: prevalent Faction or Dominion: But we thank Heaven we are not abash'd, or put out of counte­nance by such low Recriminations, whil'st by [Page 28] the strength of spiritual Reputation we pros­per under such variety of Times and Change of Rulers, that amaze the Brain of vul­gar Persons, as they too frequently judge that they are taught, by us, to suffer most, and apprehend least.

That there is an excellency that ought to be dispens'd to some Orders and Callings of Men, merely from what they represent, is evident to all that apprehend the Nature and Time of Ecclesiastical and Temporal Poli­tiques. Do's it not appear from thence, that such as were esteem'd the most profound and excellent Institutors of Governments, have been reputed Divinely taught and gifted; not that there was really any such Attributes due to them, but as they were admir'd and reverenc'd for the superlative Prudence that was allow'd to their Laws and publick Con­stitutions: And I doubt not, said the Priest, looking earnestly on the rest, that our sacred Office may claim as sublime Reputation, if not more, considering the dignity of our Function.

To conclude, We do not undertake to prove, with the same evidence of Sense as you do the operations of Providence, that by whomsoever. our Precepts were originally [Page 29] convey'd, on which were first founded our Priestly Qualifications and Capaci [...]ies, that he was either inspir'd or convers'd with a Deity: But rather affirm, that he ought, in one kind or other, to be so reputed, in re­spect of the credit and value allow'd to the Principles of Worship convey'd by him. Af­ter this manner the titular Grandeur of he­roical and excellent Persons, receiv'd divine Names and Epithites; not that they in nature were so near of Kin to Heaven as to be half way deified, as of old some were entitled, but from the admiration paid to their actions and endowments that highly tended to the benefit of others.

And since the World will not be easily per­suaded, that there ought to be such a sensible Worship as you propose, which I confess was to be wish'd: Particular Nations will stand upon the Credit of their Priests, and what they receive from their Instructions; nay hold themselves oblig'd to support and de­fend, as much as in them lies, the esteem of one sort of Priesthood above another.

Moreover, when we assert a Proposition in Religion that is not demonstrative, as by de­claring in what manner the Deity is repre­sented or personated, or how operative on [Page 30] Men by way of Inspiration: It ought to be receiv'd as our way of speaking, whereby we teach Men more superlatively to reverence the Doctrines we deliver; which could not be receiv'd with plausible respect and admira­tion, if not suppos'd to have proceeded from a Divine Founder. Insomuch that the Po­ [...]emicks of Nations, on which depend their controverted Creed, have no other Original than which of them ought to be prefer'd as they relate to the celebrated Qualifications of their first Proposers.

The Athenian Senator, observing that the Priest his Associate was more perplex'd and obscure in vindicating of his Tenents than he expected from his Undertaking, gravely told him, that he thought it would be no advan­tage to his Creed to debate it farther: And turning to the Fidefendon, gave him thanks for the Explanation he had given them of his Astreadan Persuasion; adding withal, That it would be no less grateful to him and the Phi­losopher his Countryman, if he pleas'd to deliver what wa [...] the Doctrine receiv'd in that famous Island, tending to the Immortality of the Soul, and the Condition of Mankind af­ter this Life.

The Fidefendon soberly reply'd, That by his [Page 31] precedent Discourses, he doubted not but it was apparent to all of them, that Religion was clearly the Object of Sense, and con­vey'd by universal Providence; on which ac­count all particular Beliefs, and singular Per­ [...]uasions whereby this or that People annex'd [...]heir Creeds, on pretence of Divine Inspira­ [...]ion revealed by written Records, or Rela­ [...]ions of Men tending to that purpose; were Notions no less absurd than impossible, be­cause no Miracle written or related, is an equivalent proof of a Miracle in Fact: so [...]hat if a Man do's not palpably discern what he is told or reads, it cannot be hi [...] actual Conviction.

Neither can any Man be otherwise persua­ded but he must particularize and limit Pro­vidence, as he supposeth that it has convey'd his profession of Faith in a partial Bounty, as [...]t respects one sort of Men or Nation more than the generality of Mankind. This ob­vious Reflection plainly discovers the erro­nious and contradictory grounds of such as would be thought singularly illuminated in order to their Forms of Worship: All which [...] thought fit previously to instance, as being necessary to the explaining of our Opinion of the World, which you Grecians call the other.

[Page 32]If humane Understanding has no actual Evidence by what means or fact the Earth we tread on, or the Globe of the Universe which our eyes with admiration behold, was produc'd: how is it possible that the Intellect of Man should display any sufficient Notion of an undiscernable World. And wherea [...] Providence has given us a sensible assurance, as has been already prov'd, of its Operations in the Universe we inhabit, we have no such Conviction of any other. And it were no less then a Contradiction to affirm, that this World is sensibly perceiv'd, but not that which some term the t'other; and consequently that thi [...] only was providentially dispos'd, in order to the conviction of our Senses: which must render Providence defective, and opposite to it self; or visible here, but an invisible Guide as to our Perception, by its means, of another World.

And whosoever shall assert a Tenent o [...] this unintelligible Extent, do's, in effect, af­firm the existency of two distinct; Deities, that by a dissimulary Conduct govern thi [...] and t'other mundane Place and Situation. For if the Order and Operations of the Su­preme Power be perciptible only in such Ob­jects as are familiarly apparent to our Under­standings and Senses, as has been already [Page 33] the Being of another World must be totally different from this, as also the nature and ef­fects of the Omnipotent Cause by which it is actuated and preserv'd, in no kind of simili­tude to the Rule and Disposition of the Uni­verse we inhabit; or that there is a spiritual World and Being ordain'd for the Reception of the humane Soul, as they conceive it an immortal Spirit.

Neither can any sufficiently alledge Divine Inspiration, as has been observ'd by me, to corroborate a Doctrine so opposite to humane discernment, because no one Man can ex­plain to another by what means he was in­spir'd, or how he was illuminated by a spiri­tual Conversion: It being widely impos­sible to Reason, that he who sensibly under­stands not the existency of a Spirit, should apprehend the possibility of a spiritual Dia­logue betwixt God and Man. The most an­cient Recorders of the delusory and various Beliefs of the World were either Poets, or Priests, or both; none of your Grecians can deny, as is manifest from the esteem you give to their Traditions and Writings. Yet the most anciently celebrated of these, as were Orpheus, Hesiod, and the like, taught Men to believe, that Gods did beget one another as their Deities of both Sexes were suppos'd to [Page 34] engender: A Notion as absurd as monstrous; because it implies that one Infinite thing can beget another Infinite, or one spiritual Being procreate its like in Essence; which Doctrine, however extravagant, must be conceded by all that attribute the denomination and nature of Spirit to the Deity, and grant that it may communicate its substance in any respect. And I very much fear that in the Worship, by which many would be thought most devoted to an Omnipotent Power, that they render i [...] impossible to be reverenc'd in the method they propose; unless they can prove, as instanc'd before, how an undeterminate or infinite Being can be a sensible Object, and comprehensively ador'd by the limited quali­fication of humane Understanding.

Others have so lower'd the Divinities they celebrate, as by their Commixtures with Mankind they either give 'em the Title o [...] Demy-godships, as has been precedently ob­serv'd, or they express 'em in resemblance to humane Bodies; and not only knowing of the; Infirmities and Depravations of Mankind, but in the worst conception, Actors them­selves; which polutions of Heaven must have been politickly, and for Interest devis'd and complicated with Beliefs, that such as were so devoted, might with more assurance hope [Page 35] for pardon from their Deities, whom they judg'd no less than Men notoriously sin­ful.

These Particulars, I thought previously ne­cessary to inculcate here, because they have affinity to the various Extravagancies that some Persons by their Doctrines undertake to defend in reference to the Immortalising of the Soul after this Life.

The first is, That the humane Soul consists of a Spiritual Essence, and that it is by the excellency of its substance likewise Immor­tal: But how can these Dogmatizers of Re­ligion, according to this Notion of theirs, not vent an Absurdity of the highest Nature: For if the Soul of Man be essentially a Spi­rit, and that they hold, as they would be thought to do, the God they adore a Spirit also: Do they not, in effect, d [...]ifie the ani­mating part of Mankind after death, it be­ing impossible to distinguish, by any rational Discussion, how much one Spirit is essential­ly purer than another. On which ground it follows, that wh [...]t is spiritually Immortal, may be allow'd to be Infinite. So little di­stinction is there, by this Doctrine, betwixt the Soul of Man, and the Deity they wor­ship; and yet 'tis well known to all of us, [Page 36] how numerous a part of the World as­sert this Tenent as the first Maxim of their Creed.

Others affirm, That the purest Substance or ghostly Form of Life, when separated by Death, is represented by a shadow of the Body, which some pretend to have beheld in that Figure, as ocular Witnesses that the Soul of Man do's in th [...]t manner outlive the Bo­dy: And this your Grecian Poets, to whose Inventions your Prie [...]thood is not a little be­holding, with their fanciful Glosses under­take [...]o deliver: But of what credit their Au [...]hority is I need not debate, who, in being Poe [...] must be granted Divulgers of fabu­lous Contrivances. And what can be a grea­ter Solecism to Reason, than a Position so vainly extravagant; nay, how is it possible to c [...]nceive, that a Shadow do's not imply the presence of the Body, if it appears as its Shadow, a [...]d consequently that the Soul has no such separative existence after bodily death.

Besides all which, the Absurdities are innu­merable that redound from this Tenent; for if every Body of Mankind were by its Soul to be shadow'd or liken'd, it must follow, that every Man and Womans Soul are com­mensurable, [Page 37] and therefore differenc'd in breadth and length; and lik [...]wise in sub­stance, as one Shadow may be proportio­nably finer than another, or have more like­ness to the Body it: appertain'd to.

Notwithstanding I confess, that whosoever was the first Author of this dark conceit, that the Soul did survive as an umbrage of the Body after life, comes nearer the confines of Sense than the precedent Opinion; in respect that as the animating Faculty of Mankind do's furnish in due proportion every Member that it actuates and informs, whilst it resides within the Body, so it should remain after Corporeal Life in some kind of similitude to its operation, within the composition of hu­mane Nature, when the Life of the Body was determin'd by Death.

The third Tenent of the Soul's Immortali­ty appears more terrene, and therefore not less familiar to the apprehension, and this depends upon believing that the Soul of all things is essentially the same, and differenc'd only in its being in variety of Bodies; as Men, Beasts, Plants, and whatsoever has life and motion.

This Opinion has had no less Vogue in the [Page 38] World, than long acceptation with persons held of profound disc [...]rnment in the univer­sal Series of Nature: to which purpose they infer, that the continuation of the Universe, or at least of all corporal Beings within the compass of the sublunary World, depends upon a perpetual course of Generation and Corruption, from one individual Being to another, and consequently that whatsoever dies by corruption, do's tend to the genera­tion of some other corporeal Being. And this Position is so far apparently certain, insomuch as Life, in one kind or other, is incident to Matter, as it convertibly depends on whatso­ever is generated, and consequently alter'd into a corporeal Being differently animated to what it was before.

On which Philosophical Evidence, added the Fidefendon, do's consist the ancient opinion of not a few learnedly Famous, who maintain'd the Transmigration of Souls, when separated from their precedent Mansions by death, and that they pass'd into other Bodies. The Specu­lation, however naturally passable, do's, in a high degree, lessen the dignity of the humane Soul, by reason that in such a method of progression from Body to Body, it must at one time or other animate an ignobler Crea­ture than Man, which gives cause of Reproof to the Assertion.

[Page 39]Another Doctrine there is, and much in­sisted on by some, which I shall but touch, because it seems more extravagant or oppo­site to the ordinary progress and course of Nature, than any I have precedently men­tion'd; and this undertakes to assert, That the humane Soul is immortally generated: which, in plain words, is to affirm, That one immortal Thing begets another; or, that the Soul of the Father do's animate an Eternity, in begetting the Soul of the Son: which con­ceit is so fictitiously absurd, as it is repugnant to the total method of the causes and effects of Generation.

However, to repel these Contradictions, the Abettors of this Doctrine assure us, by an unintelligible method, That the Soul is divinely infus'd from above, and spiritually commix'd with the Act of Generation: But how a Spirit, as has been argu'd before, can mix with a corporeal Substance, is a Riddle fit to be left to such Authors to ex­plain.

The last Opinion that remains to be ex­pos'd to a free judiciary Determination, is, That Soul and Body of every Individual of Mankind, is restor'd to an immortal Per­fection and Union after Death. Which Doctrine [Page 40] has gain'd a very plausable Reception with many: Nor can it be thought ungrateful to the beautiful of both Sexes, if the excellency of their Features and Proportions accompa­ny them to a future Life; which wonderful Receptacle of the Persons of Men and Wo­men after Death, not a few of you Grecians, said the Fidefendon, call the Elysium, or ano­ther World, in which Mankind shall have Be­ing, by a miraculous Restauration after Li­ving here, and where they shall be more or less happy or unhappy; how long, they have not certainly determin'd, after made Survi­vors in their future Abodes.

But should it be ask'd of any of these wonderful Tutors, what possible Assurance they have, that the Persons of Mankind shall be remov'd, after the manner they deter­mine, from the visible corporeal World to another, whose place they are not able to demonstrate, otherwise than by an implicit Belief, that goes farther with them than real Proof.

I cannot apprehend what Answer they'd return, unless they would ingeniously con­fess that they do not know, nor can I guess on what they ground their Notion of trans­porting the Persons of all after death, from [Page 41] one World to another pretended; unless it be, that they believe the compass of this World is not spacious enough to re­ceive the vast numbers of both Sexes, that is to say, all that have and shall enter the Confines of Mortality by Death: And I grant that it may be some Question, whe­ther the Terrestrial Globe be sufficiently large to give entertainment to all of hu­mane Composition after living here; or if room enough for them to move or stand foot by foot together. But whether mov­ing, sitting, standing or lying, be the general suppos'd posture of such as by fu­ture Life shall reside in the Elisium Abodes, is not derermin'd by your Grecian Dogma­tists. But as for the personal [...]ppearance of every Individual of humane kind there, I conceive they allow them to pass thither as naked as they first came to their Graves and Sepulchres. And if they grant that bodily Organs are restor'd to both Sexes, as they survive again, I do not see how they can deny our corporeal Sense and Appetites in the Elisium they ordain. Nei­th [...]r do I doubt but their Tenent is so in­dulgent to Beauty, as to concede to Men and Women such a Renovation as may best refine the Splendors of their Youth [Page 42] and Features. And who can question but this pleasant Imagination has proselited not a few, especially the most delicate of both Sexes, in all Ages.

Some, I confess, affirm, That both Soul and Body shall not be only renovated, but purified from the natural Passions and Af­fections that were theirs when earthly In­habitants: But how they can presume that humane Composition is capable of such a cleansing or refining in similitude to the practical effects of Fire or Water, I do as little understand, as they are able to in­form me.

In sum, concluded the Fidefendon, We are not averse to any of the before reci­ted Doctrines, on the account that we would be thought to pretend to greater assurance by any Notions of our own that relate to future living in another World. Be pleas'd therefore to take notice, that we of this Island are no such Bigots for any Assertions of Belief that are rather problematical and discussive, than evident to the understanding; nothing being more fundamentally repugnant to our Creed, than to intermix any dubious Conjectures [Page 43] with Maxims of our Faith, much less im­pose th [...]m on others; a precipitate hazard, or Crime, for which too many Religions are at this day accountable.

If Providence, our familier and visible Director, as has been enough instanc'd, do's not perspicuously guide our Assents as far as the cursory Doctrines of others extend, 'tis they that dissent exorbitantly f [...]om us, and not we from them; and whosoever do's undertake to deliver Maxims of Faith less sensibly proceed­ing from the undoubted manifestation of Providence, or less ocularly and rational­ [...]y certain, than the order and conduct of [...]he Universe, in all respects, must grant his Propositions as palpably deficient, if com­par'd with ours, as the shadows of Night are to the Illuminations of the clearest Light. And yet there is no Article of [...]heir Worship, that is evident to Sense, nor any distribution of moral Virtue, or sin­cere esteem of pious Conversation and Life, that is not entirely embrac'd by us.

True it is, that in the punishment, na­ture, and qualifications of Sin, there may [Page 44] be some diversity betwixt their Tenents, and the integrity and certainty of ours; and the Reason is, because they prescribe farther than their Understandings can ac­company their Creeds.

Let this briefly be the Example.

We do not deny that after Death, ac­cording to every desert of humane kind, there shall be future Reward to the good in whatsoever excellency of Being the providential Disposer of all things has de­termin'd; as likewise Infli [...]ions on the evil Deeds and Impieties of others: Which Doctrine is not asserted by us as a mani­fest Article of our Faith, but as our com­fortable hope and expectation of Felicity to come after our periods of living here. But not having the same familiar and open prospect of Providence, whereby we as palpably apprehend the place and manner of future Life, as perspicuously as we behold the actual conduct and existence of the Universe in which we inhabit; we do not dogmatically im­pose, after their Model, the belief of ano­ther World; nor can any affirm that they have the emphatical and visible as­ [...]urance, [Page 45] by any providential Operation or Object, of a subsequent Being reserv'd [...]or Mankind either in Soul or Body, or in both conjoin'd, to possess.

Neither do we, said the Fidefendon,as [...] even now express'd, in any kind re­ [...]ect the comfortable Opinion of future Felicity, though we hold it not as equally convictive as we are sensible of the Pro­vidence that we are demonstratively ob­lig'd to reverence here; in doing of which, we do not infer, that a Tenent may not be useful for Contemplation and Encou­ragement, in order to the attaining of humane Perfection, though it has no in­telligible note, or known assurance from proof.

However, we are indubitably con­firmed, that all Wickedness is arraign'd by the discerning Tribunal that Con­ [...]cience does erect in every requisite un­derstanding, besides the publick and out­ward Ignomy that Laws inflict on enor­mous and presumptuous transgressions of Life, and where there is sufficient ca­pacity, the sting of Sin must needs be grievous in the sense of the Offender, as [...]his inward Punishment, and cause a de­ploring [Page 46] of his Guilt suitable to the natur [...] of his Crime.

But on the contraty, where invincibl [...] Ignorance to scupidity prevails, that th [...] Sinner is neither considerate, or duly ca­pacitated to penetrate his Offence, h [...] may be notwithstanding held a legal Of­fender, and punish'd as an Inconvenienc [...] and Scandal to civil Society, according t [...] his Fact, but cannot be deem'd intelligent of his Crime, because every S [...] ought to proceed from the guilt an [...] cause of the understanding. To preve [...] which Imbecillity, and want of Consid [...] ­ration in the Soul, we Fidefendons an [...] publickly ordain'd to stir up in the hea [...] a suitable inspection of Sin, as also th [...] most thankful and devout returns to th [...] Supreme Providence, from whose Benignity and merciful Effects we enjoy the com­forts of Soul and Body. And this is th [...] Summ of our Astreadan Belief and Worship.

The Philosopher told the Fidefendon, tha [...] he had nothing to object against the natu­ral and manifest way of Devotion whic [...] he had deliver'd as the common Persuasio [...] of his Nation: And turning to the Astreada [...] Jussinedos, or Magistrate there present, he requested him to inform them briefly, By [Page 47] what Political Rules or Measures the Go­vernment of that Island hath been so long happy in not perplexing its Natives by the admission of novel Forms of Religion, so pernitiously frequent and destructive in many other Dominions to their publick Tranquility.

The Jussinedo, who had diligently ob­serv'd the precedent Discourses, conceiv'd that the Philosopher had given him a fit occasion to speak something, in order to the Political satisfaction he expected to re­ceive; and which, as a Magistrate of that Region, he thought convenient to de­clare.

Wherefore with a Gravity becoming the Quality of his Office, he told them, That their Religion did effectually disown all subordinate dependency on Ordinations and Precepts of State. And had it not been so capacitated, it would have been subject to alterations and change of Go­vernment, according to the practice of other Nations, who make Faith the top of their Dominions, when its own validity is not able to support its esteem without the aid of Civil Institutions: which, how variously they are and have been propaga­ted [Page 48] in divers Countries is notorious, and likewise the alteration and change of Rule emerging from thence; so that if the verity and Simplicity of Worship be not suffi­cient of it self to withstand temporal Vi­cissitudes, it consequently must be oblig'd to political Establishment, however by that means lessen'd in Repute, for its continua­tion and support

Neither do we at all insinuate our Creed, on the account of Custom and Education, the usual and grand deceptions of Man­kind, whose Allurements are the Nurseries in which the Children of Religion are edu­cated, in order to believe as weakly when they arrive to the years of Men.

How little advantageous Decrees of State are either to give Credit, or inter­mix Esteem with a Persuasion sensibly ap­prehended, I need but refer you to what our Fidefendon has amply explain'd already relating to Providence, and the Reverence it ought to produce in the humane Soul, whose Conviction is no less clear to the un­derstanding than that I am now speaking, or my Senses capacitated with Seeing and Feeling, on which depends the Evidence and Maxims of our sole Worship, with all requisite Forms and Order of Devo­tion necessary to its Celebration.

[Page 49]Which perswasion of ours, said the Jussi­ [...]edos, is so perspicuous to the Interest of eve­n [...]y considerate person, as it needs no motives or rigorous impulsion from our national [...]aws; our main endeavour being rather to [...]revent the inadvertency of men, by prompt­ing them to believe what they may, if they [...]lease, palpably discern; and to reject all [...]ropositions tending to belief, that are not [...]qually manifest to their sense and concepti­ons. Whereas other Religions instruct men [...]ather to acquiesce in what they undertake [...]o teach, than knowingly or sensibly to ap­prehended the propositions which such Tutors [...]eliver.

And this obscure method has generally [...]een the practice and artifice of those, who, [...]o give themselves the interest and reputati­on of Patrons and Introducers of Creeds, [...]owever erroneous and deceitful, have em­ploy'd the best of their talents to aid their perswasions, by allowing their maxims of [...]hich liberty to wander as far as they judge [...]onvenient, from the road of humane know­ [...]edge; or in plain words, to direct men to value least what they might most knowingly believe. As put the case they should be in­ [...]errogated, Why a man should not limit his worship to the open and wonderful appear­ance of providence in the divine conduct of the Universe? Their Answer must be, that [Page 50] the proposition is not enough refin'd or spir [...] tual, in respect of the Revelations they en­deavor to defend. And if farther demanded, Whether they can pretend to any Mira­cle in behalf of their doctrine, of equal cer­tainty and undeniable conviction, suitable to what we profess? They must reply That although they cannot present you with the like miraculous assurance from any sub­lime Article as they call it, of their Cree [...] in opposition to ours; notwithstanding the [...] are resolv'd to affirm that their maxims an [...] evident, tho palpably such as no man can ei­ther know or contemplate. Which is no other than a desire to be famous for seducin [...] humane imbecility, to follow such guide out of sight of their understanding: or t [...] submit, by going farther with principles o [...] Faith than they are to be apprehended, in­stead of being knowingly certain of tenen [...] they believe.

Which intolerable absurdities have no other fond, as was before judiciously observ'd by our Fidefendon, than that it coul [...] advantage no mans Ambition or Intere [...] whether Magistrate or Priest, to confor [...] men to the credence of demonstrative Rel [...] ­gion; because it would in no kind farthe [...] any mans design, to proselite others to the observance of a perswasion, which was e­qually in the compass of every considerate [Page 51] apprehension: Whereas the devices and fictitious inventions of some, the reputed Patrons of Creeds, have been reverenc'd as proceeding from the Grandees of Sanctity and Worship. By means of which alluring gloss, they found it facile enough to fit their worldly designs, in every respect, commodi­ously to their purpose. In summ, concluded the Jussinedos, our Religion is not supported by our acts of State, but rather our govern­ment beholding to our Creed: Which be­ing of an entire and sensible conviction, does not admit of any perplexity or fragments of faction to divide it from our understandings, as has been precedently instanced; nor does it lye in the power of prevaricated Judg­ments to outface our belief, by any con­fidant insinuation of their opposite do­ctrine.

The Jussinedos having thus ended, and thanks respectfully given him by all that were present, the Athenian Senator desir'd him, that as they had been fully acquainted with their Religion, and its reference to the essential Constitutions of his Nation; so he would do them the favour to inform them, with what brevity he thought fit, of the an­tiquity and nature of their political establish­ments, which he assur'd himself would not appear less prudently determin'd, than the ac­count he had receiv'd of their holy Creed, [Page 52] and the advantage that redounded from it to Civil dominion.

The Jussinedos reply'd, That he being an Astreadan Magistrate, his qualification did import that he was conveniently knowing in that Islands government: Which he told them was perfectly Monarchical, with all the requisites incident to Soveraignty; that it had continu'd uninterrupted in the due course of lineal succession beyond their re­cords of Ages; yet so establish'd, as by the excellency of Rule, there was no deviation in King and People from the Original Inte­grity annex'd to the most primitive constitu­tion of their nation.

The Athenian Senator assur'd the Jussinedos, that he was not a little surpriz'd in hearing what had been formerly deliver'd on the ac­count of the Astreadan belief, however per­spicuous the fond and principles of that wor­ship were obvious to the most ordinary un­derstanding, considering how busie and no­toriously prevalent the inveiglements of su­perstitious perswasions had been dispers'd in the world.

But it was more his admiration to hear him declare that the Scepter he obey'd, and order of government had so anciently enjoy'd the felicity of an entire and uncorrupted re­pute; when many Nations, precedently fa­mous, were so unhappy as not only to wit­ness [Page 53] the change and subversion of their do­minion, but oblig'd to lament its ruine, as wicked accessories, by the depravation of their manners, to the Calamities of their native Country.

The Grecian Philosopher, having given full attention to what the Jussinedos had last deliver'd, acknowledg'd that he was no less desirous than the Senator, to understand in what manner the Monarchical government was founded on Vertue, but likewise by the goodness of its Constitution and Moralities, had so long continu'd the original excellen­cies and prosperities arising from thence: and because in the Schools of Athens some poli­tiquely learned had thought fit to allow se­veral denominations to Soveraign Rule, whereby they defin'd Monarchical Regiment either absolute, or limited by Laws, or mix'd by participating of nobility, or people, or a mixture of both: He was earnest with the Jussinedos to declare how far the Astreadan gubernation did concenter with any of these, or whether totally different.

To which the Jussinedos readily comply'd, in these words: There is nothing, said he more generally difficult to humane nature, than due perception and complaisance relating to Civil Superiority; and this infelicity chiefly proceeds from not rightly apprehend­ing the original fond of Dominion, and such [Page 54] measures of Government as ought to oblige their Submission. And it is wonderful to ob­serve, that man by the prerogative of reason should impose Subjection on all other Crea­tures; and yet with the best of his Capacity not sufficiently compleated to give Law to himself, in reference to subordinate duty; which enormous and pernicious mistake ari­seth from no other sourse of evil, than the na­tural depravity of man, in being too pronely averse and contumacious of the benefits of orderly Tranquility. This irregular defect and Inclination of the humane mind, too often byass'd and enhans'd by worldly Ad­vantage and Interest; can have no proper Remedy, unless by a rational cure whereby we may discern the useful Integrity, and hap­py Obedience, that ought to be paid to Secu­lar Dominion.

In doing of which, if men would resolve to imploy sincerely their Understandings; the Perplexities and Disputes that seem to pose too many, in their discussions of the Rights and Measures of human Government, will soon vanish, together with the abusive Gloss that the depraved and subtle Industry of some has endeavoured to conceal, by the utmost abilities of their Pens and Science. As to our Government, said the Jussinedos, as I before express'd, it has been with us perpetu­ally monarchical; To which kind of Regi­ [...]ent [Page 55] we grant, above all others, a natural [...]ignity or Right from Nature, and no less [...]rimitively obeyed in the first Originals of [...]umane Society. And let it be granted, that [...]ut one man and woman, by whatever [...]eans created, or produced; or that num­ [...]ers of Mankind had original Being, and [...]radually propagated both Sexes; In eirher of these suppositions there must be an ac­ [...]nowledg'd superiority in some one Person [...]efore Government could be establish'd. In [...]he first supposal, he that was the original Father, must likewise be Supream Lord of [...]he Family begotten by him; and no body [...]s so vain to imagine that an Equality of Do­minion was in both Sexes, when but one of each kind were primitive Progenitors: Which [...]f conceded, it would likewise follow, that the Female Sex ought to participate equally in supream Dominion, however disconsonant [...]o the natural Course of worldly Rule, that allows Precedency in publique and private [...]oncerns to the Masculine side: So that if the abilities of both Sexes be duely weigh'd, the Female, however extraordinary in some, would generally be found too light for joynt and gubernative Competition with the other.

From all which it is very clear, that sole Dominion was the property of man, if grant­ed the prime Father, or first of Paternal or Family Society; and this ruling Prerogative [Page 56] must have been originally absolute in him both in respect of his Issue, and the woma [...] on whom they were begotten; tho allow [...] the Queen to her first Monarch. And wh [...] can doubt, that he who was the Paterna [...] and Primitive despotical Lord of his ow [...] Generation and Family, was not also supream­ly obey'd as humane Societies increas'd in th [...] world by reason that Paternal Superiority coul [...] not cease, or probably be negligent in continu­ing, by all sufficient regard, its original Right And it is no less undeniable, that all King that have, or ever had Dominion, are, or, we [...] Fathers of their People, or the Heirs of suc [...] Fathers, or Usurpers of the Paternal Right o [...] Soveraignty. From whence we may safely con­clude, that there is no multitude of men, [...] suppos'd to be collected from all parts of the world, but have in their number some one man who ought of Right to be their Monarch [...] being next Heir to the first man: And thu [...] it appears that every man is by nature, eithe [...] a King or a Subject; Neither is the Obedience which Subjects pay to their Prince, othe [...] than the Submission which is due to the supream fatherhood. And therefore one of your great Philosophers observes, that a Mo­narchy or Kingdom will be a paternal go­vernment, and naturally it can be no other. And wheresoever there is an unjust or forci­ble Intruder into a Throne, he may by vio­lence [Page 57] possess the room of a paternal Mo­narch, but cannot be deem'd a rightful father of people.

When the World encreas'd, and families were numerous enough to give denominati­on to Cities, and Nations were distin­guish'd; 'tis probable that the paternal Roy­alty of Kings did (in divers Countries, to a­void the multiplicity and trouble of Rule) cease, by their voluntary determination, whereby they Adopted others to succeed them in the supream Magistracy. Because no man could have any title to primitive go­vernment, but either as it was his by pater­nal Right, or as he receiv'd it from him that had power to confer it on whom he thought fit, as his proper Donation.

And this, pertinently consider'd, explodes all pretence of original Contract betwixt the Monarch and People: or comparatively as Immoral as if the Parent should covenant with his Children for his good behaviour to­wards them: Which undutiful and turbu­lent Allegation has not seldom created such a restless Brain-worm in the noddles of the multitude, that, swell'd with this popular conceit, they have precipitated themselves into such intolerable and destructive absur­dities, as have caus'd unspeakable Calami­ties to their native Country.

[Page 58]The other supposition, that I told you I would examine, is grosly erroneous, by un­dertaking to assure us that multitudes of mankind, whether created all at once by omnipotent power, or by whatsoever means they had being, of which such Instructors are, in no kind, able to inform us, did nu­merously assemble, and by their original consent and stipulation, did elect their first Soveraign; this conjecture is no less extra­vagantly wild than the former: If before particular Countries were call'd national; for in that case it must refer to the universa­lity of mankind that had at that time being in the world; and consequently every indivi­dual Inhabitant of the Earth must give his consent to the erecting of an universal Mo­narch, instead of a particular Soveraignty of any one Kingdom or People; a Royal Gran­deur which, I suppose, few popular Patrons would readily admit; yet whether they will or no, this maxim doth imply a most unlimi­ted Contradiction; if, in condition of mere nature, there was a time when all of humane kind, then living, might be suppos'd equals: from whence it follows, that if that sort of natural freedom be granted, there cannot any one man be chosen a King; unless by the universal consent of all the people in the world, at one instant, without the contradi­ction of any single Person: And if it be true, [Page 59] [...]at Nature hath made all men free, and con­ [...]equently equall'd in right to all things what­ [...]ever, it cannot seem reasonable that they [...]ould have power to alter the Law of Na­ [...]ure, tho all mankind should concur in one [...]ote; for which reason no people could con­ [...]er such a power on one man as they had not [...]n themselves.

If the general signification of the word [...]eople be disavow'd, and men will suppose [...]hat the People of particular Regions, or Countries, have power and freedom to [...]hoose Soveraigns, let them observe the con­ [...]equence. Since nature hath not distinguish'd [...]he habitable world into Kingdoms, nor de­ [...]ermin'd what part of a people belongs to one Dominion, and what to another; it follows, [...]hat the original freedom of mankind being suppos'd, every man is at Liberty to be of what Kingdom he thinks fit; and so every [...]etty company hath a right to erect a King­dom by it self, and not only every City, but every Village, and every Family; nay, and every particular man a Liberty to choose his own King, if he please; and he were a mad man that being by Nature free, would chuse any person, but himself, to be his own Go­vernour.

Thus, instead of the Inconvenience of ha­ving but one King, of the whole world, we shall run into a liberty of having as many [Page 60] Kings, as there are men in the world; whic [...] upon the matter, is to have no King at all but leave men to their natural Liberty, as the Patrons of this Chimera undertake to sup­pose; and yet this mischief the Assertors of natural Liberty would pretendedly avoid.

If neither the people of the whole world, nor the whole people of any part of the world be meant; but only the major part, or some other part, of a part of the world; yet still the objection will be the stronger: For be­sides that Nature hath made no partition of the world, or the People into distinct King­doms, and that without a universal Consent, no partition can be agreed on: Yet if it were lawful for particular parts of the world, b [...] consent, to choose their Kings, their consents would bind none to Subjection but such as consented; for the major part never binds but where men at first agree to be so bound, or where a higher power so commands; and there can be no higher power than Nature but the Supream above; wherefore if neithe [...] Nature nor Omnipotency appoints the majo [...] part to bind the less, their consent is not obli­gatory to any besides themselves. And not­withstanding all these stupendious, and abo­minable Irregularities are clearly deducible from the fanciful mistakes, and principles of some who most speciously endeavour to insi­nuate their political notions, by affirming [Page 61] [...]hat primitive Soveraignty, was first rais'd [...]y popular allowance. I will so far, added [...]e Jessinedos, gratifie their Assertions, as to [...]oncede, that either from Nature, or by a [...]eneral consent of all mankind, the world was [...]t first, however improbable the conjecture, [...]ivided into particular Kingdoms, and the [...]ajor part congregated of each Kingdom, [...]llowed to choose their Monarch; yet even [...]n that case, it cannot be truly said that ever [...]he whole people, or the greater number, or [...]ndeed any considerable part of the people of any nation, ever conven'd to any such [...]urpose; for except by some secret miracu­ [...]ous instinct they should all meet at one time [...]nd place: what one man, or company of men, less than the total People, hath Power [...]o appoint either the day, or place of Electi­ons, where all are alike free by nature? And without a lawful Summons it were most un­ [...]ust to bind those that are absent; the whole [...]eople cannot summon it self, one man is sick, [...]nother is lame, a third is aged, and a fourth [...]s under age of discretion; Yet all these, at one time or another, or at some place or other, might be able to meet; If they might choose, according to these circumstances, as men na­ [...]urally free would certainly require.

In Assemblies that are by human constitu­tion, the superiour power that ordains such Assemblies, can regulate, and confine them [Page 62] both for time, place, and persons, and othe [...] circumstances; but where there is an equal [...] ty, by nature, there can be no superiour power, considering every Infant, at the hour it i [...] born, hath a like Interest with the greate [...] and wisest man in the world. And it is cle [...] that those who are the people this minute are not the people the next minute; for mankind is like the Sea, ever ebbing or flowing every minute one is born, and another dies no one time can be indifferent to all mankin [...] to assemble, it cannot but be mischievous a [...] ways, at least to all Infants, and others unde [...] age of discretion; not to speak of wome [...] especially Virgins, who by Birth, have a much natural Freedom as any other, and fo [...] the most part use it accordingly, and there­fore ought not to lose their Liberty witho [...] their consent.

But in part, to salve this main objection it will be said, that Children may be conclu­ded by the Votes of their Parents: This re­medy may cure some little of the mischie [...] but it destroys the whole Cause: And at last stumbles upon the true original of Govern­ment: For if it may be allow'd that the acts of the Parents bind the Children, then fare­wel the doctrine of the natural freedom of mankind; and where Subjection to Parents is indispensable, there can be no natural Free­dom. If any reply, that not all Children [Page 63] shall be bound by their Parents consent, but only such as are under age; it must be con­sidered, that in nature, there is no non age: If a man be not born free, she doth not assign him, any other time, when he shall attain his Freedom; or if she did, then Children com­pleating that age should be discharg'd of their contract. So that in conclusion, if it be imagin'd that the people were ever free from Subjection, by nature; it will prove a mere impossibility to introduce any kind of Government, without apparent wrong to a multitude of People.

On the contrary, said the Jussinedos, it is evident from what I have express'd, that by primitive fatherly Superiority no Inhabitants of the Earth were ever destitute of a rightful Monarch; and if at any time, by reason of worldly Alterations, and Revolutions of State the proper Soveraign is unknown; yet this, is no fault in Nature, but the Negligence, or Ignorance of those by whom the right Heir ought to be discern'd: And if we look gra­dually backward, as far as we can imagine the beginning of humane Race, we must con­clude, that it was from paternal Prerogative, and not by Contract, Mixture, or popular Condescension, that Monarchy was origi­nally obey'd.

The Athenian Senator, return'd the Jussine­dos his thanks, for the satisfaction he had re­ceiv'd [Page 64] from the prudence of his Discourses, in every particular; and assur'd him withal, that his Decision of the Rise of humane Govern­ment, which according to the Grandeur of his reasoning, must exert it self from Primi­tive Fatherhood, and enlarg'd as Families en­creas'd; and the world, by degrees was reple­nish'd with People. And I judge, that it is almost impossible to observe the innumerable Errors, and Contradictions, that redound from the contrary opinion.

And if, as you judiciously reason'd, there be no distinction of persons, in a suppos'd primitive Freedom of Mankind; who can deny, in such a condition of natural equality, that Children and Servants might not pretend to stand on the same level Candidates with their Fathers and Masters by their joynt Votes, they having been, wheresoever men were, far more in number than Parents and Masters; they might, as the major part, over­rule the Election of their Superiors, in order to the Choice of their Monarch.

Pardon me, said the Senator, if I presume to add, to what you have deliver'd: not that I conceive any thing you have spoken wants Illustration, but as I thought fit to confirm you, by the example I mention'd, that I have receiv'd no small Satisfaction, from your Judgment; notwithstanding I have that re­spect, as being a Grecian, for my native Coun­try, [Page 65] and the wisdom it claims, that I am de­sirous that the opinion of some grand Politi­ans there may be examin'd, and why by their maxims of State they undertake to assure us, that there is naturally such a political Ingredi­ent as mixture in the monarchial Govern­ment that was first introduced.

The argument they produce seems to have a specious regard to Equity, and the publique Security; for how can it be thought, say they, that reasonable men would be subject to the Preheminence and Rule of one sole person, unless he were conditionally oblig'd to govern accordingly, or which is all one, bound by publique contract to observe such Laws as the People, the prime Legislators, judg'd necessary to annex to their choice of a Soveraign; and turning to the Philosopher, his Countryman, told him that he being con­versant in their learned Schools, and more accurately knowing in the philosophical and political disputes than he could pretend to, he desir'd, that he would briefly acquaint the worthy Astreadan that spoke last, with such tenents of State, as the science and practice of his Country had most reputed; that it might be discernable whither the Politiques of the Asiatiques or Grecians were to be pre­ferr'd.

The Philosopher replyd, that by the best search and strength of his understanding, he [Page 66] perceiv'd from the Writings and Discussion of the most erudite of his Sect, that Mo­narchy, as the Jussinedos dilucidly prov'd, was derived from paternal Superiority, as ancient as the first being of mankind; and that it could not procede from any original Stipulation or Covenant betwixt the Sove­raign and People: And if otherwise debated or insisted on by the popular notions of some, the fond that they pretend of Monarchical Government, must needs be very instable and perpetually uneasy to King and People; for what is more pronely conceiv'd and dispers'd from the seducing Industry of those who are de­sirous to interest themselves in vulgar esteem, than to allure common Understandings, by teaching them to believe that their assent was primitively essential, to the erecting of Sove­raignty; which plausibly effected, on the stub­born conceptions, pride, and resolution of ordi­nary persons, they are with no less facility in­trigu'd, and taught to conclude, that they were makers of Kings by original contract, and so far, at least, a share in the foundation of Monarchy. Which maxime, however delusively or seditiously convey'd, has seldom fail'd by instigating vulgar apprehensions to contest and quarrel with their supream Ma­gistrate as they have occasionally thought fit, and likewise too often incited them to lift up their armed hands not only to oppose, [Page 67] but to dethrone their Soveraign, as the la­mentable and barbarous effects of violence and blood, when caus'd by popular preva­lency, deplorably testifie to the ruine of common tranquility.

In some exigents of state, the soveraign power may reside in the most considerable part of a nation; as put the case the King dies without an Heir, the conferring of royal Dignity shall not appertain or escheat to the whole people, but to the supream Heads, and Fathers of Families; not as they are the people, but as they are Fathers of the people, over whom they have a superintendent pow­er devolv'd unto them after the death of their Monarchical Ancestor; and if any can have a right to chuse a King, it must be in these paternal Superiors, by conferring their distinct fatherly prerogatives on one sole person.

I am not ignorant, said the Philosopher, that Monarchs are not now as they were at the first planting or peopling of the World, if consider'd in the direct sense of fathers of their Subjects and Kingdoms: But howso­ever it comes so to pass, by worldly revolu­tions, the primitive and natural claim is not extinguish'd thereby; because no argument that can be brought from matter of fact is sufficient to defeat the concern of Right.

[Page 68]True it is, that in some parts of our Greci­an precincts, there have been soveraign domi­nions, which by the promoters and favou­rers of such governments have been term'd limited, or mix'd in point of Rule by an equality of Legislative Power in the King and People, but how more than one Para­mount Establisher of legal Constitutions can consist with the nature of Monarchy is not to be understood.

And wheresoever there are divers supream State-holders, there can be no Soveraignty by reason that Monarchical Regiment is essen­tially Indivisible, and therefore not capable of partition or mixture.

If in a Royal Government there be allow'd a joint concurrence of King and People in the Constitutions of Laws, 'tis reasonable to conclude that it proceeded from the Grace of the Monarch, for no such right could be­long to the People neither by Nature, as has been explain'd, or original Contract with the Soveraign, however the liquorish pre­tence may gratify some vulgar Pallates, who too pronely relish the glib Insinuations of factious Contrivers.

And whosoever will imagine that the Mo­narchical Power can be so intrigu'd or mix'd, must upon maturer consideration, acknow­ledge that he totally subverts the denomina­tion and quality of Soveraign Dominion.

[Page 69]And thus I prove it: Let us suppose that in such a pretended Monarchical estate there should arise a difference betwixt the King and People; as who can doubt but in that mingle of rule it would too frequently hap­pen, who shall be the Judge of that misun­derstanding betwixt them, or by what means it ought to be Compos'd. If the determi­nation be affirm'd to belong to the People, the Soveraign Authority is then destroy'd, and consequently the being of Monarchy. If they grant, as I conceive they ought, That the Judiciary Power is solely in the Royal Person, they bid adieu, in those words to their so much celebrated notion of limited and mix'd Soveraignty.

Neither is it avoidable, in such a Contest betwixt the Monarch and People, that recourse must be had, for want of other Judiciary Determination, to the unruly Con­science of the Multitude; and whether such a method of disorder would not produce Anarchy and Confusion, I refer it to the rea­son of every unbyass'd Understanding.

The Grecian Senator, tho somewhat more nicely inquisitive than the rest, into policies of State, assur'd the Philosopher that he comply'd with his precedent discourse in affirming, as the Jussinedos had before Judi­ciously prov'd, That Monarchy in the most early time of humane being, had a rise and [Page 70] institution from Paternal Right, in whomso­ever was the first Father, and therefore King of his Family.

Nor do the most ancient Records mention other Primitive Rule than perfect Royalty; so that no Popular form of State but must have a later date than Kingly Superiority.

Notwithstanding it is apparent that subse­quently other Governments have been intro­duced, Entitled, Republicks or Common­wealths, and sometimes intermix'd with Mo­narchy, as the total Community have been representatively Interested in the enacting of legal Establishments.

That this kind of Soveraignty has in some parts of the World, and by such as value themselves on the suppos'd Wisdom of their Politicks, been highly applauded, if not preferr'd in their opinion, before all other.

Witness the Lacedemonian Monarchies in our native Country of Greece, by which Constitution the Royal Government is limi­ted and mix'd with Popular Authority; in that severe manner too, that the Votes of the People, as they are there assembled or represented by Persons delegated to that pur­pose, do not only over-rule the Commands of their Monarch, but render him accounta­ble to them, whensoever they please to question the actings of their King, as is practi­cally known from the proceedings of the Ephori within that Dominion.

[Page 71]To which the Philosopher Answer'd, That the qualification and titular nature of the Spartan or Lacedemonian King was easily di­stinguish'd, if duely compar'd with the inhe­rent Propriety of Monarchical Rule. And what Grecian does not know that the Spartan King had nothing to do with the execution of the Laws, or Civil Government, tho main Kingly Attributes, and was but in ef­fect a Captain General, for he had no com­pulsive Power but when actually in the Field, and therefore no other than Principal Com­mander of the Army of that State, tho bearing, for Honours sake, the Name of Soveraign?

Notwithstanding which, there are a sort of perverse and litigious discussers of the concerns of Kings, that would pretend that the figure of this Lacedemonian Royalty ought to be resembled by other Monarchical Go­vernments; or that the Soveraign should be guided and impos'd on at the arbitrement of the People, which were in effect to debase a King beneath the People, and render Ma­jesty no other than a Property at their dispo­sal. To which purpose, some Popular Dis­putants presume to maintain, That all Pow­er was originally in the People, and that Crowns and Scepters, but as the Pageantries of Thrones, were bestow'd on Kings by common donation, and revocable on breach [Page 72] of such Conditions as they please to call the original of Laws and Regal Dominion. And if any Judicious search be made whereby to discover the fond of such Principles, they may be charg'd with as much notional obscu­rity, as the brain of Man must necessarily encounter, that would undertake to demon­strate the elemental Congress of the material parts of the Universe, when Chaos was first dissolv'd.

And should we so far Indulge this wild and licentious Maxim, as to concede that the Monarch was oblig'd not to supersede, or in many cases, alter the known Laws; and that if he did, that it is radically in the People, under the notion of original Contract, to Compel or Depose their King. Is it not ab­solutely requisite, that those many cases should have been undoubtedly inserted at the time of this grand bargain, for the initiating of the Monarch and Subject? Now if it be not clearly so recorded, nay, manifestly legi­ble in National Constitutions, it ought to be slighted as a most extravagant fiction; for what is more Absurd, than to imagine such an uncontroulable Power in the People, yet find no such Capacity, relating to them, ex­press'd by any known Law, however Essen­tial to the safety and well being of King and Subject, to be acquainted with their funda­mental obligations and punishments in case [Page 73] of violation; and it were highly unjust, should any opposition or penalty be inflicted on the supream Magistrate, and he less safe or pri­viledg'd than a common Person, to defend himself; if there be no Law extant that de­clares, in what manner he ought to be call'd to account by the People.

Others, who would be thought no less cu­rious than deep in their political Sentimenrs, have imploy'd the best of their skill to con­vince mankind, that no Government can be more exactly ballanc'd, in reference to pub­lick Satisfaction and Benefit, however, skew'd appears the domination than a compleat mix­ture of Legislators by a temper of Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy; or which is the same, a compound of three Estates im­ply'd by King, Nobility, and Commons.

Which kind of rule, if duly constituted, doth presuppose a suitable Goodness and Complaisance in order to the promoting of Grandeur, in every respect; on which ground I readily acknowledge, if the Principal Mem­bers of the main body of a Nation, are of fix'd Integrity and Duty, as must be imply'd by the intended Virtue and Participation of Rule, committed to the trust of Persons thus signally concern'd, that there is undoubtedly an Excellency, as well as publick advantage and glory, in a Goverument so establish'd.

[Page 74]Whereas contrarily, whensoever a body politique, form'd as I have specifi'd, comes to be deprav'd and consequently fermented and inflam'd by Faction, there is no political Regiment that is more perniciously endanger'd by practices of men and convulsions of state, than by this manner of reputed intermixture of three Legislative powers; when render'd impracticable by means of dissention or op­position.

And who can doubt, if animosities arive to an uncomposible Breach, betwixt the Mo­narch and such as personate these estates, or betwixt those who represent the Nobility and Commons of a Nation, the Interest of the Royal Magistrate must suffer in a high mea­sure, until to invalidate that Inconvenience, the Monarch, who had limited his rule be­fore, finds himself necessitated to assume, if prevalent enough, an absolute soveraignty.

On the other side, when popular contest and violence is equivalently predominant, and that the Monarchy is subverted thereby, in such a Revolution it usually follows, that out of the Ruine of the Soveraign Rule, the the admir'd Phoenix, in the opinion of the vulgar, call'd a Republick, is by their Po­tency erected, unless their numerous sway and exorbitancy be deluded to assist the sub­tile ambition of a sole Usurper.

[Page 75]And whensoever the impetuous vehemen­cy of the People is worst diffus'd, it is ma­nifest to every discerning Judgment, that the perverse conceit of an original contract, be­twixt the Monarch and Subject, however unreasonably the People be seduc'd in grant­ing the supposition, as has already been prov'd, is the uncertain foundation on which this Babel of Popular Confusion is usually exalted.

Neither can it be properly affirm'd, by any calm or unbyass'd apprehension, that a King cannot in some exigents of State, deviate from the usual sense of Law, when the mo­tive is of that extraordinary and grand im­port, that should he not be allow'd a Supe­riour Prerogative, both Government and Laws would be totally subverted; let the instance be made in these following par­ [...]iculars.

Suppose, as the first Quere, that by the [...]urbulent contrivement of Seditious Persons, in whatsoever station imagin'd to act, the Soveraign should be denied the assistance of his People, or that his Subjects should be withdrawn from their Allegiance, and in­fected with a mischievous desire to disobey and alter his Government and establish'd Laws, or give up his Power and Person to a Foreign Enemy, ought not he, by imploy­ing the Purse and Persons of his Subjects, in [Page 76] any method he judg'd most proper, to en­deavour to obviate and depress so horrid a guilt and violation of Right within his Do­minion?

The other is, that supposing there is in Being a positive Law that declares it treaso­nable for any Person whatsoever to convey the King or his Son and Heir privily out of the Kingdom, might not the Soveraign, notwithstanding this Statute, in a sudden and highly apparent danger, by which his life and his Sons would be probably endanger'd provide for his own and his Childs safety, by commanding, to that end, the secret as­sistance of some few of his Subjects an [...] Servants? What reasonable man but mu [...] grant that it were below the level of com­mon sense to deny the Monarch the liberty in both these cases of superseding the Law And it were all one as to affirm, That the Sove­raign ought not to be allow'd the exercife [...] his Understanding, as to argue or quote [...] Statute against the rational security and pre­servation of his Person and Governmen [...] when there is no better expedient to provid [...] for the safety of both. By all which it ap­pears, that it is impossible for a Monarch, i [...] all circumstances, to Rule according to Law▪ nay, that it were sinful in him, in some exi­gents of State, not to infringe a legal Ordi­nance, when it would rather obstruct or hin­der [Page 77] the defence that he might otherwise pro­vide for himself and People.

And i [...] is no less manifest, that whosoever shall assert that there is such a Government [...]s a limited or mix'd Monarchy, or a Sove­ [...]aignty proceeding from original Contract with the People, and suitably practicable in all occurrences and circumstances of Rule, however such a man, by his notional mingle, or twisting together King and People, may pretend to be of more nice and acurate Poli­ticks than others: He would be found to be as fully impertinent in his supposed method, as if he had propos'd a Speculation in Go­vernment that was neither proper or useful.

To which purpose, our great Philosopher Aristotle determines; where he affirms, That wheresoever is said to be a King according to Law, there is no sort of Government or Kingdom at all. His meaning, I conceive, is, That the Law cannot be suppos'd superi­our to the Monarch, but it must be likewise granted that the Legislators by whose con­currence it is produced have also more supream Power than the Monarch within his Domi­nion.

And I undoubtedly believe, concluded the Greek Philosopher, that conditional Sove­raignty, as some may imagine it relates to King and People, is morally inconsistent with monarchiual Regiment.

[Page 78]The Astreadan Magistrate told the Philo­sopher that he was well satisfied with the Judgment given by him; that enough con­futes the perplex'd notions of such as endea­vour to pervert and obscure the clear pro­prieties of Royal government: Which, said the Jussinedos, have had an unalterable esteem within our Region, notwithstanding the per­nicious Industry that has formerly been us'd, by uneasie and fantastical persons, who ha­ving been allur'd by the political Sophistry of some of your Grecian Schools, they seem'd rather desirous to live under no government, than not to be cavilling disputants in behalf of their notions; by which they insinuated that a popular allay and mixture was neces­sary to be temper'd with Monarchy. And this kind of Phanaticism in politiques having dispers'd some of its seeds in Asia, about the time that the mighty Zerxes planted a Colony of Grecians in a neighbouring Country to this Island: Whither this perverse and wrangling Sect, in their measures of Submission to civil Dominion, had soon imported their motly Principles. But this endeavour of theirs did neither far or long propagate their Cavils; by reason that our Government had in prece­dent time, provided against such extravagant and disorderly opinions that might tend to molest or deprave the publick manners of our Natives; as you shall soon understand.

[Page 79]In the mean space I will impart, by your leaves, the sense that our wise predecessors had of the pernicious tenent of a heteregene­ous or mix'd Soveraignty. Well knowing that a paradox in stare, if speciously diffus'd, no less than an intricate novelty in worship, meets not seldom with a facile reception from the multitude; by reason that their In­tellects are for the most part so capricious and uneasie in their esteem of the Rule they are under, as they judge that no dominion can have a substantial support, unless in the main bulk it has a gross relish of popular composition.

Which surly conceit, when patroniz'd by such guides whom they are most inclin'd to follow, provokes them to conclude that Mo­narchy ought to be so intrigu'd and regula­ted, from whence the consequence has been unexpressibly inconvenient, and instead of promoting common interest and repose, it has been, in some Nations, the prevalent sourse of overflowing animosities.

Insomuch that where the Soveraignty has been thought most exactly to participate of two other Estates, that is to say, of Aristo­cracy and Democracy, it has encourag'd and produc'd as dangerous enormities as their se­veral oppositions could bring to pass. And 'tis an undoubted truth, that such States, wherein the Soveraignty is said to be divided, [Page 80] are not rightly to be call'd Commonwealths, but corruption in the civil rule.

In like manner, where the people are but taught to believe that they are in themselves or Representatives, in any kind sharers with the Monarchical state; such a people are sel­dom without horrible divisions, seditious contrivements, which as the height of confu­sion and misery, too often produce the out­ragious calamities and bloody violence of Intestine War. Neither was it ever ob­serv'd, where the Soveraign power has been but reputed devisible betwixt the Mo­narch and People, that the disturbance and quarrels for Superiority in Rule, have not some­times prov'd of that pernicious Consequence, as they have turn'd the State into Confusion, until by change of Dominion either in one Per­son, or more, a new model of Government be introduc'd by a total Subversion of the old.

If the Monarch by national constitutions provides so favourably for his People as to have their advise and concurrence in the cre­ating of Laws, which in Prudence is the best choice that a wise King can make, both as to his information of publick concerns, and in what manner they ought to be provided for by the most effectual expedients; by reason [...]hat such of the People as are duely appropri­ated to that purpose ought to be judg'd most [Page 81] knowing of the State of the body politick, and how by their assistance their Monarch may be enabled with most Glory, and con­tent to his Nation, to support the Grandeur of his Throne and People; doth it therefore follow, that any such may so far prevaricate from this Grace and Complaisance in their Monarch, as to conceive by their being elect­ed and called for the service of his Domini­on, they may take leave to impose on their Prince, by pretending to have a share in his Government, or that of right they ought to be so admitted on the account of original Contract; or as they claim, by their conceit­ed determination, however improbable or absurd, that the Sovereign power ought to be divided betwixt their Monarch and them­selves. Would not every indifferrnt man conclude, that such a bold Intrigue of State could tend to no other end but to instigate and ferment, with more applause, misunder­standings betwixt the Monarch and People. From all which 'tis undeniably certain, that the distemper proceeds from an unnatural Ex­cresce [...]ce and Growth of Factions in the body politick; when by such positions men would insinuate the intermixture of either Aristo­cratical or Popular estate, or both conjoyn'd in prejudice to the genuine Right of Sove­raignty.

[Page 82]And I dare avow, that wheresoever such maxims are boldest asserted, they are always design'd and patroniz'd, by some Persons, with no other Intention than by pretending to expedients, in order to redress Exorbitan­cies in the Throne, that they might speciously interest themselves by attaining the height of a more arbitrary or unlimited power over their Fellow Subjects, than all their Recrima­tions or alledg'd failings in their Monarch, if true, could ever import.

Nor has the dangerous encrease of those pernicious and unaccountable tenents, in past time, wanted the severest animadversions from our Astreadan Dominion; whereby there might condign impression remain in the po­sterity of those whose Progenitors had, in precedent Ages, tainted their Allegiance by being malevolently dispos'd in opposition to the purity of our establish'd Monarchy.

And thus by the publick diligence of our State, care was seasonably taken that the ori­ginal Authors, Contrivers, and Abetters, of such perplex'd and froward Principles, should be notoriously disreputed and convey'd to fu­ture Memory, whereby their Names and Fa­milies might be distinguish'd from the Inte­grity of sounder Judgments; to which end they stand mentioned in our Annals and Records with the Epithites of Mungrel, or pied Politicians.

[Page 83]This was done with no Intention to reflect on their posterity, otherwise than by reminding them that the incompatible and detrimental tenents of their Forefathers ought to be resented by their Lineage in such a publick manner as by our State was provided to that purpose.

Which vertuous policy of our Govern­ment having been, in after Succession of our Princes orderly regarded by measures proper for its Conservation, the men of mixt Principles, together with their gross allay whereby they had heretofore debas'd the genuine value of Soveraign rule, have not propagated the evil of their imperfect opi­nions, in such who were descended from [...]hem. Notwithstanding, that nothing is more dangerously incident to humane Na­ [...]ure than out of Pride, or Hope of popu­ [...]ar Glory, to add to their Crimes the perverse maxims of their Progenitors.

And I dare affirm, said the Jussinedos, that wheresoever the method I have express'd [...]s not commendably practis'd, that no form of Government, tho suppos'd the most ex­ [...]ct, can in its essential or ministerial parts, [...]ave long Security.

The Athenian Senator told the Jussinedos, [...]at he much rejoyced to understand by his [...]xpressions, considering the deprav'd Rule [...] Principalities and States, that Expedients [Page 84] might be found by political constitutions, whereby the Goodness of publick manners, relating to order and common obedience, could be encouraged and preserved; adding, that he well knew that it might sometimes be, tho very rarely, the Felicity of a Do­minion to be manag'd by the conduct of vertuous men; but seldom so refin'd tha [...] that it could arrive to a Habit, or not too soon vitiated by the corrupt administration of superiour Persons; notwithstanding he readily granted, that the satisfaction e [...] ­pected from Governments proceeds from [...] supposition, at least of the Integrity [...] their Conducts; and that neither the supe [...] intendency of one sole person, or republic [...] establishment could be otherwise design' [...] than that Subjects should conclude, th [...] good was meant them by such as govern [...] by reason it must conduce to the advantage of all civil superiority to be so reputed. An [...] did they usefully discern, that the obed [...] ­ence of mankind could be so dispos' [...] they would acknowledge, in respect [...] the benefit and assurance they might ha [...] from the sound affection of such as are u [...] der their Rule, that it was their sure [...] Interest to advance no other conduct in th [...] State than vertuous.

On the contrary, wheresoever the exten [...] and magnitude of Power is more the contriv'd [Page 85] Grandeur of Supream Rulers, than the exemplary value and management of Vertue; such Governments, as you have pathetically instanc'd, said the Athenian Ma­gistrate, turning to the Jussinedos, cannot have safe or long continuance: because in so doing, Superiour Command does ex­travagantly over-act the part that ought to be more temperately perform'd; and in all Dominions, as they are more or less corrupted, this dangerous evil is ac­cordingly evident: From whence it often comes to pass, that degenerate and licen­tious Subjects presume to reflect on the Justice and Conduct of their Monarch, when the main growth of miscarriages in State, occasionally springs from their Mis­demeanours. By which means, a bad Peo­ple does in some degree necessitate a more uneasie and worse Soveraign than otherwise they might obey, and the rea­son is obvious, because when a Prince observes that he cannot over-rule the averseness of his People so gently as he would, he thinks himself necessitated to be severer than in other circumstances his Inclination would have permitted, there being nothing more difficult, and perhaps less safe, than to undertake to govern the Wicked by the meer simplicity of Good­ness.

[Page 86]And I am apt to believe, that it is rare­ly observable that any Supream Rulers, however naturally evil, have made it their choice to be rather impertinently exor­bitant, or brutishly wicked in governing of men, than to have executed their Do­minion on a fond of obedient and sound Morality, if possible to be effected by any general desert of their Subjects: Inso­much, that if the Worlds most Universal Experience be duly examin'd, it will con­center with the truth of this assertion, That no Monarch, or other Magistracy, ever acted so prejudicial to their Interest, as to elevate their Power above the ordi­nary height, unless provok'd by the pre­cedent Corruption, and ungovernable In­clination of their People.

From whence it has too often come to pass, that Monarchy, tho by Paternal Right the most Ancient and Natural, as is manifest from our former discussions, has exerted it self, by some unusual me­thod to a securer height, or by the Irresista­ble Sedition and Violence of the multitude totally subverted; and instead of a Lineal descent of Rightful Kings, the Blood of Usurpers advanc'd to the Throne. Or if not so, where the vulgar have been more emphatically successful, they have never fail'd to convert their predominancy, and [Page 87] representation of themselves, into the figure of a Republick.

And it cannot be denied, that out of the ruine of Hereditary Monarchy and the disor­der, if not Anarchy, that has risen from thence; the Popular States, within our Countries of Greece, have had their be­ginning.

But you Astreadans, as I gather from what the Reverend Jussinedos has intimated, avow­ing that your Monarchical Rule is practically manag'd by a Political Integrity, above the felicity of other Dominions, I presume to make it my request, that the method might be declar'd, that so much conduces to the stability and happiness of your King and Nation.

To which the Jussinedos readily answer'd, That the happiness and security of their Go­vernment depended on a few particulars, which had been very anciently in usage with them, and he hop'd would continue unsha­ken in many Ages to come.

The main Pillar that supports the reverend esteem of our Political Constitutions, is, That our Religion has had such an entire value and prevalency in our Nation, that no novelty of Worship has been able to stain the clearness of the verity on which it depends; and this has effectually, I doubt not, been explain'd by the Scheme of our belief, that our Fidefendon has before express'd: There being nothing more [Page 88] certain than that the soundest props of legal establishments, will be otherwise too weak to support the bulk of Government; insomuch, that wheresoever diversity of Beliefs have any tolerable reception, the Sacerdotal Function will be so Intrigu'd, and Interested thereby, and the Manners of Men so prevalently byass'd, that Corruptions, under the Notion and Au­thority of Zeal, will debase the obedience that ought to be acknowledg'd to the Civil Dominion. And this can no way be prevent­ed, but by obliging men to believe no more than by the conviction of sense they must grant true, and with that sincerity and plain­ness, that every common understanding shall not want the assistance of a profession, to ex­plain their Creed. And where the People are fully intelligent to that end, their Obedience and Manners will be assur'd, as long as humane Reason can be suppos'd predominant, against all sinister Innovations to the contrary. Thus, whosoever rests satisfied of the conviction of our worship of Providence, without annexing any devis'd Articles of Faith, stands most en­tirely prepar'd to prefer and obey the goodness of the Rule to which he owes submission; on which evident foundation, both the worship of our Natives and obedience does chiefly de­pend. On the contrary, as you Grecians must confess, the alterations and subversions of Go­vernments amongst you, have proceeded from [Page 89] no other cause than the various changes and deceits of worship, as is manifest from the dif­ferent forms and adorations amongst you: so that if the publick profession of Faith be not in its own nature equally manifest to every rea­sonable apprehension, it must create Dubitants in Belief, and consequently Despisers of the ci­vil Authority, as men question the truth of what is propos'd or injoyn'd: But cannot do so if the maxims of their Creed are as sensibly intelligible as Seeing and Feeling is generally the capacity of mankind. And whosoever doth judge that he is rationally able to give the lye to the Religion of a Government, would en­deavour to promote his opinion, tho it prove no less prejudicial than faction in the State, or a means to introduce a change of rule to confirm his Perswasion.

From all which 'tis very demonstrable, that where the soul of the Subject doth most rati­onally Concenter with the authoris'd belief of a Nation, such a Government will be more permanently endear'd and obey'd than any other, whose sacred Edicts have not an assurance beyond Polemick Debate or Question.

The Athenian Senator reply'd, that in their Country of Greece, nothing was more diffi­cult or less sucessful by the Endeavours of such as ruled, however claiming under any deno­mination the most perfection in civil Estab­lishments, [Page 90] then to be considerable enough to suppress Nonsense, in belief and worship within their Dominions.

It having been, with them, the constant success of foppish Deceivers to make a Fool of the Conscience of men, that they might, for their ends, more surely deprave their manners: So that I cannot but acknowledge, that the grand corruption of States, have generally e­merg'd from the Silliness of their Creeds; by which their Devotion and civil Obedience is highly impair'd: And this mischief is usually so taking with the Multitude, that sincerity and clearness in either is most neglected by them. If Laws be ordained sufficiently useful, both as to divine and humane concern, they who are least dispos'd to like any, will always be requiring new or better; so that nothing is harder, than for Governments to season Esta­blishments suitable to the distemper'd Pallats of such as ought to obey; and wheresoever that humour is predominan, 'tis a Symptom that the body politick is sick; and the multiplicity of Laws, the miserable pretence of its Cure: because evil men, and those ever the greatest part, are the Complainers, and as much as in them lyes, the Obstructors of Emendations in State, being resolved that no expedients, how numerous soever, shall be enough to provide against their Crimes and Faction: If under a Monarch, they have Pleas against [Page 91] his Ministers; if rul'd by Aristocracy, they are angry with the Nobility; if Democra­cy be supream, then they blame such as represent it: And I do not find, said the A­thenian Magistrate, turning to the Philoso­pher, that any of your learned Schools have made any Decision, whereby to prevent the Growth of this dangerous Inconve­nience.

The Philosopher answered, that he did acknowledge, that no position of their Schools, or those which the divine Plato had most acutely deliver'd, could prevent the vain Superstitions and Fopperies of Religion, that mixt with Governments. Neither had any of their learned, by any Scheems of Policy, proceeded farther than to declare, by way of Theory, what sort of Dominion was in it self the best : In do­ing of which they have generally preferr'd Monarchical Regiment: On this maxim, that whatsoever is most one, is least to be di­vided. But in the practick part, which is certainly most useful, their Treatises are deficient, by reason they have not presented the world with any sure expedients, where­by the Persons that govern may be suitably qualified to communicate and preserve the Goodness intended by civil Dominion.

For since it little avails humane Govern­ment to have a sound Foundation, unless [Page 92] its Conveniences be likewise regular and lasting: So where personal Enormities and Failings, especially such that deprave and weaken the body politick, are not duely prevented, let the Laws be never so excel­lent, evil manners will too soon give Law to them; On the contrary, there is nothing more certain, that in what kind soever a Government be constituted, that ought to have the celebrated Approbation, let its name be what it will be, of ruling by such measures as both incline and secure Obedience from their People, it ought to be reputed more exact than others, that may perhaps have better pretence to the Theory or Title, than to such ordinations of State as tend to the compleating of due Obedience in their People; wherefore the Philosopher told the Jussinedos, that he join'd his request with the Senator that spoke last, by desiring he would particu­larly declare, the essential method where­by he conceiv'd the Astreadan Monarchs had so long continu'd, their happy and fa­mous Royalty.

To which the Jussinedos readily consented, telling them that he conceiv'd he had in general effectually mention'd before, how it had been anciently the prudent endea­vour of his Nation to explode motly Re­ligions, no less than mungrel politicks, [Page 93] that had some time endeavoured to in­sest their Monarchy. The first was easily brought to pass by our professing of a Religion that was more sensibly In­telligible than any other that undertook to dissent from it; of which so much has been expressed before, that I need nor, said the Jussinedos, trouble you with any repetition.

As for our State managements, it hath been of long and constant use with us to prepare Persons that might be most advantageous to the Essential Prosperity and Grandeur of our Government, and not only so, but by a proper method se­cure all subordinate Trusts and Magi­stracy in a suitable manner, whereby their Integrity might appear most avail­able to the Publick. And this has al­ways with us, proceeded from gracious allowance of our Kings, and the ready de­sire of Subjects.

You much surprize me, reply'd the Athenian Senator, to hear you speak of rendring the Persons of Men so service­able, as you express, to your Nation: And I grant, could that be effected, the exemplary Integrity of your Prince and Nation, together with such Laws as con­sequently must fortify the Glory and Happiness of your Monarch, would be [Page 94] a President, whence other Dominions might take Copies in order to their future Greatness.

I doubt not but they would, reply'd the Jussinedos, if they did not too pe­remptorily judge that the Civil manners of Men, as they too often relate to pub­lick Transactions, without having to do with such particular failings as naturally are incident to Mankind, are harder to be remedy'd by the endeavour of a State, than really they would be found, if the Cure be prudently provided.

As in our Astreadan Principality, where it can be no Mans Honour or Advan­tage to be otherwise than faithful to the Publick, and what is more supreamly great, no less the concern of the Monarch than the Subject; might not one rational­ly conclude, that the continuation and fond of such a Dominion, would have a large share of remembrance in Records of Time?

By your leave, said the Philosopher, I will make a Query before you come to particulars: Suppose your King, for I take him to be, as you declare, a per­fect Monarch, should by violent extra­vagancy alter the form of Rule you men­tion, might not the expedient you have de­liver'd fall short of expectation?

[Page 95]I grant, answer'd the Jussinedos, that had we ever been Rul'd by a King that possibly could be imagin'd to act so oppositely to his own Greatness, the objection might have some Validity; but we must suppose him in this case both a Fool and a Tyrant, purposely to lessen himself. Neither did I ever hear of any Monarch so foolishly wicked, that he would rather choose to Rule by the assistance of Evil Men, if the good could do him greater service.

On the other side, if the Supream Ma­gistrate observes that Factious and Sedi­tious Inclinations have, in the greatest part of his People, Corrupted, and, as it were, separated from his Throne, the Morality that ought to be annex'd to Publick Duty: To be sure their Prince, if his temper be none of the best, thinks himself in a high measure provok'd to be worse than he was before, and so blends and spreads his evil Genius with the Impiousness of his Subjects, that he, in being Wicked, may be more point­edly Supream in the Grandeur he de­signs.

But the mischief is, that a bad and unquiet People will be more scrutinously Inquisitive into the Morals and Conduct of their Soveraign, than if they were [Page 96] as Loyal as they ought; or that it were easie for their Prince, by the meer Phi­losophy of Goodness, to over-rule the Impious disposition of his Subjects. And tho this implies a Contradictory and In­compatible humour in Men, relating to such as Govern, it is very much the Topicks of the multitude in all Corrupt Dominions.

But these particulars have been alrea­dy enough insisted on, I will therefore, in the most essential manner, according to your desire, declare what remains to be deliver'd as it respects Peace and Wars: Which take briefly thus:

Our Monarchy, as I acquainted you be­fore, is perfectly such both in Name and Nature, not admitting of commixture of Power or Rule, in any kind, with the Sub­ject. And that this Royal preheminency and greatness, might be more securely dig­nified and continued, our Monarch seldom confers Titles of Dignity or Honour upon any, unless generously descended and suit­ably accomplish'd with Abilities and Man­ners; and if low Birth doth require Ad­vancement, it must be qualified by Actions and Parts extraordinarily eminent, it having been prudently observ'd by our Government, that the exalting of mean Blood, when not throughly cleans'd by the Vertue of Desert, [Page 97] is resented as scandalous, if admitted to have room a­mongst Inheritors of Nobility, because Experience assures us that none are more presumptuously haughty or [...]xorbitantly apt to aspire, than persons that rise fr [...]m low Originals, they being, for the most part, i [...] puss [...] up, in their own esteem, that they are more conceited of their Merit, than prepared to acknowledge that it can be recompenc'd by Reward or Dignity; which shews us, that Pride is very incident to such Complexions, when they ought least to be uneasy to others, by forgetting from what home they came. And that all subordinate Magistracy and Trust should be most carefully i [...]spected, whereby no Persons with us are held capable of either, unless they pass the Inquiry and Test of their publick Integrity, which by eminent and approv'd Supervisors commission'd by Royal Au­thority to that purpose, must be authentically signified and recorded by them, provided that such persons as they judge fully qualified, do under their Hands and Se [...]ls not only give assurance that they will duly execute such employments of State, but also indenture with the publick, that in case any Corruption or private In­terest be found in their management detrimental to our Government, that they shall not only be censur'd and refund for their exorbitant and avaritious Crimes, but likewise so many of their Kindred and Posterity reflected on, as was held necessary by our Magistracy, to their perpetual disgrace and incapacity of publick imploy­ment suitable to the nature of their offences in every respect; for which we have an irrevocable Ordinance of State, and occasionally executed to that purpose: and should I call it the unfading flower of our Monar­chical Regiment, you may perhaps, when duly weigh'd by your intellect, allow it an Epithite no less deserving.

The Athenian Senator reply'd, That what the Jassi­nados alledged was in subtance actually the same in every well constituted Dominion; where tho all per­sons are not requir'd, under the severe Tests he menti­oned, to render themselves capable of national Manage­ment [Page 98] and Trust: Yet there is no prudent State but in­flicts grievous Penalties on Criminals according to their demerits, and upon their Posterity too, both in the forfeiting of Honour, in case they were so qualified, and likewise of their Estates; but not by any such immu­table Decree, as could not be reversed by the Civil Magistrate, in mercy to the Heirs of Offenders: and I suppose you limit the severity you mention, as it may be requisitely abated by compliance or submission of men, when under the unhappy circumstance of having such Progenitors.

The Jassinedos answered, That the considerable po­licy of State he mentioned, had been of long time with that Equity practised in their Astreadan Principality, that none could find cause to blame the means that was used for publick security, whereby their Nation was in a high measure preserved from the malign descent of Tenents and Crimes, that had sometimes infested their Dominion, when the impious positions of Ancestors had been too depravedly inherited by the Off spring and near Allies to men, who were not only the Patrons of such malevolent deeds and maxims, but likewise the Propagators of the blood of those that too propensely inherited the depravations of Predecessors, or thought it for their glory to be Assertors of the same Principle [...], without duly apprehending the contagion they derived from their Predecessors, by adhering to the Enormities of their Tenents and Practises, that had proved so de­trimental to common Tranquility and Preservation: against which high Inconveniences, our Government has provided an ample prevention, as you shall soon un­derstand.

The Graecian Philosopher, being not a little surprised in expectation of what the Astreadan Magistrate intend­ed to deliver, told him, that he begg'd a Pardon from him, is, before he farther proceeded in opening to them the great and useful Prudence of their State, in pro­viding against the inheritable growth of Factions in that Nation, he took leave, as a Philosopher, to express [Page 99] the transcendent Encomium, that he was ready to al­low an expedient of that nature, which he confest was to be learnt by him; and far surpass'd the most [...]efin'd philosophical notions of policy that had at any time exercis'd the famous Schools of Athens; none of whose exquisite Ingenuities or literature had ever been able to form any proper and lasting expedient, whereby sound­ness might be restor'd and conferr'd to their body poli­tick: Tho very manifest it be, that within that famous dominion, the partialities and divisions that have by descent, as it were, proceeded from Father to Son, have a little impaired the Glory of the Athenian State; and it is too obvious, that from the Pride of similitude, or as men generally are addicted to value the Maxims a [...]d Actings of their Predecessors, they have prov'd no less the Off-spring of their crimes than blood. But to [...]emedy a Contagion that has too frequently such a per­nicious emanation with mankind, must needs be not easily obtained, tho deserving all commendation if duly accomplished: For if in the natural body the hereditary Diseases of Gouts, Dropsies, and other Distempers, are so hardly remedied, how much more difficult is the means of cure, that must be applied to the Indisposi­tions of the Soul, when the tincture of her guilt, from the publick transgressions of evil Progenitors, is de­ [...]cendently made the crime of posterity.

To which the Astreadan Jassinedos reply'd, That he [...]ranted it might be some difficulty to such, who had not [...]xperimented the possibility and conveniency of the [...]revention, whereby malevolent tenents and practices were hinder'd from being entail'd on succeeding gene­rations: And it is well known to our Records, how our Nation in former times was pester'd with factions [...] many of our eminent Families. till we cur'd the ex­ [...]rbitancy of that depending evil; nothing being more [...]bservable, as the Philosopher mention'd, than a [...]oneness in men, out of the obliquity and haughtiness [...] their Spirit, or from a vain-glorious desire of being [...]teem'd no less popular than their Ancestors, on the [Page 100] account of their positions, to patronage the errors of their Progenitors, however obnoxious to the publick.

The Jassinedos told the Philosopher, that by what had been formerly instanced he might easily apprehend, that before the Astreadan Profession of Faith was brought to that entire Efficacy already mentioned, no small dif­ficulty was encounter'd, in past times, to expunge the pernicious politicks. That many endeavo [...]'d to an­nex to their notions of belief, highly patroniz'd by foreign States and Principalities, and suitably de­fended by the prevalency of several Priesthoods, that made it their business to worship according­ly: Amongst whom, such as endeavour'd most to sublimate their Hierarchy, were for erecting a Sa­cerdotal grandeur, under the denomination of Arch-Flamens, with other subordinate Diocesan gran­deurs, which tended to a Monarchical Supremacy in their function: and these were more addicted to fix a [...] Ecclesi [...]stical preheminence in their Priesthood, than to allow it any political Basis on the account of the Civ [...]l Magistrate: Others there were that annex'd to their belief a more popular Conduct, either as they held Sy­nods to elect and set apart clerical persons for the exer­cise and asserting of their Worship; or were chosen by parity of Vote, as the [...]ay Members of their Cong [...]e­tion thought most requisite for the service of their per­swasion, and these last mention'd were Antimonarch­cally principled, that is to say, devoted to Governme [...] by way of a Republick. In fine, all these factions we [...]e soon extinguish [...]d, tho so much endear'd by their seve­ [...]al Priesthoods, after our Indivisible Religion had bee [...] sufficiently explain'd. Notwithstading all whic [...], such persons as had no hope to perplex the perspicuit [...] o [...] our devotional belief, were notwithstanding highly industrious, heretofore, to convey such political Te­nents as were very detrimental to our civil Government, either as they had obtruded and dispers'd positions, the figments of their brain, that tended to a factious com­mixture of Aristocracy and Democracy, with the Roy­alty [Page 101] of our Monarch, for which they were term'd by us mungrel, or pied Politicians, as was already men­tioned; or actually caus'd, on the acc [...]unt of their Te­ [...]ents, Commotions and Rebellions, within our Astrea­dan Dominion. Wherefore to satisfie your desire, by acquainting you in what manner the Prudence of our State, not only obviated and prevented the designs of such Members within our Nation, that in past ages had caused dangerous Revolutions and Convulsions in our civil Government, together with a vast expence of Blood and Treasure, but also established our Monar­chical Rule and Greatness in the purity that it now in­joys: It will be necessary that I amply declare, as I precedently instanced, the method taken by our Go­vernment, not only to punish the crimes of Malefactors, but also to convey such Animadversions and Disgraces to their Posterities, that were highly useful in refe­rence to the Issue [...] and nearest Allies of those Persons, who by a just and signal Infamy were de [...]erred from continuing the Enormities of their Fore-fathers. It having proved of useful experience, within our Domi­nion, that [...]he shame of descending Ignomy has effected more amendment on the opinions and persons of men; otherwise too prone to endear, if not vindicate, the Maxims and Oppositions of their Progenitors, however det [...]imental to our body politick, than the most severe execution of Laws; which, as they had but a personal extent, and consequently so terminated, their Disgraces and Punishments on Delinquents, did little abate the facile inclinations of men to value themselves by attain­ing popularity from their Predecessors, tho in Principle as bad as they could derive from them. From which source of evil, it was heretofore usual with us, that men took upon them, not only to uphold the Faction of their near Relations, but likewise to condemn our Govern­ment, for exacting such due Inflictions as were necessa­ [...]ily executed on such Offenders.

I confess, said the Athenian Senator, that this [...]xp [...] ­dient, if made practical as you alledge, does far su [...]pass [Page 102] all the provisions that our wisest Graecian Law-maker have yet composed in their most elaborate legal Con­stitutions, whereby they would render an exact inte­gri [...]y of Rule and Obedience: but could never foresee, by any useful prevention, how descending animosities, and exorbitant opinions and factions too apt, as you have well expressed, to be indulg'd by the inclinations of men, who in hope of vulgar applause, or to improve the merit of their ostentation, together with the Interest they designed, in being esteemed successively Patrons by assimulating the Maxims of their Predecessors, might be legally prevented by any such compendious instituti­on as you seem to demonstrate; enough to conjure the Spirit of Solon, or Lycurgus, to pass by miracle from t'other world to be your Auditors, and return the won­der of your Astreadan Republick to be contemplated by a Senate in the Elizium Abodes, where the Souls of wisest Legislators a [...]e supreamly resident; since what you offer does far exceed the best prospect of their Laws and Politicks. Wherefore not to delay my earnest de­sire to be thoroughly informed, be pleased to make ou [...] expectation so happy, as to declare the particulars o [...] the extraordinary State invention, that has given to your Astreadan Monarchy the eminent Tranquility and Happiness it now enjoys.

The Athenian Magistrate having thus delivered his sentiment, the Astreadan Jassinedos, with a grave com­portment and audible voice, declared unto them, the the method whereby the prudence of their Monarchial Regiment had obviated descending corruptions in their body politick, had resulted from the pertinent reflecti­ons that were constituted to clear their Nation from imbibing the malign positions and enormities of their nearest Allies and Progenitors: which method was briefly in this manner; If by any notorious opinion, or fact openly avowed or published, our Government was maligned or debased, to the disturbance of our com­mon Peace; not only such Offenders were censured and punished suitable to their Transgressions, but their [Page 103] Posterity and nearest Consanguinities were to receive a visible disgrace, during the pleasure of our supream Ma­gistrate, or till they satisfactorily renounced the perni­tious Facts and Tenents of their most considerable Al­lies and Predecessors; to which purpose we had, and is yet extant, should occasion require, a solemn Court of Renunciation, before whose Tribunal every Delin­quent, that was permitted to have Life or Estate with­in our Dominion, was called to th [...]t purpose, as also the Heirs and Kindred of such persons, were on their knees to manifest their abhorrence of such Transgressors; and this to be performed every year, suitable to the nature of their crimes, so long as by the civil Magistrate it should be thought necessary, or until they had throughly purged themselves by subsequent merit to the publick. If any refused to undergo this method of Purgation, they were not only render'd uncapable of Imployment in our Principality, but to be prosecuted as Outlawries, or banished from the compass of our civil Dominion, with all imaginable infamy.

Notwithstanding all which, continued the Jassinedos, in some cases even where offences were highly capital, our Government has rather thought fit to impress a vi­sible disgrace on the persons of men, than to terminate their Lives by legal execution, as a more notorious and transcendent caution to their Posterity: to which end such Malefactors were obliged to wear insculptions, in Plates of Steel on their Vests, during their Lives, that implyed their offence, together with the Letter R broadly figured, that signified they renounced their De­linquencies; the wisdom of our State holding it more con­ducing to publick advantage, to suffer some Offenders to live with long Reproach, than to be ended by the sudden act of Execution: Like the story of the man, who chose rather to give his Dog a living ill name, than [...]mmediately to commit him to a Halter; and by this method we not only exposed, to every observation and censure, the ignomineous reflexion thought fit to be dif­fused by the supream Magistrate, in reference to the [Page 104] quality of principles and actual guilt emergent from such grand enormities; but likewise conveyed a politi­cal caution, even amongst the nearest degrees of Blood, and al [...]iance of F [...]milies, too propense otherwise to have traditionally imbibed and asserted the Tenents of their Relations and Predecessors, on the same tempta­tious account of Ambition or Popularity; the growth of which spreading Exorbitancies, together with the pernicious Interest designed thereby, was con [...]ignly disreputed and hinge [...] by these useful inflictions and apprehension o [...] subs [...]quent disgrace; insomuch that Families gave a check to themselves, by not embracing the obnoxious positions o [...] their Allies or Pa [...]ents, who usually commit the most co [...]siderable and pri [...]ary trust to their nea [...]est Consanguinities and Relations, and were, in no small measu [...]e, considerably watchful, in­stead of being partners in conspiracy, left their alliances should involve them in publick disgrace; which proved a very effectual means of peace and security within our Nation, far above the obliging the Allegiance of men by the engagement of an Oath, however significantly intended, to ascertain their duty: It being notoriously known that where Subjects are factiously principled, or antipathis'd to the rule they are under, that they will have their Evasions, Cavils, and racite Reservations, tho tied to the performance of their duty by the strong­est knot the Law can produce in the form of swearing: and who can doubt that such persons will not much ra­ther venture the abusing of their Conscience, as for their haughty ends, and oblique interests they favour their opinions and practices, or as they naturally incline to patronize the Reputation of their Alliances, con­center with the Enormities of their Families and Kin­dred, by owning of the same sinister designs and tenents, than to undergo a visible Reproach, that implies Shame to themselves and dearest Relations; and no way to be prevented by intercession, or the highest application that Money can advance. And such was the constant Re­gard and Circumspection of our Government, whereby [Page 105] the depraved politicks of men received the useful infli­ctions I have here noted, which in future time produ­ced the integrity that hath rendered our Monarchy great and prosperous.

'Tis not to be thought, replied the Athenian Magistrate, that any legitimate Gubernation should be destitute of right, in order to discountenance and prevent such ante-political deeds and practices, as are detrimental to civil Obedience and publick Tranquility. And I do likewise readily condescend, that if the Prudence in­cumbent on humane rule be judiciously and timely ap­plied, that it may sufficiently operate by allaying or extinguishing such maladies of State that are too pronely emergent, and have not seldom a contagious transition as they are successively endeared and patronized by near­est Consanguinities; insomuch that it has been thought rather a reputation vindicated to adhere to such maxims, as have taint [...]d the Blood of nearest Relations, than for their Offspring to mani [...]est by deeds, that they are in soul separated from the evil opinions and facts of their Alliances; from whence it often comes to pass, as is manifest to experience, that within the Bosom of the body politick are contained so many Hereditary Re­bels and Traitors. And tho I much value your Astre­adan expedient, yet I cannot but judge that it is some­thing severe; considering that it reflects on persons who may not have deserved it from the guilt of any overt­act. It being very possible that [...]any allied to such Cri­minals, did not espouse the destructive prevarication of their Tenents and Offences: on which ground I sup­pose, there might encrease partialities and divisions a­mongst you, however formerly suppressed, by excluding at will of your supream Magistracy, so many conside­rable of your people from being capable of any National Trust or Imployment, as also to bear the figures of publick disgrace, visible on their persons, for no other reason, but because they were the Heirs or Alliances of evil men, until your State was perfectly satisfied of their future Fidelity. And I assure you, if you answer this [Page 106] Objection, I shall readily embrace your Countrys Ex­pedient; as the most proper care that could be applied to rectifie the Principles of a corrupt or degenerate People.

True it is, replied the Jassinedos, that the Expedient was something disgusted at first, tho not so considerably as to hinder the conveniency of its operation; like men whose Pallates seem averse to the best of Physick, until their tempers are aptly disposed to value the Remedy. If other Principalities have fell short of our methods in securing publick Obedience, either as they were satisfied by a cursory Oath of Allegiance occasionally administred, oftner sworn than conscionably remembred, and sub­mitted to as it ought; the trite and frequent abuse by which perverse Subjects too often mingled their ta­cite Reservations and Falacies, contrary to the genuine sense of the solemn Asseveration they had made before the Eyes of Heaven and man; a sophistry of swearing, very incident to the Nature of some People, whereby their Consciences stood prepared, if occasion required, to eject a precedent Oath, that they might yield room to another, in opposition to their former, whensoever a change in State was promoted and welcomed by them: which superlative evil the wisdom of our constituted Rule has in no small degree prevented, as it does im­pede the descending malady of pernicious Tenents and Oppositions, that by a dangerous commixture have at any time disturbed the due Repose of our Nation; And what man can be so froward an Opiniator, as to esteem it no requisite provision, if to overawe and dis­grace the impetuous transactions of precedent Offenders, such outward reproach should be inflicted on their Issues and near Affinities, that might visibly deter succeeding Generations from inheriting the Transgressions of their Predecessors: and [...]f the letter R signalized on their Habits, shall ocularly imply, as I formerly expressed, the Renunciation of the Enormities of their Families, it may well deserve to be so represented: and doubtless the fear of personal Shame, that bears a publick Re­mark, [Page 107] when applied to the alliances and heirs of wick­ed Consanguinities, has affected more, as has been fully experienc'd by us, than could be accomplis'd by the internal obligation of the Soul; men being far more in­clin'd to avoid the detriment and ignominies of their persons, than to preserve the integrity of their Allegi­anc [...], tho strictly oblig'd by the solemnity of an Oath.

And whereas you seem'd to apprehend that the ne­cessary correction, in the method of our State, of ob­liquities in the body politick, as it reflected on the per­sonal crimes of original transgressions, in order to purge and vilifie their emanation, in reference to their Allies and Successors, might irritate and encrease the spread­ing of Factions, Repinings and Tenents within our Soveraignty: It was soon experimented by the diligence of our civil gubernation, that the contagion of evil tenents, partialities and sidings amongst us, were by that means, in a few years, totally extinguish'd, as to any prejudicial encrease or growth, that could any ways redound from their contrivances, neither was it necessary for the Prudence of our Government to inflict the animadversion and censure, I have instanced on ma­ny persons of Men, Families, or Relations, it being well discerned by our Monarchs, that the eminent of Blood and Alliances, are the most considerable Patro­nizers of such enormous Principles and designs, as by their tendency and overt-acts most dangerously operate against common repose and safety; and this you were pleased to concede, as an evident inconvenience in your Athenian Republick, where the supream in repute, ac­cording to your acknowledgment, had perniciously al­lur'd the factious compliance of subordinate Interests; and I doubt not, said the Jassinedos, but the effects are the same in all Dominions. And thus you may perceive, how significantly the method of our cure, tending to our body politick, was adapted to such essentials within our civil Rule, who by their depraved Examples, Posi­tions and Facts, together with their specious and gawdy designs, were most signally capacited to seduce the diso­bedience [Page 108] obedience of others. Nor is any thing more obvious' than that the dangerous and exorbitant Guides are few, tho not seldom composed of Grandees in Parts, Title, and Descent, that sway the most popular com­pliance: from whence it proceeds, that perverse and common mistakes, when malitiously and eminently dif­fus'd, have subverted more Principalities and States, than any erroneous, corrupt, or tyrannical conduct that could be attributed to the Irregularities, or Failings of the Sover [...]ign Ruler. How vain is then the human endeavour, that, in such a perplexed condition of the body politick, when positions are countenanced and di­vulged, that are antipathis'd to the soundness of its con­stitution, would expect an amendment from the suppli­ment of Laws or Integrity, redounding from the admi­nistration of subordinate Magistracy; whilst not only the best legal establishments that can be enacted, in a deprav'd-condition of a People, will find a refractory or disputable reception, either as they suit not with the various complexion of Opposers, or as the Magistracy is disregarded in their execution: Whence it usually en­sues, that Subjects, when perversly animated and sway'd by the distemper of political notions, are never at ease with the rule they ought to obey, or laws they are under, how numerous soever appears their Catalogue; and no less unsatisfied in their expectation when their summ is encreas'd; nothing being more certain than that the genuine content and integrity of a people must arise from the improvement and stedfastness of their principles, rather than from the enlargement and com­pulsion of legal establishments.

And this was judiciously perceiv'd by the discreet pre­vention us'd by our government, in order to obviate the spreading dissentaneous problems amongst our Astreadan Natives; which being found too litigiously in­tricate, and factiously involv'd, to be comprimiz'd by any reasonable application or conviction, there could be no expedient so notably advantageous as the confer­ring outward reproach and ignominy on the evil te­nents [Page 109] of persons, and dignifying the soundness and practi­cal obedience approv'd in the conformity of the Judg­ments of others; and thus by the judicions desert of some, and the political pennance, I before express'd, requisitely inflicted on others; the prevaricating noti­ons of men in opposition to our Rule, were gradually extirpated, notwithstanding that they had precedently far insinuated and corruptly dispos'd and interested de­structive animosities within the compass of our Nation; either as they uncouthly mix'd our Monarchical with the conceited mingle of popular Regiment; or adher'd to the wild notion of original contract, before consured betwixt King and Subjects, until such mungrel Politicians, and Tenents, being to their outward shame exemplarily discountenanced, our People had in all their degrees re­covered a commodions and entire duty, both in their opinion and submission to supream Authority; from whence it came to pass, that whereas our publick Coun­sels and Senates, when heretofore conven'd, had been uneasy, and passionately addicted to quarrel with their Monarch, by reflecting on his Government and the Con­duct of his Ministers, when the crime of the Impeach­ment was rather in themselves: or by requiring such Laws as would scandalize his Scepter, if by it touch'd; and when refus'd, his power obstructed or impaired by wanting the due Nourishment it ought to have received by their compliance, if not endanger'd by a mo [...]e signal Catastrophe: Y [...]t even these high inconveniencies, and destructive aversions: in our State, received a happy redress by the method I have briefly related.

I readily acknowledge, reply'd the Graecian Senator, that the measures used by your Astreadan Soveraignty, in order to avert and hinder the progression and assimulate-of evil positions and attempt, as they might otherwise dilate and be transm [...]tted to Posterity, to the perpetual disquiet of y [...]ur commendable Government were pru­dently applied: and I cannot but grant, with you, that, very often the contagious sourse of evils, if not cauti­ously prevented, are too pronely increased in the per­sons [Page 110] of such as spring from refractory and disobedient Predecessors; nothing being more observable than that erroneous humanity, is rather inclined to assert and vin­dicate rhe impious Misdemeaners of their Allies and Progenitors, than submissively to concede the evil of their Transgressions

And I am so far from censuring the proceeding of your State, in the method you declare, that if a broader token of Renunciation, than the Letter R, in reference to the Issues and Consanguinities of such Criminals, were visibly expanded on the Garments they wore, I should judge it a very useful and exemplary caution to the obe­dience of others, as it signally relates to the honor of their Families and Descent. Wherefore this grand expedient of your Astreadan Government, does not only surpass the many endeavors of the wisest of our Graecian Legislators, who applied the best of their Learning and Experience to erect and model such a constituted body politick, as might sufficiently depress the corruption of Tenents and practices of men, but may be properly allowed, for its excellent rarity, the Phoenix of civil Regiment; and doubtless whensoever its perfection shall be duly consi­dered, and actually exercised by other Nations, it will receive a suitable estimate.

The Graecian Philosopher, having duly observ'd what his Associate and Countryman, the Athenian Magistrate, had before utterred to the Astreadan Jassinedos, declared to 'em both, that he fully concentered with their judg­ments, in approving of the expedient they had prece­dently discussed; adding withal, for its higher Illustra­tion and Praise, that it might well have deferred the ac [...]urate esteem and approbation of Plato and Aristotle; had they been present at the opening of this useful poli­cy of State; which tho not verbally found in them, or in the erudite writings of others renowned in Philoso­phical science, together with their learned Precepts; whereby the highest Integrity might be accomplished in humane Government: Yet does it essentially flow from their Dictates, if considered, in general, how they [Page 111] imployed their learned pens, by endeavoring to prevent the emanation of popular maladies and faction; which could have no considerable diffusion, but as they origi­nally proceeded and were supported by persons of digni­ty and influence in their Nation. And what reason can question, that the giving a disrepute to the enormous principles and crimes of such as would otherwise convey a derivative evil to their Consanguinities and Issues, is not a commendable policy; Men being too propensely disposed and interested in adhering to the crimes of their nearest Kindred and Acquaintance. Especially if tempt­ed by the same hopes of popular ends and advantage. For as it is naturally true, that humane prevarications have a near degree of familiarity in the relations of blood, so 'tis no less observable that the ungovernable affections and appetites of mankind, have a like similitude and propagation in the Alliances and Descent of Persons: Nor is any thing more manifest, than that the most per­nitious attempts against Principalities and States have proceeded from the Conspirations and Facts of Heredi­tary Traitors.

Wherefore tho I commend your latter expedi [...]nt, no less than your former relating to divine worship, where­by you declare, that you have with good effect suppres­sed disunion of principl [...]s within your Nation, to the re­proach and extirpation of factious animosities and inte­rests, that tended to the discomposure and subversion of your Astreadan Monarchy: Yet have I not heard as I expected from you, how Judges of [...]ribunals, Advocates; and Pleaders at Bar, behaved themselves in times of strict­est Trial and Occurrences of Sta [...]e, before arrived to that national integrity, which as your common happiness you ha [...]e since acquired. Wel known to my observa­tion, concluded the Philosopher, how men of that pro­fession, notwithstanding the gravity of their Robe, have been too flexible in varying of their dialects suitable to distempered seasons, and usurpations of the civil power: Whether it be that the political fond of Laws, tho it [...]ught to be of right the far nobler and requisite part [Page 112] of their science, is too cursorily inspected, or neglected by them in the volumes they read, but crudely disgest, instead of discerning what many erudite Philosophers have written on that subject: Or that the mechanical part of their profession, in reference to their Salleries and Fees, be more greedily their diligence and application, in whatsoever diversity and revolution of Rule, than a firm adherence to the Basis of their legitimate Govern­ment: It being often ob [...]ervable, that amongst many of this litigious sort of Gown-men, the obliquity of their pleading and judiciary determinations, have never been more profitably advantaged, than when they have fitted the Byass of their Tongues to the wrong side of the Law. And I remember, that I have heard of an old avaritious Ad­vocate somewhere, who complimented an Inva [...]or of a legitimate Throne, by telling him that he apprehended he should have survived the Law, before his arrival▪ when in fact, he lived to see its political death by the means that he had impiously applauded.

The Astreadan Jassinedos, in compliance to the motion of the Philosopher, told him together with the Athenian Magistrate, that he crav'd pardon of them both for his omitting of the due Recrimination and cen [...]ure that had been applied in that Dominion, as a pertinent contumely and ch [...]stisement of the abuses of the Law; which in times past, by the preposterous and irregular deviaton [...] of some exorbitant persons of that Robe, tho otherwise of commendable proficiency, had been depraved to a h [...]i­nous guilt, and perpetual disrepute to their vocation; not only as they openly abdicated the main fond of po­licy on which the cement and being of our soveraign Rule entirely consisted; but as they likewise endeavored to evade, and tender ineffectual the statuted Props and Records that most firmly sustained the structure of our body politick; from whence it ensued, that am [...]ngst th [...]s sort of Gown-men were found pest ferous Compliers and Adherents [...]o any Revolution of State that was success­fully produced. And thus Rebellions and Usurpations, in former times too frequent with us, had their rugged vio­lations, [Page 113] in whatsoever shape or figure, more colorably smooth'd, as Renagadoes of this worthy profession, fill'd Rooms at Bars and Tribunals. Where finding that notwithstanding the deplorable change of State, and miseries of their fellow Subjects, they would be of ne­cessity beneficially imployed as Pleaders in behalf of their Clients; not only in relation to their ordinary Rights, but also as Plaintiffs and Defendants in such Li­tigations and Tryals, that internal disturbance and vio­lence had perniciously intruded to the advantage of ava­ritious and time-serving Advocates.

And I assure you, continued the Jassinedos, that 'tis manifest from former computation, that no season has afforded a more impious and plentiful gain to the Purse of disloyal Pleaders, than when Apostates of that sci­ence have plac'd their exaltation or thriving on the ru­ine of the Law. Nor is it to be imagin'd that the Usur­pers of Dominion will be defective to their necessary varnish in not conferring reward on the Talents of such as can best palliate the bitter Reflexions of legal Esta­blishments, or attempt to baffle their Validity if quoted on the part of the rightful Throne.

All which, said the Jassinedos, to the Philosopher, was in substance deliver'd in your prec [...]dent discourse. And as for Condemnations and Punishments, which you desir'd to understand, that were heretofore conferred by our prudent Gubernation on the delinquencies of that Robe, the judiciary inflictions were in this manner or­dained.

If any of that science had capitally and treasonably offended, as they own'd the parts of Advocates or Judges, under any usurped Power or Scepter, some of the most notorious, or such as were deem'd most knowingly Ter­giversators and Betrayers of the Law they were obliged to defend, suffer'd death suitable to their demerits.

Others, tho as grand Offenders, were to their living shame reprieved from dying by the hand of an Execu­tioner; but so, as that they were in effigy represented hanging in their Gowns, as Malefactors on a Gallows. [Page 114] And thus to their lasting disgrace, were their figures exposed to view, in the largest Appartments and Halls of their Society; that their crimes, by these visible memorials, might occasion a more frequent detestation in the Eyes of old and young, appertaining to that science▪ Besides all which, there was an irrevocable command ordained by our government, that together with the frequent Readings on Law, to perform which some learned Professors were appointed for the instruction of Youth, there should be apposite statutes constantly explained, that most palpably expanded the subversion of Law by the ante-judiciary proceedings of such execrable gown'd Transgressors. Which useful determination and infli­ctions, in time past, after a wonderful Restauration of our Monarchy, and that by its illustrious shining forth, the monstrous Cloud of foregoing usurpation was total­ly dispers'd. I do not find, said the Jassinedos, that de­linquencies of this nature were ever recorded within our dominion; not only as the hope of any future violent intrusion into our legitimate Throne, was totally fru­strated in the unjust support it could expect or allure from the compliance of enormous Tribunals; but also as the political part of our Government was cleansed from that absurd and obnoxious commixture, which cavalling Tongues, in behalf of their factious Clients, had precedently made the noise and disturbance of Bars, and Seats of Judgment.

The Athenian Senator and Philosopher, assured the Jassinedos that he had sufficiently declared the necessary reflections and punishments which effected that sound­ness in the Astreadan Soveraignty it now so prosperously injoyed; and might be of exemplary benefit to other States and Principalities, whereby they might obliterate seditious Tenents and Principles out of the Subjects heart: Nothing now remaining to their farther information, if he pleased so far to gratifie their desire, but to acquaint them with the manner of their Policy and Conduct in war; which they doubted not would deserve their com­mendation no less than what he had expressed, as con­ducing [Page 115] to the civil establishments of his Nation.

To which Request of theirs, the Jassinedos, with a becoming gravity, replied, that war was a violence so dreadfully antipathiz'd to humane society and conserva­tion, that as it was generally applied, it vastly compli­c [...]ted all humane miseries: for what can be more de­plorably unjust than when the stronger without other provocation, endeavors to subjugate the weaker in power. And if the motives of war throughout the universe were duly examined, it would soon be found that elate Am­bition, and boundless desire of enlarging injurious Do­minion, is the main instigator of that impious fury that [...]oils in the veins of restless States and Princes. As if Providence, that had bestowed the worlds vast recep­tio [...] for the benefit and repose of mankind, were of too narrow a space to confine the aspirings of warring Sove­raignties. Whereas if but duly contemplated, and sur­veyed by them, the Map in which is delineated▪ the mighty extension of the earthly element; they could not but observe the void and unpeopled Regions that are con­tained in its circumference: how glorious an ambition were it next for worldly Potentates, if instead of op­pressing the right of Neighbor Nations, they unanimously reprieved from the calamities and sanguine destructions b [...] war, such exuberant numbers of their People t [...]at might quietly injoy and cultivate a many desolate Climes, that would afford all necess [...]ry fertility when so possessed. What national Confederacies, like these, could usefully oblige the souls of Princes and Subjects; should they disembogue their Countries of too excessive encrease of their people, in removing of them to soils that want Inhabitants, instead of diminishing of their number by leading of them to dye, or possess bloody, acquisitions by the oppressive Sword of Conquest. And this has been not only the constant sentiment of our Astre [...]dan Government, but practicably used to the Honor and Advantage of our Natives.

The learned Philosopher assur'd the Jassinedos, that he had communicated a notion of policy more heroic in [Page 116] Theory, than had been discussed by the accurate Pens and Literature of Schools; but conceived, that like the refin'd definition and requisites of Vertue, it was more purely estimable in the value of its Idea, than actually practical with humane kind. And tho it be obvious to every apprehension, that nothing but universal equity can restrain the arbitrary conduct of such as most pre­dominantly command or allure the subordinate compli­ance and force of men: Yet should the expedient he mentioned be so far admitted, by the general consent of supream Potentates; and that the vacant parts of the Earth, instead of forcing aggressions on neighbor Do­minions, were to be divided amongst them: would they free themselves from Contests and Quarrels by Arms, by duly accepting of their proportions and dividends? Cer­tainly no more than they do now acquiesce in the sole possessing of [...]hat they ought to injoy. Which, howe­ver great, is far too little, if compared with the extent of their Ambition; nor will it be exported by their Wills, farther from home than the next adjacent soil, if advantageously conti [...]uous to the enlargement of their power. Neither is this Infelicity always conveyed from the facile temptation that the strong in arms have to su [...]due the weaker: or from the prodigality or luxury of worldly Rulers: whilst in some situations of man­kind, the exigencies of nature seem to create martial Aggressors. And thus the cold and barren Climes, too frequen [...]ly filled with more Inhabitants than they can commodiously sustain, are by the violent ala [...]ums of want, summoned to lead forth, and martially vent their People in the next adjacent Region, if more fruitful than their own. But had this necessity no being with humanity, the [...]e would notwithstanding, on every ac­count, be found a natural instinct in the soul of man to force Superio [...]ity; nor is it to be discerned, that Nature has bestowed on him a more temperate Appetite to pre­dominency over his kind, than the creatures subjugates execute in theirs: but with this difference, that the last de­vour the Animals they destroy; and men, unless such who [Page 117] are Canibals, only kill one another by several methods, as either Weapons, Famine, Fire, Earth, Air or Wa­ter, may contribute to that end. And could the mo­tives I have here alledged, be waved by mankind, would they not judge that too many of them, tho not by ne­cessity enforc'd to be violent disturbers of themselves or o [...]hers, quietly lived, and that the bosom of their Coun­try was not sufficient to yield convenient repose to their persons, as their numbers encreased, to the strai [...]ning of their being and subsistence: As also that they could not remove the inconvenience without exposing to forcible destruction some part of the whole, that the remainder might more commodiously survive; so that Providence seems, in a manner, permissively to discompose the se­date felicity that by rational accord men might otherwise possess; and thus they appear no less the contrivers of their own destruction, by the violent fate of war, than at other seasons the fury of malignant diseases compels to Graves no less a multitude; nor does the rage of Arms, otherwise than in course, seem to have a reciprocal pro­gression with not a few obnoxious distempers, incident to humane Nature. All which are fully resembled in the temper and disposition of the subordinate creature; whose number, were they not impaired for the nourishment and use of mankind, and also lessened in their sum by accidental infirmities and periods of life, together with the destruction they make in preying on the bodies of one another, there would not be room, within the com­pass of the habitable world, to give their individuals sustenance or being. Which inclines me to conclude, that the dispensations of Providence do in some measure comply with common necessity, tho in the severe epithite of permiting destruction, in the kinds I have mentioned, to men and creatures. And I would gladly understand, concluded the Philosopher, if the world does afford any such integrity in a People who are not, for ends I have expressed, Infringers of their repose, or not for their ad­vantage ready to aggress a neighbouring Dominion. Nor did I ever hear of national League or Confederacy that [Page 118] was longer preserved than suitable to their reciprocal benefit; so that men are generally more beholding for their respites from war to public conveniency, than to the conscience of their supream Rulers. Which shews us that War and Peace, like the usual products of nature, are generated and corrupted by their several vicissitudes.

The Jassinedos granted, that the Philosopher had ju­diciously strengthned his manner of reasoning with a re­ceived notion of his science; but told him withal, that there was no general observation, appliable to the indi­rect, conducts of men, but might admit of some excepti­on, if compared with the upright measures approved and practised by others; and this was palpably verified in the actual methods of War and Peace, constantly ad­hered to by their Astreadan Monarchy; insomuch, that our Scepter was never stained with the disposs [...]ssing of any rightful Dominion. And tho our Religion, as was formerly proved, is of a more perspicuous and demon­strative standard than any opposite belief that would un­dertake to compare with ours; yet we have never other­wise, than perswasively int [...]oduced the evidence of our Creed, or enforced the forfeitures of mens possessions for not apprehending so clearly as our selves, well knowing that the delusive pretences of religious Zeal not seldom accompany the designed ambitious March of the un­righteous Invader. And if on the account of the evi­dence of our beli [...]f, we h [...]ve n [...]t armed our violence against the perswasion or right of any legitimate Sove­ [...]aignty; to be sure we have not engaged our Swords on the side of injurious conf [...]deracies, or endeavour'd to [...]xal [...], by our assistance, any personal Usurpation where­by to exclude the known proprietor of the Royal Throne; nor could we ever be o [...]lig'd to support, by our warlike valour, any alliance whose cause was unjust, or did not act meerly on the defensiv [...] [...]art. Abhorring even the reparation of wrong▪ by the spoils of an Enemy, th [...] frequently the sti [...]ulated [...] of other domini­ons, as an outragious source [...] whence have widely continu'd the destructions of [...] [...]om age to age, tho [Page 119] frequently to the greater loss of such forcible contenders who instead of repairing by violence the wrongs they have suffer'd by opposers, encrease their summ, as they are loosers in attempting their red [...]ess.

Wherefore 'tis not only honourable forgiveness that induceth our constitution of State not to retaliate I [...]ju­ries, but a beneficial conveniency in sparing of that Blood and Treasure, that other Soveraignties, out of ostentati­on and pride of power, or to dilate their military gran­deur, conceive it looks big in them, if they can enforce miseries on their neighbours, paramount to the wrongs they have formerly receiv'd.

In summ, our War is defensive, yet so judiciously manag'd, when prope [...]ly concern'd, that we have been always sufficiently provided to give our opposers cause to repent the attempts they have made against us. And this we conceive to have been our safer and nobler sa­tisfaction, when our valour has thus gloriously merited our national esteem and reward, instead of the hazard of Reparation for precedent violations from foreign Adver­saries. And if desire of Revenge be no less an Inglori­ous than Improvident cause of War, or no other in ef­fect but to retaliate one depredation by the committing of another, tho perhaps speciously pretended to continue but till the potent claim of martial damages be redress'd, to the con [...]ent of Aggressors; when 'tis seldom observa­ble that Princes will really dispose their hearts cal [...]ly to ballance, and give lasting satisfaction for their invading and oppressing of a neighbouring principalit [...]. Nor is any thing, for the most part, so extravagantly compu­ted as the Arithmetick of S [...]ates, when the summ of their demands is multipli [...]d by the fractions o [...] War.

The Ath [...]nia [...] [...]enator having at [...]en [...]ively consider'd these mutual discussions, that extraordinarily related to th [...] [...]ighest discussions of Policy and War, told the Jas­sinedos, That notwithstanding he highly applauded the Heroick Integrity of the Astreadan rule and conduct, he could not but apprehend that it was dangerously ex­pos'd, even by the vertue of its measures, to the machi­nations [Page 120] and attempts of foreign Invaders; if no other than defensive Arms were imploy'd to oppose the descent of Enemies from abroad. And what is more usual with the martial policies of Principalities and States, than in their preparations and actual force to be first Aggressors; if but suspecting that any warlike vicinity would be as nimble in assailing of any territories that belong to them: and this manner of prevention or averting of War, by conducting it to the doors of their formidable neigh­bours, lest its tragical and ruinous scene should be first open'd against themselves, has been the subtil expedient of Monarchs and Republicks: tho in construction no other than a furious devastation erected, on the account of weakening their apprehended adversaries, by being formost in violence. But as supreme Rulers will reserve to their sole arbitrement the perspective of their future d [...]ngers, so they will not refrain from imploying of such fo [...]cible means as does not concenter with the exact stan­da [...]d of Justice; it being least in their thoughts, if com­modious for the ends of their ambition and power, what miseries they perpetrate, when they lead the Monster War to prey on free quarter and spoil of their neigh­bours by their warlike attempts.

And it is very observable, that a bold Invader will find more confederated partakers, in hopes to be sharers In his acquisitions, than a people can readily engage to their assistance, that act no farther than their internal de­fence, without any prospect of enlarging their domini­on, or being impower'd by the valor of their Troops to oblige the arms of such as would, on those terms, be their Allies in war.

Nor is any thing more unsafe, as the affairs of the world are exorbitantly managed, than for humane Rule to depend so on the simplicity of its prowess and vertue, as to be in a condition of sufferance from the potency of an Enemy, be [...]ore it provides to repulse the attacks that may far endanger, if not subvert, the fundamental be­ing of a People.

[Page 121]And if your Astreadan Militia be not more than ordi­narily spirited by the Justice of their martial defence, as also from the approved conduct and fortunate success of their valiant Leaders; I do not perceive how any num­bers of your Natives, however large may be their sum, can on the account of their power, be sufficient to resist, insome revolutions of State, the dangers that may arise from the designments of foreign Enemies, and conspira­cies at home.

The Jassinedos reply'd, that since the Athenian Senator had conceded, that the manner and grandeur of the Astre­adan war was highly commendable, as it referred to the defensible preservation of the People; he could not but grant, that the maxim was no less heroically great, which prohibited deplor'd retaliations, tho provoked by the Sword of an injurious Invader. And this has been so happily practised, said the Jassinedos, within our Do­minion, that by the entireness of its force, we have been more than enough powerful, not only in defending our Country, but in repelling the com [...]licated aggressions of our Enemies: Neither have we thought our selves less, in the prospect of our warlike atchievments, by not hav­ing admitted for our reinforcement, the numerous min­gle of confederated Assistants; well knowing that a good cause is seldom made better, or more successful, from the aid it receives by their detachments.

And if duly considered, the nature and designs of Con­federacies, what do they generally imply other than a commix [...]ure of so many disagreeable, or indirect ambiti­ons; either as some would continue, by m [...]ans of an armed League, the Poss [...]ssions which they cannot other­wise defend; whilst others would att [...]in [...]ore ground on their Neighbors Territories than th [...]y ought to over­come. If they seem to acknowledge any Prince for Head of their League, and Conduct of their Arms, they are rarely his longer than by him dearly bought. And should the Prowess of his Troops, commixt with theirs, be at any time considerably prosperous, which seldom comes to pass by their Intendment or Hazard on his ac­count, [Page 122] count, they are very inclinable to apply the main glory of the action to their valor and conduct, together with the interest they design to themselves, instead of comply­ing with the expectation of Renown, and latitude of Power, that possibly is the ambition of their capital Guide and Benefact [...]r. If unsuccessful in his Conduct and At­tempts, 'tis probable that he may find his mercenary Con­federates his worst Deserters, and so secretly too, that he will not timely be able to fill their rooms in his Camp, With other Recruits. Per [...]aps discerning, when too late, that they have combined to sell him, and his clan­destine Intrigues with them, for mony disbursed under­hand, to his greatest adversary. So that nothing is more apt to end to the detriment of the principal Grandee in a league, than a biassd or fading Confederacy: and doubtle [...] few have reap'd the benefit of such stipulations in the sense they were agreed or paid for.

Do [...]s not common experie [...]ce assurse us, that the kind­ness contracted by Confederacies is no longer continu'd than suits with the political [...]o [...]veniencies and advantages of the parties engag'd. And is it not as certain, that ei­ther from disgusts or misunderstandings in the manage­ment of their affairs, or from accidental and frequent variation of their measures, they soon wave their prece­dent Contracts, however firmly oblig'd to their obser­vance, as they ought to employ their Arms and Conduct. And this difficulty proceeds from their not being able to fit entirely their several Interests, for their common advantage, to any considerable progression of time: Es­pecially when their military opposition is requir'd against a powerful and united Enemy in the figure of a sole Mo­narch. Well known 'tis to you Grecians, that Philip King of Macedon, Father of the Great Alexander tho the extent of his Dominion was small, if compared with the Territories of his Adversaries, not only withstood, by the single force of his Arms and Policy, the confederated Power of the most considerable, if not all the Principa­lities and States of Greece, when combined to his opposi­tion, but subdued their strongest Forts and Cities; nor [Page 123] were his Legions less signally victorious, when attacking in battel their combin'd Battalions; till wearied and im­paired by the vanquishments they felt by his Force; they separated from their unsuccessful Confederacy; either as they submitted on his terms, or at their request were received into his Alliance. And in this manner was that one Kingdom more prevalent than opulent Greece with its numerous Adherents; which could not proceed from the fertility or supernumerary strength of his Territory, con­sidering that the soil and extent of his Kingdom, was in neither of those respects superior, if compared to the large Surface of Greece, and the Natives it produced. Where­fore it must be attributed to the nature and affection of the Macedonians, as they were in soul duly united and spi­rited to support and enlarge the glory of their Monarch, rather than any advantageous or prosperous enterprize that could be attributed to the Fortune or Conduct of their military Power. And I dare aver, continued the Jassinedos, that the single Potency of our Astreadan Do­mion would prove not inferior, as it now stands consti­tuted, were there more strenuous Confederates, its Op­posers, than I have mentioned, subdu'd by the Grandeur of the Macedonian Philip. It being not easily imaginable how any bundles of People associated or combined in the strictest League of War, shall ever be able to vanquish a Nation entirely united, could they perfectly cement their undertakings to that one end, which seldom or ne­ver, for the reasons before given, they will unanimously conspire to do. And thus, in the consideration of us Astreadans, a foreign Confederacy contriv'd against our Dominion, would rather provoke our contempt than fear; believing, our defence to consist more on the sound­ness of our Peoples Hearts, and the firm tenure of their Obedience to their supream Magistracy; than in num­ber, however considerable, of embattell'd Squadrons: [...] being rarely discerned that a League of War, tho up­held by the interest and Treasure of powerful Nations, can far proceed, or endanger a People, that is not inter­nally deprav'd and fitted to the designs of Invaders; who [Page 124] seldom adventure to make their descent, but where they are assured of having Partakers. Either as they are con­fident of finding them, or have beforehand prepared Di­visions, in a Nation, suitable to their purpose. And this can in no kind come to pass, but where the Hearts of Subjects are perniciously retrograde from the line of their due Obedience, a danger which cannot befall us in the Rectitude our Government now stands: Having by the prudent conferring of Rewards and Penalties, re­mov'd to the Shame of Offenders, as I precedently re­lated, such notorious aversions to our Monarchical Re­gim [...]nt, that might otherwise have been pernitiously con­veyed in the blood of our Natives. And dangerous Re­volutions must needs be incident to humane Rule that cannot expeditely provide, by Inflictions or condign Re­proach, to avert the delinquencies of evil Principles from the souls and practice of men. It being politically undeniable, that wheresorever the antipathy of Tenents and F [...]ctions, in opposi [...]ion to the civil obedience of a People, have any large progression or interest; that the precipitate Ruine of such a Dominion will soon ensue, if not cautiously prevented. Nothing being more difficult, than for a Prince, in such circumstances, to preserve his Rule and Reputation, tho his personal desert merit ac­knowledgment from the most opposite of his People.

If he would gratify his Subjects by repose at home, to be sure the factious part of them will term it his pro­penseness to Luxury and Ease, and not his genuine incli­nation to give them a sedate Tranquility.

If contrarily, he would advance his, and their Re­nown, by war abroad; 'tis no less certain, that they will detract from his conduct on every account, so that 'tis almost impossible for a Monarch so prejudiced by the disaffections of his People to be tolerably secure, either as he would preserve peace within his Territories, or re­pel the insults of his Neighbor Enemies. Wherefore the main endeavor of a Soveraign, who is complicated with humorous disaffections of any considerable part of his Nation, to perfect his first Victory at home, by [Page 125] subduing obnoxious Principles in the minds of his People; and what can be expected but Seditions and fatal Disasters within his Circle, unless he can reduce the Persons of such disturbers to a due Renunciation of their precedent errors, till when it concerns him to hope, little from Subjects so complicated; whilst too many of them will hold themse [...]ves obliged, by the obliquity of their Te­nents, to fight against him, instead of venturing their Lives in defence of his Scepter. Insomuch that a wise and just Soveraign will prove it very hard, in such a pro­miscuous and disturbed condition of his State, to select Hands and Hearts, notwithstanding their obligation by Oaths and Benefits, that will serve him, as becomes the duty of their trust, in a civil or military Imployment, It being very suitable to the temper of such persons, to re­cede from their sworn and known Allegiance, when ad­vantageously tempted with a fresher Interest; tho they have no better argument to make, for being Criminals in that superlative degree, than as they were guided by e­normous motives to the deserting of their King, and the Laws of their Country. All which high and terrible in­conveniencies, proceeding from disaffection caus'd by evil Principles, when patronized by men of popular breadth and vogue in their Nation, have been happily re­medied, within our Astreadan Principality, by the me­thod I have formerly expressed.

And whereas it is usual in other Dominions, where indirectness and aversion in Tenents are dangerously pre­valent, to provide for the safety of their King and Go­vernment, such a chargeable number of armed Legions as may readily suppress any internal disturbance or sedi­tion, within the compass of their State: A provision un­necessary with us, where there is no occasion to maintain a greater number of warlike Troops, than as a prime nur­sery of military Discipline and Glory, are convenient to attend on the Dignity of our Monarch: His whole Nati­on being firm in principle, and therefore both his nume­rous and invincible Army, whensoever he summons, for his royal defence, their ma [...]tial Assistance. And thus you, [Page 126] have received an exact account of the essential constituti­on of our monarchical Gubernation in reference to Reli­gion, Policy, War and Peace.

The Athenian Senator and Philosopher, joyntly assured the Jassinedos, that as they were highly obliged by the precedent discourses of the Fidefendon, whereby he had clearly manifested the perspicuity of the Astreadan Belief and Worship, so they were no less obliged to him for the prudent account he had given them, both of the civil and warlike managements of his Nation; desiring him to believe, that by their best sense they should con­vey the value, to the utmost of their power, for the ju­dicious approbation and use of Other Nations: which might worthily be refin'd by measures deduced f [...]om those he had delivered, tending to divine and political concern­ments. And this they soon would perform, if by the permission of providence they might compleat their in­tended Voyage to Persia and other Dominions; which they resolv'd with their first conveniency to un [...]ertake; giving the Jassinedos and Fidesendon abundant thanks for the many Civilities and Obligations received from them.

The Fidesendon and Jassinedos with a handsom demea­nor, received the acknowledgment made by these wor­thy Graecians, desiring that they would respite their Jour­ney till they had accepted a farther welcome, by observ­ing the Court and Splendor of that Monarch; as also the Scituation, Commerce, and Nature of the Climate, to­gether with such Monuments of Antiquity, as witnessed the long Renown of the Astreadan Nation.

FINIS.

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