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TO THE MOST EXCELLENT, VERTVOVS, AND NOBLE PRINCESSE, ELIZABETH BY THE GRACE OF GOD QVEENE OF ENGLAND, FRANCE AND IRELAND, DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, &c.
MOST Renowned (& most worthy to be most renowned) soueraigne Ladie; I presume to offer to your Highnes this first part of the fruit of the litle garden of my slender skill. It hath bene the longer in growing, and is the lesse worthie the gathering, because my ground is barren & too cold for such daintie Italian fruites, being also perhaps ouershaded with trees of some older growth: but the beams of your blessed countenance, vouchsafing to shine on so poore a soile, shal soone disperse all hurtful mists that wold obscure it, and easily dissolue all (whether they be Mel-dews, or Fel-dews) that would starue this shallow set plant. I desire to be briefe, because I loue to be plaine. VVhatsoeuer I am or can, is your Maiesties. Your gracious fauours haue bene extended in my poore familie euen to the third generation, your bountie to vs and our heirs. VVherefore this (though vnperfect and vnworthie worke) I humbly recommend to that gracious protection, vnder which I enioy all in which I can take ioy. If your Highnesse wil reade it, who dare reiect it? if allow it, who can reproue it? if protect it, what MOMVS barking, or ZOILVS biting can any way hurt or annoy it? And thus most humbly crauing pardon for this boldnesse, I cease to write, though I will not cease to wish, that your high felicities may neuer cease.
A PREFACE, OR RATHER A BRIEFE APOLOGIE OF POETRIE, AND OF THE Author and Translator of this Poeme.
THe learned
Plutarch in his Laconicall Apothegmes, tels of a Sophister that made a long and tedious Oration in praise of
Hercules, and expecting at the end thereof for some great thankes and applause of the hearers, a certaine Lacedemonian demanded him, who had dispraised
Hercules? Me thinkes the like may be now said to me, taking vpon me the defence of Poesie: for surely if learning in generall were of that account among vs, as it ought to be a
[...]ong all men, and is among wise men, then should this my Apologie of Poesie (the very first nurse and auncient grandmother of all learning) be as vaine and supersluous as was that Sophisters, because it might then be answered and truly answered, that no man disgraced it. But sith we liue in such a time, in which nothing can escape the enuious tooth and backiting tongue of an impure mouth, and wherein euery blind corner hath a squint-eyed
Zoilus, that can looke aright vpon no mans doings, (yea sure there be some that will not sticke to call
Hercules himselfe a dastard, because forsooth he fought with a club and not at the rapier and dagger:) therefore I thinke no man of iudgement will iudge this my labour needlesse, in seeking to remoue away those slaunders that either the malice of those that loue it not, or the folly of those that vnderstand it not, hath deuised against it: for indeed as the old saying is,
Scientia non habet inimicum praeter ignorantem: Knowledge hath no soe but the ignorant.
The diuision of the Apologie
[...] three parts. But now because I make account I haue to deale with three sundrie kinds of reprouers, one of those that condemne all Poetrie, which (how strong head soeuer they haue) I count but a very weake faction; another of those that allow Poetrie, but not this particular Poeme, of which kind sure there cannot be many: a third of those that can beare with the art, and like of the worke, but will find fault with my not well handling of it, which they may not onely probably, but I doubt too truly do, being a thing as commonly done as said, that where the hedge is lowest, there doth euery man go ouer. Therefore against these three I must arme me with the best defensiue weapons I can: and if I happen to giue a blow now and then in mine owne defence, and as good fencers vse to ward and strike at once, I must craue pardon of course, seeing our law allowes that is done
se defendendo: and the law of nature teacheth
vim vi repellere. First therefore of Poetrie it selfe,
Of Poetrie. for those few that generally disallow it, might be sufficient to alledge those many that generally approue it, of which I could bring in such an armie, not of souldiers, but of famous Kings and captaines, as not onely the sight, but the very sound of them were able to vanquish and dismay the small forces of our aduersaries. For who would once dare to oppose himselfe against so many
Alexanders, Caesars, Scipios, (to omit infinite other Princes, both of former and later ages, and of forraine and nearer countries) that with fauour, with studie, with practise, with example, with honors, with gifts, with preferments, with great and magnificent cost, haue encouraged and aduanced Poets and Poetrie? As witnesse the huge Theaters and Amphitheaters, monuments of stupendious charge, made onely for Tragedies and Comedies, the workes of Poets to be represented on: but all these aides and defences I leaue as supersluous, my cause I count so good, and the euidence so open, that I neither need to vse the countenance of any great state to bolster it, nor the cunning of any suttle lawyer to enforce it: my meaning is plainely
[Page] and
bonafide, confessing all the abuses that can truly be obiected against some kind of Poets, to shew you what good vse there is of Poetrie. Neither do I suppose it to be greatly behouefull for this purpose, to trouble you with the curious definitions of a Poet and Poesie, and with the subtill distinctions of their sundrie kinds, nor to dispute how high and supernaturall the name of a Maker is, so christned in English by that vnknowne Godfather, that this last yeare saue one, viz. 1589. set forth a booke, called the Art of English Poetrie: and least of all do I purpose to bestow any long time to argue, whether
Plato, Zenophon and
Erasmus, writing fictions and dialogues in prose, may iustly be called Poes; or whether
Lucan writing a storie in verse be an Historiographer, or whether Master
Faire translating
Virgil, Master
Golding translating
Ouids Metamorphosis, and my selfe in this worke that you see, be any more then versifiers, as the same
Ignoto termeth all translators: for as for all, or the most part of such questions, I will referre you to Sir
Philip Sidneys Apologie, who doth handle them right learnedly, or to the forenamed treatise, where they are discoursed more largely, and where, as it were a whole receit of Poetrie is prescribed, with so many new named figures, as would put me in great hope in this age to come would breed many excellent Poets, saue for one obseruation that I gather out of the very same booke. For though the poore gentleman laboreth greatly to proue, or rather to make Poetrie an art, and reciteth as you may see in the plurall number, some pluralities of patternes, and parcels of his owne Poetrie, with diuers peeces of Partheniads and hymnes in praise of the most praise-worthy: yet whatsoeuer he would proue by all these, sure in my poore opinion he doth proue nothing more plainely, then that which M.
Sidney and all the learneder sort that haue written of it do pronounce, namely that it is a gift and not an art; I say he proueth it, because making himselfe and many others so cunning in the art, yet he sheweth himself so slender a gift in it, deseruing to be commended as
Martiall praiseth one that he compares to
Tully:
Carmina quod scribis, musis & Apolline nullo
Laudari debes, hoc Ciceronis habes.
But to come to the purpose, and to speake after the phrase of the common sort, that terme all that is written in verse Poetrie, and rather in scorne then in praise, bestow the name of a Poet on euery base rimer and ballad-maker: this I say of it, and I thinke I say truly, that there are many good lessons to be learned out of it, many good examples to be found in it, many good vses to be had of it, and that therefore it is not, nor ought not to be despised by the wiser sort, but so to be studied and employed, as was intended by the first writers and deuisers thereof, which is to soften and polish the hard and rough dispositions of men, and make them capable of vertue and good discipline.
I cannot denie but to vs that are Christians, in respect of the high end of all, which is the health of our soules, not onely Poetrie, but all other studies of Philosophie, are in a manner vaine and supersluous: yea (as the wise man faith) whatsoeuer is vnder the sunne is vanitie of vanities, and nothing but vanitie. But sith we liue with men and not with saints, and because few men can embrace this strict and stoicall diuinitie, or rather indeed, for that the holy Scriptures, in which those high mysteries of our saluation are contained, are a deepe and profound studie, and not subiect to euery weake capacitie, no nor to the highest wits and iudgements, except they be first illuminate by Gods spirit, or instructed by his teachers and preachers: therefore we do first reade some other authors, making them as it were a looking-glasse to the eyes of our mind; and then after we haue gathered more strength, we enter into profounder studies of higher mysteries, hauing first as it were enabled our eyes by long beholding the sunne in a bason of water, at last to looke vpon the sunne it selfe. So we reade how that great
Moses, whose learning and sanctitie is so renowned ouer all nations, was first instructed in the learning of the Aegyptians, before he came to that high contemplation of God and familiaritie (as I may so terme it) with God. So the notable Prophet
Daniel was brought vp in the learning of the Chaldeans, and made that
[Page] [...][Page] [...][Page] the first step of his higher vocation to be a Prophet. If then we may by the example of two such speciall seruants of God, spend some of our yong yeares in studies of humanitie, what better and more sweet study is there for a yong man then Poetrie? specially Heroicall Poesie, that with her sweete statelinesse doth erect the mind, and lift it vp to the consideration of the highest matters; and allureth them, that of themselues would otherwise loth them, to take and swallow and digest the wholsome precepts of Philosophie, and many times euen of the true Diuinitie.
Plutarch de audiendis Poetis. Wherefore
Plutarch hauing written a whole treatise of the praise of
Homers workes, and another of reading Poets, doth begin this latter with this comparison, that as men that are sickly and haue weake stomackes or daintie tastes, do many times thinke that flesh most delicate to eate, that is not flesh, and those fishes that be not fish: so yong men (saith he) do like best that Philosophie that is not Philosophie, or that is not deliuered as Philosophie: and such are the pleasant writings of learned Poets, that are the popular Philosophers and the popular Diuines.
Tasso. Canto 1. staffe 3. Likewise
Tasso in his excellent worke of Ierusalem
Liberato, likeneth Poetrie to the Physicke that men giue vnto little children when they are sicke: his verse is this in Italian, speaking to God with a pretie Prosopopeia:
Sai, che la corre il mondo, oue piu versi
Di sue dulcezze, il lusingier Parnaso:
E che'lvero condito in molli versi.
I piuschiui allettando ha persuaso
Cosi al'egro fanciul porgiamo asperso
Disoaui liquor gli Orli del vaso
Succhi amari ing annato in tanto ei beue
E dal inganno suo vita receue.
Thou knowst, the want on wordlings euer runne
To sweete Parnassus fruites, how otherwhile
The truth well sawe'd with pleasant verse hath wonne
Most squeamish stomackes with the sugred stile:
So the sicke child that potions all doth shunne,
With comfets and with sugar we beguile,
And cause him take a wholesome sowre receit,
He drinkes, and saues his life with such deceit.
This is then that honest fraud, in which (as
Plutarch saith) he that is deceiued is wiser then he that is not deceiued, and he that doth deceiue, is honester then he that doth not deceiue.
But briefly to answer to the chiefe obiections,
Agrippa de vanitate scientiarum. cap. 4.Cornelius Agrippa, a man of learning and authoritie not to be despised, maketh a bitter inuectiue against Poets and Poesie, and the summe of his reproofe of it is this (which is all that can with any probablitie be said against it:
Foure obiectiōs against Poetry.) That it is a nurse of lies, a pleaser of fooles, a breeder of dangerous errors, and an inticer to wantonnesse. I might here warne those that will vrge this mans authoritie to the disgrace of Poetrie, to take heed (of what calling soeuer they be) least with the same weapon that they thinke to giue Poetrie a blow, they giue themselues a maime. For
Agrippa taketh his pleasure of greater matters then Poetrie: I maruell how he durst do it, saue that I see he hath done it, he hath spared neither myters nor scepters. The courts of Princes, where vertue is rewarded, iustice maintained, oppressions releeued, he cals them a Colledge of Giants, of tyrants, of oppressors, warriors: the most noble sort of noble men, he termeth cursed, bloudie, wicked, and sacrilegious persons. Noble men (and vs poore Gentlemen) that thinke to borrow praise of our auncestors deserts and good fame, he affirmeth to be a race of the sturdier sort of knaues, and licencious liuers. Treasurers and other great officers of the common wealth, with graue counsellers, whose wise heads are the pillars of the state, he affirmeth generally to be robbers and peelers of the realme, and priuie traitors that sell their Princes fauours, and rob wel-deseruing seruitors of their reward.
[Page] I omit as his
peccadilia, how he nicknameth priests saying, for the most part they are hypocrites; lawiers, saying they are all theeues; phisitians, saying they are many of them murtherers: so as I thinke it were a good motion, and would easily passe by the consent of the three estates, that this mans authoritie should be vtterly ad
[...]ihilated, that dealeth so hardly and vniustly with all sorts of professions. But for the reiecting of his writings, I refer it to others that haue power to do it, and to condemne him for a generall libeller, but for that he writeth against Poetrie,
Answer to the first of lying. I meane to speake a word or two in refuting thereof. And first for lying, I might if I list excuse it by the rule of
Poetica licentia, and claime a priueledge giuen to Poetrie, whose art is but an imitation (as
Aristotle calleth it) and therefore are allowed to faine what they list, according to that old verse,
Iuridicis, Erebo, fisco, fas viuere rapto,
Militibus, medicis, tortori, occidere Ludo est:
Mentiri Astronomis, pictoribus atque Poetis.
Which because I count it without reason, I will English it without rime.
Lawyers, Hell, and the Checquer are allowed to liue on spoile,
Souldiers, Phisitians, and hangmen make a sport of murther,
Astronomers, Painters, and Poets may lye by authoritie.
Thus you see, that Poets may lye if they list
Cum priuilegio: but what if they lye least of all other men? what if they lye not at all? then I thinke that great slaunder is verie vniustly raised vpon them. For in my opinion they are said properly to lye, that affirme that to be true that is false: and how other arts can free themselues from this blame let them look that professe them: but Poets neuer affirming any for true, but presenting them to vs as fables and imitations, cannot lye though they would: and because this obiection of lyes is the chiefest, and that vpon which the rest be grounded, I wil stand the longer vpon the clearing thereof.
The ancient Poets haue indeed wrapped as it were in their writings diuers and sundrie meanings, which they call the sences or mysteries thereof. First of all for the literall sence (as it were the vtmost barke or ryne) they set downe in manner of an historie, the acts and notable exploits of some persons worthie memorie; then in the same fiction, as a second rine and somewhat more fine, as it were nearer to the pith and marrow, they place the Morall sence, profitable for the actiue life of man
[...], approuing vertuous actions, and condemning the contrarie. Manie times also vnder the selfesame words they comprehend some true vnderstanding of naturall Philosophíe, or sometime of politike gouernement, and now and then of diuinitie: and these same sences that comprehend so excellent knowledge we call the Allegorie, which
Plutarch defineth to be when one thing is told, and by that another is vnderstood. Now let any man iudge, if it be a matter of meane art or wit, to containe in one historicall narration either true or fained, so many, so diuerse, and so deepe conceits: but for making the matter more plaine I will alledge an example thereof.
Perseus sonne of
Iupiter is fained by the Poets to haue slaine
Gorgon,Ouids Meta
[...]orph. 4. and after that conquest atchieued, to haue flowen vp to heauen. The Historicall sence is this,
Perseus the sonne of
Iupiter, by the participation of
Iupiters vertues that were in him; or rather comming of the stock of one of the kings of Creet, or Athens so called; slue
Gorgon a tyrant in that countrey (
Gorgon in greeke signifieth earth) and was for his vertuous parts exalted by men vp into heauen. Morally it signifieth thus much,
Perseus a wise man, sonne of
Iupiter endewed with vertue from aboue, slayeth sinne and vice, a thing base and earthly; signified by
Gorgon, and so mounteth to the skie of vertue: It signifies in one kinde of Allegorie thus much; the mind of man being gotten by God, and so the childe of God, killing and vanquishing the earthlinesse of this Gorgonicall nature, ascendeth vp to the vnderstanding of heauenly things, of high things, of eternall things, in which contemplation consisteth the perfection of man: this is the naturall allegorie, because man, one of
[Page] the chiefe works of nature: It hath also a more high and heauenly Allegorie, that the heauenly nature, daughter of
Iupiter, procuring with her continuall motion, corruption and mortalitie in the interiour bodies, seuered it selfe at last from these earthly bodies, and flew vp on high, and there remaineth for euer. It hath also another Theologicall Allegorie, that the angelicall nature, daughter of the most high God the creator of all things; killing and ouercomming all bodily substance, signified by
Gorgon, ascended into heauen: the like infinite Allegories I could picke out of other Poeticall fictions, saue that I would auoid tediousnesse. It sufficeth me therefore to note this, that the men of greatest learning and highest wit in the auncient times, did of purpose conceale these deepe mysteries of learning, and as it were couer them with the veile of fables and verse for sundrie causes: one cause was, that they might not be rashly abused by prophane wits, in whom science is corrupted, like good wine in a bad vessell: another cause why they wrote in verse, was conseruation of the memorie of their precepts, as we see yet the generall rules almost of euerie art, not so much as husbandrie, but they are of
[...]ner recited and better remembred in verse then in prose: another, and a principall cause of all, is to be able with one kinde of meate and one dish (as I may so call it) to feed diuers-tastes. For the weaker capacities will feed themselues with the pleasantnesse of the historie and sweetnes of the verse, some that haue stronger stomackes will as it were take a further tast of the Moralisence, a third sort more high conceited then they, will digest the Allegorie: so as indeed it hath bene thought by men of verie good iudgement, such manner of Poeticall writing was an excellent way to preserue all kinde of learning from that corruption which now it is come to since they left that mysticall writing of verse. Now though I know the example and authoritie of
Aristotle and
Plato be still vrged against this, who tooke to themselues another manner of writing: first I may say indeed that lawes were made for poore men, and not for Princes, for these two great Princes of Philosophie, brake that former allowed manner of writing, yet
Plato still preserued the fable, but refused the verse.
Aristotle though reiecting both, yet retained still a kinde of obscuritie, insomuch he answered
Alexander, who reprooued him in a sort, for publishing the sacred secrets of Philosophie, that he had set forth his bookes in a sort, and yet not set them forth; meaning that they were so obscure that they would be vnderstood of few, except they came to him for instructions; or else without they were of verie good capacitie and studious of Philosophie. But (as I say)
Plato howsoeuer men would make him an enemie of Poetrie (because he found indeed iust fault with the abuses of some comicall Poets of his time, or some that sought to set vp new and strange religions) yet you see he kept stil l that principall part of Poetrie, which is fiction and imitation; and as for the other part of Poetrie which is verse, though he vsed it not, yet his maister
Socrates euen in his old age wrote certaine verses, as
Plutarke restifieth: but because I haue named the two parts of Poetrie, namely inuention or fiction, and verse, let vs see how well we can authorise the vse of both these. First for fiction, against which as I told before, many inuei
[...]h, calling it by the foule name of lying, though notwithstanding, as I then said, it is farthest from it:
Demosthenes the famous and renowned Orator, when he would perswade the Athenians to warre against
Philip, told them a solemne tale how the Wolues on a time sent Ambassadors to the sheepe, offering them peace if they would deliuer vp the dogs that kept their folds, with all that long circumstance (needelesse to be repeated) by which he perswaded them far more strongly then if he should haue told them in plaine termes, that
Philip sought to bereaue them of their chiefe bulwarks & defences, to haue the better abilitie to ouerthrow them. But what need we fetch an authority so far off from heathen authors, that haue many neerer hand both in time and in place? Bishop
Fisher a stout Prelat though I do not praise his Religion) when he was assaid by king
Henrie the eight for his good will and assent for the suppression of Abbyes, the king alledging that he would but take away the superflu
[...]ties, and let the substance stand still, or at least see it conuerted to better
[Page] and more godly vses: the graue Bishop answered it in this kinde of Poeticall parable: He said there was an axe that wanting a helue came to a thicke and huge ouergrown wood, and be sought some of the great okes in that wood, to spare him so much timber as to make him a handle or helue, promising that if he might finde that fauour, he would in recompence thereof, haue great regard in preseruing that wood, in pruning the branches, in cu
[...]ing away the vnprofitable and superfluous boughes, in paring away the b
[...]yers and thornes that were combersome to the fayre trees, and making it in fine a groue of great delight and pleasure: but when this same axe had obtained his su
[...]e, he so laid about him, and so pared away both timber and top and lop, that in short space of a woodland he made it a champion, and made her liberalitie the instrument of her ouerthrow.
Now though this Bishop had no very good successe with his parable, yet it was so farre from being counted a lye, that it was plainly seene soone after that the same axe did both hew downe those woods by the roots, and pared him off by the head, and was a peece of Prophecie, as well as a peece of Poetrie: and indeed Prophets and Poets haue bene thought to haue a great affinitie, as the name
Vates in Latin doth testifie. But to come againe to this manner of fiction or parable, the Prophet
Nathan, reprouing king
Dauid for his great sinne of adulterie and murther, doth he not come to him with a pretie parable, of a poore man and his lambe that lay in his bosome, and eat of his bread, and the rich man that had whole flocks of his owne would needs take it from him? In which as it is euident it was but a parable, so it were vnreuerent and almost blasphemous to say it was a lye. But to go higher, did not our Sauiour himselfe speake in parables? as that deuine parable of the sower, that comfortable parable of the Prodigall sonne, that dreadfull parable of
Diues and
Lazarus, though I know of this last, many of the fathers hold that it is a storie indeed, and no parable. But in the rest it is manifest, that he that was all holinesse, all wisedome, all truth, vsed parables, and euen such as discreet Poets vse, where a good and honest and wholsome Allegorie is hidden in a pleasant and pretie fiction,
Two parts of Poetr
[...]e, Imitation or inuention, and Verse. and therefore for that part of Poetrie of Imitation, I thinke no body will make any question, but it is not onely allowable, but godly and commendable, if the Poets ill handling of it doe nor marre and peruert the good vse of it. The other part of Poetrie, which is Verse, as it were the clothing or ornament of it, hath many good vses; of the helpe of memorie I spake somewhat before; for the words being couched together in due order, measure, and number, one doth as it were bring on another, as my selfe haue often proued, and so I thinke do many beside, (though for my owne part I can rather bost of the marring a good memorie, then of hauing one,) yet I haue euer found, that Verse is easier to learne, and farre better to preserue in memorie, then is prose. Another speciall grace in Verse is the forcible manner of phrase, in which if it be well made, it farre excelleth loose speech or prose: a third is the pleasure and sweetenesse to the eare, which makes the discourse pleasant vnto vs often time when the matter it selfe is harsh and vnacceptable; for my owne part I was neuer yet so good a husband, to take any delight to hear
[...] one of mv ploughmen tell how an acre of wheat must be fallowd and twy fallowd, and how cold land should be burned, and how fruitfull land must be well harrowed, but when I heare one read
Virgil where he saith:
Saepe etiam steriles incendere profuit agros,
At
(que) leuem stipulam crepitantibus vrere flammis.
Siue inde occultas vires & pabula terrae
Pinguia concipiunt; siue illis omne per
[...]onem
Excoquitur vitium, at
(que) exsudat inutilis humor, &c.
And after.
Mulium adeo, rastris glebas qui frangit inertes
Vimineas
(que) trahit crates, iuuat arua.
With many other lessons of homely husbandrie, but deliuered in so good Verse that me
[Page] thinkes all that while I could find in my heart to driue the plough. But now for the authoritie of Verse, if it be not sufficient to say for them, that the greatest Philosophers, and grauest Senatours that euer were, haue vsed them both in their speeches and in their writings, that precepts of all Arts haue beene deliuered in them, that verse is as auncient a writing as prose, and indeed more auncient, in respect that the oldest workes extant be verse, as
Orphaeus, Linus, Hesiodus, and others beyond memorie of man, or mention almost of historie; if none of these will serue for the credit of it, yet let this serue, that some part of the Scripture was written in verse, as the Psalmes of
Dauid, and certaine other songs of
Deborah, of
Salomon and others, which the learnedest diuines do affirme to be verse, and find that they are in meeter, though the rule of the Hebrew verse they agree not on. Sufficeth it me onely to proue that by the authoritie of sacred Scriptures, both parts of Poesie, inuention or imitation, and verse are allowable, and consequently that great obiection of lying is quite taken away and refuted. Now the second obiection is pleasing of fooles; I haue already showed, how it displeaseth not wise men,
Answ
[...]re to the s
[...]ond obiection. now if it haue this vertue to, to please the fooles, and ignorant, I wold thinke this an article of prayse not of rebuke: wherefore I confesse that it pleaseth fooles and so pleaseth them, that if they marke it and obserue it well, it will in time make them wise, for in verse is both goodnesse and sweetnesse, Rubarb and Sugercandie, the pleasant and the profitable: wherefore as
Horace sayth,
Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit vtile dulci, he that can mingle the sweete and wholsome, the pleasant and the profitable, he is indeed an absolute good writer, & such be Poets, if any be such, they present vnto vs a prettie tale, able to keepe a childe from play, and an old man from the chimnie corner: Or as the same
Horace saith, to a couetous man:
Tantalus à labris sitiens fugientia captat
Flumina, quid rides? mutato nomine de te
Fabula narratur.
One tels a couetous man a tale of
Tantalus, that sits vp to the chinne in water, and yet is plagued with thirst. This signifies the selfesame man to whom the tale is told, that wallows in plentie, and yet his miserable minde barres him of the vse of it: As my selfe knew and I am sure many remember Iustice
Randall of London, a man passing impotent in body but much more in mind, that leauing behind him a thousand pounds of gold in a chest ful of old boots and shoes, yet was so miserable, that at my Lord Maiors dinner they say he would put vp a widgen for his supper, and many a good meale he did take of his franke neighbour the widdow
Penne: but to come to the matter, this same great sinne that is laide to Poetrie of pleasing fooles,
A
[...] to
[...] is fufficiently answered if it be worth the answering. Now for the breeding of errours which is the third Obiection, I see not why it should breed any when none is bound to beleeue that they write, nor they looke not to haue their fictions beleeued in the literall sence, aud therefore he that well examine whence errours spring, shall finde the writers of prose & not of verse, the authors and maintainers of them, and this point I count so manifest as it needes no proofe. The last reproofe is lightnes and wantonnes, this is indeed an Obiection of some importance, sith as Sir
Philip Sidney confesseth,
Cupido is crept euen into the Heroicall Poemes, & consequently maketh that also, subiect to this reproofe: I promised in the beginning not partially to praise Poesie, but plainly and honestly to confesse that, that might truely be obiected against it, and if any thing may be, sure it is this lasciuiousnesse; yet this I will say, that of all kinde of Poesie, the Heroicall is least infected therewith. The other kindes I will rather excuse then defend, though of all the kindes of Poesie it may be sayd, where any scurrilitie and lewdnesse is found, there Poetrie doth not abuse vs, but writers haue abused Poetrie. And brieflie to examine all the kindes: First the Tragicall is meerely free from it, as representing onely the cruell and lawlesse proceedings of Princes, mouing nothing but pitie or detestation. The Comicall (whatsoeuer foolish play makers make it offend in this kind) yet being rightly vsed, it represents them
[Page] so as to make the vice scorned and not embraced. The Satyrike is meerly free from it, as being wholy occupied in mannerly and couertly reprouing of all vices. The Elegie is stil mourning: as for the Pastorall with the Sonnet or Epigramme, though many times they sauour of wantonnesse and loue and toying, and now and then breaking the rules of Poetrie, go into plaine scurrilitie, yet euen the worst of them may be not ill applied, and are, I must confesse, too delightfull, in so much as
Martial saith,
Laudant illa, sed ista legunt.
And in another place,
Erubuit posuit
(que), meum Lucrecia librum:
Sed coram Bruto. Brute recede, leget.
Lucrecia (by which he signifies any chast matron) will blush and be ashamed to reade a lasciuious booke: but how? not except
Brutus be by, that is, if any graue man should see her reade it; but if
Brutus turne his backe, she will to it againe and reade it all. But to end this part of my Apologie, as I count and conclude Heroicall Poesie allowable, and to be read and studied without all exception: so may I boldly say, that Tragedies well handled, be a most worthy kind of Poesie; that Comedies may make men see and shame at their owne faults, that the rest may be so written and so read, as much pleasure and some profite may be gathered out of them. And for mine owne part, as
Scaliger writeth of
Virgil, so I beleeue, that the reading of a good Heroicall Poeme may make a man both wiser and honester: and for Tragedies, to omit other famous Tragedies, that that which was played at Saint
Iohns in Cambridge, of
Richard the third, would moue (I thinke)
Phalaris the tyrant, and terrifie all tyrannous minded men, from following their foolish ambitious humors, seeing how his ambition made him kill his brother, his nephewes, his wife, beside infinite others; and last of all after a short and troublesome raigne, to end his miserable life, and to haue his bodie harried after his death. Then for Comedies: how full of harmelesse mirth is our Cambridge Pedantius? and the Oxford Bellum Grammaticale? or to speake of a London Comedie, how much good matter, yea and matter of state, is there in that Comedie called the play of the Cards? in which it is shewed how foure Parasiticall knaues robbe the foure principall vocations of the Realme,
videl, the vocation of Souldiers, Schollers, Merchants and Husbandmen. Of which Comedie I cannot forget the saying of a notable wise counseller that is now dead, who when some (to sing
Placebo) aduised that it should be forbidden, because it was somewhat too plaine,
Sir Frances VValsingham. and indeed as the old saying is,
sooth boord is no boord, yet he would haue it allowed, adding it was fit that
they which do that they should not, should heare that they wold not. Finally, if Comedies may be so made as the beholders may be bettered by them, without all doubt all other sorts of Poetrie may bring their profite as they do bring delight; and if all, then much more the chiefe of all, which by all mens consent is the Heroicall. And thus much be said for Poesie.
Now for this Poeme of
Orlando Furioso, which as I haue heard, hath bene disliked by some, though by few of any wit or iudgement, it followes that I say somewhat in defence thereof,
The second part of the Apology. which I will do the more moderatly and coldly, by how much the paines I haue taken in it (rising as you may see to a good volume) may make me seeme a more partiall praiser. Wherefore I will make choise of some other Poeme that is allowed and approued by all men, and a little compare them together: and what worke can serue this turne so fitly as
Virgils Aeneados, whom aboue all other it seemeth my author doth follow, as appeares both by his beginning and ending. The one begins,
Virgil extolleth
Aeneas to please
Augustus, of whose race he was thought to come.
Ariosto praiseth
Rogero to the honour of the house of
Este. Aeneas hath his
Dido that retaineth him:
Rogero hath his
Alcina: finally left I should note euery part, there is nothing of any speciall obseruation in
Virgil, but my author hath with great felicitie imitated it, so as whosoeuer will allow
Uirgil, must
ipso facto (as they say) admit
Ariosto. Now of what account
Virgil is reckned, and worthily reckned, for ancient times witnesseth
Augustu
[...] Caesars verse of him:
Ergone supremis potuit vox improba verbis
Tam dirum mandare nefas? &c.
Concluding thus,
Laudetur, placeat, vigeat, relegatur, ametur.
This is a great praise, comming from so great a Prince. For later times, to omit
Scaliger, whom I recited before, that affirmeth the reading of
Virgil may make a man honest and vertuous: that excellent Italian Poet
Dant professeth plainly, that when he wandred out of the right way (meaning thereby, when he liued fondly and loosly)
Virgil was the first that made him looke into himselfe, and reclaime himselfe from that same dangerous and leud course. But what need we further witnesse, do we not make our children reade it commonly before they can vnderstand it, as a testimonie that we do generally approue it? and yet we see old men studie it, as a proofe that they do specially admire it: so as one writes very pretily, that children do wade in
Uirgil, and yet strong men do swim in it.
Now to apply this to the praise of mine author, as I said before, so I say still, whatsoeuer is praise-worthy in
Virgil, is plentifully to be found in
Ariosto, and some things that
Virgil could not haue for the ignorance of the age he liued in, you find in my author, sprinkled ouer all his worke, as I will very briefly note, and referre you for the rest to the booke it selfe. The deuout and Christian demeanor of
Charlemaine in the 14. booke with his prayer,
Non vogliatua bonta per mio fallire
Ch'l tuo popol fidele babbia a patire, &c.
And in the beginning of the 17. booke that would be seeme any pulpit:
Il giusto Dio quando i peccati nostri.
But aboue all, that in the 41. booke of the conuersion of
Rogero to the Christian Religion, where the Hermit speaketh to him, containing in effect a ful instruction against presumption and despaire, which I haue set downe thus in English,
Now (as I said) this wise that Hermit spoke,
And part doth comfort him, and part doth checke:
He blameth him that in that pleasant yoke
He had so long deferd to put his necke,
But did to wrath his maker still prouoke:
And did not come at his first call and becke,
But still did hide himselfe away from God,
Vntill he saw him comming with his rod.
Then did he comfort him, and make him know,
That grace is nere denide to such as aske,
As do the workmen in the Gospell show,
Receiuing pay alike for diuers taske.
And so after concluding,
How to Christ he must impute
The pardon of his sinnes, yet nere the later
He told him he must be baptiz'd in water.
[Page]These and infinite places full of Christen exhortation, doctrine and example, I could quote out of the book, saue that I hasten to an end, and it would be needles to those that wil not read them in the booke it selfe, and superfluous to those that will: but most manifest it is and not to be denyed, that in this point my author is to be preferred before all the ancient Poets, in which are mentioned so many false Gods, and of them so many fowle deeds, their contentions, their adulteries, their incest, as were both obscenous in recitall, and hurtfull in example: though indeed those whom they tearmed Gods, were certaine great Princes that committed such enormous faults, as great Princes in late ages (that loue still to be cald Gods of the earth) do often commit. But now it may be and is by some obiected, that although he write Christianly in some places, yet in other some, he is too lasciuious, as in that of the baudy Frier, in
Alcina and
Rogeros copulation, in
Anselmus his
Giptian, in
Richardetto his metamorphosis, in mine hosts tale of
Astolfo, and some few places beside; alas if this be a fault, pardon him this one fault; though I doubt to many of you (gentle readers) will be too exorable in this point; yea me thinks I see some of you searching already for these places of the book, and you are halfe offended that I haue not made some directions that you might finde out and read them immediatly. But I beseech you stay a while, and as the Italian saith
Pian piano, fayre and softly, and take this caueat with you, to read them as my author meant them to breed detestation and not delectation: remember when you read of the old lecherous Frier, that a fornicator is one of the things that God hateth. When you read of
Alcina, thinke how
Ioseph fled from his intising mistres; when you light on
Anselmus tale, learne to loath beastly couetousnes, when on
Richardetto, know that sweet meate will haue sowre sawce, when on mine hosts tale (if you will follow my counsell) turne ouer the leafe and let it alone, although euen that lewd tale may bring some men profit, and I haue heard that it is already (and perhaps not vnfitly) termed the comfort of cuckolds. But as I say, if this be a fault, then
Virgil committed the same fault in
Dido and
Aeneas entertainement: & if some will say, he tels that mannerly and couertly, how will they excuse that, where
Vulcan was inteated by
Venus to make an armour for
Aeneas?
Dixerat, & niu
[...]s hinc at
(que) hinc diua lacertis
Cunctantem ample xu molli fouet, ille repente
Accepit solitam flammam, notus
(que) per artus
Intrauit calor.
And alittle after. Ea verba locutus
Optatos dedit amplexus placitum
(que) petiuit
Coniug is infusus gremio per membra soporem.
I hope they that vnderstand Latin will confesse this is plaine enough, & yet with modest words & no obscenons phrase: and so I dare take vpon me that in al
Ariosto (and yet I thinke it is as much as three
Aeneads,) there is not a word of ribaldry or obscenousnes: farther there is so meet a decorum in the persons of those that speake lasciuiously, as any of iudgement must needs allow; and therefore though I rather craue pardon then prayse for him in this point; yet me thinkes I can smile at the finesse of some, that will condemne him, and yet not onely allow, but admire our
Chawcer, who both in words and sence, 'incurreth far more the reprehensiō of flat scurrilitie, as I could recite many places, not onely in his Millers tale, but in the good wife of Bathes tale, & many more, in which onely the decorum he keepes, is that that excuseth it, and maketh it more tolerable. But now whereas some will say,
A
[...]iosto wanteth art, reducing all heroicall Poems vnto the method of
Homer and certaine precepts of
Aristotle. For
Homer I say, that that which was commendable in him to write in that age, the times being changed, would be thought otherwise now, as we see both in phrase & in fashions the world growes more curious each day then other:
Ouid gaue precepts of making loue, and one was that one should spill wine one the boord & write his mistresse name therewith, this was a quaynt cast in that age; but he that should make loue so now, his loue would mocke him for his labour, and count him but a slouenly sutor: and if it be thus chaunged since
Ouids time, much more since
Homers time. And yet for
Ariostos tales that
[Page] many thinke vnartificially brought in;
Homer himselfe hath the like: as in the Iliads the conference of
Glaucus with
Diomedes vpon some acts of
Bellerophon: & in his Odysseas the discourse of the hog with
Vlysses. Further, for the name of the booke, which some carpe at, because he called it
Orlando Furioso rather then
Rogero, in that he may also be defended by example of
Homer, who professing to write of
Achilles, calleth his booke Iliade of Troy, and not
Achillide. As for
Aristotles rules, I take it, he hath followed them verie strictly.
Briefly,
Aristotle and the best censurers of Poesie, would haue the
Epopeia, that is, the heroicall Poem, should ground on some historie, and take some short time in the same to bewtifie with his Poetrie: so doth mine Author take the storie of K.
Charls the great, and doth not exceed a yeare or therabout in his whole worke. Secondly they hold, that nothing should be fayned vtterly incredible. And sure
Ariosto neither in his inchantments exceedeth credit (for who knowes not how strong the illusions of the diuell are?) neither in the miracles that
Astolfo by the power of
S. Iohn is fayned to do, since the Church holdeth that Prophets both aliue and dead, haue done mightie great miracles. Thirdly, they would haue an heroicall Poem (aswell as a Tragedie) to be full of
Peripetia, which I interpret an agnition on of some vnlooked for fortune either good or bad, and a sudd en change thereof: of this what store there be the reader shall quickly finde. 'As for apt similitudes, for passions well expressed, of loue, of pitie, of hate, of wrath, a blind man may see, if he can but heare, that this worke is full of them.
There follows onely two reproofs, which I rather interpret two peculiar praises of this writer aboue all that wrote before him in this kind: One, that he breaks off narrations verie abruptly, so as indeed a loose vnattentiue reader, will hardly carrie away any part of the storie: but this doubtlesse is a point of great art, to draw a man with a continuall thirst to reade ouer the whole worke, and toward the end of the booke, to close vp the diuerse matters briefly and cleanly. If
S. Philip Sidney had counted this a fault, he would not haue done so himselfe in his Arcadia. Another fault is, that he speaketh so much in his owne person by digression, which they say also is against the rules of Poetrie, because neither
Homer nor
Virgil did it. Me thinks it is a sufficient defence to say,
Ariosto doth it; sure I am, it is both delightfull and verie profitable, and an excellent breathing place for the reader, and euen as if a man walked in a faire long alley, to haue a seat or resting place here and there is easie and commodious: but if at the same seate were planted some excellent tree, that not onely with the shade should keepe vs from the heat, but with some pleasant and right wholsome fruite should allay our thirst and comfort our stomacke, we would thinke it for the time a litle paradice: so are
Ariostos morals and pretie digressions sprinkled through his long worke, to the no lesse pleasure then profit of the reader. And thus much be spoken for defence of mine Author, which was the second part of my Apologie.
Now remaines the third part of it, in which I promised to speake somwhat for my selfe, which part,
The third part of the Apologie. though it haue most need of an Apologie both large and substantiall; yet I will run it ouer both shortly and slightly, because indeed the nature of the thing it selfe is such, that the more one doth say, the lesse he shall seeme to say; and men are willinger to praise that in another man, which himselfe shall debase, then that which he shall seeme to maintaine. Certainly if I should confesse or rather professe, that my verse is vnartificiall, the stile rude, the phrase barbarous, the meeter vnpleasant, many more would beleeue it to be so, thē would imagine that I thought them so: for this same
[...] or selfe pleasing is so cōmon a thing, as the more a man protests himselfe to be from it, the more we wil charge him with it. Wherefore let me take thus much vpon me, that admit it haue many of the forenamed imperfections, and many not named, yet as writing goes now a dayes, it may passe among the rest; and as I haue heard a friend of mine (one verie iudicious in the beautie of a woman) say of a Ladie whom he meant to praise, that she had a low forhead, a great nose, a wide mouth, a long visage, and yet all these put together, she seemed to him a verie well, fauoured woman: so I hope, and I finde alreadie some of my partiall friends, that what seuerall
[Page] imperfections soeuer they finde in this translation, yet taking all together they allow it, or at least wise they reade it, which is a great argument of their liking.
Sir Thomas Moore a man of great wisedome and learning, but yet a litle enclined (as good wits are many times) to scoffing, when one had brought him a booke of some shallow discourse, and preassed him very hard to haue his opinion of it, aduised the partie to put it into verse; the plaine meaning man in the best maner he could he did so, and a twelue-month after at the least, came with it to
Sir Thomas, who slightly perusing it, gaue it this
encomium, that now there was rime in it, but afore it had neither rime nor reason. If any man had ment to serue me so, yet I haue preuented him; for sure I am he shal finde rime in mine, & if he be not voyd of reason, he shal finde reason to. Though for the matter, I can challenge no praise, hauing but borrowed it, and for the verse I do challenge none, being a thing that euery body that neuer scarce bayted their horse at the Vniuersitie take vpon them to make. It is possible that if I would haue employed that time that I haue done vpon this, vpon some inueption of mine owne, I could haue by this made it haue risen to a iust volume, and if I would haue done as many spare not to do, flowne verie high with stolen fethers. But I had rather men should see and know that I borrow all, then that I steale any: and I would wish to be called rather one of the not worst translators, then one of the meaner makers. Specially sith the Earle of Surrey, and
Sir Thomas Wiat, that are yet called the first refiners of the English tong, were both translators out of Italian. Now for those that count it such a contemptible and trifling matter to translate, I will but say to them as
M. Bartholomew Ciarke an excellent learned man, and a right good translator, saith in manner of a prettie challenge, in his Preface (as I remember) vpon the Courtier, which booke he translated out of Italian into Latin. You (saith he) that thinke it such a toy, lay aside my booke, and take my author in your hand, and trie a leafe or such a matter, and compare it with mine. If I should say so, there would be enow that would quickly put me downe perhaps; but doubtlesse he might boldly say it, for I thinke none could haue mended him. But as our English prouerbe saith, many talke of
Robin Hood that neuer shot in his bow, and some correct
Magnificat, that know not
quid significat. For my part I will thanke them that will amend any thing that I haue done amisse, nor I haue no such great conceipt of that I haue done, but that I thinke much in it is to be mended; and hauing dealt playnly with some of my plaine dealing friends, to tell me frankly what they heard spoken of it (for indeed I suffered some part of the printed copies to go among my friends, and some more perhaps went against my wil) I was told that these in effect were the faults were found with it. Some graue men misliked that I should spend so much good time on such a trifling worke as they deemed a Poeme to be.
Foure faults found in this worke. Some more nicely, found fault with so many two sillabled and three sillabled rimes. Some (not vndeseruedly) reproued the fantasticalnes of my notes, in which they say I haue strained my selfe to make mention of some of my kindred and friends, that might verie well be left out. And one fault more there is, which I will tell my selfe, though many would neuer finde it; and that is; I haue cut short some of his Cantos, in leauing out many staues of them, and sometimes put the matter of two or three staues into one. To these reproofes I shall pray you gentle and noble Readers with patience heare my defence,
Answer to the first. and then I will end. For the first reproofe, etiher it is alreadie excused, or it will neuer be excused; for I haue I thinke sufficiently proued, both the art to be allowable, and this worke to be commendable: yet I will tell you an accident that happened vnto my selfe. When I was entred a prettie way into the translation, about the seuenth booke, comming to write that where
Melissa in the person of
Rogeros Tutor, comes and reproues
Rogero in the 4. staffe:
Was it for this, that I in youth thee fed
With marrow? &c.
And againe:
Is this a meanes, or readie way you trow,
That other worthie men haue trod before,
A
Caesar or a
Scipio to grow? &c.
[Page] Straight I began to thinke,
Samuel Fl
[...]mming of kings colledge in Cambridge. that my Tutor, a graue and learned man, and one of a verie austere life, might say to me in like sort, Was it for this, that I read
Aristotle and
Plato to you, and instructed you so carefully both in Greek and Latin? to haue you now becom a translator of Italian toyes? But while I thought thus, I was aware, that it was no toy that could put such an honest and serious consideration into my minde.
The second. Now for them that finde fault with polysyllable meeter, me thinke they are like those that blame men for putting suger in their wine, and chide too bad about it, and say they marre al, but yet end with Gods blessing on their hearts. For indeed if I had knowne their diets, I could haue saued some of my cost, at least some of my paine; for when a verse ended with
ciuillitie, I could easier after the auncient manner of rime, haue made
see, or
flee, or
decree to answer it, leauing the accent vpon the last syllable, then hunt after three syllabled words to answer it with
facillitie, gentillitie, tranquillitie, hostillitie, scurrillitie, debillitie, agillitie, fragillitie, nobillitie, mobillitie, which who mislike, may tast lampe oyle with their eares. And as for two syllabled meeters, they be so approoued in other languages, that the French call them the feminine rime, as the sweeter: and the one syllable the masculin. But in a word to answer this, and to make them for euer hold their peaces of this point;
Sir Philip Sidney not onely vseth them, but affecteth them:
signifie, dignifie: shamed is, named is, blamed is: hide away, bide away. Though if my many blotted papers that I haue made in this kinde, might affoord me authoritie to giue a rule of it, I would say that to part them with a one syllable meeter betweene them, would giue it best grace. For as men vse to sow with the hand and not with the whole sacke, so I would haue the eare fed but not cloyed with these pleasing and sweet falling meeters.
The third. For the third reproofe about the notes, sure they were a worke (as I may so call it) of supererogation, and I would wish sometimes they had bin left out, and the rather, if I be in such faire possibilitie to be thought a foole or fantasticall for my labour. True it is, I added some notes to the end of euery Canto, euen as if some of my friends and my selfe reading it together (and so it fell out indeed many times) had after debated vpon them, what had bene most worthie consideration in them, and so oftimes immediatly i set it down. And whereas I make mention here and there of some of mine owne frends and kin, I did it the rather, because
Plutarke in one place speaking of
Homer, partly lamenteth, and partly blameth him, that writing so much as he did, yet in none of his workes there was any mention made, or so much as inkling to be gathered of what stocke he was, of what kindred, of what towne, nor saue for his language, of what countrey. Excuse me then if I in a worke that may perhaps last longer then a better thing, and being not ashamed of my kindred, name them here and there to no mans offence, though I meant not to make euerie body so far of my counsell why I did it, till I was told that some person of some reckening noted me of a little vanitie for it: and thus much for that point.
For my omitting and abreuiating some things,
The fourth. either in matters impertinent to vs, or in some too tedious flatteries of persons that we neuer heard of, if I haue done ill, I craue pardon; for sure I did it for the best. But if any being studious of the Italian, would for his better vnderstanding compare them, the first sixe bookes saue a little of the third, will stand him in steed. But yet I would not haue any man except, that I should obserue his phrase so strictly as an interpreter, nor the matter so carefully, as if it had bene a storie, in which to varie were as great a sin, as it were simplicitie in this to go word for word. But now to conclude, I shall pray you all that haue troubled your selues to read this my triple Apologie, to accept my labors, and to excuse my errors, if with no other thing, at least with the name of youth (which commonly hath need of excuses) and so presuming this pardon to be granted, we shall part good frends.
[...] the life of Ariosto. Onely let me intreate you in reading the booke ensuing, not to do me that iniurie, that a Potter did to
Artosto.
AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER BEFORE HE READE THIS POEME, OF SOME THINGS TO BE OBSERVED, as vvell in the substance of this vvork
[...], as also in the setting forth thereof, vvith the vse of the Pictures, Table, and annotations to the same annexed.
THere are peraduenture many men, and some of those both graue and godly men, that in respect they count all Poetrie as meerly tending to wantonnesle and vanitie, will at the very first sight reiect this booke, and not onely not allow, but blame and reproue the trauel taken in letting forth the same in our mother tongue. And surely for such censurers as will condemne without hearing the cause pleaded, I can be well content to haue them spare the labor in reading, which they thinke I haue lost in writing; and appealing from them, if not to higher at least to more indifferent iudges, namely such as wil vouchsafe to heare what can be spoken in defence of the matter, and then will yeeld (as wise men euer should do) to the stronger reason: I do to them direct this my short aduertisement, which (because all that may reade this booke are not of equall capacities) I will endeuor to explane more plainly, then for the learned sort had haply bene requisite.
And first if any haue this scruple, that it might be hurtfull for his soule or conscience,
Of the matter of the book tending to vertue. to reade a booke of Poetry, as though it might alien his mind from vertue and religion, I referre him (beside many other excellent mens writings, both in defence and praise thereof) to a litle briefe treatise in the beginning of this booke, written by me generally in defence of Poemes, and specially of this present worke, which I dare affirme to be neither vicious nor profane, but apt to breed the quite contrary effects, if a great fault be not in the readers owne bad disposition.
Secondly I haue in the marginall notes quoted the apt similitudes,
The marginall notes. and pithie sentences or adages, with the best descriptions, and the excellent imitations, and the places and authors from whence they are taken.
Further, where diuers stories in this worke seeme in many places abruptly broken off,
Direction for continuing the diuers stori
[...]s. I haue set directions in the margent, where to find the continuance of euery such storie, though I would not wish any to reade them in that order at the first reading, but if any thinke them worthy the twise reading, then he may the second time not vnconueniently vse it, if the meane matter betweene the so deuided stories (vpon which commonly they depend) be not quite out of his memorie.
Also (according to the Italian maner) I haue in a staffe of eight verses comprehended the contents of euery Book or Canto,
The contents of euery booke. in the beginning thereof, which hath two good vses, one to vnderstand the picture the perfecter, the other to remember the storie the better.
As for the pictures, they are all cut in brasse,
The pictures. and most of them by the best workmen in that kind, that haue bin in this land this many yeares: yet I will not praise them too much, because I gaue direction for their making, and in regard thereof, I may be thought partiall; but this I may truly say, that (for mine owne part) I haue not seene any made in England better, nor (indeed) any of this kind in any booke, except it were a treatise set forth by that profound man master Broughton the list yeare, vpon the Reuelation, in which there are some three or foure pretie pictures (in octauo) cut in brasse very workmanly. As for other bookes that I haue seene in this Realme, either in Latine or English with pictures, as Liuie, Gesner, Alciats emblemes, a booke
de Spectris in Latine, and in our tongue the Chronicles, the booke of Martyrs, the booke of hauking and hunting, and M. Whitneys excellent Emblemes, yet all their figures are cut in wood, and none in metall, and in that respect inferiour to these, at least (by the old prouerbe) the more cost, the more worship.
The vse of the picture is euident,
The vse of the picture and the perspectiue. which is, that (hauing read ouer the booke) you may reade it (as it were againe) in the very picture; and one thing is to be noted, which euery one (haply) will not obserue, namely the perspectiue in euery figure. For the personages of men, the shapes of horses, and such like, are made large at the bottome, and lesser vpward, as if you were to behold all the same in a plaine, that which is nearest seemes greatest, and the fardest shewes smallest, which is the chiefe art in picture.
If the name of any man,
The Table. The Tales. woman, country, towne, horse, or weapon seeme strange to any, I haue made a table where to find it. And in the same table, a direction for the seuerall tales, where to begin and end, those that may conueniently be read single, of which kind there are many, and those not vnpleasant.
Lastly, at the end of euery Book or Canto, because the Reader may take not only delight, but profit in reading, I haue noted in all (as occasion is offered) the Morall, the Historie, the Allegorie, and the Allusion.
The Morall, that we may apply it to our owne manners and disposition, to the amendment of the same.
Morall.
The Historie,
Historie. both that the true ground of the poeme may appeare, (for learned men hold, that a perfect poeme must ground of a truth) (as I shew more at large in another place) as also to explane some things that are lightly touched by him, as examples of all times, either of old or of late.
The Allegorie,
Allegorie. of some things that are meerely fabulous, yet haue an allegoricall sence, which euery bodie at the first shew cannot perceiue.
The Allusion:
Allusion. of fictions, to be applied to some things done, or written of in times past, as also where it may be a
[...]plied without offence to the time present. But these happen in very few bookes.
And this is all that
[...] haue to aduertise the Reader, for if any other notes happen to come after, it is but for want of oome in the margent, that they were faine to be put out of their due place. It remaines onely to wish (because I find it will be delightfull to many) that it may be hurtfull to none, lest (if it should) both they and I be called to account for it, where not onely euill workes, but idle words shall be punished.
The
[...]inning is
[...] by imitation
[...]n Virgil,
[...] 1. of his
[...], Arma
[...] cano.
OF Dames, of Knights, of armes, of loues delight,
Of courtesies, of high attempts I speake,
Then whē y
e Moores transported all their might
On Africke seas, the force of France to breake:
Incited by the youthfull heate and spight
Of
Agramant their king, that vowd to wreake
The death of King
Trayana (lately slaine)
Vpon the Romane Emperour
Charlemaine.
2
I will no lesse
Orlandos acts declare,
(A tale in prose ne verse yet sung or sayd)
Who fell bestraught with loue, a hap most rare,
To one that earst was counted wise and stayd:
[...] bere
[...] mistresse,
[...] speakes
[...] on the
[...] staffe.
If my sweet Saint that causeth my like care,
My slender muse affoord some gracious ayd,
I make no doubt but I shall haue the skill,
As much as I haue promist to fulfill.
3
[...] by the
[...] intended
[...] Hip
[...] by the
[...] to a
[...] more
Vouchsafe (O Prince of most renowmed race,
The ornament and hope of this our time)
T'accept this gift presented to your grace,
By me your seruant rudely here in rime.
And though I paper pay and inke, in place
Of deeper debt, yet take it for no crime:
It may suffise a poore and humble debter,
To lay and if he could it should be better.
4
Here shall you find among the worthy peeres,
Whose praises I prepare to tell in verse,
Rogero; him from whom of auncient yeeres
Your princely stems deriued, I reherses
Whose noble mind by princely acts appeeres,
Whose worthy fame euen to the skie doth perse
[...]
So you vouchsafe my
Imitati
[...] of V
[...] gel to Octa
[...]i
[...]s: Atque hau
[...] sin
[...] tempora circum
[...]nter felaces hedetam
[...]ib
[...] s
[...]rpere laures.
lowly stile and base,
Among your high conceits a httle plase.
5
Orlando who long time had
This hath reference to a former treatise called Orlandos loues, written by one Boyardus.
loued deare,
Angeli
[...]a the faire: and for her sake,
About the world, in nations far and neare,
Did high attempts performe and vndertake,
Retur
[...]d with her into the West that yeare,
That
Charles his power against the Turks did make:
And with the force of Germanie and France,
Neare Pyron
The hilles that part France and Spa
[...]e.
Alpes his standard did aduance.
6
To make the Kings of Affrike and of Spaine,
Repent their rash attempts and foolish vaunts,
One hauing brought from As
[...]ike in his traine,
Simile. The hbe u in O u
[...]d de tre
[...]ts us 3 Fle. H
[...]ud a.
[...]t
[...]r
[...]lu
[...]; u
[...] quato qus Iouu igni
[...]s actus v
[...]u
[...]t
[...] est vita
[...]es
[...]us
[...]ps
[...] su
[...].
Like as the tiller of the fruitfull ground,
With sodaine storme and tempest is astonished
Who sees the flash, & heares the thunders sound,
And for their masters sakes, the cattell punished,
Or when by hap a faire old pine he found,
By force of raging winds his leaues diminished.
So stood amazd the Pagan in the place,
His Ladie present at the wofull case.
66
He fetcht a sigh most deepely from his heart,
Not that he had put out of ioynt, or lamed
His arme, his legge, or any other part,
But chiefly he, his euill fortune blamed,
At such a time, to hap lo ouerthwart,
Before his loue, to make him so ashamed:
And had not she some cause of speech found out,
He had remained speechlesse out of doubt.
67
My Lord (said she) what ailes you be so sad?
The want was not in you, but in your steed,
For whom a stable, or a pasture had
Beene fitter then a course at tilt indeed.
Nor is that aduerse partie verie glad,
As well appeares, that parted with such speed,
For in my iudgement they be said to yeeld,
That first leaue off, and do depart the feeld.
68
Thus while she giues him comfort all she may,
Behold there came a messenger in post,
Blowing his horne, and riding downe the way,
Where he before his horse, and honor lost.
And comming nearer he of them doth pray,
To tell if they had seene passe by that cost,
A champion armd at all points like a knight,
The shield, the horse, and armour all of white.
69
I haue both seene the knight, and felt his force,
(Said
Sacrapant) for here before you came,
He cast me downe and also kild my horse,
Ne know I (that doth greeue me most) his name.
Sir (quoth the post) the name I will not force,
To tell, sith you desire to know the same,
First, know that you were conquerd in this fight,
By vallew of a damsell faire and bright.
70
Of passing strength, but of more passing hew,
And
Bradamant, this damsell faire is named,
She was the wight, whose meeting you may rew,
And all your life hereafter be ashamed.
This post
[...] taketh Bi
[...] Bookes
[...]
This laid, he turnd his horse and bad adew.
But
Sacrapant with high disdaine enflamed,
Was first lo wroth, and then so shamed thereto,
He knew not what to say, not what to do.
71
And after he had staid a while and musd,
That at a womans hands he had receiued,
Such a disgrace as could not be excusd,
Nor how he might reuenge it he perceiued,
With thought hereof his mind was so confusd,
He stood like one of wit and sense bereaued.
At last he go'th, a better place to finde,
He takes her horse and makes her mount behind.
72
Now hauing rode a mile, or there about,
They heard a noyse a trampling on the ground,
They thought it was some companie or rout,
That caused in the woods so great a sound:
Bayardo
[...] to Bucep
[...] that he in suffer no
[...] quietly
[...] master.
At last they see a warlike horse, and stout,
With guilded barb, that cost full many a pound,
No hedge, no ditch, no wood no water was,
That stopped him where he was bent to passe.
73
Angelica casting her eye aside:
Except (said she) mine eies all dazled be,
I haue that famous horse
Bayardo spide,
Come trotting downe the wood, as seemes to me:
(How well for vs our fortune doth prouide)
It is the verie same, I know tis he:
On one poore nag to ride we two were loth,
And here he commeth fit to serue vs both.
74
King
Sacrapant alighteth by and by,
And thinkes to take him gently by the raine,
But with his heeles the horse doth streight reply,
As who should say, his rule he did disdaine.
It happie was he stood the beast not nye,
For if he had, it had beene to his paine,
For why, such force the horse had in his heele,
He would haue burst a mountaine all of steele.
75
But to the damsell gently he doth go,
In humble manner, and in lowly sort.
A spantell after absence fauneth so,
Simile.
And seekes to make his master play, and sport,
For
Bayard cald to mind the damsell tho,
Albracca
[...] in the
[...] table.
When she vnto
Albracco did resort,
And vsd to feed him for his masters sake,
Whom she then lou'd, and he did her forsake.
76
She takes the bridle boldly in her hand,
And strokt his brest, and necke, with art and skill:
Straight in her mind she ga
[...] to chase and fret,
Because she knew it was Duke
Ammons sonne,
Most earnestly he sude her loue to get,
More earnestly she seekes his loue to shunne.
Once she lou'd him, he hated her as much,
And now he loues, she hates, his hap was such.
78
[...]id 1.
[...] to be true
[...] of
[...] [...]ope.
[...].
The cause of this first from two fountaines grew,
Like in the tast, but in effects vnlike,
Plac'd in Ardenna, each in others vew,
Who tasts the one, loues dart his heart doth strike,
Contrary of the other doth ensew,
Who drinke thereof, their louers shall mislike.
Renaldo dranke of one, and loue much pained him,
The other dranke this damsell that disdained him.
79
This liquor thus with secret venim mingled,
Makes her to stand so stiffely in the nay,
On whom
Renaldos heart was wholy kindled,
Though scarce to looke on him she can away,
But from his sight desiring to be singled,
With soft low voice the Pagan she doth pray,
That he approch no nearer to this knight,
But flie away with all the speed he might.
80
Why then (quoth he) make you so small esteeme
Of me, as though that I to him should yeeld?
So weake and faint my forces do you deeme,
That safe from him your selfe I cannot shield
Then you forget Albracca it should seeme,
And that same night, when I amid the field,
Alone vnarmed did defend you then,
Against king
Agrican and all his men.
81
No sir, said she, (ne knowes she what to say)
Because
Renaldo now approcht so nie,
And threatned so the Pagan in the way,
When vnder him his horse he did espie,
And saw the damsell taken as a pray,
In whose defence he meanes to liue and die.
But what fell out betweene these warriers fearce,
Within the second booke I do rehearse.
In this first booke may be noted in
Angelica the vngratefulnes of women to their worthiest suters.
The Morall. In the foure knights, the passionate affections of loue and fancy. And whereas first
Bradamant, and after
Renaldo interrupt
Sacrapant of his lasciuious purpose, may be noted, both the weake holdfast that men haue of worldly pleasures, as also how the heauens do euer fauour chast desires. Lastly, in the two fountaines may be noted the two notable contrarieties of the two affections, of loue and disdaine, that infinite sorts of people daily tast of, while they runne wandring in that inextricable labyrinth of loue.
Concerning the historie,
The Historie. we find that in the time of
Charles the great (called
Charlemaine) sonne of
Pepin king of France, the Turkes with a great power inuaded Christendome, Spaine being then out of the faith, (as some part thereof was euen within these four score yeares, namely Granada, which was held by the Moores.) And one
Marcus Antonius Sabellicus writeth, that for certaintie there liued in that time of
Charlemaine, many of those famous Palladines, that are in this worke so often named, and especially he maketh mention of
Renaldo and
Orlando, affirming that they were indeed very martiall men, and how
Charles obtained great victories by their seruice; and namely he talleth of one
Ferraw a Spaniard of great stature and strength, who tooke certaine Frenchmen prisoners, afterward rescued by
Orlando, which
Orlando fought with him hand to hand two whole dayes, and the second vanquisht him. Further, the same author affirmeth, that the same
Charlemaine, for his great fauour shewed to the Church of Rome, was by
Leo the third named Emperour of Rome: and that he was a iust, a fortunate, and a mercifull Prince, and one that within Europe as well as without did attaine great conquests, suppressing the violent gouernement of the Lombards, and taming the rebellious Saxons, Huns and Baudrians, and conquering a great part of Spaine: all which testimonies shew, that the ground of this Poeme is true, as I shall haue particular occasion in sundry of the books ensuing to note: and thus much for the story.
For the allegory,
Allegorie. in this Canto I find not much to be said, except one should be so curious to search for an allegory where none is intended by the author himself: yet an allegory may not vnfitly be gathered of the description of Bayardos following
Angelica, which may thus be taken. Bayardo a strong horse, without rider or gouernor, is likened to the desire of mā, that runs furiously after
Angelica, as it were after pleasure or honor, or whatsoeuer man doth most inordinately affect.
Likewise in that
Angelica flieth from
Renaldo, we may take an allegorical instruction, that the temtations of the flesh are ouercome, chiefly by flying from them, as the Scripture it selfe teacheth, saying, Resist the diuel, but fly fornication.
Further, in that Bayardo striketh at
Sacrapant, but yeeldeth to
Angelica, it may be noted how the courage of our minds that cannot be abated with any force, are often subdued by flatterie and gentle vsage, till they be in the end euen ridden as it were with slauerie.
And whereas
Renaldo followes
Angelica on foote, some haue noted thereby to be meant sensualitie, that is euer in base and earthly, or rather beastly affections, neuer looking vpward.
For Allusions,
Allusion. there are not any worth the noting in this Canto, saue that it seemes in
Renaldos horse Bayardo, he seemes to allude to Buccphalus
Alexanders horse.
To that same place where both their loues were lost.
But he perceiuing now she was deriued,
From
Clarimont that he detested most,
Doth hate her sore, and feareth to the same,
Lest she should know he of
Maganza came.
67
There was betweene these houses auncient hate,
This of
Maganza, that of
Clarimount,
And each of them had weakned others state,
By killing men in both of great account.
This
P
[...]n
[...]ab
[...] (a vile and wicked mate,
That all his kin in vices did surmount)
Meanes with himselfe this damsell to betray,
Or else to slip aside and go his way.
68
And this same fancie so his head did fill,
With hate, with feare, with anger and with doubt,
That he mistooke the way against his will,
And knew not how againe to find it out,
Till in the wood he saw a little hill,
Bare on the top, where men might looke about,
But
Bradamant such amorous passions feeles,
She followeth like a spaniell at his heeles.
69
The craftie guide thus wandring in the wood,
Intending now the Ladie to beguile,
Said vnto her forsooth he thought it good,
Sith night grew on
[...] themselues to rest a while:
Here is, quoth he (and shewd which way it stood)
A castle faire, and hence not many a mile:
But tarry you a little here vntill
I may descrie the countrey from the hill.
70
This said, he mounted to the higher ground,
And standing now the highest part vpon,
He cast about his eyes and looked round,
To find some path whereby he might be gone.
When vnawares a monstrous caue he found,
And strange cut out and hollowd in the stone,
Deepe thirtie cubits downe it doth descend,
Hauing a faire large gate at lower end.
71
Such as great stately houses wont to haue,
Out of which gate proceeds a shining light,
That all within most lightsome makes the caue,
And all this while on this felonious knight
This noble Ladie due attendance gaue,
And neuer suffred him go out of sight.
She followd
Pinnabel hard at his backe,
Because she was afeard to leese the tracke.
72
When as this villaine traitor did espie,
That his designements foolish were and vaine,
Either to leaue her, or to make her die,
He thought it best to trie a further traine,
Perswading her for to descend and trie,
What Ladies faire within the caue remaine;
For why (said he) within this little space
I saw a goodly damsell in the place.
73
Both rich arayd and very faire of hew,
Like one of noble linage and degree,
And this her fortune made me more to rew,
That here against her will she seemd to be.
And when I thought for to descend and vew,
The cause of this her griefe to know and see,
I was no sooner from my horse alighted,
But with infernall hags I was afrighted.
74
The noble
Bradamant that was more stout,
Then warie who it was did her perswade,
Hath such desire to helpe a damsell out,
That straight the caue she meaneth to inuade,
She finds by hap a long bough thereabout,
Thereof a pole of mightie length she made,
First with her sword she hewes and pares it fit,
That done she lets it downe into the pit.
75
She giueth
Pinnabel the bigger end,
And prayes him stand aboue and hold it fast,
And by the same intending to descend,
Vpon her armes her whole waight she doth cast.
But he that to destroy her did
[...]ntend,
Doth aske if she would learne to leape a cast,
And laughing, loosd his hands that were together,
And wisht that all the race of them were with her.
76
Yet great good hap the gentle damsell found,
As well deseru'd a mi
[...]d so innocent:
For why the pol
[...] strake first vpon the ground,
And though by force it shiuerd all and rent,
Yet were her limbes and life kept safe and sound,
For all his vile and traiterous intent,
Sore was the damsell mazed with the fall,
As in another booke declare I shall.
In thi
[...] second booke in the combat betweene
Renaldo and
Sacrapant,The Morall. we may obserue how the passion of loue, together with the termes that men stand vpon for their reputation & credit, are oftentimes occasions of bitter quarels: and in their soda
[...]e parting and great perplexitie, that both of them were stricken into by the false tale that the spirit told them
[Page 15] of
Orlando, we may gather how very apt ielousie is to conceiue and beleeue euery false report. By
Renaldos obedience to
Charles in going on embassage notwithstanding all his priuat affaires and affections, we may take example of dutiful obedience to our lawfull Prince. And in that
Pinnabel seekes to betray
Bradamant, and to kill her by letting her fall into the caue, into the which she trusted he would haue let her downe safely and friendly, we may note two speciall things, one, that it is good to be warie into whose hands we commit the sauegard of our liues and state: the other, that base minded men being wickedly set on reuenge, care not by what treason or villanie they worke the ouerthrow of their enemies.
For the Historie of this Canto,
Storie. I will not affirme too precisely, for I find not in any credible author of
Renaldos embassage into England, neither is it very likely, if the King of England were then in Paris, (as in another place of this worke is affirmed) that a Peere of France should be sent hither, and not rather some English noble man sent from the King to his other subiects in England, with directions and instructions from him.
That Paris and
Charles himselfe were in some distresse about that time, is not vnprobable, and that the Turkes at their first arriuall preuailed very farre against the Christians, though it lasted but a while.
As for
Rogero, whom he toucheth in this booke, and that is so much spoken of in this w
[...]le worke, as
Aeneas is in
Virgil, though in both rather in fabulous and in Allegoricall sence, then plainly and historicaly: yet I find it in very good Authors, that a man of that name was indeed the chiefe raiser of the house of Este the now Dukes of Perrara.
For the Allegorie,
Allegorie. as I noted in the first booke of Bayardo, so the same is still continued or rather repeated, namely, that the horse, by which is meant mans feruent and furious appetite, which is more plainly signified where it is said of the horse:
His going onely was to this intent,
To shew his master where the damsell went.
So that still this vnbridled desire figured by Bayardo, leades
Renaldo on foote, whereby is vnderstood sensualitie to pursue
Angelica, with a base desire of the most base pleasure.
In the shield, whose light amazed the lookers on, and made them fall downe astonied, may be Allegorically meant the great pompes of the world, that make shining shewes in the bleared eyes of vaine people, and blind them, and make them to admire and fall downe before them, hauing indeed nothing but shining titles without vertue, like painted sheaths with leaden weapons, or like straw without the graine: either else may be meant the flaring beauties of some gorgeous women, that astonish the eyes of weake minded men, apt to receiue such louing impressions, as
Atlantas shield did amaze their senses that beheld it.
For the Allegorie of the horse, what is meant thereby, I reserue to another place, where I will follow it more at large then this little space will giue me leaue, and in that booke where he is more treated of.
The Allusion,
Allusion. to which this flying horse is referred, and from whence it is taken, is from
Pegasus, the flying horse that
Pindar writes of, bred of the bloud of
Medusa, on which beast
Bellerophon was wont to ride, flying the false accusation of
Pretus wife.
Also the shield it selfe seemes to allude to the fable of
Medusas head, that turned men into stones.
The descriptiō of Merlins tombe, out of the book of king Arthur, but this is poetic all licence to faine is to be in France, for it is in Wales.
Here is the tombe that
Merline erst did make,
By force of secret skill and hidden art,
In which sometimes the Ladie of the lake,
That with her beautie had bewitcht his hart,
Did make him enter fondly for her sake,
From whence he neuer after could depart,
And he was by a woman ouer reached,
That vnto others prophesied and preached.
12
His carkas dead within this stone is bound,
But with dead corse the liuing soule doth dwell:
Til doomes day.
And shall vntill it here the trumpet sound,
That brings reward of doing ill or well.
His voyce doth liue, and answer and expound,
And things both present past and future tell,
Resoluing men of eu'rie doubtfull case,
That for his counsell come vnto this place.
13
About a month or little more or lesse,
It is since I repaird to
Merlins graue,
Of him about the studie I professe,
Some precepts and instructions to haue.
And (for I willing was I must confesse)
To meete you at your comming to this caue
[...]
For which he did prefixe this certaine day,
This moued me of purpose here to stay.
14
Duke
Ammons daughter silent stands and still,
The while the wise
Melyssa to her spake,
Astonished at this vnusuall skill,
And doubting if she were a sleepe or wake,
A modest shame with grace her eyes doth fill,
With which downe cast, this answer she doth make:
Alas what good or merite is in me
That prophets should my comming so foresee?
15
And glad of this aduenture vnexpected,
She followeth her guide with great delight,
And straight she saw the stately toombe erected,
Of marble pure that held his bones and sprite,
And (that which one would little haue suspected)
The verie marble was so cleare and bright,
That though the sunne no light vnto it gaue,
The toombe it selfe did lighten all the caue.
16
For whether be the nature of some stone,
A darke some place with lightsomnes to fill,
Or were it done by magike art alone,
Or else by helpe of Mathematike skill,
To make transparencies to meete in one,
And so conuey the sunne beames where you will:
But sure it was most curious to behold,
Set forth with carued workes and guilt with gold.
17
Now when the damsell was approched nyre,
To this strange toombe where
Merlins bones were plast,
Forth of the stones that shine like flaming fire,
His liuely voyce such speeches out doth cast:
Let fortune euer fauour thy desire,
O
Bradamant thou noble maid and chast,
From out whose wombe an issue shall proceed,
That all the world in glorie shall exceed.
18
The noble blood that came of ancient Troy,
In the
[...] [...]ucles of
[...] they
[...] gain gr
[...] from the
[...] Pri
[...] By the
[...] these f
[...] [...] us vnder
[...] East, W
[...] North
[...] South.
[Page 22] [...] may note in
Bradamant a worthy example of deuotion, that in her sodaine mishap, had recourse
[...]. In the great praise of
Rogero and
Bradamant his posterittie, noblemen and gentlemen of good houses may take
[...] father vertu us ancestors, and thinke themselves beloved of God, and blessed with great temporall blessings,
[...] not from their worthy sure fathers. Also we may note, that commonly good parents bring good children.
[...]Melyssa brings
Bradamant by intricate wayes from the cave, and instructs her how to confound
Atlantes [...] good and godly counsel makes men overcome all troubles, and enables them to withstand all wic
[...] [...] that
Bradamant dissembles with
Brunello, we may gather a lesson, which in this age we be too apt
[...], name
[...], to dissimble with dissemblers.
[...] is diners,
Storie. it diuers, and therefore I meane to note the principallest of them, as far as my litle reading
[...]: and first for
Merlin (called the English Prophet) I know many are hard of beleef, and think it a meeresable that is written both of his birth, of his life, and chiefly of his death: for his birth, indeed I beleeue not that he
[...] by an
Incubus, yet the possibilitie thereof might be proued by this place:
Bellarminde [...]rather held with the great clerk
Bellarmine, that such birth is either impossible, or teacher to the great Antichrist when he shall come. But concerning his life, that there was such a man, a great
[...] to King
Arthur, I hold it certaine: that he had a castle in
[...]shire called after him Merlinsburie, (now Marl
[...],
[...] likely, the old ruines whereof are yet seene in our highway from Bath to London. Also the great stones of
[...] and number, that he scattered about the place, have given occasion to some to report, and others
[...] wrought by his great spill in Magicke, as likewise the great stones at Stonage on Salis
[...],
[...], which the ignorant people beleeue be brought out of Ireland: and indeed the wiser sort can rather maruel at,
[...] they were set there. But for the manner of his death, and place of his buriall, it is so diuersly written
[...] countreys chalienged, as a man may be bolder to say that all of them are saise, then that any of them
[...] will have him buried in Cornewall, some in Wales (where they say he was borne,)
Ariosto by Poeticall lisence,
[...] or him in France, and the fiction of the tombe is taken of a former fiction in King
Arthurs booke,
[...], that
Merlin being exceedingly in loue with the Ladie of the Lake (to brag of his cunning) shewed her one day
[...] deuices of his, a
[...] that he had made of sufficient capacitie to hold him and his wife, and withall
[...] a charme, which being pronounced in an order that he shewed her, the toombe would close, and neuer againe be opened. She having no mind to him, or rather indeed flatly hating him, grew on the sodaine very gamesome with him,
[...] him some extraordinary kindnesse, and in the end for want of better pastime would needs perswade him to
[...] would hold them both, and so offered her selfe to go in with him: he suspecting nothing lesse then her malicious purpose, went imply in, and straight she shut him in with the couer, and bound it so fast with the charme, as it will neuer
[...]. This I thought good to set donne for expounding the II. Staffe of this booke the plainer, not that any matter here
[...] worth the noting, without it be to warne men not to tell such dangerous secrets to women, except they
[...] to imitate the wisedome of
Cato in repenting it after. And thus much for
Merlin. The rest of the booke
[...] a true historie, and is a repetition of the pedegrue of
Alfonso Duke of Ferrara, with some briefe touches
[...] of their great exploits in Italie: the exposition of all which, I will not pursue at length, as being
[...] the learned this haue read those stories, and not very pleasant to the ignorant, nor familiar to our nation.
[...] some very few of them, such as I thinke most necessary, and omit the rest, or referre those
[...] to informe themselues to some authors where they may reade it more at large.
Rogero [...]Bradamant, and this
Rogero so much spoken of in this whole booke, came with
Charles the great into
[...], where among other Venetian captaines that holpe to suppresse
Desiderius king of Lombardie: this
Rogero [...] so good seruice, that the Emperour in reward gaue him and his heires the honors of
Calaon and
Este, neare
[...].
The
[...]r
[...]me came to be the crest of the Vicounts of Millaine by this occasion:
Otho a valiant man of that family, in the
[...] that
Gedfrey of Bullen made to Ierusalem, called the holy warres, did fight at the siege of Ierusalem hand to hand with
Voluce, [...] of the
[...], and sue him, whose to make himselfe more terrible, did carry on his crest a huge viper deucuring of a
[...]. Euer since in memory hereof that house carries the viper.
Betingats [...] name there were three, but the chiefe man (meant here) was nephew to the first, and came after the death of
[...] grandfather into Italie, and preuailed so farre that he was proclaimed
Augustus, and made his sonne King of I
[...] with title King of Romanes: but
Agapitus then Bishop of Rome, called in
Otho King of the Almaines I deliuer Italie from the
[...]ranny of the
Beringars, who ouercame them, and used them after with great clemency, till afterward the feeling b
[...]he
[...]e fan usurping Pope t
[...]t
[...]rannize as before, the same
Otho came againe, and in fine desir
[...], in which it seemes
Albertazzo did some great seruice.
Of
Fruderike Barbarossa Sabellicus a riteth, that he maintained
Octauius Antipapa (or vsurping Pope) against
Alexander, [...] great in Italy in Italy, and much bloodshed, and that the Romanes were so crushed in one battel that he
[...] they would neuer be able againe to hold up their heads. But after this,
Barbarossa both prosecuted by his enemies, and
[...] with the plague in his camp, was glad to fly into Germany: and comming back with new forces,
[...], the confederats unquished and
[...], and driuen in the end to craue Pope
Alexanders fauour. Of this
Alexander [...] make great bo
[...]t how they restored him, and haue the story ingrauen or painted in one of their
[...] Churches for the Pope saying that her in disgussed aparell, and lining closely in the towne like a poore Priest,
[...]Crano discouered him, and made him, be greatly honoured by the whole city, by whom as is a aforesaid
[...].
[...]Guelss and
Ghebellines is spoken of (though it would ask a long discourse to tel the original
[Page 23] how it first grew) yet somewhat I must needs say of it:
Redate of the
[...] Messia de viris le
[...]e. the faction first rose of a
[...] between two Dutchman in Italie being naturall brothers, though unnaturally falling out, and either drawing parties it grew in the end to such a fa
[...]tion. as neither
Sylla and
Marius, or
Caesar and
Pompey in Rome, nor ours of Lancaster and Yorke in England, nor any other growne of religion, or what cause soeuer besides, hath bene more violent.
Essellino a notable tyrant, whom one
Musatto a Padoan in a tragedie he wrote, affirmes to haue bin gotten by the diuell: His crueltie was such, he would cut up women quicke with child, and burned at one time 12000 men aliue. He was after taken prisoner, and died of famine.
Of
Hercules of
Este, as the praises are great he giues him, so it appeares in
Guychardine, they are well deserued. For when
Charles the eight came into Italie like a thunder (as writers of those times call him) this
Hercules with his prudent cariage so ordered himselfe, as he and his countrie escaped that tempest.
Concerning the victorie that this
Hippolito had of the Venetians, I shall haue more occasion to speake of it in the 40. booke.
The two that
Bradamant asketh
Melyssa of, were brothers to
Alfonso Duke of Ferrara, their names are
Ferdinand and
Lulio: the storie is this. It happened that being all yong men,
Hippolito and one of these yonger brothers fel both in loue with one Curtesan, but she entertained the loue of the yonger with most kindnes; whereupon
Hippolito asked her one day very instantly, what it was that moued her to prefer his brother asore him; and she said it was his beautifull eie: wherupon
Hippolito made some of his pages to thrust out his eies. Notwithstanding he afterward recouered his eies, and finding no redresse by complaining to
Alfonso, he and one other brother conspired to kill him; but at the time of the execution, their hearts failed them, or their minds altered: and after the conspiracie being discouered, they were kept in perpetuall prison.
And in this he alludes to that of
Marcellus in
Virgil, Luctus ac quaeretuorum.
[...] men should it a greater, withstanding Renaldos
[...]on,
To do that thing that fooles count great excesse,
And quench the flame that
Cupid doth engender,
To grant the men more scope, the women lesse,
Is law for which no reason we can render.
Men vsing many neuer are ashamed,
But women vsing one or two are blamed.
54
This law I say is partiall and naught,
And doth to women plaine annd open wrong,
I trust in God they shall be better taught,
[...] this point I ke many are
[...] religion.
And that this law shall be reuokt ere long.
The Abbot and his Monks in word and thought,
Allowd
Renaldos speech, both old and yong:
They all condemne the law, and partly blame
The king that may and mendeth not the same.
55
Next morning when
Renaldo doth perceaue
The Sunne appeare, and starres their heads to hide,
He thanks them for his cheare, and taketh leaue,
And takes a target-bearer for his guide,
For feare left vnknowne paths should him deceaue.
Himselfe all armed doth on Bayard ride,
And to the Scottish court he goes a stranger,
For to defend the damsell faire from danger.
56
And for they thought to take a way more nie,
They leaue the common way a mile or twaine,
When suddenly they heard a piteous crie,
Well like to one that feared to be slaine.
In hast they spurre their horses by and by,
Along the vale, and looking downe the plaine,
A maide betweene two murderers they saw,
That meant to take her life against all law.
57
The caitises put the damsell in great feare,
And shewd that they were come to end her dayes,
Which made her weepe, and shed full many a teare,
To moue their minds she trieth many wayes:
And though the fact a while they did forbeare,
Yet now they had remoued all delayes,
When as
Renaldo came vnto her aid,
And made the malefactors fore afraid.
58
Away they sled and left the wench alone,
For dread of death appald and fore affrighted,
Who all her cause of danger and of mone,
Vnto
Renaldo straight would haue recited,
But so great haft he maketh to be gone,
He gaue no eare, nor from his horse alighted,
But to ensue the iourney first assignd him,
He causd the guide to take her vp behind him.
59
And now on horsebacke marking well her face,
And marking more her gesture and behauiour,
Her pleasing speech, and modest sober grace,
She now hath wonne a great deale more his fauour,
And after he had rode a little space,
To tell her hard aduenture he would haue her:
And she began with humble voice and low,
As more at large hereafter I will show.
In this fourth booke, whereas dissembling is praised, we may note in what sort and with what persons it is allowable,
Morall. seeing generally in it selfe it is a most vnnoble and vnworthy qualitie. In that
Bradamant by the ring doth discouer
Atlantas inchantments, and frustrate all his purpose, we nay note, how reason tempered with courage, prevailes to the overthrow of all deceits and subtill practices. In
Rogero, that was caried away vnawares by the winged horse, we haue an example to make vs take heed of rash & vnaduised enterprises. In
Renaldos speech, condemning the rigor of the law, that adultery was punished by death in women rather then in men, as we may with him instly mislike such partialitie in lawes: so we may note the manner and phrase of speech of yong gentlemen (as
Renaldo was) that make so light of their sweet sinne of lechery, as they call it, not regarding how sower heauy punishment hangs over it, and what a foule repr
[...]ch it is to both sexes. And so much for the Morall.
For the Historie of this booke, little is to be said of the time of
Charles the great, because the booke digresseth to other
Historie. matters: but whereas mention is made of Calledon forrest in Scotland, and of King
Arthur his knights, I thought it not amisse, as in the former booke I told you, what I thought of
Merlin that was
Arthurs great counseller, so now somewhat to touch, as the space will permit, the reports that are true and probable of king
Arthur. It is generally written and beleeued that this
Arthur was a notable valiant and religious Prince, and that he governed this Iland in that rude age with great love of his people, and honour of forraine nations, he instituted an order of the knights of the round table onely (as it seemes) of some meriment of hunting, or some pleasant exercises. He was himself of stature very tall, as appeares by the proportion of him left (as they say here in our countrey of Somerset) in a doore of a Church by the famous Abbey
[Page 30] of Glassenbury, in which Abbey his wife Queene
Gueneuer was buried, and within our memory taken vp in a coffin, with her body and face in shew plainly to be discerned, saue the very tip of her nose, as diuers dwelling there about haue reported. But what manner of death king
Arthur himselfe died, it is doubtfull, and that which they report seemes meerly fabulous, namely that he was caried away in a barge from a bridge called Pomperles, neare the said Glassenbury, and so conueyed by
[...]no
[...]ne persons, (or by the Ladie of the Lake) with promise to bring him backe againe one day! vpon which it seems the foolish people grounded their vaine saying (King
Arthur comes againe.)
For my part I confesse my selfe to haue bin more inquisitiue of such trifles then a wiser man would, and viewing that bridge and all that countrey about Glassenbury, I see good reason to guesse, that all that countrie which now we call our moores (and is reduced to profitable and fertill ground) was sometime recouered from the sea, and might be nauigable vp to Glassenbury in those times: and so I suppose the said King being drowned there by some mishap, and being well beloued of the people, some fained (to content their minds) that he was but gone a little way, and would come again: as the Senate of Rome, hauing killed
Romulus for his tyrannie, deuised a tale of I know not what
[...] to make the people beleeue he was turned to a god.
Camd. in Britania was Somerses.M. Camden the best antiquarie of our time, writeth that king
Arthurs body was taken vp at the foresaid Glassenbury in the time of king
Henrie the second, which indeed is most credible, as he there proueth. But this I conclude, that this Prince was so worthy a man in his time, as not onely true histories haue greatly recommended to the posteritie, but almost all Poeticall writers that haue bin since, haue mentioned this famous Prince
Arthur of England, as a person of whom no notable exploit was incredible. And thus much for king
Arthur.
For the Allegorie of this booke,
Allegorie. much might be said of
Atlant, of his horse and his shield, but I will onely touch what I thinke will be thought most worth the noting, and let passe the rest for each mans priuat conceit.
Atlant by many of his gestures and actions here specified, may signifie Cupid, or that fond fancie that we call loue: and whereas he takes vp such braue captains and souldiers, as well as women and weaklings: it seemes consonant to that pretie fantastik verse of Ouid:
Militat omnis amans & habet sua castra Cupido.
All louers warriers are, and Cupid hath his campe.
Further, the wings of this strange beast called the Griphith horse, agree with
Petrarks description of Cupids wings:
Sopra gli homeri hauea sol due grand'ali, di color mille.
Vpon his shoulders were two mightie wings, of thousand colours.
Atlant takes, and imprisons those he takes. Loue is as close and inextricable a prison as his.
The wayes to
Atlants castle are described to be craggie, headlong, and vnpleasant. Such be the wayes of that passion. The castle is said to be placed in the middle of a rockie mountaine
[...]losse
[...] in sunder: by which is meant, that this folly we speake of possesseth vs, and dwels in vs most of all about the middle of our age, as
Dant saith,
Nel mezzo del camin di nostra vita,
Mi retrouai per vna selua oscura,
Che la dritta via era smarrita.
While yet my life was in her middle race,
I found, I wandred in a darkesome wood,
The right way lost with mine vnstedy pace.
This is that wandring wood, of which the dolefull
Petrarke complaines so often in those his sweete mourning sonets, in which he seemes to haue comprehended all the passions that all men of that humour haue felt. And this he saith of it:
Ond' Io son fatto vn' animal siluestro,
Che co pie vaghi solitari e lassi,
Porto il cor graue, e gli occhi humidi e bassi,
Al mondo che e per me vn deserto.
Thus I am growne a sauage beast and vyld,
That still with wandring steps and solitarie,
A heauy heart and watred eyes do carie,
About the world which is my forrest wyld.
Also whereas it is said what plentie of all pleasures they had in
Atlantas castle, it signifieth, that delicious fare and such
[...]picuriall and idle life, are the chiefe nurses of this fond affection, according to that saying of
Ouid,
Otia si tollas periere cupidinis arcus,
Contemptae
[...]ue iacent & sine luce faces.
Take idlenesse away, and out of dout
Cupids bow breakes, and all his lamps go out.
Finally, the fortification of the castle, the fuming pots of stone, the situation and height, and euery thing that is said of the man, the horse, the house, the shield, are so easie to vnderstand in allegoricall sence, as I thinke it needlesse to proceed any further in this matter.
For allusions,
Allusion. I find little to be said, sa
[...]e of
Geneura her selfe, which I will reserue to the next books.
The very beginning of this booke being as it were a morall of it selfe,
Morall. were sufficiēt for the point it treats of without any more speech to that purpose: but because the matter is such as cannot be too much spoken of, namely to perswade mē to cō cord in matrimonie, I must needs adde a word or two thereof. And first for mine opinion, I professe that I think it a vertue for a mā to be kind to his wife, & I am of the Censor
Cato his mind, who being a maruellous ausiere mā otherwise; yet pronoūced flatly that a man could not be an honest man, that was not to his wife a kind man. And I wil go thus much farther, that you shall hardly find a discreet louing husband, I mean (without dissimulation or flattery) but is withal a vertuous good mīded mā, be they of what calling they list: wherfore I honor matrimonial loue in my superiors, I loue it in my equals I praise it in my inferiors, I commend it in all, and to all of what sort or sex soeuer, & I wish them but to call to mind his comparison before set down in verse, and to this effect in prose, that if the male & female in beasts and foule, for the most part, liue in concord & agreement, what a foule and worse then beastly thing is it, for man & wife to be euer bralling & snarling, (for as for smiting) I count it more then mōstrous: & let al sorts embrace this honest loue, not only cōmended but commanded by God, in holy Scriptures, where they are called both one flesh, to giue vs thereby to vnderstand, that as we would not willingly breake our owne shins, nor let our finger ake if we could remedie the same, & if we see one strike himselfe, or knocke his head to the wall, we thinke him Bidlem mad. So he that shall willingly grieue the wife of his bosome, or wickedly hurt her, we may thinke him far frō a sober, & farther frō an honest man. And euen as if one haue an ach or any grief in his toe or finger, straight▪ he doth lap that part in warm cloth, & ea seth it al he can, & cherisheth it more then before til it be sound again: so if any thing either il don, or il takē
[...] perhaps though not il ment, (haue bred a litle powting or lowring toward vnkindnesse, we must lap vp the part thus grieued in warm imbracements, & heale it with sweet words. And if it be but a greene wound, annoint it with the precious balsamū (which all good surgeons know to be a soueraigne medicine for such griefes) and so we shall soundly cure it without any maime or scarre, but we must neuer come to the extremities of cutting or searing, except the disease grow to a
Gangrena or some cankred malice vnpossible to be cured.
Another good morall obseruation to be gathered in this cāto, is the choise of
Cencuta, who being a great Lady by birth yet chose rather a gallant faire conditioned gentlemā thē a great Duke. For first it is no disparagemēt for the greatest Empresse in the world to marie one that is a gentleman by birth, according to the old prouerb,
A gentlemā may make a king and a clarke may proue a Pope. Secondly, if we marke generally the successe of all mariages, we may find the saying of
Themistocles true,
Better is a man without mony, then mony without a man. To many and toto pitifull are the examples that we haue hard of, I will not say seene, of those Ladies that to match thēselues or their daughters on step higher nay but euē the higher end of the same step higher thē they might otherwise haue don, haue with that ambition vndon thē, making them liue with great discontent, or to say the truth, flat misery, with their proud & vnkind Lord. And yet cānot such euident & neare examples moue some both fair, & modest, & vertuous, to keep thē out of such gilded gyues.
[...]eleeue it Lady, to whōsoeuer I speak it, that a happie womā is seene in a white apron, as often as in an embrodred kirtle, & hath as quiet sleeps & as contented wakings in a bed of cloth as vnder a sparuer of tissue.
Boccasio speaking of the coynesse of some graue widowes, as well as nice damsels, saith as I remēber in the laberinth of louers to this effect. Be a mā (saith he) neuer so diseased, deformed, decrepit, vnwholsome, vnsauorie, yet if he haue bene either so good a storer for mony, that he may leue his wife wealthy; or be so great in titles though a begar in liuing, that she may take her place the higher, they wil (saith he) be contented to lay their so delicate and daintily preserued morsels, in such lothsome dishes to be daily smackt & slauered, binding themselues to suffer such a penance God knowes how long, only to satisfie those humors of coueteousnesse and pride, staruing to their griefe, the third humour (if they be so vertuous) that is by some thought the predominant humor in that sex, and many times dwels vnder the same roofe with the other two. Yet surely I could rather commend his curtesan that he writes of in his
Decameron, who hauing bargained with a Dutchman, one
M. Bruffaldo, for seuen dayes boord and lodging at a great rate, hauing found him for one or two nights to be but an vnsauorie bed fellow, she chose rather to leese those two nights hire, then to endure fiue more at so painful a price. But I doubt I grow too tedious while I shoot out such blots out of a
Boccas. Now to go forward in the morall. You may note in
Polynesso an enuious and trecherous mind: in
Ariodant the hurt of a credulous ielousie: in
Lurcanio the vehemencie of a wrong surmise. In
Polynessos intent to kill
Dalinda, you may obserue how wicked men often bewray their owne misdeeds with seeking to hide them. In
Geneuras accusation and deliuerie, how God euer defends the innocent. And lastly in
Polynessos death, how wickednesse ruines it seife.
For the historie of this booke,
Storie. either the whole is a historie, or there is no matter historicall in it to be stood on.
Allegorie there is none in this booke at all.
Allegorie.
Allusion there is in this tale of
Geneura,Allusion. vnto a storie writtē in
Alciats duello, of a matron in France accused in such sort, by two men, and a certaine souldier of Barcellona came with a companion of his, and tooke vpon them the defence of the woman, and being fighting, the companion of the souldier fled: not withstanding he of Barcellona with his courage and vertue gat the victorie of the other two, and so in strange attire went home to his country vnknowne, to which
Ariodant seems to allude. Some others affirme, that this very matter, though set downe here by other names, happened in F
[...]rrara to a kinsewoman of the Dukes, which is here figured vnder the name of
Geneura, and that indeed such a practise was vsed against her by a great Lord, and discouered by a damsell as is here set downe. Howsoeuer it was, sure the tale is a prettie comicall matter, and ha
[...]bene written in English verse some few years past (learnedly and with good grace) though in
[...]erse of another kind, by
M. George Turberuil.
The rocke from which
Ariodant leapt into the sea, aliudeth to to the rocke of
Lewcade, where men that were mad for loue leapt into the water, and washed away (
[...] they thought) that fancie.
Strabo calleth it
faltus amatorius.
Her nayles be sharpe, and scratching like a Beare.
79
The harme is great this monster vile doth doe,
To stop the way that but for her were free,
She spils and spoiles, she cares not what nor who,
That griefe to heare, and pittie is to see:
And for to adde more hatred her vnto,
Know this, that all yon monsters you did see,
Are to this monster either sonnes or daughters,
And liue like her by robberies and slaughters.
80
Rogero thus in curteous sort replide,
Faire Ladies gladly I accept your motion,
If oth
[...]rseruice I may do beside,
You may command, I stand at your deuotion:
For this I weare this coat and blade well tride,
Not to procure me riches or promotion,
But to defend from iniurie and wrong,
All such as haue their enemies too strong.
81
The Ladies did
Rogero greatly thanke,
As well de
[...]eru'd so stout and braue a knight,
That proferd at the first request so franke,
Against the gyantesse for them to fight.
Now they drew nye vnto the riuers banke,
When as
Erifila came out in sight:
But they that in this storie take some pleasure,
May heare the rest of it at further leasure.
In
Ariodants combat with his brother, we may note how the loue of kinred often giues place to the loue of carnalitie. In
Dalindas going into religion, after she had her pardon, we may note, that amendment of life is necessary after true repentance. In
Rogeros travelling three thousand miles, and then resting at
Alcynas, we may obserue how the thoughts of men ranging abrode into a thousand matters, lastly abide in the pleasantest.
In
Astolfos metamorphosis into a myrtle tree (which tree is said to be dedicated to
Venus) we may note, how men giuen ouer to sensualitie, leese in the end the verie forme of man (whch is reason) and so become beastes or stockes: but these two last notes will be more aptly considered in the Allegorie.
Historie there is none in this booke,
[...]ie. but the continuation of the tale of
Geneura, amplified probably, though I thinke no way truely.
The rest of this whole booke is an Allegorie,
[...]ri
[...]. so plaine to those that will indeed looke heedfully into it, as needs no exposition, and it is continued in the next booke, and in a manner there expounded, to the vnderstanding of any reasonable capacitie, yet for plainnes sake I will touch some things with my accustomed briefenes, and leaue the rest to the discreet reader to scan, and to applie to his owne profit. First therefore of
Rogero, (as we have in part touched before) we may understand the Griffeth horse that carried him, to signifie the passion of the minde contrarie to reason, that caries men in the aire, that is in the height of their imaginations, out of Europe, that is, out of the compasse of the rules of Christian religion and feare of God, vnto the Ile of
Alcyna; which signifieth pleasure and vanities of this world.
The example of
Astolfos mishap, and his good counsell which
Rogero followed so slenderly, shew how neither the counsels of friends, nor no examples, can for the most part stay a man in his youthfull course, from that which he shall after surely repent.
Rogeros offring to go to
Logestilla, which betokens vertue, signifies the good motiues that men haue often, by reading good bookes, or hearing good sermons to amend their liues: but then the monstrous crew that stoppeth
Rogero, signifying the base conceits of men, and foule desires that assaile them, as namely those sea
[...]en sinnes which be called the deadly sinnes: by strong temptations and lewd suggestions, do put vs out of that right way, or at least encomber vs so as we proceed but slowly: howbeit these do not preuaile so farre, but that an honest and well giuen minde doth withstand them, and yeeldeth not to them till the two Ladies riding vpon Vnicornes, which some vnderstand by chast loue, or at the least a shew of honorable loue, or rather I suppose thereby to be meant ambition and desire of aduancement, these two driue away all those base thoughts that assailed him, but yet they bring him at last vnto the court of
Alcina, where he is held fast, as shall be shewed in the next booke.
By
Erifila is ment couetousnesse, as the name it selfe shewes, which must be beaten downe er we can come to honour or loue.
By
Logestilla, that is inuaded by the two bas
[...]erd sisters, is ment allegorically, the true Christian religion; and there is another cosen of theirs called heresie, and the graundsire of them all, called
Atheisme, that are of late very busie with her. But she is defended with the water, which signifies the holy Scripture, and with the mountaine, which in the Scripture it selfe is taken for preachers, as
S. Augustine noteth vpon the Psalmes. I lift vp mine eies to the hils, wh
[...]nce commeth my saluation.
The transformation of
Astolfo, [...] alludes to
Cyrces witchcrast in
Homer.
Most swift for course, and strong of limbes and able,
This horse hight Rabican was thither brought
By Duke
Astolfo, who by sorcerie
Ra
[...]em, locke the table.
Was turned late into a mirtle tree.
67
As for the Griffith horse that there was by,
Melyssa wisheth him to let him stand,
And sayth, that she her selfe ere long would trie
To make him gentle to the spurre and hand
And that she would hereafter time espie,
To bring it him, and let him vnderstand,
How he should do with very little paine,
To make him yeeld to spurre, to rod and raine.
68
She further said, his flight would be suspected,
Except he let the flying horse to stay.
Rogero none of all her words neglected,
But did her counsell wise and sage obay:
And so before his meaning was detected,
From this misshapen hag he stole away,
And meanes (if God will grant him so much grace)
To be at
Logestillas in short space.
69
Such men of armes as watched at the gate
He slue, the rest he sodainly assailed,
He happie was scapt with a broken pate,
They tooke their heeles when as their hearts them failed.
Alcyna now had notice all too late,
Rogero was so farre it nought auailed:
But in another booke shall be contained,
How him dame
Logestilla entertained.
In
Erifila that is ouerthrowne by
Rogero and not killed,
Morall. we may obserue, that the liberalitie that men make great show of in their youthfull pleasures and entertainments, is not the true vertue that doth indeed quite extinguish and kill that monster of couetousnesse. In
Alcyna and
Rogeros lasciuious loue, from whom
Rogero is glad at last to runne away, we may note the notable allurements of fleshly sensualitie, and take a good lesson to auoyd them onely by flying from them, as hath bene in part touched before.
Melyssas good counsell, euery yong
Rogero may apply to himselfe, and learne thereby to begone to
Logestillas in time, lest he be turned into some beast or tree, as these notable enchantresses do daily transforme their followers. But of all this I will speake more at large in the Allegorie.
Concerning the Historie of this book,
Historie. there is no matter historicall therein: Only where there is a comparison of the riot of
Alcyna with that of the Persian kings, and that of
Cleopatra, those to whom the storie is not knowne, shall find an explanation therof in the Table or Index.
[...] before how by
Erifila is meant couetousnesse,
All
[...]. which our young gallants beate downe but kill not, nay oft it riseth again and ouercomes them, and makes them fall to meere rapine and extortion. Whereas in the eight staffe, the way was said to be vnpleasant (through that seeme contrary to the saying of
Hercules two wayes of vice and vertue) yet no doubt but euen in this way of pleasure, there be many ill fauoured and dangerous passages, as one of the fathers well
[...] that a wretched worldling doth oftentimes toile more to go to hell for his labour, then a vertuous man doth to win heaven. The things that allure most to sensualitie, are set downe in order: in the ninth staffe kind entertainment: in the tenth,
[...] building: in the eleuenth and so forward to the sixteenth, artificiall behaviour and exquisite beautie, set forth with all cunning, as
Ouid saith,
Et meruit formosa videri, that is, she deserued with the paine she took to seem hand some: in the eighteenth, musicke and wanton sonets of loue: riotous fare in the nineteenth, with all kind of delicacies to provoke venery: in the twentith, wanton discourses and purposes, of which commonly their last conclusion is to lie together, as there is said: in the two and twentith, perfumes and all effeminate delicacies, in all which we see, the eye, the care, the tast, the smelling, the feeling, the wit, the thoughts, all fed with their obiects of delight, making men quite to forget God and all good counsell; as
Rogero quite forgat
Bradamant and the counsell of
Astolfo. And sure it is worth the
[...] where it is find in the sixteenth staffe, that
the tale Astolfo
late to him rehearst, he thinketh false or else by him deserued. How yong men that at the first haue seemed very well giuen, very religious, continent and studious of all vertue and good learning, yet after when they come to be aduanced to high fauours or to great liuing, they despise all that was taught them before, and count religion but a pollicie, and philosophie but a folly, and the admonition of graue and
[...] that reproue their ambition, or their sensualitie, or their extreme couetousnesse, to proceed but of enuie
[...] begin estate and felicitie, which they would be glad to come to themselues and cannot. And surely if any will but take a note of any speciall persons, toucht with any or with all three of these enormous vices, let them but marke if they have not in their whole liues and actions (and some perhaps in plaine words) discouered this their contempt of religion and vertu undiscipline: I would this age were barren of examples of this kind.
Now concerning the enchantments that bring men into this blindnes to think
Alcyna so faire a woman, it is nothing but
[...] of vertue, of beautie, of graciousnes, that the foolish louer perswades himself that he seeth in the person or idol of his mistress, of which
Petrarke saith,
Da questi magi transformato fui: These are the witches that transformed me.
[Page 55] The griefe that
Bradamant takes for
Rogeros mispending his time, may note to vs the grace and long sufferance of God, when man runneth astray after the worldly vanities.
Melyssa that offereth her seruice to go to reclaime
Rogero: doth figure vnto vs both preachers & philosophers, that shew vs by the ring (which hath bene expounded before to be reason) our foule errours and our wandring courses, and so makes vs see our owne deformities, and the deformitie of that we esteemed so dearely, as in this booke you see what manner of monster
Alcyna appeared in her owne likenesse, when the ring of reason had dissolued all inchantments. Infinite matter more might be applyed in allegoricall sence out of this booke, if I would couet to stand vpon euerie small matter, for as I said at the first, these two bookes be in a manner a meere allegorie from the beginning to the ending.
The comming of
Melissa to
Rogero alludeth to the comming of
Mercurie to
Aeneas in
Virgil,Allusion. who was then at Carthage stayd by the loue of
Dydo as
Rogero was here by
Alcyna.
The ring that had the vertue beside dissoluing inchantments, to make one go inuisible, alludeth to
Gyges ring, of which it is sayd, that by the helpe thereof he became King of Lydia.
A
[...] which good
Brandimart was greatly greeued,
As one that deem'd it was without de
[...]art,
And (that his frend by him might be releeued)
To find him out from thence he straight doth part,
For by his words, he certainly beleeued,
That he could ease his frend
Orlandos smart,
[...]ledge wife
[...]naim
[...].
But this to
Fiordeledge he not imparted,
For feare that she his purpose would haue thwarted.
79
This
Fiordeledge of him was dearely loued,
A Lady of great beautie and cleare fame,
Of parents good, of manners vnreproued,
Both wealthie, wise, and modest to the same,
Yet taketh he no leaue of his beloued,
But early in the morning from her came.
To turne that night was his determination,
But was deceiued of his expectation.
80
And when she waited had a month or more,
Expecting his returne, and all in vaine,
For loue of him she was inflam'd so sore,
Alone she goes to finde him out againe,
And manie sorrie haps she bid therefore,
As in the storie, shalbe showed plaine,
For of
Orlando now I haue to say,
That is of more importance then both thay,
81
Who hauing chang'd the armes he late did we are,
Directly to the Citie gate he went,
And told the Sentnell, softly in his eare,
What was his name, and what was his intent:
Who straight abast the bridge, without all feare,
(Supposing sure his vncle had him sent:)
And straight vpon the Pagan campe he lighted,
As in the booke ensuing is recited.
In the hard adventures of
Angelica, [...]al. we may note how perilous a thing beautie is if it be not especially garded with the grace of God, and with vertue of the minde, being continually assaild with enemies spirituall and temporall: In
Orlandos dreame we may see how vnquiet thoughts are bred in the mindes of those that are giuen ouer to the passion of loue or ambicion, or whatsoeuer else may be vnderstood by
Angelica. Lastly in that
Orlando abandons his Prince and country in their greatest extremitie, we may obserue the vncomely and carelesse actes that dishonest or vnordinat loue do prouoke euen the noblest vnto, if once they get harbour in their mindes, and be not ouerruled with reason and grace.
In this booke is little historical matter,
[...]orie. saue of the distresse of the
Parisians, of which I will not greatly stand more then that I said before it is not improbable that they were about that time assayled by the Turke:
[...] for other matters that be here lightly touched, as the deuotion of
Paule or
Hylarion, the sable of
Proteus or such like, the table shall set it downe more plaine.
The former Allegorie is here continued of
Rogeros flying from
Alcyna, by which must still be vnderstood,
[...]gorie. a man reforming his course of life, and flying from sensualitie and pleasure
[...]: now whereas it is said in this booke that
Alcynas man or her faulkner with his horse hauke and dog did impeach
Rogeros passage, I take it that by these foure are ment the foure passions that most trouble the minde when it begins to encline to vertue, namely by the seruant feare may be vnderstood, which is euer seruile and base, by the hauke couetousnesse that is euer seeking new prey and is neuer satisfied: by the dog griefe and discontentment that is alway byting and enuying and greeuing at others well doing: by the horse is vnderstood inordinatioy, which is in another kinde an enemie to vertue and constancie, for as soone is a temperat and moderate minde discouered in prosperitie as in aduersitie, and (as
Tully saith) a wise man is neither
Aduersis rebus oppreslus nec elatus secundis: to which effect I remember a verse of my fathers, written to an Earle many yeares since.
Such one is ware by what degrees he clymes,
Rather pleasant then proud in high estate,
Rather bold then abasht in lowring times,
And can in both so well vphold his state,
As many would, but few can do or none,
Of which few sort, I wish your Lordship one.
But to proceed in the Allegorie, these impediments that disturbe men in their good course, are all but like owls or batts driuen away with sunne shine: for the light of vnderstanding and the shining of true worthines, or (as
M. Dyer in an excellent verse of his termeth it) the light that shines in worthines, dissolueth and disperseth these dustie impediments, that let a man in his iourney to
Logestillas Court, that is, to the court of vertue, of temperance, of pietie, where all good lessons are taught, as shalbe showed more plaine in that part of this booke, where
Rogero comes to
Logestilla
By
Melyssa that recouers from
Alcyna Astolfos armour and the
Lancia d'oro or Goldelaunce, and likewise restores
Astolfo to his former state and shape by vertue of the ring, in the absence of
Alcyna, by her (I say) we may vnderstand some graue and ghostly counseller, that with strong reasons and godly perswasions, hauing driuen away for the time, a mans sinfull thoughts and desires, takes occasion vtterly to extinguish them and deliuer a man from them with the same reasons, and to draw him to vertue and Religion.
Alcynas forces she prepares by sea and by land, signifie the meanes our ghostly enemies vse to bring vs backe againe to our old vices (like the dog to his vomit) by land she followes him, and after by sea she encounters him, which briefely showes, that the remembrance of passed pleasures make a man often in perill to be drawen backe as it were by land
[...], and then by sea (as a place of terrour and danger) we are assailed with greenous aduersities, as without speciall succour we should be quite cast away.
Rogeros hard trauell, stony wayes, and afterward the sweat and drought he abode, signifie Allegorically the vnpleasantnes of the change of euill life to an austere course of liuing, which after notwithstanding is most exceeding comfortable and delightsome.
The bawd
[...] [...]rier that by his impotencie more then his honestie saued
Angelicas maydenhead,
[...]usion. is alluded by my author (as some haue supposed) to some such Prelate in Italie of his acquaintance, and but for good manners sake might be alluded to some that haue bene so illuded by such good men that notwithstanding they might sue their writ of dotage yet will still be as forward as the youngest in that seruice.
[...]d. amorumAtque iacent pigro crimen onu
[...]que toro.
Angellicas horse that carried her into the sea, Alludes to the bull that bare
Europa such another voiage.
From whence thou camst, I thither thee do s
[...]nd:
(This said) the peece vnto the bottom fell:
Orlando maketh all the speed he may,
Himselfe vnto Ebuda to conuay.
85
I say the noble Earle in hast him hide,
Vnto that cruell Ile to finde that wight,
Whom he more lou'd then all the world beside,
On whom his thoughts were running day & night,
Nor would he by the way one whit abide,
Lest of new stay might new occasion light,
And cause him when he had his purpose mist,
To crie with late repentance, had I wist.
86
His course he meanes of neither side to bend,
Nor South nor North, such hast he meanes to make,
But goes as that blinde archer doth him send,
That deepe with dart of golden head him strake.
And here a while to leaue him I intend,
He returnes to Orlando in the xij. booke st. 25.
Returning to the match of which I spake:
For you may thinke I lost it in the carriage,
If you should heare no more news of the marriage.
87
Great feasts were made in Holland, and great sport,
Because of this new match and copulation;
But greater shall in Zeland by report,
For which there was great care and preparation:
Yet would I not you thither should resort,
Except you knew
Byrenos inclination,
For chaunces fell that spoiled all the cheare,
As in the booke ensuing you shall heare.
In
Orlando that at the first motion entertained the enterprise of
Ebuda, we may learne to be prone and readie to a
[...] honorable exploites: In his comming to succor the distressed
Olympia, we may note how God sends vnexpected reliefe to the honest afflicted: In
Olympia we may see a rare mirror of constancy, which I doubt too few of her sex will imitate. By
Cymoscos tyrannie and death, all Princes may take a warning, that no engins nor stratagems can keepe a tyrant safe in his estate, but onely clemency and bountie, that to lawfull Princes breedes euermore loue and loyalty in the subiect.
Concerning the inuention of gunnes, he seemeth to insinuate that they haue bene inuented long before the time that our writers speake of in Germany, which was about
Richard the second his time:
Virgil hath a verse iu the sixt of the
Aeneados, that sounds much to this effect, and my selfe haue wondered at it many times, to see how plainely it expresseth the qualitie of a peece of Ordenance. He telles that one
Sallomoneus a Gyant had an engin of warre with which he imitated
Iupiters thunder & lightning & surely this he would not haue fained, but that he heard of some such thing: the verse is this.
Dum flammas Iouis & sonitus imitatur Olympi. Some of our far trauelled men tell vs that they of Chyna h
[...]d vse of peeces some thousands of yeares, which I could be willing to credit, saue that they also tell of the records there si
[...]ce before
Adams creation many yeares.
Allegorie I finde none but of the Ile of
Ebuda where women be giuen to monsters to be deuoured, of which I will speake in another of the Cantoes that followes of that matter.
In the monstrous effectes of gunnepowder he alludes perhap to that huge damage done at
Venice where their Arsenal or storehouse was blowne vp: as a like mishap though not so terrible, happened in the Tower my grandfather Sir
Iohn Markham being then Lieuteuant of the Tower.
Then takes he forth the shield, whose light so dazed
The lookers o
[...], they fall downe all amazed.
94
The monster now approching to the shore,
Amazd at this, resistance none did make,
Regero hewes vpon him more and more,
But his hard scales no harme thereby did take.
Oh sir (said she) vnloosen me before
Out of this maze the monster do awake,
And let your sword slay me this present houre,
So as this monster may not me deuoure.
95
These wofull words mou'd so
Rogeros mind,
That straight he did vnloose the Lady faire,
And causd her by and by to get behind
Vpon his horse, then mounting in the aire,
He leaues his Spanish iourney first assignd,
And vnto little Brittain doth repaire,
But by the way be sure he did not misse,
To giue her many a sweet and friendly kisse,
96
And hauing found a solitary place,
A pleasant groue well waterd with a spring,
Which neuer herd nor herdman did deface,
Where
Philomela vsed still to sing,
Here he alights, minding to stay a space,
And hither he the Lady faire did bring,
But sure it seemd he made his full account,
Ere long vpon a better beast to mount.
97
His armour made him yet a while to bid
[...],
Which forced stay a more desire did breed,
But now in him it was most truly tride,
Oft times the greater hast, the worse the speed,
[...]
He knits with hast two knots, while one vntide.
But soft tis best no furder to proceed,
I now cut off abruptly here my rime,
And keepe my tale vnto another time.
In
Byreno that abandoned his kind
Olympia in a desolate Iland,
Morall. and fell in loue with another, we may note an example of ingratitude, the monsirous fault of all faults, and most odious before God and man: and herein learne to abhor and detest this vice in him and in all others, that hauing received preferment or aduancement, either by men or women, when they haue done, shake them off like horses that be lame, or garments that be old, preferring one to the mill, the other to the dunghill: or as our
Stukley said, make as much of his wife as he could, and if any could make more of her, they might take her, after he had gotten many thousand pounds by making much of her. In the spiteful words that one of
Alcynas women spake of
Rogero, we may obserue the maner of want on worldlings, that if they see a young man live temperatly, or go plainly, or speake deuoutly, straight they say he is a base fellow, and one that knowes not what belongs to a Gentleman: which foolish maner of phrase, by
Rogeros example we must learne to contemne, and know that such men are indeed base as thinke temperance, and sobrietie, and deuotion base qualities. Finally in
Rogeros trauell about the world, we may see how commendable it is for a yong gentleman to trauel abrode into forrain nations, but yet we may note withall an inconuenience that comes many times with it, to see some
Angelicas naked, that will tempt men of very stanch gouernment and staid yeares to that which they shall after repent, as
Rogero did this his wantonnesse, as appears more plainly in the next booke, where you shall find he lost both his horse and the ring by the vngratefulnesse of
Angelica.
For the matter historicall of this tenth booke,
Historie. there is litle to be said, and nothing to be affirmed: for the succors sent to France from England, Scotland, Ireland, and many places thereabouts, though I cannot affirme precisely of the time, yet sure it is that many have bin sent hence against the Turk to France and elsewhere. And whereas he speakes of
S. Patrick the Irish Saint, I would haue them that would know the story of him to look in
Surius de vitis Sanctorum, and there they may see it at large: for mine owne part, at my being in Ireland, where I taried a few moneths, I was inquisitiue of their opinion of this Saint, and I could learne nothing, other then a reuerent conceit that they had of him, as becomes all Christians to haue of deuout men, and chiefly of those by whom they are first instructed in the Christian faith: but for his purgatory, I found neither any that affirmed it or beleeued it.
Logestillas castle,
Allegorie. the ornaments thereof, the herbs of the garden, all these figure the true magnificence, glory, comfort, and vtilitie of vertue. The foure Ladies sent to rescue
Rogero, are the foure Cardinall vertues, which being well vnited together, are able to ouerthrow whole nauies of vicious pleasures. And so whatsoeuer else is spoken of
Logestilla in Allegory is taken for vertue.
In
Angelica tied to the rock,
Al
[...]sio
[...]. and deliuered by
Rogero, he alludes manifestly to the tale in
Ouid of
Andromade and
Perseus, who with his shield turned the beholders into stones.
In the beginning of this eleuenth booke is a notable morall of temperance,
Moral. with two comparisons, one of the horse, another of the Beare, which I iudge fit for this place rather to be repeated then expounded. If (saith he) a horse, with a little snaffle, may be stopt in his full carrire, what a shame is it for a man not to bridle his disordinate affections with reason, but to be like a Beare so greedie of honie, that he breakes downe the hiues, and deuoureth the combes, till his tongue, eyes and iawes be stong, readie to make him runne mad: so do young men deuoure with extreme greedinesse, these sensuall pleasures, of venerie, surfetting, drinking, pride in apparrell, and all intemperance, till in the end they are plagued with sicknesse, pouertie, and many other inconueniences to their vtter ruine and confusion. Wherefore in the person of
Rogero young men may weigh the losses he had by following his present fancie to
Angelica; namely his ring and his horse: by the tone is vnderstood reason, by the other courage. In
Angelica whose beutie so exceedingly shined in her poore apparel, you great Ladies may see, that your true natural beauties becom you best, beside that it hath euer bene counted a great signe of modestie and chast disposition in women, to be rather cleanly then sumptuous in apparrell, for the vaine expence therin hath bene often occasion both to corrupt the minds and manners of many not ill disposed. And therefore that excellent verse of
Sir Philip Sidney in his first
Arcadia (which I know not by what mishap is left out in the printed booke) is in mine opinion worthie to be praised and followed, to make a good and vertuous wife.
Who doth desire that chast his wife should bee,
First be he true, for truth doth truth deserue,
Then be he such as she his worth may see,
And alwayes one credit with her preserue:
Not toying kind, nor causlesly vnkind,
Not stirring thoughts, nor yet denying right:
Not spying faults, not in plaine errors blind,
Neuer hard hand, nor euer rayns too light:
As far from want, as far from vaine expence,
Tone doth enforce, the tother doth entice,
Allow good companie, but driue fro thence,
All filthie mouths that glorie in their vice.
This done, thou hast no more but leaue the rest,
To nature, fortune, time, and womans brest.
In which you see his opinion of the two extremities of want and vaine expence.
Of the inuention of gunnes,
Historie, as I somewhat touched two bookes before, so here you see how he affirmath in a manner that they were inuented in Germanie. And so I haue read, that the first time they were vsed was in the yeare 1391. in the Venetians war against the Genoas, but it is maruell that the inuentors name of so monstrous a thing is not knowne.
Baken the great English necromancer wrote many yeares before that time, that he knew how to make an engin, that with salt peter and brimstone wel tempered together should proue notable for batterie, but he said he would not discouer it, for feare it would be a meane to destroy all mankinde.
In the destruction of the Ile of
Ebuda,Allegorie. and all that hath bene sayd of it before, with the monsters that are said to deuoure women naked and forsaken, this Allegoricall sence is to be picked out (though to some perhaps it will seeme greatly strayned.) By the Iland is signified pride, and loosnesse of life, that they are brought to (by pirats) which signifie flatterers, that go rouing about to tise them hither, robbing them indeed of all their comely garments of modestie, and sobrietie, and at last leaue them naked vpon the shore, despised and forsaken, to be deuoured of most vgly and misshapen monsters signified by the Orke, as filthie diseases', deformities, and all kinde of contemptiple things, which monsters, a good plaine friend, with an anker of fidelitte will kill, as
Orlando did this, and so cloth againe the nakednesse, that before pride and flatterie made vs lay open to the world.
And whereas is it said that
Neptune and
Proteus fled from
Orlando,Allusion. it is meant that a true Christian driues aaway all superstitious idolatrie, where soeuer he commeth.
Through plains and woods, through sandy ways and miry,
He trauels making still of her enquiry.
65
Vntill it was his fortune toward night
Here you should begin
[...] read the
[...]ale of
[...].
To come fast by a mountaine in whose side
Forth of a caue he saw a glims of light,
And towards it he presently doth ride:
Then at the mouth thereof he doth alight,
And to a bush fast by his horse he tide,
He doubts, as euer loue is full of feare,
That his belou'd
Angelica was there.
66
Eu'n as the hunters that desirous are,
Simala.
Some present pastime for their hounds to see,
In stubble fields do seeke the fearfull hare,
By eu'ry bush, and vnder eu'ry tree:
So he with like desire and greater care,
Seeks her that sole of sorrow can him free,
He enters boldly in the hollow caue,
And thinks of her some tidings there to haue.
67
The entrance straight and narrow was to passe,
Descending steps into a place prosound,
Whereas a certaine faire yong Ladie was,
Kept by some outlawes prisner vnder ground,
Her beautie did the common sort surpasse,
So farre as scant her match was to be found,
So as that darke and solitary den,
Might seeme to be a paradise as then.
68
On her an aged woman there did wait,
The which (as oft with women doth befall)
This old
[...] was Gabr
[...] whom you
[...] but a bad
[...] the xxi book
[...].
About some matter of but little waight,
Did happen at that time to chide and brall,
But when they saw a stranger comming, straight
They held their peaces, and were quiet all,
Orlando doth salute them with good grace,
And they do bid him welcome to the place.
69
Then after common words of salutation,
Although at first of him they were afraid,
Yet straight he enterd in examination,
By whom in that same caue they had bin stai
[...]
And who they were in so vnseemly fashion,
That kept a comely and a noble maid?
And said, he saw it written in her face,
Her nurture and her linage were not base.
70
She told him straight how long she there had beene,
And by what hap she had bin thither brought,
Amid her words the sighs do passe betweene,
The corall and the pearle by nature wrought,
Sweet teares vpon her tender cheeks were seene,
That came from fountaine of her bitter thought:
But soft, left I should do the Reader wrong,
I end this booke, that else would be too long.
Moral.In that
Angelica would haue chosen
Sacrapant before
Orlando, we may note how women for the most part in their choose follow rather some priuat respect, then the true worth of the men that offer themselues at their deuotion. In th
[...] soe took away the helmet, with purpose to make sport with it, though at last
Orlando by that means lost it against her wil, we may see that things done in list, oft turne to earnest: and therfore that excellent rule of ciuilitie is euermore to be kept:
Play with me and hurt me not,
Ieft with me and shan
[...] me not.
Historie.In the quarrell betweene
Orlando and
Ferraw, we may see the common originall of all quarrels, namely honour and women. Of
Ferraw I spake in the first booke of his strength and stature, but whether it be true, or might be true, that his body should be made impenetrable by sorcery and witchcraft, I can neither assume it was so, nor maintaine that it could possible be so, yet I know some that beleeue the contrary, and (as they thinke) vpon good grounds: and some say it is a great practise in Ireland to charme girdles, and the like, persuading men that while they weare them they cannot be hurt with any weapon and who can tell whether the diuel may not sometime protect some of his seruants? but one notable example I haue heard tending much to this effect:
Rorie Oge (a notable rebell of Ireland) hauing taken in a vile and trecherous Parlee, my valiant cosin sir
Henrie Harington prisoner, had one night his caben or little houell where he lay beset with one hundred souldiers of the said sir
Henrie his band, meaning to rescue their captaine by force, sith the rebels demaunds for his deliuery were such as sir
Henrie himselfe (being his prisoner) would not condescend vnto, but would rather hazard his life as he knew he should: I say these hundred men wel appointed, be set the house strongly, being made of nothing but hardels and durt, yet the villain ere they could get in, gat vpin his shirt, and gaue the knight xiiij. wounds very deadly, and after gat through them all without hurt, where a mouse almost could not haue got betweene them: and I haue heard it affirmed in Ireland, that it was with meere witchcraft.
Allegorie.In the pallace, where euery one hath that he liketh best presented vnto him, yet no man can enioy it, is to be vnderstood that he that followes his owne vaine desires without the rule of reason, shal euer run astray, and neuer attaine to the true contentment he desires.
Allusion.In
Orlando and
Ferraw, he alludes to the fight of
Cygnus and
Achilles, who were both in like sort fained to haue bin inusolable.
When as these feasts and solemne shewes were ended,
My
Zerbin backe againe to Scotland hasted,
Wherewith how grieuously I was offended,
Well may you guesse if euer loue you tasted:
But he that cannot be too much commended,
Whose loue to me no lesse in absence lasted,
With purpose and with promise firme to marry me,
Studed all meanes away from hence to carry me.
9
Twere vaine he thought to aske me of my fire,
(
Zerbin a Christen, I a Sarazine)
Our country law contrarid that desire,
To which our loues so wholy did encline:
This feat doth some new stratagem require,
More heedfull, secret, circumspect and fine:
When loue hath knit two hearts in persite vnitie,
[...]ntence. Ouid.
[...] car
[...]t effectu
[...] voluere duo
[...] Philip Sid
[...] made it thus:
[...] why no selo
[...] can that pre
[...]nt, to which
[...] parties once
[...] full consent.
They seldome faile to find their oportunitie.
10
An house of great estate in Bayon towne,
My father had with gardens sweet and faire,
In which with large descents still going downe
Vnto a riuer comes the garden staire,
Here (if ill fortune on vs do not frowne)
He meanes when I shall walke to take the aire,
Soone to surprise me walking in an ally,
And so conuey me to his armed gally.
11
But sith with him the case did then so stand,
Not to be present at this enterprise,
He sent me letters written with his hand,
By
Oderike of Byskie stout and wise,
Expert in seruice both of sea and land,
And wils me do as he should me aduise,
Whose faith he nothing doubteth to be found,
As one to him by benefits much bound.
12
This firme and fast, and sure obliged frend,
Of proued courage, value and of skill,
Against the time appointed he doth send:
And I that for their comming looked still,
Against the time appointed did descend,
To giue him scope to worke his masters will,
And he accordingly came vnespide,
With armed men vnder the garden side.
13
I seeing them, my selfe most fearfull saine,
They seeing me, soone of their purpose sped,
Those that resistance made, forthwith were slaine,
And some afraid and faint like cowards fled,
The rest with me as prisners do remaine;
Then straight we were vnto the gally led,
And gone so farre we could not be recouered,
Before my father had the fact discouered.
14
Of this departure I my selfe was glad,
In hope ere long my
Zerbin to haue found,
But lo a sodaine tempest made vs sad,
And neare to Rochell almost had vs dround,
The master of the ship no cunning had,
To keepe the keele from striking on the ground:
It booted not against the waues to striue,
Vpon sharpe rockes the tempest doth vs driue.
15
In vaine it was to pull downe all our sailes,
And on the foreboord close to couch the mast,
No paine against the raging sea preuailes,
On land we looke each minute to be cast:
Diuine helpe oft doth come, when humane failes,
And when in reason all releese is past:
For doubtlesse I do deeme by powre diuine,
We were preserued in this dang'rous time.
16
The Byskin that the danger well doth note,
Doth meane a desprate remedy to trie,
He straightway launcheth out the little bote,
He and two more go downe therein and I,
This done, he cuts the rope and lets her flore,
Threatning with naked sword that he should die,
That durst presume to giue so bold aduenter,
Against our wils into the bote to enter.
17
The rope now cut, away the bote was carried
By force of waues vnto the shallow shore,
And by geat fortune none of vs miscarried,
So great a plunge I neuer scapt before,
But they (poore soules) that in the gally tarried,
Were drownd, the vessell quite in peeces tore,
Where though my losse of stuffe and iewels greeu'd me,
The strange inchantment brought her in that state,
That though she saw the man that lou'd her best,
And spake with him, and met him eu'rie howre,
To know the tone the tother had no powre.
65
[...]book.
[...]ass. 18
But let not now the reader be displeased,
Although I leaue her in this charmed place,
I, meane er long her trauell shall be eased,
[...]mile.
And she shall see and know
Rogeros face.
Eu'n as the tast with diuers meats is pleased,
So thinke I by this storie in like case,
The frendly reader shall be lesse annoyed,
If with one matter long he be not cloyed.
66
With sundrie threds a man had need to weaue,
To make so large a web as I intend,
Wherfore all other matters I must leaue,
Of
Agramant a little time to spend:
Who sorely at the flour deluce did heaue,
And all his might to mar the same did bend,
Sending for men to Affricke and to Spaine,
Those to supply that in the field were slaine.
67
Thus all on war his heart was wholly fixt,
His new supplies with sundrie captaines led,
Were come, with men of sundrie nations mixt,
With whom that no disorder may be bred,
A day forvews and musters was prefixt,
That eu'rie one might know his guide and hed,
Then fell they to their mustring and their vewing,
As shall be shewd you in the booke ensuing.
In this tragicall discourse of
Isabella (for it is in conclusion an excellent tragedie) young Ladies might take this good lesson,
Moral that though they make choise of most worthie men (as
Isabella did) yet if it be without their parents good will, it seldome prospers, but is full of diuers misaduentures and hazards, that many times be the cause of their vtter ruine. In that
Oderike giueth place to his disordinate lust, forgetting all faith and loyalty, we may note the frailtie of young men, and what vnfit tutors they are for such charges, who when they haue broken all the bands of faith and honestie, they think notwithstading they haue made a sufficient excuse for the matter, if they may lay the fault vpō (sauing your reuerence)
Cupid In
Corebo, that would not be wonne to consent to his frends desire in so foule a matter, we may take good example of faith and loyaltie, that must neither for frendship nor kindred yeeld to any dishonorable act. In the execution of the theeues we may learne, that such an end is fit for men that liue by robberie and spoile, and will take no honest trauell for their liuing, as fit (to vse the old Prouerbe) as a rope is for a theese,
The notable women that are so commended by
Melissa in this booke,
Historie. were of the house of
Ferrara, & many of them worthie this exquisite praise that is here giuen them. The first he speakes of is the
Duchesse of
Mantua, whose husband had a great victorie at Tare a riuer of Italie, against
Charles the right of France.
Ariosto therefore compares her chastitie with this victorie, according to that excellent wise saying, it is a greater vertue to conquer ones owne affections then to win cities.
Beatrice wife to
Lodwick Sforze of whom in the three and thirtith booke there is more said, only here he notes (which was true indeed) that during his wiues life he liued more happy then he did after: for at her death began his miserie
Hercules of Este married
Alfonsos daughter, of whom he had
Alfonso Hippolito and
Isabella.
Concerning
Renata, Lewis the xij. king of France maried the Duchesse of Brittaine, and had by her issue this
Renata, one of whose ofspring was after matched into the house of Austria, so as that Dukedome is in great danger to be gotten by the Spaniards, now that line of France that came of the elder sister is extinguished. But this is beside the booke, onely I thought good to touch the particular stocke of some of these famous women, that my Author so much extolleth: as I haue my selfe read of some of them in
Guicciardin and
Frances Vlloa that wrote the life of
Charles the fist in Italian: and this I will note withall, that my author doth with great discretion commend three speciall vertues in the women of the house of Este. First deuotion, for he alledgeth that many of them entred into religion, and liued all their time denoutly, which he praiseth chiefly, though in the last place, saying.
I passe all those that passe all these some deall. Next chastitie.
Penelope in spending chast her dayes, as worthie as Vlysses was of praise. Thirdly education of children, as is likewise touched before in another place.
The vertues that in women merit praise,
Are sober showes without, chast thoughts within.
True faith and due obèdience to their make,
And of their children honest care to take.
Bradamant, that after
Melissas warning giuen vnto her of
Atlantas illusion,
Allegorie. yet is caried away with the sight of
Rogero falsly represented vnto her: signifies by allegorie, that a Christian, hauing receiued ghostly counsell for the health of his soule, and is instructed in true beliefe, yet after, when the world and his owne grosse sence represents vnto him some contrarie imaginations, he thinkes
Melissa (that is, the preacher or instructer) doth but abuse him, and tell him a tale of
Robinhood, and so they are caried into the diuels pallace, where they find nothing but shadows and illusions.
Where
Orlando takes vp a firebrand, and killed one of the outlaws therwith,
Allusion. it alludes to two like matters in
Oui.
[...]n the 1. booke is
[...]s mentioned how Charlemaine left
[...]he field at Bur
[...]els, since w
[...]ch
[...]me they kept
[...]bet went and
[...] not come to
[...] battell. This Alfonso was Duke of Ferrara
[...] whō he speakes
[...]n the 3. book, bro
[...]her to Hipolyto. Of this battell
[...]k Guicciard
[...]n
That long they came not to the field againe,
Yet was this foile sore to the Pagans cost,
For diuers Lords and Princes that they lost.
2
So bloudie was the victorie they gate,
That scant this ioy did counte
[...]uaile that wo,
And if we may compare things done or late,
(Renownd
Alfons) to things done long ago,
Rauennas fall by fortune or by fate,
In which your vertue great did flourish so,
To win the
[...]
field so bloudy and so hard,
With this of theirs may iustly be compard.
3
For when the souldiers of the Spanish band,
Whom then the Pope retained in his pay,
By the honour of
[...]lded spurre and
[...] understood
[...]ighthood. Pope
[...] gaue
[...] armes the
[...] with
[...]ak
[...]nes of gold.
Had almost got the victory in hand,
The Frenchmen ready now to runne away,
Thou camst to succor with that noble band
Of valiant youths, that merited that day
The honor of the gilded spurre and hilt,
In recompence of blood so brauely spilt.
4
So didst thou bruse the
The king of A.
[...]gōs colars was
[...]llow and red.
Akorns rich of gold,
So didst thou breake the
[...] yellow staffe and red,
So didst thou then the Flowre de luce vphold,
When as the captaine was in battel dead,
The laurel by the ancient Romans was giuen to him that had slaine or takē aboue 5000 in battell. Ciuica corona was his that saued a citizen of Rome.
For which the Laurell crowne they ware of old,
By iust desert belongeth to thy head;
And Ciuill crowne, no lesse in honor precious,
For sauing vnto Rome her owne
Fabricius.
5
Colonna nam'd a collum true indeed,
Vnto the state of Rome and Romane name,
Whom you by value tooke, and sau'd by meed,
By which more honor true and worthy fame,
Vnto your selfe you did procure and breed:
Then in the ouercomming all that came,
In this battel the Spaniards deussed to haue men placed in carts, & drauing them violently on their enemies, disordered them.
Both sides were steep, but steepest next the towne,
At this the souldiers curtesie do straine,
Which of them first shall venter to go downe,
[...] stratagem
[...]uch is now
[...]actised with gunpowder.
Within the citizens had made a traine,
With about great and cost of many a crowne,
That when the ditch with armed men was filled,
W
[...]h
[...]eat and smother they should all be killed.
108
It cubits had in bredth thrise ten and more,
And in the bottome there were closely plast,
Barrels of pitch, brimstone, and oyle good store,
All matter quicke to kindle, long to last.
The captaine led them all the way before,
And thousand souldiers followd them as fast,
But
Rodomont as though he had had wings,
Quite ore the dike like to a grewnd he springs.
109
And being placed on the inner side,
Armd and vnarmed men to him are like,
No steele there was his forces could abide,
Death followth eu'rie blow that he doth strike:
Which when a while to their great cost they tride,
They do of force abandon quite the dike,
He follows slaying without all remorse,
So sharpe his sword, so furious is his force.
110
But when the souldiers thought the banke to mount,
With scaling ladders, as they did the wall,
They found themselues deceiu'd of their account,
For straight the fier works were kindled all,
Whose sudden flames the clouds thēselues surmount
Which sight the Pagans greatly did appall;
And to increase their terror and their wonder,
It made a noise like to continuall thunder.
111
The Christens do reioyce at this reliefe,
To see their practise had succeeded well:
The Pagans plagu'd, with heat, and smother chiefe;
In great dispaire do rore alowd and yell:
Thus twixt the noise of fier and cries of griefe,
They make an harmonie most meete for hell.
And here I meane to leaue them in the fire,
For to repose my selfe I now desire.
In
Mandricardo that after his great exploites atchieued in other countries,
Moral. is still ready to hazard his person for more honor, may be obserued, that ambition is as vnsatiable as any other humour of man. In his woing of
Doralice, we may see how loue makes men many times, not onely valiant, but eloquent. In the assaulting and defending of Paris, is set downe what sundry accidents happen when such populous cities come to so great extremitie. In
Charles that first makes his praiers to God, and after makes all prouident preparation for defence of the towne, we see a liuely patterne of an excellent and worthy Prince, both for deuotion and policie.
Concerning the historie,
Historie. I haue quoted many things in the margent, as the straightnesse of roome would permit, that the simplest reader may vnderstand what is meant by the fourth staffe: here onely I will ad a word of Rauenna, referring the reader that is desirous to be better informed hereof, to
Guicciardin, who sets it downe at large. Rauenna was besieged by the French vnder the conduct of one
Fois, a notable captaine of so young a man. The Spaniards and Pope
Iulio tooke vpon them to defend it, but in the heat of that assault
Fois was slaine: yet the souldiers either by force or by parlee gat into the towne, and being within, they committed the notablest outrages that haue bene heard of, neither abstaining from rapes nor sacriledge. Concerning the Catalyns, whō he nameth formost in the musters, they are the chiefe house in all Spaine: and it is to be noted, that Spaine is deuided into fiue kingdomes, Nauar, Castill, Catalogna (which is now called Aragon) Portugall, and Granata. For Gallicia is counted none, because it had a king but a while. The rest of the strange names you may find in the table.
In the description of Discord and Fraud,
Allegorie. and finding Silence in the house of sleep, being long since banished from philosophers and diuines; the allegorie is so plain, as it were time lost to spend time to expound it, because it expounds it selfe so plainly: only I will obserue one thing, in which mine Author is thought to keep an excellent decorum. For, making Discord and Fraud of the feminine gender, he still makes Silence the masculine; as the like pretie conceit is in our Cambridge Comedie
Pedantius, (at which I remember the noble Earle of Essex that now is, was present) where the
Pedantius himselfe, examining the Gramaticall instruction of this verse:
Caedant arma togae, concedat laurea linguae, vpon speciall consideration of the two last words, taught his scholler
Parillus, that
laurea, lingua sunt vtraque foemininae generis, sed lingua potissimum, and so consequently silence might not by any meanes haue bene of the feminine gender.
In
Mandricardos rape of
Doralice,Allusion. he alludes euidently to a notable villany in the like kind, done by
Caesar Borgia son to Pope
Alexander the sixt. For one
Caraccio a captaine of Venice, hauing bene lately contracted to a gentlewoman of good account, she came with an honorable train neare to a citie called Cesenna in Romagna: here
Borgia with a band of men, set vpon her company, and took her away by force, and neither by threats nor intreatie of the Venecian Ambassador would restore her again: the allusion holds in many parts, as first where he saith in the 29. staff. That
Marsilio had giuen
Mandricardo an horse.
Of colour bay, but blacke the taile and maine,
Of Frizland was the mare that did him breed,
The sier was a villan braue of Spaine.
This notes
Borgia, whose father was a Spaniard, his mother a Flemming, and he a mungrel bastard. In the one an thirtith staffe, in the simile of the Wolfe, he noteth his crueltie: in the eight and fortith staffe where he saith,
If state may stand insteed, who can denie,
Onely to God our homage doth belong▪
In that he alludes plainly to the Pope that is reputed Christs Vicar on earth.
And all their liues should stand them all in steed.
9
[...]
But chiefly to this English Duke she gaue,
Of secret skill a little written booke,
Containing many a precept wise and graue,
The which of her most thankfully he tooke;
These teach a man from charmes himselfe to saue,
That in the same aduisedly doth looke,
And that to find them out he may be able,
The booke had in the end a perfit table.
10
Beside this booke on him she doth bestow,
Another gift of as great price and more,
A horne in which if he do once but blow,
The noise thereof shall trouble men so sore,
That all both stout and faint shall flie therefro,
So strange a noise was neuer heard before;
When to the Duke these rare gifts were imparted,
He humblie tooke his leaue and thence departed.
11
Look
[...] [...] the Allegorie.
And least
Al
[...]na should by force attempt,
To bring him backe or worke him some disease,
Andronica was with a nauie sent,
To waste him sate till he were past those seas,
And vertuous
So
[...]hrosina with him went,
To see him passe with safetie and with ease,
So good a cond
[...]cter, so sure a guide.
As was not found in all the world beside.
12
And thus she saild along that Indian shore,
And sees and
[...]ee
[...]eth sight of sundrie Iles,
Those called fortunate and others more,
That distant are, some few, some many miles,
And for he neuer heard of them before)
He askt his guide some questions others whiles,
As whether from those Indian seas perchance,
A ship may saile to England, Spaine, and France.
13
She answerd thus; to put you out of doubt,
First know the earth itselfe it like an Iland,
In
[...]toned with waters round about,
There is a previous
[...] beyond
[...] one would for that be
[...].
That compasse in on eu'ry side their drie land,
And though to this day no man hath found out,
Nor thinks there can be any way but by land,
Because they iudge the lands length there is such,
That it the other Hemispher doth tuch.
14
Yet I foresee, et many ages passe,
N
[...]w in
[...] and masters new shall rise,
Sir Francis
[...] the su
[...]nes
[...].
That shall find out that erst so hidden was,
And that discouer where the passage lies,
And all the men that went before surpasse,
To find new lands, new starres, new seas, new skies,
And
[...]asse about the earth as doth the Sunne,
To search what with
Antipodes is done.
15
Behold I see the signe of holy crosse,
A signe within these quarters seene but seeld,
I see where ten a thousand put to losse,
And to th'imperiall banner all do yeeld,
I see in spite of eu'rie thwart and crosse,
The house of
Aragon still wins the feeld,
I see that fortune is disposd to lift,
Vp vnto heau'n the name of
Charles the fift.
16
It pleaseth God to keepe the wayes vnknowne,
Vnto these parts as they haue bene and are,
Vntill seuen hundred yeares be ouerblowne,
What time he meanes to raise an Emp'ror rare,
That shall both finde and make them all his owne,
And one that shall most worthily compare,
In warre for courage, and in peace for iustice,
With
Traian, with
Aurelius or
Augustus.
17
I see the will of heau'n doth so incline,
The house of
Austria and of
Arragon,
Shall linke togither in a happie line,
And be by match vnited both in one:
I see a braunch grow by the banke of Ryne,
Charles the
[...].
Out of this house, as like there hath bene none,
Whose match (thus much to say I dare be bold)
May not be found in writers new or old.
18
By him againe
Astrea shall be brought,
And be restored from her long exile,
And vertues that haue long bene set at nought,
Shall raigne and banish fraud deceit and guile;
It was
[...] that
[...] to conquer
[...] world, and
[...] to enter
[...] and
[...] Pope and
[...] to enter
[...] and becomes Pope and Emperor both, so verse
[...] to
[...], but a
[...] of some
[...]
For which great works by him so nobly wrought,
God meanes to grant him all this earthly Ile,
And vnder this wise Prince his deare annointed,
One shepheard and one flocke he hath appointed.
19
Which that it may the better be effected,
He giues them Captaines both by sea and land,
That shall win places neuer yet detected
And none shall dare their forces to withstand;
Cortese first, by whom shall be erected,
The Emp'rors banner in the Indian sand,
Who by his valiant hand and wise direction,
Shall win and keepe those Indies in subiection.
20
Loe, with the noble Marques of Pescare,
Prosper Colonna prosperous in fight,
Loc him that may with both of them compare,
Or be preferred if you do him right,
I meane the Marques
Vast, whose vallew rare,
In tender youthfull yeares shall shine most bright,
Like to a horse that running swiftest pace,
Simile.
Doth last set out, and first doth win the race.
21
In him shall faith and courage be so mixt,
That when his years shal seeme but young & tēder
As passing not the twentie yeare and fixt,
Yet shall his fame and forces not be slender;
On him shall eyes and hearts of men be fixt,
To him shall townes and forts, and castels render,
Their names were these that held this mungrell tack,
Griffin the white and
Aquilant the black.
51
The Necromancer fought with vantage great,
He rode vpon a cruell hideous beast,
A Crocodile that flesh of men doth eat,
And birds and beasts, and doth them all digest,
Yet had the brethren throwne him from his seat,
And
[...]urther had the Crocodile distrest:
But him to wound and kill in vaine they striued,
For still his wounds did heale, and he reuiued.
52
Sometime they cleft his head by force in twaine,
As butchers cleaue a bullocks with an axe,
But straight he ioyneth both the parts againe,
As if they had bene made of melting waxe.
Who so hath seene the Alcumists most vaine,
That work with
Mercurie their cunning knacks,
Which quite disperst, reioyneth eu'ry member,
Would soone by this be made that to remember.
53
Fierce
Aquilant among so many bloes,
With one, his head from off his shoulders strake,
About he seekes and gropeth as he goes,
And in the dust to find his head doth take,
And finding it, he takes it by the nose,
Or by the locks, nor more ado doth make,
But sets it on as if it were but glewed,
And fights as if his forces were renewed.
54
Stout
Griffin at a blow cuts off his arme,
And takes it vp and flings it in the brooke,
But he like one that had receiu'd no harme,
Doth diue the same within the streame to looke,
Which found, he ioynes (I know notw
t what charm)
Vnto the place it late before forsooke:
Two dames stood by in white and blacke attire,
The combat being fought at their desire.
55
These were the courteous dames that with great care
[...]ding as
[...] the poet
[...] as
[...] [...]thor fol
[...].
Had brought them vp eu'n frō their swathing bands,
For the
[...]e two brothers did by fortune rate,
In their first childhood chance into their hands:
These two to
Oliuer Gysmonda bare,
Though straight they were conuaid to forren lands,
Where these two Ladies kept them as their owne,
I need not tell at large a tale so knowne.
56
Now was the time that neare approcht the night,
That makes each thing with shadow shew obscure,
So that not want of force, but want of light,
Did cause the combat could no longer dure:
The Ladies clad in garments blacke and bright,
That (as I said) this conflict did procure,
On this condition did them all dismisse,
That to returne next day they do not miss
[...].
57
But when that English Duke both saw and knew,
The valiant youths
Griffin and
Aquilant,
Not onely by their armes he saw in vew,
But by their blowes, of which they were not scant,
He doth acquaintance old with them renew,
And they no point of courtesie do want,
For straightway by the Ladies he was led,
To take with them a supper and a bed.
58
Then in a garden sweet they did prouide
Great store of daintie meats and costly wine,
Fast by a coole and pleasant fountaines side,
As best agreeth with the sommer time,
The while the giant with strong chaines they tide
Vnto the bodie of an auncient Pine,
Lest he might hap to trouble and molest them,
While they determind to refresh and rest them.
59
The boord with rich and costly fare was filled,
And yet their smallest pleasure was their meat,
Sentence. For in deede at a wise mans boord the smallest pleasure the guests haue, is their cheare in comparison of the pleasing talke that happens either in mirth or grauity.
The Knights in languages and learning skilled,
Talke of
Oryllo and the wonder great,
To see one wounded so, and yet not killed,
It seemd to them a dreame and strange conceat,
And eu'n the wisest and most learnd did wonder,
How he reioynd his members cut in sunder.
60
Astolfo onely in his booke had read,
(That booke that taught all charmes to ouerthrow)
How this
Oryllo neuer could be dead,
While in his head one fatall haire did grow,
But hauing puld this haire from off his head,
He should be subiect vnto eu'ry blow,
Thus said the booke, but precept there was none,
Among so many haires to find that one.
61
Astolfo ioyfull of this good instruction,
Not doubting but by this to make him die,
First makes some circumstance of introduction,
And prayes the brothers giue him leaue to trie,
If he could bring
Oryllo to destruction,
And they this friendly sure do not denie,
Not doubting he alone would striue in vaine,
With him that late resisted had them twaine.
62
Now had the Sunne remou'd the nights darke vaile,
When as
Oryllo turned to the field,
And then the English Duke did him assaile,
Both fought on horseback, both with spear & shield.
Eu'n then
Oryllo felt his heart to faile,
(A hap to him that hapned had but feeld)
Eu'n then some strange presage did him offend,
That shewd his dayes drew shortly to their end.
63
Their speares now broke their naked swords they drew,
That for that knight were thought to haue bin made
[...] George.
That slue the Dragon with a deadly blow,
Which did the Ladie chast and faire inuade:
Thus gifts both giu'n and tane on either part,
Each from the other friendly doth depart.
80
Now going from Ierusalem, behold
They met a Greekish pilgrim by the way,
That such ill newes to good
Griffino told,
As made him out of temper all the day:
It was his euill fortune, deare to hold,
And giue his heart vnto her for a pray,
That had a pleasing hew, and faire smooth skin,
But false, vnchast, and trecherous within.
81
Her name was
Origilla, whom of late
He left at Constans of an Agew sicke;
And hoping now to find her in good state,
He heares she hath him seru'd a sluttish tricke,
As namely she had got a newfound mate,
Not caring if that he were dead or quicke:
She thought that for her yong yeares twas no reason,
To lie alone in that sweet pleasant season.
82
This newes his mind doth gripe, his heart doth bite,
He mournes by day, by night he takes no rest,
That breeds him paine that others breeds delight,
And this torments him more then all the rest,
He shames, and shuns to haue it come to light,
What was his griefe that did him so molest.
And this to keepe it close the rather made him,
Because from her his brother did disswade him.
83
But all in vaine, for he was wholy bent
To follow her, although he knew her nought,
Yet to himselfe he keepeth his intent,
That secretly his going may be wrought:
He vowes to makes th'adulterer repent,
Who now to Antiochia her had brought:
But in another booke I will expresse,
Of his departure what was the successe.
In the beginning of this booke was an excellent morall (if you obserued it) shewing how hurtfull it is for a captain to be prodigall of his men,
Moral. and rash or headlong in his attempts: the former of which faults (that worthy and valiant gentleman) sir
Iohn Smith hath very grauely and iustly reproued in some captains of our time, in that treatise that he wrote in defence of the vse of long bowes: and indeed it cannot be denied but bloudy conquests are no praise to the conquerour: In token whereof the Lacedemonians appointed, that he that wan a bloody victory should sacrifice a cocke; but he that ouercame by policie without bloudshed, an oxe: so much they preferred wisedome that is peculiar to man, before strength that is common to beasts. In
Charles is to be noted the prouidence of a wise and valiant Prince: In
Astolfo, that by the power of his horne rids the country of theeues and malefactors, we may learne to apply the talents are giuen vs, to good vses: In
Griffin, that after all his deuotion at Ierusalem, comes againe to
Origilla, we may note the frailtie of flesh, and withall, that outward holinesse without inward zeale auaileth nothing.
The historie (set downe here in maner of a prophecie) of the prosperous raigne of
Charles the fift,
Historie. is too long to stand vpon in this place, but
Iouius, Guycciardin, Vlloa, Surius, and
Sleydan himselfe (though his enemy) do witnes his great conquests, his happie discouery of the Indies, his notable captains, and the great felicitie of his whole life: of which authors, because two are already in English, I imagine there be few that are like to reade this, but haue read the one of them, and consequently know as much to be true as I do here set downe. And for the Indian voyages, we need not so much admire the captains of forren nations, hauing two of our owne nation that haue both as forwardly aduentured, and as fortunatly performed them, namely, sir
Francis Drake, whom I touched before, and yong Master
Candish.
In that
Logestilla giueth
Astolfo at his departing a booke to instruct him, and a horne to breed terror to his enemies;
Allegorie. by the booke is signified wisedome, whereby all charmes and toyes are discouered: and by the horne is vnderstood iustice, that indeed brings terror to all misdoers, and driues them out of the country. Further, whereas
Logestilla sends
Andronica and
Sophrosina to safe conduct
Astolfo, least
Aleyna should attempt any new matter against him, it is to be vnderstood allegorically, that fortitude and temperance are the two most notable guides that we can haue in this world to keepe vs from pleasures snares, or violent assaults. Also whereas
Astolfo looks first in his booke ere he take vpon him the enterprise to fight with
Orillus, it is to be vnderstood, that good aduice is to be taken before men vndertake dangerous exploits.
The house of
Callygorant alludeth vnto the den of
Cacus in the vij. of the Aeneads in
Virgill,Allusion.
—Semper
(que) recenti
Caede tenebat humus, foribus affixa superbis,
Ora virum tristi pendebant pallida tabo.
Simon Fornatius thinks that in the person of
Calligorant, he meant a subtill sophister that became an heretike, and corrupted many, but after recanting, did good seruice in the Church. The fatall haire of
Orillus, though it be meerly fabulous, yet hath it allusion to some truth: for besides that, diuers Poets haue written of some, whose life lay in their haire, as
Nysus killed by his daughter, and
Alcest that could not die til
Mercury cut off one haire: and of
Dido likewise is said that
Iris was sent to cut her haire to rid her out of her paine: besides these (I say) the Scripture testifies of the vertue of
Samsons strength to haue bin in his haire, which is as strange for reason as any of the rest.
Was
Charles to heare the tale this poore man tels,
And as he thither nearer came and nearer,
He sees the buildings clearer burne and clearer.
65
Of hardie Squires he culs a gallant crew,
And meanes to driue away this wicked wight,
If man it be, or spright with humane hew,
That doth vnto the towne this soule despight:
Now came he where he plaine might see in vew,
Men murdred, houses burnd, a wofull sight.
But now although perhap my storie please you,
To pawse a little may refresh and ease you.
Moral.In the person of
Griffino is described a yong man besotted with loue and affection of a vile strumpet, so as she easily perswades him, that he that indeed kept her so openly, as all the world spake of it, was her brother, or her cosingerman, or some such matter as easily blinded his eyes, being bleared afore with affection: and in this kind, though I meane to touch none by name, yet I doubt not but many will feele themselues touched of both sorts; such as
Griffino, that place their loue in vnworthy persons: and such as
Martano, that vnder the name of kinred, are most vile and filthy adulterers, which how common it is now a dayes, this saying shewes, turned now almost to a prouerbe, The nearer of kin, the sooner in: and that verse of
Ouid, translated, or pretily turned by a pleasant Gentleman to this purpose,
Tuta frequénsque via est sub amici fallere nomen,
Tuta frequénsque licet sit via crimen habet.
A safe and common way it is by kinred to deceaue,
But safe and common though it be, tis knau'ry by your leaue.
The great aphorisme or maxime set downe in the two last verses of the second staffe of this booke, was imitated by a Gentleman of our countrey in his yonger dayes,
Master Edward Dier a
[...]. though a man euer of great wit and worth: his verse was this,
Master Edward Dier a
[...].
He that hath plast his heart on hie,
Must not lament although he die.
To which purpose, all that haue written of this common place of loue, and chiefly
Petrark in his infinite sonets, in the midd
[...]st of all his lamentation, still had this comfort, that his loue was placed on a worthy Ladie: and our English
Petrarke, Sir
Philip Sidney, or (as Sir
Walter Raulegh in his Epitaph worthily calleth him) the
Scipio and the
Petrarke of our time, often comforting himselfe in the sonets of
Stella, though despairing to attaine his desire, and (though that tyrant hon
[...] still refused) yet the nobilitie, the beautie, the worth, the graciousnesse, and those her other perfections, as made him both count her and call her inestimable rich; makes him in the midst of those his mones, reioyce euen in his owne greatest losses, as in his eighteenth sonet, which many I am sure haue read:
With what sharpe checks I in my selfe am shent,
When into reasons recknings I do go,
And by such counts, my selfe a bankrout know,
Of all those goods which heau'n to me hath lent,
Vnable quite to pay eu'n natures rent,
Which vnto it by birthright I did ow,
And which is worse, no good excuse can show,
But that my wealth I haue most idly spent:
My youth doth wast, my knowledge brings forth toyes,
My wit doth striue tho'e passions to defend,
With my reward (spoyled with vaine annoyes)
I find my course to loose it selfe doth bend:
I see, yet do no greater sorrow take,
Then that I leese no more for
Stellas sake.
And this much of this matter of love. In the conflict at Paris gate, in presence of both Princes, we may note how the Generall eye is a great encouragement to the souldier. In
Renaldos oration, we may obserue that eloquence and learning is not onely a great ornament, but sometime a great aid to a Captaine. And for the speech it selfe, it is both pithy and methodicall. For being (as they terme it) of the deliberatiue kind, it layes downe (though briefly, yet plainly if you mark it) the facilitie,
Historie. the commendation, the vtilitie, and the necessitie of that to which he perswades them.
For historicall matter, there is litle in this booke, only where he touches the weake buildings of Paris, being built so high and so sleight, it is euident they are so at this day, and doubtlesse it is a great blot in a magnificent citie to see browne paper houses, which were a matter easily redressed in one age: as
Augustus Caesar did at Rome, forbidding them to build but with stone, and making great prouision for stuffe and cariage for such as would build, at a reasonable price, as
Suetonius setteth downe at large: but this is not much to the purpose.
Allegorie.Whereas Silence is said to be sent by God, with an Angell to conduct the Christian succors to Paris: by the Angell is meant allegorically Gods assistance and grace, without which no victories can be obtained: and by Silence is vnderstood wise secretnesse, to conceale our intent from our enemies, which is a great furtherance in warre.
Allusion.For the Allusion of
Martano, I referre it to the next booke, where his cowardize is more largely touched.
The end of the Annotations of the sixteenth Booke.
Thē truth shewd plain that loue before had couered,
And to reuenge this wrong he straight prepard,
But wanting other furniture (perforce)
He tooke
Martanos armor and his horse.
80
And backe vnto Damasco he doth ride,
Arriuing there within an houre of night,
And entring at the gate vpon the side,
The pallace of the King stood plaine in sight,
Where then the King a banket did prouide,
For many a Duke and Lord, and valiant Knight,
And
Griffin boldly sate among the rest,
Forgetting that he ware the scorned crest.
81
And taken for the man whose coate he ware,
His presence did the better sort offend,
Of which when vile
Martano was aware,
That of the table sate at th'vpper end,
And sees that to disgrace him they forbare,
And thinke him his companion and his frend:
His friendship and acquaintance he renounced,
And this hard doom of him he straight pronounced.
82
Sir King (quoth he) it seems that for my sake,
You graciously forbeare to do him shame,
That of his basenesse shamefull proofe did make
This day, and now againe confirmes the same:
But you the matter and the man mistake,
I know not him, his nation, nor his name,
By chance I met him onely on the way,
I neuer saw him I, till yesterday.
83
Wherefore might I herein your grace aduise,
You should a sample make him for the rest,
That here presents vnto your princely eies,
A fit counseller for a Prince.
Himselfe vnworthy, and vnwelcome guest,
Let him tormented be in cruell wise,
(This is my doome) let him be hangd at least,
And vnreuenged let him not be borne,
That knighthood should receiue so great a scorne.
84
Thus much the vile and base
Martano seth,
And
Origilla soothd it with as much,
And wisht an halter stop the villains breth.
Nay (quoth the King) the sinne is nothing such,
As is in law or reason worthy death,
His life or yet his libertie to tuch:
This, for examples sake I thinke it meet,
To do him some disgrace in open street.
85
And straight he rounds a Sergeant in his care,
And secretly appoints him what to do,
Who came forthwith vnto the table where
Griffino sate, and made no more ado,
But leadeth him, that no such thing did feare,
A secret prison and a sure vnto,
And for that night he clapt him vp in fetters,
Where theeues do vse to lie and euill debters.
86
Next day
Martano that did greatly dread,
Lest this his foule deuice would come to light,
If
Griffin should be heard his cause to pleade,
Therefore as soone as
Phoebus shined bright,
(Pretending businesse) away he sped,
And leaues
Griffino in this wofull plight:
But ere he goes, the King to him imparts
No small rewards for his, not his desarts.
87
But let him go his wayes, and do not doubt,
M
[...] with a
[...] booke, 31
[...]
That this vnknowne and vnreuengd shall be:
Straight was
Griffino from the iayle put out,
And carted so as all men might him see,
Tide hand and foot, and people all about,
Of which the most were but of meane degree,
Also the armor whence this error came,
Was hald about vnto his farder shame.
88
With many filthy words they him reuile,
From filthy tongues, that hard it is to stop,
And shewd him round about the towne the while,
At eu'ry crosse, and house, and stall and shop:
Then thinking him for euer to exile,
They led him of that hill vnto the top,
And there his bonds they loose with great disgrace,
And then they will him packe him thence apace.
89
With scornfull sound of basen, pot and pan,
They thought to driue him thence like Bees in swarmes,
But when he was vntide then he began
To make them know their error to their harmes,
Then he did lay about, and play the man,
Now hauing vse of both his warlike armes,
But in what sort the them dismayd and scared,
Within another booke shall be declared.
In the beginning of this booke,
Morall. he shewes how God doth plague people oftentimes, by sending tyrants and most wicked and cruell Princes to rule ouer them; which as it is indeed the greatest punishment a country can haue, so of the contrary side, may be in l
[...]esort concluded, that countries cannot haue a more ample blessing of God, nor a greater testimonie of his fauour, then to haue a mercifull Prince, that loueth the people, and is carefull of their peace and profit: and as mine author com
[...]plameth of the misery of Italie, oppressed by tyrants, so contrariwise I might take occasion to magnifie the felicitie of our realme of England for the gracious and mild gouernement of our Soueraigne, saue that so high and plentifull a matter, requires an entire treatise, and not so broken a discourse as I vse in these briefe notes, and therefore Ireserue it wholy for another worke of mine owne, if God giue me abilitie to performe it: but now to the matter of this booke.
[Page 135] In that
Rodomont kils and massacres the people, without resistance, or without any man to make head against him, we may marke how fitly and properly the multitude may be likened to sheepe, not onely in that they be shorne, and fleesed euery yeare for their wooll, and sometime pinched to the quicke by the greedie shearers, but also that when they should come to defend themselues, their houses, and children, from inuading of the enemie, they runne away like sheepe, from the noise of the barking of a little curre, vntill their shepheard come and defend them.
In the tale of
Norandine, that for his faire
Lucinas sake did hazard his life so manifestly, and after was contented to Lap himselfe vp in a goates skin, and to noynt himselfe ouer with goates suet, we may note how hartie loue and affection, will make a man disdaine nothing, be it neuer so base. In
Martanos cowardise, and craftie vndermining of
Griffino, we may marke how cowardly fellowes be commonly trecherous, and priuie vnderminers. And in that
Norandine (a good natured and affable Prince) did condemne
Griffino to prison, without once calling him to answer for himselfe, we may take an excellent good note (as my authour hath done vpon this matter in the next booke) how hurtfull a thing it is in a cōmon wealth when a magistrate (and specially a Prince) shal heare such a Martanist as
Martano, or such a Gil as
Origilla was, whisper them in their eares, & giue malicious and vntrue (though probable) informations against well deseruing men: And sure, though some hold opinion that these kinde of people (called informers) be to be cherished, as necessarie seruants of the state, though defamed otherwise, and euen confessing themselues, that it is no honest mans office; yet for my part, I haue heard wise men say, that such men are hurt full to the state in pollicie, and make more malconrents, then they discouer; and I am sure it is far from the rules of Christen charitie, and to be controld euen by heathenish ciuillitie.
Tully speaking of the like men saith,
Anseribus cibaria publicè locantur & canes aluntur in Capitolio. Likening them, to be as necessarie to keepe in the common wealth, as geese and doggs in the Capitoll: yet as
Tully there noted, if the doggs barkt without cause, at such as came of deuotion to worship the Gods, then their legs ought to be broken: And euen so these doggs, these bloodhounds, nay bloodyhounds, that bite in their barking, if they shall at any time snap at such as come to honor and serue their Prince, it were pittie their leggs should be broken; for though they fal lame, yet they can be carried in coaches and horslitters; marrie if their neckes were broken, the Realme should (I thinke) haue a fair riddance of them. But I wil end this note with a verse of that pleasant Poet
Martiall, written aboue 1500 yeares since to
Caesar, who had then banished promooters out of Rome: the which verse (I confesse) concurs with my opinion.
Turba grauis paci, placidae\'que inimica quieti,
Quae semper miseras sollicitabat opes,
Tradita Getulis, nec coepit arena nocentes,
Et delator habet quod dabat exilium,
Exulat Ausonia profugus delator ab vrbe,
Impensis vitam, Caesaris annumeres.
To this effect in English, after my plaine manner of versifying.
The vile Promooters, foes to peace and enemies to rest,
That with false tales, do neuer cease, mens goods from them to wrest,
Are banisht hence full many a mile, to barren place and wast,
And he that others did exile, that selfe same cup doth tast;
O happie Rome, that such hath lost, as mischeefe stil contriue,
But Caesar was at too much cost, to let them scape aliue.
And thus much for the morall.
Historie I haue none to stand vpon in this boke saue such as either are alreadie touched in the margent,
[...]orie. or else to be found in the Table.
Allegorie there is none.
But the allusion is noted by one
Symon Fornarius at very great length,
[...]sion. and the substance of all is this, that indescribing this notable triumph and feast of
Norandino, he couertly describeth the notable tilting and turneying of certaine of the
Medices in Florence, and how one Gentleman of Florence plaid such a part as
Martano, shunning the tilt, and did indeed vomit for feare, and was laught at for his labour. Also the number of the challengers agreed of
Norandinos and this; so as it is euident that
Fornarius saith right of the matter.
Came with his troope where these two made great hast
By hills, by dales, by stonie waies and steepe,
The carkas of their Lord to beare away,
When much it wanted not of breake of day.
93
The Scots that were of noble
Zerbins band,
And saw two men go loden downe the plaine,
Make after them a gallop out of hand,
In hope to light vpon some prey or gaine:
When
Cloridano spying ore the land,
Did say t'was best to let the corse remaine,
Alledging that it was a foolish tricke,
In sauing one dead man to loose two quicke.
94
And herewithall his hold he letteth slide,
And thinkes
Medoro would the same haue done,
He meanes himselfe in the next wood to hide,
And toward it in great hast he doth runne;
But good
Medoro that could not abide,
To leaue the office he so late begunne,
Although with double paine and duller pase,
With all the burthen fled away in chase.
95
And to the wood the nearest way he went,
In hope to get it er the horsemen came,
But now his breath and strength were so far spent,
As they had verie neare him ouertane,
Yet in his deed he doth no whit relent,
To leaue his Lord he counts it such a shame.
But they that thinke this storie worth the reeding,
Must take a little respite in proceeding.
Morall.In this eighteenth booke, we may note first how hurtfull a thing it is to a Prince or great Magistrate to iudge without hearing both sides: and contrarie how great a praise it is in them to do (as
Alexander is noted to haue vsed) to keepe one care for the aduerse partie, or (as we terme it) for the defendant. In the punishment of
Martano, we may note how false accusers euer come to some filthie end, as their vile and fil
[...]hie liues deserue. In
Norandine, that finding he had done
Griffino wrong, is willing to make
[...]amends for it, and to be frends with him, we may see a notable example of princely clemency, which I could wish all Christian Princes to follow, though in deed commonly they do quite contrarie; and rather where they do one wrong, make amends with a greater, according to that heathnish (nay diuellish) saying of
Machiauell, that whom you haue done a great iniurie to, him you must neuer pardon, but still persecute. (
Tempora tempora quod monstrum aluistis?) Oh times what a monster haue yee bred? how far is this doctrine from his, that taught to forgiue, not seuen times, but seauentie times seuen times?
Lastly in
Medoro, we may note a notable example of gratitude towards his masters dead corse, in hazarding his own life to burie it; which is indeed (though he were a heathen) a most Christian act, and one of the works of charitie commended in the Scripture, as namely in
Tobia; who was greatly rewarded and blessed for it: And further we may note in all ages, buriall hath bene thought a most necessarie thing, and religious: but of
Medoros gratitude I shall speake more in the next booke.
Historie.Concerning the description of the Ile of Cypres, set downe in 63. staffe, where it is praised for the pleasantnes of it, as all that write of it do testifie, and
Horace proues it was called
Venus Ile, in this verse to
Venus:
—Regina Gnidi Paphiq
Sperne dilectam Cipron, &c—
Allegorie.We may obserue a good Allegoricall sence, in that
Rodomont is first assaild by Iealousie, then how Iealousie breeds Discord, and how Pride increaseth it, still edging it forward: saying what a shame is it to put vp such an iniurie? and what will the world say of it? and who could beare it? these be the whetstones to sharpen reuenge, and to kindle the coales of strife. Also we note how mine Author pretily noted, that Discord and Pride, when they went from the Abbey, left Fraud and Hypocrisie for their sufficient deputies in their places; for where Fraud works, there neuer wanteth seed of strife: and where Hypocrisie is, there wants no pride, though it be not plainly discouered.
Allusion.In
Dardanellos meeting with
Renaldo and encountring him, and after being slaine by him, he altogether alludes to the conflict betweene
Troylus and
Achilles.
Then Guydon prayth them lodge with him that night.
1
Diuers haue
[...] to this off
[...]ct of the fickle
[...]as of frends: but specially
[...]. Donecer is fa
[...] m
[...]ltos numer abis a
[...]cos: Tempora tisue
[...]
NOne can deeme right who faithfull frends do rest,
While they beare sway & rule in great degree,
For these both fast and fained frends are prest,
Whose faiths seeme both of one effect to be:
But then reuolts the faint and fained guest,
When wealth vnwinds, and Fortune seems to flee,
But he that loues indeed remaineth fast,
And loues and serues when life and all is past.
2
H
[...]race. Vulg
[...] [...] retro
[...].
If all mens thoughts were written in their face,
Some one that now the rest doth ouercrow,
Some other eke y
c wants his souerains grace,
When as their Prince their inward thoughts should know:
The meaner man should take the betters place,
The greater man might stoope and sit below.
But tell me now how poore
Medoro sped,
That lou'd his master both aliue and ded.
3
In vaine he sought to get him to the wood,
By blinde and narrow pathes to him vnknowne,
Their swift, and his slow pase the same withstood,
Forst by the burden that he bare alone.
But now, when
Cloridano vnderstood
Medoros case, he made for him great mone,
And curst himselfe, and was full ill apaid,
That he had left his friend deuoid of aid.
4
Medoro all about so straight beset,
To leaue his loued lode was then constrained,
But all in vaine he sought fro thence to get,
His masters carkas that behind remained,
Was vnto him so fierce and strong a let;
It staid his wearie steps, and him retained,
Eu'n as a Beare that would defend her whelpe,
Simile.
About doth houer though she cannot helpe.
5
So good
Medore about the corse did houer,
The while that
Cloridano cometh backe,
And (for the day was dawnd) he might discouer,
How greatly his
Medore, his helpe did lacke;
Wherefore to do his best him to recouer,
He takes his bow and quiuer from his backe,
And at a Scot he tooke his aime so well,
He strake him in the braine that downe he fell.
6
The fall and death so sodaine of the Scot,
Amated much the courage of the rest,
And much they marueld whence should come this shot,
Ouid. 1. Metam. Herm
[...] quod null
[...]s
[...] est n
[...]r
[...].
Possessing it although she wake or sleepe:
Her wound to heale, there was no herbe nor art,
For more and more like flame the same doth creep,
Yet her chiefe care is him to helpe and cure,
That all this torment doth to her procure.
23
Thus while
Medoro better growes and better,
She feeles her selfe tormented more and more,
And he that for his loue to her was debter,
Is he alone that plagueth her so sore:
Wherefore though modestie
[...]while did her let,
Yet now perforce no further she forbore,
But plainly to
Medoro told her griefe,
And at his hands as plainly askt reliefe.
24
O stout
Orlando, valiant
Sacrapant,
O fierce
Ferraw, ò hunderds more beside,
Where are those valiant acts of which you vaunt?
Where is your pompe, your glory and your pride?
One poore
Medore, all your desires doth daunt,
One poore
Medore doth all your powre deride,
And she whom all of you haue woo'd in vaine,
To woo
Medoro doth not now disdaine.
25
She suffers poore
Medoro take the flowre,
Ouid
[...]n Fedras
[...] pomaria car pere raniu; &
[...] pr
[...]am, del
[...]gere v
[...]g
[...] v
[...]s
[...]m.
Which many sought, but none had yet obtained,
That fragrant rose that to that present houre
Vngatherd was, behold
Medoro gained,
And ouer her to giue him persit powre,
With sacred rites a marriage was ordained,
And with the veile of this so sacred order,
She couers this her folly and disorder.
26
Now when the solemne marriage was done,
Of which god
Cvpid askt the banes (I trow)
She going forward as she hath begun,
Continu'd there with him a month or mo,
From rising to the setting of the Sunne,
With him she doth sit, talk, lie, stand and go,
Forgetting to all maidenly sobrietie,
That she of him could neuer haue satietie.
27
If in the house she staid, then would she craue
Med
[...]r
[...] in the house with her to stay,
It in the field she walke, then must she haue
M
[...]r
[...] leade or guide her in the way:
And by a riuer in the shady caue,
They oft did vse to spend the heate of day:
Virg
[...]
Like to that caue where (shunning stormy wether)
The Troian Duke and
Dido met together.
28
T
[...]ere is not
[...]asure in plea
[...]ure it self of one may not
[...]vtter as, (as
[...] in men
[...] vp to
[...] & were bound to say nothing of it as
[...] return he would be serve for it.
In the first staffe of this Canto,
Moral. is an excellent morall of the pro
[...]fe of frends, which my father many yeares since did translate almost word for word as I haue set it downe, applying it to his master, the worthie Lord Admirall
Seymor: and because the verse was my fathers, I count I may without vsurpation claime it by inheritance. He applied it to that noble peere (verie aptly) diuers wayes: both for his life, and for his death, but specially (which I count worthy the noting) for his seruants, who loued him so dearely, that euen in remembrance of his honorable kindnesse, they loued one another exceedingly: and my father I remember, but a weeke before he died, which was in the yeare 1582. wrote with his owne hand the names of those were then liuing of the old Admiralti
[...] (so he called them that had b
[...]ne my Lords men) and there were then xxxiiij. of them liuing, of which many were knights and men of more reuenew then himselfe, and some were but meane men, as armorers, artificers, keepers, and farmers; and yet the memorie of his seruice, was such a band among them all of kindnesse, as the best of them disdained not the poorest, and the meaner had recourse to the greatest, for their countenance and ayd in their honest causes, and many of them are euen now liuing, and yet it wants little of fortie yeares since that noble man was put to death. His picture my father gaue after to the Queenes Maiestie that now is, with a prettie verse written on it, and it hangs now in the gallerie at Somerset house.
That there were Amazons,
Historie. I thinke no man doubreth that hath read of
Alexanders conquests.
In
Angelicas wedding of
Medore I gather this Allegorie,
Allegorie.Angelica is taken for honor, which braue men hunt after, by blood, and battels, and many hardy feats, and misse it: but a good seruant with faith and gratefulnesse to his Lord gets it.
Allusion.
Cloridan and
Medore allude to
Eurialus and
Nisus in
Virgils Aeneads.
The c
[...]mmoditie
[...] of a gos
[...]scats of a ci
[...]e.
That had both fruitfull earth and pleasant aire,
And fountaines sweet, and woods on eu'ry hand,
And medowes greene, and pastures fresh and faire,
Beside large hau'us, where ships at ease might stand,
To which the merchants often made repaire,
By tempest driuen, well loden with good trafficke,
Of things that come from Egipt and from Affricke.
25
Wherefore this place she minds not to forsake,
But that they may as chiefly they desire,
A sharpe reuenge on men for euer take,
They vow to put to sacke, to sword and fire,
Such ships as to their hauen repaire do make,
And kill the men, and this they all conspire:
And still when any come, this trade they vse,
Nor left a man aliue to carry newes.
26
But when this cruell law some yeares had lasted,
There were too m
[...] spea
[...]ers
[...]; in their Parliam
[...] [...] whē they made such a law as
[...]y
[...]ive driue
[...] [...]ot
[...]ange
[...].
Which they had meant to haue confirmd for ay,
They find that they so fast consumd and wasted,
That this their barren kingdome would decay,
Except to find some remedy they hasted,
And hauing long consulted on the way,
They meane of this their law to bate some rigor,
Yet leaue the substance still in strength and vigor.
27
And thus they do, they chuse among such men,
As tempests driue to this their wicked nation,
Some few as were so lustie, as with ten
They could performe the act of generation,
All in one night, the rest into a den
They cast, and kill them in most cruell fashion,
The Romans did vse to build aulters to all the affections of the mind, as feare,
[...]ope, and such like.
And doth conceale that which she thought would please him.
93
You sir (quoth she) that me so greatly scorne,
If you but knew what tydings I could tell,
Other whom you lament as dead and lorne,
You would both speake me faire and vse me well:
But first I will with horses wild be torne,
And suffer all the paines of earth and hell,
Before that I will condescend to show it,
Or then by me you euer come to know it.
94
Looke how a gentle grewnd, that doth assaile
Simile.
And flies vpon a stranger at the furst,
Will on the lodaine faune and wag his taile,
If
[...]o of bread one profer him a crust:
So
Zerbin that before on her did raile,
And bitterly vnto her face her curst,
Now he inteates her, and doth pray and flatter,
To giue him farther notice of the matter.
95
At last with long intreatie she replies,
And faith, faire
Isabella is not ded,
But so she liues, that sure she death enuies:
And neuer hope to haue her maidenhed,
For I haue seene (quoth she) with these mine eyes,
How twentie lawlesse men her captiue led,
And eu'rie one might haue her at their pleasure,
As hauing libertie, and lust, and leasure.
96
Ah wicked hagge, thou know'st it is a lie,
And yet behold how thou canst paint it out,
Thou know'st that none of them with her did lie,
Thou know'st
Orlando thence did fetch her out:
And made the malefactors all to die,
That of her danger now there was now doubt.
But now alas this lying storie bred,
A thousand iealousies in
Zerbines hed.
97
He askt herwhere and when his loue she saw,
He speakes her oftentimes both soule and faire;
But not a word more could he from her draw,
Neither by threatning words, nor yet by prayre:
He feeles a corzie cold his heart to gnaw,
His little hope was turnd to great dispaire:
And thus this old ilfauord spitefull Callet,
Callet is a nickname that they vse to a woman, is signifies
[...] Irish a witch.
Gaue good
Zerbino such a choking fallet.
98
What patience thus prouoked could haue borne,
At such a womans hands so vile a spite?
And saue he was vnto her seruice sworne,
No doubt he would haue done her then her right.
Thus she of mallice full, and be of scorne,
Went on their way, vntill they met a knight:
But what became hereof if you will know,
The booke ensuing shall the sequell show.
In the tale of
Phalanto and his companie,
Moral. women may note the notable inconstancie of young mens dishonest loues, how sweet and pleasant so ever they be at the first. In
Pynabello and his wife that scorned
Gabrinas olde age and deformitie, we may obserue the soule sinne and the iust punishment of pride and contempt of others. In the good
Zerbino, that for his promise sake suffers himselfe to be so notoriously abused of a spitefull malicious old wretch, we may marke a notable example of a man true and faithfull of his word.
In the beginning of this booke he reciteth the names of foure women famous,
Historie. two for warre, two for learning, and indeed there haue bene many more, excellent in either kind: as
Thomeris that killed
Cyrus, Zenobea, Hipsicratea wife to
Mythridates, Debora the Hebrew, whom the Scripture commendeth;
Valesca queene of Boemia,
Thenca queene of Slauonia,
Amalasunta queene of the Gothes: All these are famous for their wise government. And for learning diuers women haue greatly excelleds as
Eriana, Aspasia, Cleobulyna, Theana, Leontio, Manto, Hicostrata, Carmenta, the
Sibils, Sulpicia. But for a persite patterne of excellency in both kinds, both in gouerning the common wealth most wisely, peaceably, prosperously, and skill in all kind of learning, and languages, Greeke, Latine, French, Italian and Spanish I may say it truly, and without flatterie, that our gracious soueraigne is to be preferred before any of them, yea before all of them, and therefore may iustly be called the rewell, or rather the wonder of all her sex.
All the Allegoricall matter of this booke is onely in
Astolfos horne,
Allegorie. of which I haue spoken before this.
The tale of the Greeks comming home from Troy,
Allusion. and finding so many bastards, alludes to a like hap that fell vnto the Spartants when they made warre on the Messenians; from whence one in deed named
Falanto or
Phalanto with other bastards called Parthenians went to the Oracle to know what they should do, and were directed by the said Oracle to go to Tarentam: Their answer they received of the Oracle was this,
Statireum, & pingue solum, tibitrado Tarenti
Incolere, & latè sedem per Iapygasaedes,
So as they taking heart vpon this, went from Sparta, and as some thinke built the citie of Tarentum.
And saue my voice and strength will faile I doubt,
Before my tale will come to perfect end,
I will declare if you will heare it out,
The wicked life of this vngracious send;
I had a brother valorous and stout,
In Holland borne, who (for he did intend
To win by seruice honour and renowne)
Heraclio seru'd that bare of Greece the crowne.
12
A noble Gentleman
Argeo hight,
Neare the confines of Seruia did dwell,
Who in my brother tooke so great delight,
That in short space they were acquainted well,
Argeo marride had this cursed wight,
Of whom the present storie I do tell,
And tooke in her (vnworthy) so great pleasure,
As past the bands of reason and of measure.
13
Simile. Ou
[...] [...]ed il is
[...] in
[...] places O
[...]e in
[...] Tu
[...] [...] [...] [...] cum sine pondere succi, Mob
[...]us ventis
[...] fac
[...]ia volani.
But she more light then leaues in Autumne season,
That eu'ry blast doth blow about and change,
Against all wiuely care, all cause and reason,
Because she doth delight her selfe in change,
With wicked hart and head full fraught with treason,
So farre she lets her raging loue to range,
She sues to haue my brother to her louer,
And doth to him the foule desire vncouer.
14
A
[...] in the third of the
[...]tamor. No
[...] [...] sroudes a
[...], I am
[...] male hoe.
[...]. ventus.
But neither doth a rocke more firmely stand
Vpon the shore against the surging waue,
[...]Nor doth the Cedar more vpon the land
Resist the tempest that doth rage and raue,
Then doth my brother her desire withstand,
Though she at sundrie times the same doth craue,
[...]Simile
And though she seeketh many a meane and triall,
[...]Simile.
Yet still she turneth with a flat deniall.
15
At last it fell (as oft it doth befall
To valiant men that loue to fight and quarell)
My brother was sore wounded in a brall,
So that it seemd his life was in some parell:
Wherefore he gets within the castle wall,
Both that his frend might know & venge his quarell,
And other needfull things may be procured,
By which his hurt might be the sooner cured.
16
Now while my brother staid in this ill state,
His friend
Argeo sometime absent thence,
This woman early visits him and late,
And offers him good store of pounds and peace:
But he that alwayes villany did hate,
And would not do his friend so great offence,
Thought (as in euill cases is the best)
Of two great mischiefes to chuse out the left.
17
He meanes to leaue
Argeos friendship quite,
And get him home againe from whence he came,
Or hide himselfe where this most wicked wight
Shall neuer see his face nor heare his name:
This, though it grieu'd him, as it ought of right,
He chuseth as a way lesse worthy blame,
Then yeelding to her lust for to abuse her,
Or to her louing husband to accuse her.
18
Wherfore (though of his wound both saint and weake)
He doth resolue to part with constant mind,
He gets him thence, and not a word doth speake,
And leaues this filthy minded beast behind:
But fortune ill his purpose good doth breake,
And alterd quite the course he had designd,
Home came her husband finding her alone,
Complaining grieuously and making mone.
19
Her cheekes with teares all blubberd were and red,
Her lookes did shew her mind was ill apaid,
Her lockes all torne did hang about her hed,
With which her louing husband fore afraid,
Did aske her oft what chance such change had bred,
Till at the length the wicked wretch thus said,
With spiteful heart, with wicked voice & trembling,
And faind a cause, the cause it selfe dissembling.
20
Alas (quoth she) what should I seeke to hide
My wicked act and hainous deadly sinne,
Iuvenal in his 13. satyre, Paena au
[...]em vehemens as mulio
[...] illu Nocte die
[...] s
[...]um portare in pectore
[...]estem. Ouid. Paenis
[...]s & fa
[...]o
[...]quror
[...]pse
[...].
Simile. T
[...] one S
[...]s an I
[...] vsed in a
[...] poeme, Non grau
[...] mourns
[...] mole, &
Like as a ship in midst of seas opprest,
Betweene two winds that do together striue,
Can haue no time of respito or of rest,
But goes what way the stronger wind doth driue:
So now
Filandro doubting which was best,
To die, or in such sort to bide aliue,
Stood long in doubt, and neither way did bend,
Yet chose the worier bargain in the end.
52
His reason open layes before his face,
The danger great if once the fact were knowne,
Beside the infamie and great disgrace,
That would about the world of him be blowne:
Beside to chuse he had but little space,
So as his wit and sence was scant his owne:
At last he doth conclude what euer come,
To swallow this vnlau'ry choking plum.
53
Wherefore against his will, inforst by feare,
He promiseth to take her for his wife,
And vnto her he solemnly doth sweare,
To marry her if now she saue his life:
And (for it was not safe to tarry theare)
When once the murder should be publisht rife,
He turnes vnto the place where he was borne,
And leaue; behind him infamie and scorne.
54
And still he carrid in his pensiue heart,
His friends mishap, lamenting it in vaine,
How for a iust reward of such defart,
A
Progne and
Medea he did gaine;
And saue his oth restrained him in part,
Horace.
[...] ane p
[...]us & ang
[...].
No doubt he would the wicked hag haue slaine:
But yet he hated her like to ade or snake,
And in her companie small ioy did take.
55
From that to this, to laugh or once to smile,
He was not seene, his words and looks were sad,
With often sighs, and in a little while,
Orestes looks in the historie.
He grew much like
Orestes, when he had
First slaine his father by his mothers guile,
Then her, and last of all fell raging mad,
With spirits vext so was my brothers hed,
Still vext till sicknes made him keepe his bed.
56
But when this cursed strumpet plainly saw,
How small delight in her my brother tooke,
She doth her seruent loue from him withdraw,
And in short space that fancie she forsooke:
And lastly she resolues against all law,
So soone as she can sit occasion looke,
To bring
Filandros life to wofull end,
And after her first husband him to send.
57
An old Phisition full of false deceit,
This of the P
[...]. sition u
[...] word taken as of the x. booked Apul
[...] gi
[...] Asse, and
[...] here
[...] [...] ther very ap
[...]ly suseried to
[...]e
[...]tifie his tale,
[...] and to paint fori
[...] leudnesse of a v
[...]ld woman.
Thus (said the knight) and more he would haue said
How she escapt, and how she prison brake,
But so he fainted, as they were affraid,
He would haue sounded as those words he spake:
Wherefore his page him to his horse doth lift,
And then to binde his wounds they make a shift.
66
Then
Zerbin tooke his leaue and made a skuse,
That he had hurt the knight in her defence,
Affirming he had done, as is the vse,
To saue his charge from damage and offence:
And y
t thenceforth with him he would haue truce,
This said, he tooke his leaue and parted thence,
And promist him with words of great ciuillitie,
To further him vnto his best abillitie.
67
Sir (said the knight) for this I do you thanke,
And wish you of that woman to beware,
Left that she serue you some such slipper pranke,
As may procure your farther woe and care:
For hard shall any scape from danger franke,
That in her companie long season are:
Gabrina silent all the while stands by,
Sentence.
For hard it is to proue the truth a lye.
68
Thus hence they part, and for his promise sake,
At her commandment
Zerbin doth attend,
And wisht in heart, the diuell might her take,
Though with his hand he must her still defend:
And those last words the knight of Holland spake,
To giue him warning of the cursled send,
Do fill his mind with so great griefe and spight,
That now he scant could well abide her fight.
69
And this same old and weather beaten trot,
Perceiuing how
Zerbino was inclind,
Would not once yeeld or be behind a iot,
In spitefull wishing, nor in euill mind:
Her eye and tongue and looke conceale it not,
Not yet her deeds as after he did finde,
Thus in this harmony and concord good,
It was their hap to trauell through the wood.
70
Now when the time approched neare the night,
They heard a noise of bustling and of blowes,
Causd as they guessed by some brall or fight,
But where it was yet neither of them knowes,
Zerbino longed much to see the fight,
And thither wards in no small hast he goes,
And in no lesse,
Gabrina maketh after,
As shalbe shewd you more at large hereafter.
A more necessarie morall (as I thinke) cannot be found for our age we now line in,
Morall. then that, with which this booke begins: namely, of the keeping of faith, and promise, which euen among Turkes and heathen Philosophers hath bene religiously kept; and yet among vs 'that call our selues Christians, and boast of an extraordinarie light of the Gospell, is often most irreligiously broken: so that as
Ouid faith of his time in ironicall manner.
Aurea nune verè sunt secula, plutimus auro
Venit honos, auro conciliatur amor:
In Enlish thus,
This may indeed, be call'd the age of gold,
For honour, loue and all, for it is sold.
So may I say, this is a notable time for credite, for now generally (euen with some of the better sort) mens words be as good as their obligations: namely, neither of both worth the taking for a farthing. Secondly, in
Filandro we may note a speciall good nature and inclination, that would rather abandon a place which he liked very well, then either breake the lawes of frendship and hospitalitie; or accuse the wife to her husband. In his killing
Argeo, and all the tragicall proceedings of the wicked
Gabrina, we may note the mōstrous effects of an vnbridled affectiō in a mischieuous woman, that killed both her husbands, and lastly the Phisition, and stil continued working fresh mischief til her death, as after foloweth.
Orestes, whom he spake of in the 55. staffe of this 21. booke was sonne of
Agamemnon,Historie. who being slaine by the trecherie of his wife
Clytemnestra, Orestes in reuenge there of killed his mother, and after that, was himselfe tormented with furies, or rather with his conscience for so horrible an act, and so fell mad, and was healed againe; and after, that notable accident of
Pilades and him fell out.
Simon Fornarie affirmeth that in this tale of
Gabrina, my authour doth allude to a woman of like lewdnesse,
Allusion. liuing in his time, and by
Argeo and
Filandro to be ment two Gentlemen of Naples; but the truth is, the tale is almost verbatim, taken out of
Apuleius golden Asse. Specially for that part of the Phisition:
Sed vxor, quae iampridem nomen vxoris cum fide perdiderat, medicum conuenit quendam norae persidie qui iam multarum palmarum spectatus praelijs, magna dextrae suae trophoea numerabit, as I before noted on the 57. staffe.
Of this you shall see more in the 23. booke. 7 staff.
Next day a while before the Sunne was set,
A champion all in armes vowares he met.
25
But first I meane to tell you what became
Of good
Rogero and his
Bradamant,
Who when againe vnto themselues they came,
The pallace quite destroyd of old
Atlant:
Each knew and cald the other by their name,
And of all courtesies they were not scant,
Lamenting much that this inchanted pallace,
Had hinderd them so long such ioy and sollace.
26
The noble maid to shew her selfe as kind,
As might become a virgin wise and sage,
Doth in plaine termes as plaine declare her mind,
As thus, that she his loues heare will asswage,
And vnto him her selfe in wedlocke bind,
And spend with him all her ensuing age,
If to be christned first he were content,
And afterwards to aske her friends consent.
27
But he that would not onely not refuse
To change his life for his beloueds sake,
But also if the choise were his to chuse,
To leese his life and all the world forsake,
Did answer thus, my deare, what ere ensues
I will performe what ere I vndertake,
To be baptizd in water or in fire,
I will consent if it be your desire.
28
Though Rogero in here willing to be baptized, and after still deferred it, you must note be knew not in what danger
[...] master was in
[...] afterwards in the xxv. booke.
This said, he goes from thence with full intent,
To take vpon him christend state of life,
Which done he most sincerely after ment,
To aske her of her father for a wife;
Vnto an Abbey straight their course they bent,
As in those dayes were in those places rise,
Where men deuout did liue with great frugalitie,
And yet for strangers kept good hospitalitie.
29
But ere they came to that religious place,
They met a damsell full of beauty cheare,
That had with teares bedewed all her face,
Yet in those teares great beautie did appeare,
Rogero, that had euer speciall grace
In courteous acts and
[...]peech when she came neare,
Doth aske other what dangers or what feares,
Did moue her so to make her shed such teares.
30
She thus replies, the cause of this my griefe,
Is not for feare or danger of mine owne,
But for good will, and for compassion chiefe,
Of one yong knight, whose name is yet vnknowne,
Who if he haue not great and quicke reliefe,
Is iudgd into the fier to be throwne,
So great a fault they say he hath committed,
That doubt it is it will not be remitted.
31
The fault was this, there was good will betweene
Him and the daughter of the King of Spaine,
And left his loue should be descride and seene,
He finely doth himselfe a woman saine,
And went and spake as if he had so beene,
And thus he plaid (to tell the matter plaine)
The maid in shew, the man in deed so well,
That in a while he made her belly swell.
32
But out alas, what can so secret be,
But out it will when we do least suspect?
Sentence.
For posts haue eares, and walls haue eyes to see,
Dumbe beast and birds haue tongues ill to detect,
Sentence.
First one had found it out, then two or three:
And looke how fire doth creepe that men neglect,
Simile.
So this report from mouth to mouth did spring,
Till at the last it came vnto the king.
33
The King straight sends a trustie seruant thether,
Who making search when they two were in bed,
Found out the troth and tooke them both together,
Found him a man, and found her belly sped,
Away they carred her I know not whether,
Away vnto the prison he was led,
And must be burnd this day or else to morow,
The thought whereof doth moue my mind to sorow.
34
This made me purposely to come from thence,
And not to see one of so comely shape,
So sharply punisht for this small offence,
As if it were for murder or for rape,
Nor any hope could sinke into my sence,
How possible it were for him to scape,
And who could see or thinke without compassion,
A fine yong youth tormented in such fashion?
35
Twas strange to thinke how nie this tale did touch
The noble
Bradamants most tender hart,
It seemed she pittide this mans state as much,
As if her brother had playd such a part:
It was
[...] her brother,
[...] you
[...] seen,
[...] in
[...] 25. booke.
Some cause there was to make her fancie such,
As afterward at large I shall impart:
And straight she makes this motion, that they twaine
In the person of
Bradamant,Morall. that was so readily inclined to the ayd of a young man, though then we vnknowne to her, we may note, how to a noble disposition, a little perswasion suffiseth, to moue them to the succour of such as are distressed. in
Pinabello and his wife, that thought to reuenge the scorne they receiued, with doing the like scorne to others, we may see, how base and dunghill dispositions follow not any course of value or true reputation, but onely to wreake their malice on some bodie, not caring whom: as they are wont to tell of
Will Sommer (though otherwise a harmelesse foole) that would euermore if one had angerd him, strike him that was next him. Lastly in
Bradamant that met
Pinabell by hap, riding on the same horse that he had stolen from her long before (what time he left her for dead) and thereby now discouered him, and killed him, we may note a most notable example of diuine iustice, in the like cases, as many times it falleth out, and in this Poet you shall find many of them: as
Polynessos death in the fift bookes;
Martanos punishment in the eighteenth booke,
Marganorres execution in the seuen and thirtith booke: all which examples (whether true or fained) haue this chiefe scope and end, to make men know that there is a diuine power, that will iudge and punish the actions of men, be they neuer so secure or so secret; and onely the cleare conscience it is that assureth a man of his estate, both in this world and in the world to come: and he that feareth not that diuine power, it is vnpossible that he can liue free of most wicked acts. That wise and honorable counseller
Sir Walter Mildmay, as in all other things he shewed himselfe an vncorrupt man to his end, so his writings and sayings were euer spiced with this reuerent feare of God: for
ex abundantia cordis os loquitur: and among other of his (worth the noting) of which he himselfe gaue me a little volume when I was a boy of Eaton college (the which since his death haue bene published in print) but one speciall verse he had to that effect in Latin, and was by me put into English at the request of that honorable Gentleman his sonne in law,
Master William Fitzwilliams.
Vltio peccatum sequitur, delinquere noli,
Nam seelus admissum poena seuera premit:
Quod si fortè Deus, patiendo differat iram,
Sera licet veniat, certa venire solet.
Flie sinne, for sharpe reuenge doth follow sinne,
And wicked deeds, do wrathfull doomes procure:
If God stay long ear he to strike beginne,
Though long he stay, at last he striketh sure.
A worthie saying of a most worthie man, and thus much for the morall.
Hipermestra was daughter to
Egittus, this
Egittus had fiftie daughters,
Historie. who caused them all to be maried to
Danaos fifty sonnes, and being commanded by their tyrannous father, killed them all in one night, only
Hipermestra refused to obey so filthie a commandement, and saued her husband, whose name was
Linus.
Astolfo that with helpe of his booke dissolues the inchanted pallace,
Allegorie. and with his horne draue away those that assaulted him and put him in great danger, signifieth allegorically (as I haue in part touched before) how wisdome with the helpe of eloquence, discouereth the craftiest, and tameth the wildest. Furder in that
Rogero casteth away the inchanted shield, and refuseth the vse thereof, the Allegorie thereof signifieth, that though a man for necessitie sake, sometimes be driuen to take some helpes of no verie honorable sort, and sometimes to reliue himselfe with policies scarce commendable, yet one should when that vrgent necessitie is past, hurle such conceipt from him where it may neuer be found again, as
Rogero flang his shield into that well; and so fame shall blow abrode our noble mind in so doing, as it did
Rogeros for refusing an ayd of such force.
[...] the vse of
[...]iting in trees, good Poets
[...] testified.
[...]opertied. Vos
[...] testies, si
[...] habet arbor
[...] [...] & Arta
[...] [...] [...] of Eron.
[...] serumatà
[...] [...].
And then with true loue knots and pretie poses,
(To she how she to him by loue was knit)
Her inward thoughts by outward words discloses,
In her much loue to shew her little wit.
Orlando knew the hand, and yet supposes
It was not she that had such postes writ;
And to beguile himselfe, tush, tush (quoth he)
There may be more
Angelicas then she.
ca
[...]
80
Yea, but I know too well that pretie hand,
Oft hath she sent me letters of her writing:
Then he bethinks how she might vnderstand
His name and loue by that same new inditing,
And how it might be done long time he scand,
With this fond thought so sondly him delighting.
Thus with small hope, much feare, all malcontent,
In these and such conceits the time he spent.
81
And ay the more he seekes out of his thought
To driue this fancie, still it doth increase,
[...]
Eu'n as a bird that is with birdlime caught,
Doth beate her wings, and striues, and doth not cease
Vntill she hath her selfe all ouerwrought,
And quite intangled in the slimie grease:
Thus on went he, till him the way did bring
Vnto a shadie caue and pleasant spring.
82
This was a place, wherein aboue the rest,
This louing paire, leauing their homely host,
Spent time in sports that may not be exprest,
Here in the parching heate they tarrid most,
And here
Medore (that thought himselfe most blest)
Wrote certaine verses as in way of bost:
Which in his language doubtlesse sounded prittie,
And thus I turne them to an English dittie.
83
Ye pleasant plants greene herbs, and waters faire,
And caue with smell, and gratefull shadow mixt,
Where sweet
Angelica, daughter and heire
Of
Galafronne, on whom in vaine were fixt
Full many hearts, with me did oft repaire
Alone, and naked lay mine armes betwixt;
I poore
Medore, can yeeld but praise and thanks,
For these great pleasures found amid your banks.
84
And pray each Lord whom
Cupid holds in pray,
Each knight, each dame, aud eu'ry one beside,
Or gentle or meane sort that passe this way,
As fancie or his fortune shall him guide,
That to the plants, herbs, spring, and caue he say,
Long may the Sun and Moon maintaine your pride,
And y
e faire crew of Nymphs make such purueyance,
As hither come no heards to your annoyance.
85
It written was there in th'Arabian toong,
Which toong
Orlando perfect vnderstood,
As hauing learnt it when he was but yoong,
And oft the skill thereof had done him good,
But at this time it him so deeply stoong,
It had bin well that he it neuer coud,
And yet we see,
Sentence
to know men still are glad,
And yet we see much knowledge makes men mad.
86
Twise, thrise, yea fiue times he doth reade the time,
And though he saw and knew the meaning plaine,
Yet, that this loue was guiltie of such crime,
He will not let it sinke into his braine,
Oft he peruled it, and eu'ry time
It doth increase his sharp tormenting paine,
And ay the more he on the matter mused,
The more his wits and senses were confused.
87
Eu'n then was he of with welnigh bestraught,
So quite he was giu'n ouer vnto griese,
(And sure if we beleeue as proofe hath taught,
Sentence.
This torture is of all the rest the chiefe)
His
[...]prite was dead, his courage quaild with thought,
He doth despaire and looke for no reliefe;
And sorrow did his senses so surprise,
That words his toong, and teares forsooke his eyes.
88
The raging pang remained still within,
That would haue burst out all at once too fast:
Eu'n so we see the water tarry in
A bottle little mouthd,
Simile.
and big in wast,
That though you topsie tur
[...]y turne the brim,
The liquor bides behind with too much hast,
And with the striuing oft is in such taking,
As scant a man can get it out with shaking.
89
At last he comes vnto himselfe anew,
And in his mind another way doth frame,
That that which there was written was not trew,
But writ of spite his Ladie to defame,
Or to that end, that he the same might vew,
And so his heart with iealousie inflame:
Well be't who list (quoth he) I see this clearly,
He hath her hand resembled passing nearly.
90
With this small hope, with this poore little sparke,
He doth some deale reuiue his troubled sprite,
And for it was now late, and waxed darke,
He seekes some place where he may lie that night,
At last he heares a noise of dogs that barke,
He smels some smoke, and sees some candle light,
Virgill
[...]th the like. But
[...] described with more particulars E
[...]iam summa pro
[...]ul vill
[...]rum culmina sumat.
As might frō cold or might from shame him shield,
And saue he left behind this fatall blade,
No doubt he had therwith great hauocke made.
107
But his surpassing force did so exceed,
All common men, that neither sword nor bill,
Nor any other weapon he did need,
Meere strength suffisd him to do what he will,
He rootes vp trees as one would root a weed:
And eu'n as birders laying nets with skill,
Simile.
Pare slender thornes away with easie strokes,
So he did play with ashes, elmes and okes.
108
The heardmen and the shepheards that did heare,
The hideous noise and vnacquainted sound,
With feare and wonder great approched neare,
To see, and know, what was hereof the ground
But now I must cut off this treatise heare,
Lest this my booke do grow beyond his bound;
And if you take some pleasure in this text,
I will go forward with it in the next.
In
Bradamants sorow for want of
Rogero,Morall.we may note how it falleth out many times, that ouer great desire of reuenge, worketh to our selues as great displeasure, as we wished to our enemies. In
Rodomont, that would not take the horse from
Hippalca, till he knew that a braue chāpion was the owner thereof; we may note, that though wrong be in deed a thing reprouable, to whom soeuer it is done, yet it is far more tollerable, or at least excusable, to be done to ones equal, then to poore or inferior persons. In
Zerbinos happie deliuerance, from a shameful death, by
Orlandos meanes, we may obserue that which can neuer be too much obserued, namely how diuine prouidence neuer failes the innocent. In all the proceedings of
Zerbino and
Isabella, a patterne might be taken of gratitude, of constantnesse, and of noble and princely inclination.
Of
Hercules and
Antheus,Historie.though the originall it selfe seeme but fabulous, yet thus it is written, that they two wrastling,
Hercules perceiued that
Antheus strength increased by falling to the ground, and therefore to take him from his force, he tooke him vp in his armes, and so held him from the ground till he had vtterly vanquished him.
Plutarke in the life of
Sertorius saith this
Antheus was threescore cubits high.
In
Astolfo,Allegorie.that put off his armor, and gaue away his spare horse, and all his superstuous weapons, when he was to take the Griffith horse, and fly about the world, may be gathered a good allegoricall sence, or rather it may be called Theologicall; namely that he that will betake himselfe to so high a profession, as to teach and studie the high mysteries of Christen religion, and liue in contemplation of heauenly things, should cast away the burdenous clog of all worldly incumbrances, and to vse the phrase of our Sauiour himselfe, (leaue father, wife and children) and whatsoeuer else may be a hinderance to our proceedings in that kind: but this discourse is fit for another place, and my selfe also handled it more amply in a little dialogue of mariage that I made in mine young dayes, and therefore here I will cut it off for auoiding tediousnesse. Concerning
Orlandos madnesse there is a notable allegorie to be gathered thereof, of which (because I now haue taken vpon me to go thorow with the whole worke.) I will deferre to speake till I come to restoring of his wit againe: which I count more proper for this subiect.
But in the manner of his falling mad,
Allusion.my author hath (in mine opinion) shewd himselfe his crafts master, setting it out, verie pathetically, or (to speake English) passionatly. Furder there is in it a notable
Peripetia, which signifies the agnition, or taking knowledge of a sudden mutation of fortune, either good or bad to a contrarie extreame: of which kind there be many examples, but specially one, to which mine author seemes to allude. Namely that of
Oedipus in
Sophocles; for when a messenger came to him, to tell him how by the death of
Polybus he was elected king of Corinth,
Oedipus refused to come thither, for feare of committing incest with his owne mother (of which the Oracle had foretold him) the messenger thinking to cleare him of that scruple; vnaduisedly told him whose sonne he was (which he knew not before) and thereby now knew certainly that, which before he mistrusted, namely that he had laine with his mother, wherupon in deed he fell starke mad, and was after recured as appeares in the storie.
Thus words bred wrath, and wrath engendred blowes,
And blowes encreast their sharpe auenging will,
Eu'n as the wind that first but calmely blowes,
But after more and more increasing still,
At last it trees and houses ouerthrowes,
And seas and lands with tempest it doth fill:
So cruell grew the fight them two betweene,
Whose match might hardly in the world be seene.
83
Their hearts were stout, so were their bodies strong,
Desire to win, in both a like was great,
One doth maintain, tother would venge his wrong,
And loue their furie equally doth whet,
In equall paise the fight endured long,
Nor each of tother any gaine could get,
But each of them so firmely kept his ground,
As if each inch thereof had cost a pound.
84
Among an hundred blowes the Tartar smit,
Of which small hurt to
Rodomont did rise,
Yet one at last so heauily did hit,
Vpon his helmet, ouer both his eyes;
[...] phrase to
[...] fire out of e
[...]es and to
[...] see
[...] a
[...] noone.
His senses all were so amazd with it;
He thought he saw more starres then are in skies,
And almost downe he was eu'n in her fight,
For whom he first began this cruell fight.
85
But as a strong and iustly temperd bow,
Simile.
Of Pymount steele, the more you do it bend,
Vpon recoile doth giue the bigger blow,
And doth with greater force the quarrell send,
Eu'n so the Sarzan king that stoupt so low,
As highly to reuenge it doth intend,
And to acquite himselfe of this disgrace,
He striketh at the Tartar Princes face.
86
So fierce he strake, in this so furious mood,
An inch or little more aboue his fight,
That saue those armes of
Hector were so good,
Another phrase to strike one to make him think it night, as the Spaniard that had but one eye, hauing the tother strike
[...]n
[...] at tennis, said Buenas Noches.
Stept them between, and chargd them stay the fight,
As they their honour and her loue did tender,
And helpe their king, that is in wofull plight,
And end this fray begun of cause so slender,
At least defer so long to trie this quarrell,
Till
Agramant their king were out of perrell.
93
When she thus much to them declared had,
Then doth the messenger declare the rest,
And other strong perswasions he doth ad,
And doth expound to them their kings request,
Alledging that their absence made him sad,
That but they helpe, the campe would be distrest,
And that if they to rescue him neglected,
A present ruine were to be expected.
94
With his report and with her strong perswasion,
The hardie knights the combat do defar,
Till
Agramant be freed from this inuasion,
And all the Christen forces moued ar,
Thus of this friendly truce she is occasion,
That first was causer of their deadly war;
To her they binde themselues by solemne oth,
That vntill then, they will be quiet both.
95
There Discord was and Pride, and what they may,
They do this league to interrupt and breake,
But at that time, Loue bare so great a sway,
That to withstand him, they were both to weake:
In vaine it was to argue and gainsay,
When once dame
Doralice the word did speake,
By her perswasion, firmely they agreed.
Like friends vpon their iourney to proceed.
96
One onely want there was, that let them sore,
Which was that
Mandricardos horse was ded,
But loe eu'n then, came thither
Brygliadore,
That since his masters madnes there had fed,
Full glad the Prince of Tartar was therefore,
Of such a horse, so quickly to be sped:
But least my tale with tediousnes molest you,
I wish you lay aside the booke and rest you.
Morall.In the great offence of
Oderike, and the notable clemencie of
Zerbino in pardoning the same, we may note in the one the great frailtie of men in offending (specially in this kinde of fleshly concupiscene,) in the other a notable magnanimitie as well as mercie in forgiuing him: For that (indeed) is true clemencie in a Prince, to forgiue that offence that is committed against his priuat (as they call it) that is, against his owne person, rather then that, which is done against the law, for that is rather parcialitie and iniustice, then clemencie. Secondly we may obserue both in
Zerbino and
Isabella, a notable example of gratitude toward
Orlando, first in gathering his dispersed armour, next in that
Zerbino fought with
Mandricardo in defence of
Orlandos sword, in which conflict he receives his deaths wound, and though indeed, all that is told of this couple, tendeth to a tragicall end, yet is it withall set downe by my author in a sort, to moue so great compassion, that it seemes all that read it are as it were in loue with them, and lament their so vnfortunate end; which hath made me say sometimes (in sport) to some of mine honorable frends, that if I could without wronging mine author, I would surely have saned their liues, or giuen them a more fortunate end: though (to say true) sith an end is of necessitie due to all mankind, what more honorable death can a Prince have, then by a wound in fight, specially for a good quarrell? what more sweet death, then in her beloued armes whom he was bethrothed to, and intended to marrie? what more happie reward, then same and loue in this world, and heaven in the next? Further though
Isabella were after slain by
Rodomont in h
[...] drunkennues, as is noted in the xxix. booke, yet that notable title that is there given her (
the martir of chastitie) makes her so famous, and her vertue so admirable, as she could never have wisht a better end if she had lived as long as
Hecuba. Wherefore if it be true that
Ouid said of
Cadmus,
—Scilicet vltima semper,
Expect and a dies homini, dicique beatus
Anteobitum nemo, supremaque funera debet.
In English thus,
Our onely dying day, and end doth show
If that a man haue happie beene or no.
Then (I say) by the death of these two, though in shew vnfortunate yet in deed most glorious, they may be called happie. Lastly, for the end of this morall, we may take one speciall obseruation of great integritie in the religious man, that converted her to the faith, and yet afterward would not trust himselfe alone with her; for in the fleshly conflicts and temptations, the onely way to conquer, is to play the coward and runne away, and thus much for the morall.
Historie.The examples of the vertuous women that are praised by the hermit (though not named) in the 72. Staffe of this booke, are many, recited in the Scripture it selfe: as namely the blessed virgin
Marie, Anne, and
Magdalen, all which be tooke themselues most deuoutly to the seruice of God, and therefore are worthy to be canonized for examples of chastitie and zeale of religion.
Allegorie.In the sodaine parting of the fray betweene the two famous riuals, onely vpon the commandement of
Doralice, with whom they were both exceedingly in loue, thus allegorically is supposed to be meant that the strongest passions that are, as anger, and revenge, or what else soeuer, are often ouermastered with loue.
Allusion.The speech of
Isabella to
Zerbino, wishing to die at the same instant with him, alludes to the wish of good
Baweis and
Philemon.
In this xxv booke,
Morall. in
Rogeros valiant proceeding for the deliuerie of
Richardetto (though as then not knowne to him what he was) may be noted a wonderfull courage and promptnes to honorable exploits: In the great likenes of face of
Bradamant and
Richardetto (though this be but a fiction) yet we may obserue the rare, and (as it were) cunning workmanship of nature; admirable, as well in making so many sundrie countenances, one vnlike another: as also sometimes in making some so exceeding like, which indeed though it seldomer fortunes, and sooner alters in brother and sister; yet in two brothers, it is seene many times, and therefore not improbable to be written, as it is here for the forenamed couple. I have heard in England of the two
Tremaines not many yeares past: I haue knowne myselfe two of the
Wrothes in Eaton schoole, and lately in her Maiesties court two
Tracies, two proper and valiant young Gentlemen; whom my selfe being familiarly acquainted with, yet I could verie hardly know one from the other. But to come to the tale of
Richardetto and
Fiordispina, (which name signifieth as much as the flowre of thorne, and not vnapt for her prickling condition) I must confesse my author sheweth in the tale, rather pleasant wit, then any sober grauitie, and the best I can say is this, that it is a bad matter not verie ill handled. But as I vndertooke in the beginning to make speciall note of all she good matters by which the honest reader might take profite, so I thinke it as conuenient, where any light and lasciuious matter fals (as this is surely one) to temper it in such sort, or at least to salue it so, as it may do least hurt. Namely, I would not haue that xxv. staffe by misapplying it, made worse: being perhaps bad enough at the best.
For what can be more cullen like and base,
And fitter for a man were made of straw,
Then standing in a gallant Ladies grace,
To shew himselfe a cockow or a daw,
Leesing occasion both of time and place? &c.
This taken, as many will take it, may seeme but lewd doctrine, but thus it ought and may be honestly taken, that he that in good honorable sort (as put the case in the way of marriage) may obtaine the loue of some worthy Ladie, and stands in her high sauour, and then will be so bashfull, either for want of wit or heart, to leese that oportunitie, he may be in good reason indued with those gentle titles; neuerthelesse to vnderstand it generally were vngoodly, considering the Scripture commendeth to vs the example of Ioseph, that refused his mistres kindnes. But to conclude the morall of this tale, we may note how full of doubts and feares these vnlawfull pleasures are, how soeuer some men like better, to hunt by stealth in another mans walke, then to haue the fairest course that may be at game of their owne.
The examples that
Fiordispina recites of other womens vnlawfull lusts,
Historie. preferring them before her owne, for their possibilitie (hers being vnpossible) are confirmed by diuers authors, as of
Nynus wife
Semiramis, that lusted after a horse:
Nynos wise after a bull, and other such tales, though I thinke vntrue, or rather cullerd by such names: as in that of
Pasiphae, it is thought she loued one that was called
Taurus (to say a bull) and thereupon the light headed Poets, that haue a priuiledge as free for the pen, as painters haue for the pencill, make a great wonder of it, whereas perhaps indeed it was but euen an ordinarie matter, that is dayly (or at least nightly) committed, by many in these times.
Thus tale of
Fiordispina alludes to that in the ninth of the Metamorphosis of
Iphis,Allusion. and the complaint she makes is much taken from thence, and is wonderfull finely written by
Ouid, as you may reade there more at large.
Vix\`quetenens lachrimas; quis me manet exitus inquit,
They know their steeds (and this doth grieue them more
Cannot out run Frontin & Brighadore.
97
Wherefore supposing (as it was indeed)
That they were gone vnto the Turkish host,
To follow them forthwith these two agreed,
Though not to follow as they went in post,
Not doubting but when
Agramant were freed,
At leasure them to meet, and to their cost:
They onward go, but yet
Rogero ment,
To bid his friends farewell asore he went.
98
Downe from his horse he gently doth descend,
And
Richardetto he aside doth take,
And promist him for ay to be his frend,
And to his noble sister for his sake:
To whom (said he) I pray you me commend,
Yet in such prettie sort the same he spake,
His inward loue was not thereby detected,
Nor her great loue to him, one whit suspected.
99
Thus solemne leaue once tane on either side.
And profers of great loue and curtsie made,
To him was hurt, and all the rest beside,
As still among great nobles is the trade,
Rogero with
Marfisa on doth ride,
But how they did the Christen campe inuade,
And what great losse did
Charls thereby receiue,
In next ensuing booke you may perceiue.
In the xxvi. booke I obserue that
Aldiger did discreetly refuse the challenge of
Marfisa,Morall. which might perhaps haue hindred his better purpose in rescuing of his kinsmen. In
Hippalca we may note the wisedome of a warie messenger, that knows as well to hold her peace as to speake. Lastly in
Rogero, Rodomont, Mandricard and
Marfisa, the confused effects of discord.
The Princes named by mine author to be killers & vanquishers of the miserable monster (as I called it) by which auarice is ment,
Historie. are so famous in all writings of this age, that I need not speake of them, specially our king
Henrie the eight, whose bountie and magnificence can neuer be forgotten while this realme shall be peopied, or any histories read.
This description of the monster of couetousnesse, is (in my fancy) very well handled by mine Author,
Allegorie. far beyond the like in
Dant who maketh her onely like a Wolfe, pined with famine; But
Ariosto goeth farder, and more significantly, describing her first to be vgly, because of all vices it is the most hatefull; eares of an asse, being for the most part ignorant, or at the least carelesse of other mens good opinions; a Wolfe in head and breast, namely rauenous and neuer satisfied; a Lions grisly iaw, terrible and deuouring; a foxe in all the rest, wyly and craftie, and timerous of those that are stronger then himselfe: all which applications are so proper and so plaine, as it is needlesse to stand vpon them.
Some verie fondly haue surmised,
Allusion. and published the same in print, that this was alluded to the Bishop of Rome, but how absurd that imagination is, the praise of the Pope, then liuing, following in the 32. staffe doth plainly shew. But
Fornarius supposeth it to be meant rather by some temporall Prince of Italie, that with his couetousnesse oppressed the people, and therefore might be, not vnfitly, termed such a monster.
Which hauing found, vp from his chaire he started,
And salutations to them all imparted.
107
Then askt he many questions of them all,
And as occasion seru'd, discourses varid;
But still we finde, and euer finde we shall,
Sentence.
By thought of heart the speech of tongue is carid:
For last to treat of marridge he doth fall,
And asketh of the men if they be marrid:
And if they be, he prayth them to declare,
Of their wiues truthes, what their opinions are.
108
Straight all of them made answer they had wiues,
And but mine host, all praisd the happie state;
And said they were the comforts of their liues,
That draw a happie yoke without debate:
A playfellow, that farre off all griefe driues,
A steward, early that prouides and late;
Both faithfull, chast, and sober, mild, and trustie,
Nurse to weake age, and pleasure to the lustie.
109
Tush (quoth mine host) vnder your good correction,
(Most noble guest) these fellows say not right,
But either with fond loue, or foule subiection,
So blinded are, they take the blacke for white:
I once my selfe, was toucht with this infection,
But now I see, that then I wanted sight:
And now I know, as being better taught,
That theirs and mine be all vnchast and naught.
110
For as the Phoenix is a bird alone,
Simile.
[...] saith, Rara
[...] in terris
[...].
And of that kind, the whole world hath no more;
So (thinke I) of all wiues there is but one,
That liueth chast in loue and vertues lore:
He blest may be, that lighteth her vpon,
Small hope (thinke I) there is in so scant store,
That many should haue one of such a kind,
Of which in all the world but one I finde.
111
I once so blinded was, as now be thease,
Till by good hap vnto my house there came;
A Gentleman of Venice from the seas,
Francis Valerio was he cald by name:
He knew, and could declare them all with ease,
All womens wiles, and stories to the same,
He had of old, and of the later times,
To shew both wiues, and single womens crimes.
112
He said, and bad me hold it as my creed,
That all of them are false, if they be trides
If some seemd chast, it did of this proceed,
They had the wit to do, and not be spide,
And knew, by deepe dissembling, and good heed,
With sober looks their wanton lusts to hide:
And this to proue he told me such a tale,
As while I liue, I still remember shall.
113
And if it like you sir, to lend me eare,
In my rude fashion, I shall it recite,
Right glad (quoth
Rodomont) by heau'ns I sweare,
For thou hast hit my present humor right:
Wherefore (said he) sit downe I pray thee theare,
For in thy speech alreadie I delight:
But heare I end this booke, for doubt I haue,
That in his tale, mine host will play the knaue.
In this booke we may obserue,
Morall. how important a thing it is in an army, to haue store of good leaders; as
Liuie noteth of the old Remaines:
Fortiorem rem Romanam ducibus esse, quam militibus. That the strength of the Romaines, consisted more in Captaines, then in souldiers. In quarrels that grew in the campe vpon trifling causes; we may note a fault that many of English Seruitors (though otherwise braue men) haue many times bene noted of in their forren seruice, where they verie seldome agree togither, but seeke to disgrace one another. In
Agramant, we may note a princely maiestie, in compounding such controuersies. In
Rodomonts bitter inuective against women, we may see how passionate extreames loue and hate be. In mine Host, we note how such base fellows are still readie to feed the humors of Princes, though it be in shamefull vices, or manifest errors.
Hippolita to whom
Marfisa is compared,
Historie. as also the whole countrie of Amazons, and their lawes, I haue spoken of elsewhere: this is that
Hippolita, that was brought by
Theseus to Athens, and there had a sonne called
Hippolitus.
In that he faineth,
Allegorie. that the spright entring into
Doralices horse, conueyed her into the campe of the Pagans, to the great damage of the Christians, we may thereby note how that ghostly enemie doth indeed watch (as the scripture saith) like a roring Lion whom he may deuour, to do mankind all the hurt that may be; and therefore, we must not giue him an inch, least (as the prouerbe saith) he take an ell.
In the solemnitie of their combats and preparation,
Allusion.Fornarius noteth, that he alludes to a 'policie, vsed by
Isabella wife to
Ferdinando, king of Spaine. She, to make her men of armes more valiant and couragious, caused them to fight with the Moors in the verie sight of their Ladies and Mistresses, and partly thereby expulsed the Moores out of Granata. But for
Doralices reiecting of
Rodomont, and chusing
Mandricard; it alludes to a like thing, written by
Plutarch in his loue discourses, where
Calysto was taken and
Strato refused: of which afterward insued the death of al three.
Fierce Lions, Bears, and serpents that haue stings,
Should be shut vp, not faire and harmlesse things.
96
The godly Frire, that tooke no little care,
Lest this ill speech might turne her to small good,
With new exhortings, bad her to be ware,
That such intisements strongly be withstood:
And for that end, forthwith he doth prepare,
A sumptuous messe of ghostly inward food:
But this vile Pagan did no sooner tast it,
But vp againe, his squemish stomacke cast it.
97
And seeing that the speeches of this Frire,
(Whō he could make by no means hold his peace)
Seemd greatly to contrarie his desire;
Wrath kindled, and at last did so increase,
That this poore priest gat but a forie hire.
But he are a while my storie now shall cease,
Lest my mishap or punishment be such,
As was this Priests, for talking ouermuch.
In
Iocundo and
Astolfo both, may be noted the vanitie of beautie in men, and how weake a protection it is,
Morall. against the blow that neuer smarteth, as some haue termed it.
[...]urder, in
Iocundos wife, that after all the great protestations of kindnesse, was taken in bed with his man, we may note the fraud as well as frailtie, of some of that sexe. In
Fiametta, that lying between a king and a knight, tooke vp a Tapster into her bed, I cannot tell what to note, but that which
Ouid faith.
Non caret effectu, quod voluere duo.
Nought can restraine, consent of twaine.
In the Queene of Lombardie, that bestowed her loue so basely, we may see that no state nor degree is priuiledged from shame and slander, except vertue and grace from aboue, do keepe them from such enormous offences. Further we may see it is a verie desper at enterprise, to thinke by any restraint, to keepe an vnchast woman from putting in practise her lewd desires. Lastly the defence of women, by the graue wise man, too truly proueth, that though many women are bad, yet many men are worse, and therfore if euery one would mend one (as the Prouerbe saith) al shal be mended. And as for
Rodomonts new loue, it shews that no passiō grows so strong by accident, to remoue & take away a natural disposition.
Historie nor Allegorie,
Allusion. not scant any thing that is good, can be picked out of this bad booke: but for Allusions they come in my mind so plentifully, as I can scant tell how to make an end when I am once entred into them: Onely I will touch one or two, (so fill vp this page withall) that allude to that point of
Iocundos patience, in leauing the adulterer vnpunished, and his wife reproued, taking her in so shamefull an act. As I haue heard of one of honest calling
(But namelesse he, for blamelesse he must be) that finding one in bed with his wife, and seeing euidently, that she had plaid false at tables, and borne a man to many, drew out his dagger resolutely, and sware a great oth, that if he had not bin his verie frend, he would at least haue killed him: and when he had done he put vp his dagger againe, and went about some other business. Another, hearing one was newly gone out of his house, that had done that for him, which no bodie desires to do by a deputie, tooke his sword and his buckler and followed in a great rage, and hauing ouertaken him, laid adultery to his charge: the man so hotly pursude, and so hardly charged, confessed it was true: with which the tother (being fully satisfied, as it seemed with his honest confession) left him, swearing if he had denied it, he would not so haue put it vp.
Though he might see with this fall he had mard her,
Yet faine he would, she should haue borne him farder.
67
[...] Quantum
[...] we sag
[...]tta
[...] po
[...]est.
At last on his owne shoulder her he laid,
And bare her so about an arrow shoot,
But feeling then that she too heauie waid,
He leadeth her and lets her go on foot,
She limping follows him, and still he said;
Come on, come on, but little did it b
[...]t,
At last to make her, her flow pace to alter,
About his right leg he doth her halter.
68
And tels her now with ease she follow may,
And so to harry her he doth begin,
The sharpe stones lying in the rugged way,
Fret of her haire, and afterward the skin,
The beast misused thus, liues searse a day:
Orlando hath her tyde vnto his shinne;
He sees not, nor he knows not she is ded,
But on he draws her as his furie led.
69
And sure he would haue seru'd her such a tuch,
I meane his mistres, if he could haue caught her,
Had not the vertue of that ring beene such,
As how to walke inuisible it taught her:
Ah curled be that ring, and curst as much
Be he that so vnluckily it brought her;
Else sure
Orlando had reuenged then,
Her often wrongs, to him and other men.
70
Yet why wish I this curse on her alone?
I would the like might hap to all the kinde,
Ouid de arte avr. Fallute fallenies ex magna parto profaenum suns genus.
For in a thousand good there is not one,
All be so proud, vnthankfull and vnkinde,
With flintie hearts; carelesse of others mone,
In their owne lusts carrid most headlong blinde,
But more herein to speake I am forbidden,
Verisas odium parse. Terense.
Some time for saying truth one may be chidden.
MorallIn the death of
Isabella is a not able example of chastitie, which I must confesse I haue indeuoured to set foorth to the vttermost of my poore skill, of a speciall loue and reuerence I bare to the name, hauing had an
Isabell to my mother, and such an
Isabell, as if nature did not make me to partiall a praiser, I would boldly affirme (both for the honorable place she liued in, and for the vertuous sort she dyed in) to be worthie to whom the prophecie in the
31. staffe of this
29. booke may be worthily applyed: As a better pen then mine, approued by this made Epitaph and intiled in this sort:
A true report of mistres
Isabell Harington, sometime of her Maiesties-priute chamber, written by a credible person that was well acquainted with her conditions.
A body chast, a vertuous mind, a temperat tongue, an humble hart,
Secret and wise, faithfull and kind, true without guile, milde without art,
A frend to peace, a foe to strife, a spotlesse maid, a matchlesse wife.
And thus much for the name of
Isabella. In
Rodomont we may see effects of incoustancie, sensualitie and drunkennes, all which end (for the most part) in fruitles repentance.
HistorieWhereas this fact of
Isabella is preferred before that of
Lucretia, who killed herselfe after she was destoured, I thinke that no man can instly make any comparison betweene them; for the storie, I will not stand long vpon to recite it being so well knowne, but refer the studious reader, either to
Liuie who writes it in prose very faithfully, or to
Ouid de Fallis, where it is also recorded verie Poetically and passionatly.
Quidfaciat, pugne
[...] vincetur foemina pugnans;
Clamet? at in dextra qui vetet ensis erat.
Aufigiat? positis vrgentur pectora palmis,
Tum primum externa pectora tacta manu.
AllegorieSome perhaps will picke a prettie Allegorie in the confection that
Isablla made, and in deed it is a prettie receit, if it be well marked: It is in the 15. staffe: an herbe, which she named not, (suppose it to be trettifollie or prettifolly) mingled with elder berries and rew, (which may signifie sage counsel and repentance) and strained between harmles hands, which betokens innocencie, boyled on a fire of Cypres, which the ancient Romanes vsed at funerals, and therefore may be taken either for death, or persecution, or martyrdome: this confection vsed in due order will be a good Antidoroner medicine, against fire and sword: vnder which is signified, all the perils and aduersities of the world.
AllusionThe death of
Isabella alludeth, or in deed is meerly taken from the like example of one
Brasilla of Durazzo, that in the selfe same sort deceiued a souldier, and was killed her selfe: as
Fornarius no eth at large.
Whō thou should hurt, by thee their help is sought
Whom thou should saue, by thee they spoiled be;
Needs must I blame thy negligent regarding,
As well in punishing as in rewarding.
80
Traiano flue thy fire, I thinke thou knowest,
[...] this you may
[...] more on the
[...] end of the
[...]5. book.
(For sure the stones it know) yet to his sonne,
Thou thinkst in honor thou such dutie owest,
That thou must see no hurt may him be donne:
Is this sufficient a reuenge thou trowest,
Thinkst thou true fame can by such facts be wonne?
Lo vnto what thy shew of honor tends,
To serue thine enemies, and slay thy frends.
81
Thus
Bradamant spake to her absent loue,
With passion great, and euermore her maid,
With reason seeks that fancie to remoue,
Assuring her she need not be affraid:
And wishing her with patient mind to proue,
If so he would not do as he had said,
And that she would in all things hope the best,
Sentence.
And then to God and fortune leaue the rest.
82
With this good speech of hers, and strong perswasion,
She doth his comming till the day expect,
Which good
Rogero brake, not by occasion
That he his word and promise did neglect;
But that which hapt against his expectation,
His wounds had bred so dangerous effect,
But chiefe the same he last tooke in his hed,
Which made him fortie dayes to keepe his bed.
83
Now
Bradamant doth waite the twentie dayes,
And staid at Montalbano with her mother,
And making still enquirie many wayes,
If she might heare some news of one or other,
But none she heard, saue that which to his praise,
Was told her after by her younger brother,
Which though she ioyd to heare, as was most meet,
Yet mingled was some soure with that same sweet.
84
For why the vallew of
Marsisa stout,
Which did assist them greatly, as he told,
To win their kinsmen from the moorish rout,
That vnto
Bertolage should haue bin sold,
This bred in
Bradamantes minde some doubt,
And strake into her heart a iealiouse cold;
Because twas said they two together went
To
Agramant, that in his campe was pent.
85
For though she could not chuse but greatly praise her,
That did her selfe so stout and valiant proue,
Yet one the tother side, her beautie frayes her,
Lest he perhap on her might set his loue:
But yet in fine, hope of his promise stayes her,
So that in twentie dayes he did not moue
From Montalbano, and in that same space,
Renaldo.
There thither came the chiefe man of her race.
86
I meane not chiefe of birth, but chiefe of name,
For two there were, in birth more old then he,
Renaldo vnto Montalbano came,
His brothers, cosins, and his frends to see,
Whom he had heard by speech of flying fame,
Now safe ariued at that place to be,
And how
Rogero and
Marsisa wrought
Their libertie, when they were sold and bought.
87
Wherefore he came to see them face to face,
And vnderstand with them how each thing stood,
It seemd he was as welcome to the place,
As is the swallow to her tender brood,
Simile.
That almost starued and in sorrie case,
Haue long expected sustenance and food,
And when they there had staid, a day or twaine,
Both they and he to Paris went againe.
88
Alardo and
Guichiardo, Richardet,
And
Malagigy and good
Viviane,
Close after this braue Lord themselues do get,
And
Bradamant with them they would haue tane,
But she alledg'd she could not come as yet;
(But hopes ere long they should be ouertane)
She prays them for that time content to hold them;
For why she was not well at ease she told them.
89
And true it was, she was not well at rase,
Not that she had a fit of any feauer,
Or any other corporall disease,
It was a fit of loue, that burneth euer;
Whole heat no herbe nor phisicke can appease;
This fit did her from that braue crew disseuer:
But in another booke I shall repeat,
What succour they did bring to
Charls the great.
In this thirtith booke, in
Orlandos mad pranks (though they be fained things) we may note, what hard and impossible matters are attempted,
Morall. and sometime atchieued by mad men, of which the reason is doubtfull; a naturall reason is given (though many will doubt thereof) that the cause of their extraordinarie strength, is that nature (
Intendens omnem vim) as they terme it, that is to say, bending her whole force at one instant, doth by that means double the strength and abilitie to any hard and vnmeasurable matter: as we see men often at the pangs of death (through otherwise but weake) yet so strong that three or foure men cannot hold them: or as men somtimes in a feare leape ouer a wall, or downe from a window without harme, which at another time would breake their neckes. Another reason of mad mens vnreasonable strength, is metaphysicall, or supernaturall, and that is when they are possessed with spirits, of which there are
[Page 248] many examples. In
Agramant that endeuors to end two quarrels with one combat, we may obserue, that it beseemes the wisedome of a Prince, either to take vp quarrels and civill dissentions betweene their great subiects absolutely, or at least to draw them to as speedie a triall, and with as little damage as may be.
Historie and Allusion.Concerning the Eagle about which the two champions straue who should beare it for his armes or Cognizance (as we terme it) he seemes to allude to the civill warres that were betweene
Caesar and
Pompey, where as
Lucan complayneth in his excellent Poem,
—Infestisque obuia signis
Signa, pares aquilas & pila minantia pilis,
For the Romaines Ensigne was the Eagle, and it is strange that is reported by credible writers, how in a battell fought neare Thessalia, between
Brutus and
Cassius of the one side, and
Octauius and
Anthony of the other side, two Eagles were visibly seene fighting in the ayre with their beaks and tallents, in most fierce manner: And finally, that of
Anthonyes side preuayled, and put the other to flight.
On French the Moores, on Moores he French doth heape,
And all he meeteth he doth ouerrunne:
So did ambition set his heart on fire,
To meet
Renaldo, such was he desire,
79
Soone after this each met with speare in rest,
(But neither then at first the tothers knew)
Each brake his speare vpon the tother crest,
Vnto the heau'nly car the splinters flew:
Then with their swords either was readie prest,
(Their lances thrown away, their swords they drew)
Each laying on the other so fell strokes,
As if not knights had fought, but clownes feld okes.
80
Gradasso though he knew him not by sight,
(For yet the morning beames were not displaid)
Yet did he gues
[...]e both by the horses might,
And those fierce strokes the tother on him laid;
Wherfore with words that sauord scorne and spight,
He straight begins
Renaldo to vpbraid:
And said he had his challenge disappointed,
And not appeared at the day appointed.
81
Belike you thought I should haue met you neuer,
But now (said he) you here are met right well,
Assure your selfe I will pursue you euer,
Were you tane vp to heau'n, or downe to hell;
No height nor depth, should hinder mine endeuer,
I meane to finde you out where eare you dwell,
To shunne the fight with meit doth not boote,
Vntill you leaue your horse and go on foote.
82
At this his speech, were diuers standing by,
As
Guidon, Richarder, and others more,
Who would haue slaine
Gradasso by and by,
Had not
Renaldo stepped them before,
And said in wrath, what masters am not I,
Well able wreake my priuate wrongs therefore?
Then to the Pagan gently thus he spake,
And wisht him marke the answer he did make,
83
Who euer faith, that I did fight eschew,
Or
[...]hew defect of vallew any way,
I say and do auouch he faith vntrue,
And I will proue by combat what I say;
I came vnto the place to meete with you,
No
[...] cuses I did seeke, not no delay,
And frankly here to you I offer fight,
But first I wish you were informed right.
84
Then tooke he him aside, and more at large,
He told what hapned him and how by art,
His cosin
Malagige into a barge
Conuayed him, and forst him to depart:
In fine himselfe, of blame quite to discharge,
He brought him out to witnes eu'rie part,
And then to proue that this was true indeed,
He offerd in the combat to proceed.
85
Gradasso that both curteous was, and stout,
Gaue eare vnto the tale
Renaldo told,
And though it seemd he stood thereof in doubt,
Yet him in all his speech he not controld:
But in conclusion, hauing heard it out,
He doth his former purpose firmely hold:
Which was by combat fierce to try and know,
If so he could Bayardo win or no.
86
The Palladine that passed not a point
Of no mans force, to meet him gaue his word:
The place in which to meet they did appoint,
Was neare a wood, and by a pleasant foord,
There only added was a further point;
Which was that Duriudan,
Orlandos sword,
Should to
Renaldo as of right accrew,
If he the Pagan ouercame or slew.
87
Thus for the present time departed they,
Vntill the time approcht of pointed fight,
Although
Renaldo frendly did him pray,
To rest him in his tent that day and night:
And offerd franke safe conduit for his stay,
So curteous was this same couragious knight:
Gradasso greatly praisd the noble offer,
But yet refusd the courtsie he did profer.
88
The feare was great that secretly did lurke,
In all the minds of all
Renaldos kin,
Who knew the strength and cunning of this Turke
Was such, as doubt it was which side should win:
Faine
Malagigi by his art would worke,
To end this fray, before it should begin:
Saue that he feard
Renaldos vtter enmity,
In so base sort for working his indemnity.
89
But though his frends did feare more then was meet,
Himselfe assurde himselfe of good successe:
Now at the pointed time and place they meet,
Both at one verie instant, as I guesse,
And first they kindly do embrace and greet
The tone the tother with all gentlenesse,
But how sweet words did turne to bitter blowes,
The next booke sauing one, the sequell showes.
Morall.In the xxxi, Canto I finde little worth any speciall noting, but that which in the beginning of the booke is said against
[...], which is one of thethree incurable diseases noted in our old English Prouerbe:
From Heresie, Phrenesie, and Icalsousie, good Lord deliuer me. The rest of the booke hath no new matter, but such as hath bin noted before: and therfore I will end this little space with this short note.
[...] when the
[...], ascend as
[...] as ice midle
[...] straight
[...] grow to
[...] a great
[...] in them,
[...] makes the
[...] beare them
[...] though they
[...] of
[...] as we see
[...].
embowd:
So when the damsell plainly saw that time,
Her presence in the place was not allowd,
She was so chang'd in count'nance and in cheare,
That eu'n vnlike her selfe she did appeare.
94
But much astonyd with the sudden passion,
She readie was to found in all their fight;
But
Bradamant that would not for compassion
Permit that she should go abrode that night,
Did say, this triall was of no good fashion,
And that the iudgement hardly could be right,
[...]
When men obserue not this same chiefe regard,
As not to iudge before both parts be hard.
95
I, that on me do take her to defend,
Say thus, that be I faire, or lesse or more,
I came not as a woman, nor intend
As woman now to be adiugd'd therefore;
Who knowes may sex, except I condescend
To shew the same? and one should euermore
[...]
Shun to confirme things doubtfull, or deny it,
When chiefly others may be harmed by it.
96
Yet who can say precisely what I am?
For many men do weare their haire as long,
And you do know that as a man I came,
And all my gestures to a man belong;
Wherefore in giuing me a womans name,
To both of vs perhaps you may do wrong;
Your law points women (if their right be donne)
By women, not by warriers to be wonne.
97
But yet admit it were as you do guesse,
That I indeed were of the female gender,
Though that it is so, I do not confesse;
Should I to her my lodging then surrender,
If that my beautie of the two were lesse?
No sure, in that the reason were but slender:
The price that vnto vertue longs of dewtie,
Should not be tane away for want of bewtie.
98
And if your law were such, that needs of force,
Vnto the fairest lodging should be giuen,
Yet at this feast I tary would perforce,
And from my lodging I would not be driuen:
Wherefore mine argument I thus enforce,
That this same match betweene vs is not euen,
For striuing here with me, the case is plaine.
She much may leese, and little she may gaine.
99
And where the gaine and losse vnequall is,
The match is euill made in common sence:
Wherefore I thinke it were not much amisse,
With this same law for this time to dispence;
And if that any dare mislike of this,
Or seeme to take the matter in offence,
I will with sword be readie to maintaine,
That mine aduice is good, and his is vaine.
100
Thus noble
Ammons daughter mou'd with pittie
In her behalfe, who to her great disgrace
Should haue bin sent, where neither towne nor cittie
Was neare almost in three leagues of the place,
Fram'd her defence so stout and eke so wittie,
That to her reason all the rest gaue place;
But chiefe the perill great and hazard waying,
That might haue grown to them by her gainsaying.
101
As when the Sunne in sommer hath most powre,
Simile
And that the ground with heate thereof is nued,
For want of raine the drie and parched flowre
Doth fade, and is as twere of life depriued,
But if in season come a fruitfull showre,
It riseth vp, and is againe reuiued:
So when the damsell this defence did heare,
She waxed faire againe, of better cheate.
102
And thus at last they fell vnto their feast
In quiet sort, for none did come that night,
To challenge any of them, or molest,
No traueller, nor any wandring knight;
All merry were but
Bradamante least,
Fell iealousie bard her of all delight,
Her stomacke so distempting, and her tast,
She tooke no pleasure of that sweet repast.
103
When supper ended was, they all arise,
Although perhaps they would haue longer sate,
Saue for desire they had to feed their eyes:
And now the night was spent and waxed late,
The master of the house in seemly wise,
Doth call for torches to set out his state,
And straight with torch light filled was the hall,
But what they saw, hereafter shew I shall.
The first fiftie staues of this booke I may call mine, as the Poet
Martiall sai
[...] in a little Epigram of his, of a Gentlewomans periwig, fifteene hu
[...]dred yeares since, I thinke the verse was this, or such another,
And so may I as truly sweare these are mine for they were giuen me by my brother (
Francis Harington) who made them for a proofe of his veine in this kind; and if his sloth had not bin as blame-worthy, as his skill is praise-worthy, he had eased me of much of the paine that I tooke with the rest: and me thinks when I reade his and mine owne together, the phrase agrees so well, as it were two brothers. Though he (in his modestie) would needs giue his elder brother leaue to take all the paines, and praise (if there were any,) following herein the example of diuers, indeed studious and learned Gentlemen, that haue either disdained to bestow so much paines on another mans worke, or at least would not leese so much time from more graue or more profitable studies; or (which perhaps is the chiefest reason) because they feele, that though it is but a sport to write now and then a little odde sonet, yet it is some labour to write a long and setled stile: as
Tullie saith of writing in prose;
Stilus est optimus dicendi magister, sed laboris magni est, quem plerique fugimus. Writing is the best schoolmaster for eloquence, but (saith he) it is a painfull thing, and that most of vs cannot away withall. And yet I find (hauing written in both kinds now and then, as my slender capacitie would serue me) that prose is like a faire greene way, wherein a man may trauel a great iourney and not be weary; but verse us a miry lane, in which a mans horse puls out one leg after another with much ado, and often driues his master to light to help him out: but I shall trauell anon so far in this greene way, that I shal be out of my right way, or at least beside my matter; and therfore I now come to the moral.
Morall.In the Morall of this xxxij. booke, in the person of
Agramant we may note, how a Generall must not vpon one foyle or one ill day (as they call it) despaire of his affaires, or abandon his enterprise, but betake him to some strong place of aduantage, till they may make head againe. In which kind, the old Romanes (conquerors of the world) aboue all other things showed their vnconquered minds; and specially then, when
Terentius Varro had receaued that great foile and ouerthrow by
Hannibal, as
Liuie noteth in the end of the xxij. booke.
Quo in tempore ipso, adeò magno animo ciuitas fuit, vt Consuli ex tanta clade (cuius ipse magna causa fuisset) redeunti, & obuiam itum frequenter ab omnibus ordinibus sit, & gratiae actae, quòd de republica non desperasset. Cui si Carthaginiensium ductor fuisset, nihil recusandum supplicij foret. What time (saith
Liuie) the citie was of so great courage, that the Consull returning from so mightie an ouerthrow (of which himselfe had bin a great occasion) yet was publikly and solemnly met by all the companies, and had speciall thanks giuen him because he despaired not of the common state: who had he bin captain of the Carthaginians, no punishment had bin too much for him. Further, in
Brunello that had somtimes bin
Agramants secretary, and yet now was hanged for iustice sake, we may note, that wicked mē, thought they be somtime aduanced by their Princes to great honors and wealth, yet when their oppressions and thefts shal be plainly boulted out and manifestly proued, law will haue his course, and iustice must be done. And yet wee see also in this booke, in
Bradamants defence of
Vllany against the law of sir
Tristrams lodge, that for the most part lawes are but like Spiders webs, taking the small Gnats, or perhaps sometime the fat flesh flies, but Hornets that haue sharpe stings and greater strength, breake through them.
Historie.Of
Iosuas day, which he toucheth in the xi. staffe, the holy Scripture speakes of, how he made the Sunne stand still. But for the false
Amphittios night, though it seeme meere fabulous as it is told, that
Iupiter made the night three nights long, to take the more pleasure of
Alcmene, yet me thinke it is worth the obseruation, how the very prophane and vaine writings of old times do concurre with the sacred Scriptures; for whensoeuer the birth of
Hercules was, which I dare not affirme to haue bin at that time, and yet by computation il wil not fall long after. For
Hercules was a great while before the last Troian warres, and many old writers agree, that
Priamus liued in
Dauids time, and sent to him for succor: but howsoeuer that may be proued for the certaine time of his birth, certain it is, when the Sunne stood still in one part of the world, then in reason at their Antipodes and in the other Hemispheare it must needs be night all that while. And if the Sunne were almost downe when
Iosua spake (as it may be coniectured) because he would not feare want of light to pursue his enemies vntill the Sunne were neare setting, then it might be euen in the same Hemispheare within a few degrees. As for example, it is night one hundred miles Eastward sooner then it is so farre Westward by a good while: (as they that are Astronomers can easily resolue the simplest that is.) But to be short, it is verified by many writers, that there was one night obserued to be longer then her fellowes, which night either
Hercules was borne vpon, or else was fained to be begotten vpon, and therefore they sirnamed him
[...] of that night that was as long as three nights. But this I submit to the iudgement of learned Diuines.
Allegorie.The colour and embrodery of
Bradamants bases in the 47. staffe, betokening desperation is there shewed, I need not long to stand vpon: for as for those hidden misteries of colours, with their applications, of blue to constancie, twanie forsaken, white to virginitie, and the rest, they are very well knowne to all our gallant Gentlemen, who often haue more cost in their clothes, and wit in their colours, then coyne in their coffers, or learning in their heads.
Allusion.Of the Island Queene that sent the shield of gold to France, which
Bradamant thought would but breed quarrels,
Fornarius noteth, that mine Author did therein couertly allude to a matter betweene England and France, for
Ariosto liued in
Henry the eight his time, and maketh very honorable mention of him. But thus it was. After the death of
Lewes of France,
Marie the younger sister of
K. Henrie the eight remaining his Dowager, our King sent for his sister to come into England: but
Francis the first, loth she should go out of France, in respect of the great dower she should carry with her, which by the custome of that country was a third part of the reuenue of the Crowne; and yet fearing to have warres with king
Henrie, made this offer, that if he would send some braue man at armes that could win her in the field, he should haue her: our King made no dainties to accept the offer, and making it knowne to his Court, Sir
Charles Brandon tooke the matter on him, and in fine ouercomming foure French men, with the franke consent of both Kings married the Queene Dowager, and was here in England (as we all know) made Duke of Suffolk; of whose offspring there remaine yet some most worthy branches, but the like to him for armes and cauallary (as we terme it) is my noble good Lord, the Lord
Strange, whose value and vertue need not this my barren and briefe testimonie.
This pestilous mortali
[...] grew by potsoning a water neare to Naples, and then stopping the course of it, made
[...] overflow all the marrish grounds, and so infected the aire that Lautreck and all h
[...] men died of us.
To change her cheare, and on the French to frowne,
With agews, not with swords they all are slaine,
Scarce of an hundred one turnes home againe.
52
These and such stories had the stately hall,
In marble rich ingraued on the skreene,
As were too tedious to recite them all,
Though then by them they were perusd and seene;
Their wonder great, their pleasure was not small,
And oft they read the writings were betweene,
That in faire Roman letters all of gold,
The circumstance of eu'ry picture told.
53
Now when the Ladies faire and all the rest,
Had seene and askt as much as they desired,
Their host doth bring them to their roomes of rest,
Where sleepe renews the strength of bodies tired,
Onely Duke
Ammons daughter could not rest,
Though bed were soft, room warm, and wel attired,
Yet still she tost from left side to the right,
And could not sleepe one winke all that same night.
54
With much ado her eyes at last she closed,
Bradamanti dreame of Rogero.
Not much afore the dawning of the day,
And as she slept, she in her sleepe supposed
Rogero present was, and thus did say,
My deare, what ailes thee to be thus disposed,
That false beleefe in thee doth beare such sway?
First shall the riuers to the mountaines clime,
Ere I will guiltie be of such a crime.
55
Beside she thought she heard him thus to say,
Lo I am come to be baptizd, my loue,
And that I seemd my comming to delay,
Another wound, and not a wound of loue,
Hath bene the cause of my constrained stay,
Suspitions vaine, and causlesse feare remoue:
With this the damsell wakt, and vp she started,
But found her dreame, and louer both departed.
56
Then freshly she doth her complaints renew,
And in her mind thus to her selfe she spake,
Lo what I like, are dreames vaine and vntrue,
And in a moment me do quite forsake;
But ah, what me offends is to to true,
I dreame of good, but none I find awake,
How are mine eyes alas in so ill taking,
That closd see good, and nought but euill waking?
57
Sweet dreame did promise me a quiet peace,
But bitter waking turneth all to warre;
Sweet dreame deluded me, and soone did cease,
But bitter waking plagues, and doth not arre:
If falshood ease, and truth my paines increase,
I wish my selfe from truth I still might barre,
If dreames breed ioy, and waking cause my paine,
Ay might I dreame, and neuer wake againe.
58
Oh happie wights whom sleepe doth so possesse,
As in six months you neuer open eye,
For sure such sleepe is like to death I guesse,
But waking thus, is not like life (thinke I)
How strange are then the pangs that me oppresse,
That sleeping seeme to liue, and waking die?
But if such sleepe resemblance be of death,
Come death and close mine eies, and stop my breath.
59
Now were those Easter parts of heau'n madered,
Where
Phoehus beames do first begin appeare,
And all the thicke and rainie clouds were fled,
And promised a morning faire and cleare:
When
Bradamant forsooke her restlesse bed,
And giuing for her lodging and good cheare,
Right curteous thanks vnto her noble host,
She leaues his house, and minds to part in post.
60
But first she found how that the damsell faire,
The messenger that supt with her last night,
Was gone before, with purpose to repaire
To those three knights that lately felt her might,
When she did cause them caper in the aire,
Driu'n without stirrops from their steeds to light,
She found they had all night to their great paine,
Abid the wind, the tempest and the raine.
61
And that which greatly did increase their griefe,
Was that while those within had cheare great store,
They and their horse lackt lodging and reliefe:
But that which did offend their stomacks more,
And was indeed of all their sorrows chiefe,
Was least the maid (of whom I spake before)
Would tell their mistresse of their hard mischance,
They had at their arriuall first in France.
62
And hauing full resolued and designd,
To die or venge the foile receau'd last night,
To th'end the messenger might change her mind,
(The messenger that
Vilania hight)
Who thought their force and valew farre behind
The vaunts that they had made of their great might,
Therefore as soone as
Bradamant they spied,
Straight each of them to combat her defied.
63
Not thinking though she should a damsell be,
For of a damsell gesture none she vsed;
The Ladie gently spake vnto them three,
And thought her hast the fight might haue excused,
Of which these Christend, and those Turkish beene.
93
[...] begins the
[...] of Senapo
[...] Herpia
[...].
The bord'rers still are armd in heate and cold,
Senapo yet of Ethyop is the chiefe,
And hath great store of iewels and of gold,
And much he varies not from our beliefe;
For he those principles most firme doth hold,
[...] Matthew
[...] to the
[...], & because
[...] Gospell he
[...] be shall
[...] you with
[...] holy ghost &) there.
[...] [...] they vse to
[...] the signe
[...] Crosse into
[...] par
[...] of their
[...]
That can defend from euerlasting griefe:
Here is it (if mine author be no her)
Where they do vse to be baptizd with fier.
94
The Duke here lighted after trauell long,
And to
Senapos stately Court was led;
The castle was more sumptuous then strong,
And admiration more then terror bred;
The locks, barres, chaines, and all that did belong
Vnto the bridge and gates from foote to head,
Which we make here of iron to endure,
Was there faire wrought in massie gold most pure.
95
And though they haue great store of mettals fine,
Yet were the chambers and the lodgings here
Borne vp with cristall collumns, that did shine
All ou'r the stately court most bright and cleare;
A stately border causd vnto the eine
Red, white, greene, blew, and yellow to appeare,
Enriched with diuisions for the nones,
Of Rubie, Smarag, Zaphyr, Topas stones.
96
Most orient pearls and gems of passing price,
Were sprinkled on the pauements here and there,
Hence balme doth come hence other precious spice,
Which from Ierusalem men wont to beare;
Hence commeth muske, for odours sweet and nice,
And amber pure, that some in bracelets weare;
And finally all things grow there in plentie,
That in this country are esteemd most deintie.
97
Most true it is, else some haue written lies,
The Sowdan to this King doth tribute pay,
For that in this Kings powre alone it lies,
[...], some think
[...] that was
[...].
Great Cayre and fertile Egypt to decay,
Because that by those meanes he may deuise,
He may turne Nyle from them another way:
[...] or Giau,
[...] is to say in
[...] language
[...], because
[...] commaunds
[...]. kings.
This Prince
Senapo there is cald of many,
We call him
Prester Iohn or
Preter Iany.
98
Of all the Kings that euer there did raigne,
This King exceld in riches and in treasure,
But losse of sight made all his comforts vaine,
And bard him eu'ry tast of worldly pleasure,
And this did much increase his care and paine,
And grieued him indeed beyond all measure,
That all his wealth and treasure not preuented,
But that with famine he was ay tormented.
99
For when this Prince, as hunger meere him drew,
Did but prepare himselfe to drinke or eate,
Straight of Harpias came a cursed crew,
With mightie wings,
Virgil: Polluitore dipes.
huge pawes, and bellies great,
And all the dishes quite they ouerthrew,
And greedily deuoured all the meate;
And that they left they did so file and slauer,
As few could brooke the sight,
Looke in the Allegor
[...].
but none the sauer.
100
The cause was this, why his great plague was such,
Though wel I wot that thou couldst heale mine eies
That art of those that ay stand God before,
Let then this plague my want of sight suffice,
And let me not be steru'd thus euermore,
At least from me these filthy monsters driue,
And let me eate with quiet while I liue.
107
Ouid of Aeneas comming to S
[...] billa.
And I do vow a temple vnto thee,
Of marble faire to build here in this place,
Templa tibi statuam, tribuātib
[...] [...] honores: but this
[...] spoken more Christian like.
Whose gates and couer all of gold shall be,
Adornd with costly iewels in like case,
Nam'd by thy name, and grau'd that men may see
Thy miracle, which no time shall deface:
Thus saith the prostrate King that nothing sees,
And gropes to haue embrast
Astolfos knees.
108
Also Sibi
[...]as
[...] swer is not vnlike thu.
The Duke to him thus friendly doth reply,
Nor Angell I,
Neo dea sūcertè, nec sacri thur
[...] honore.
nor new Messias am,
Nor come from heau'n, but mortall man am I,
And thrall to sinne, vnworthy so high name;
But for your sake,
Humanum dignare capus ne
[...] erres.
my best skill I will trie,
To kil or driue those fowle from whence they came,
Which if I do, giue God, not me the praise,
That for your helpe did hither guide my wayes.
109
For him your Churches and your altars make,
That must of dutie, Church and altars haue:
This said, he vp from ground the King doth take,
And went with him and other Barons graue:
Straightways of meate prouision new they make,
For so the hungry King in hast doth craue,
In hope that now the monsters would be quiet,
And not to interrupt him at his diet.
110
Forthwith a sumptuous dinner was prepard,
In stately sort great store and of the best,
Senapo hopes
Astolfo can him guard
From those foule fowles that did him so molest;
But lo a sodain noise forthwith was heard,
The sent of those same viands that were drest,
Had brought them thither ere the men were able
To set downe all the dishes on the table.
111
The description of the Harpias.
Of them came seu'n together in a knot,
With womans faces, wan with deadly cold,
So hungerstaru'd, as death it selfe might not
Be at first sight more hideous to behold,
Their wings were great, but foule blacke wings God wot,
Their talents sharpe to gripe, but strong to hold,
A large foule paunch, a filthy taile and long,
From whence there came an odour mightie strong.
112
As sodaine heard, so sodaine were they seene,
For on the table all at once they fell,
And spoild the meat, and from their wombs vncleen
Cast loth some filth to see, irksome to smell:
The Duke with blade of mettall sharpe and keene,
Strikes at the monsters, thinking them to quell;
But all in vaine, his bootlesse blade turnd backe,
As he had smitten on a wollen sacke.
113
Some rau'nously deuour'd the sweet repast,
And did so eager fill their greedie gorge,
That by and by they were compeld as fast,
The same in beastly manner to disgorge:
The wofull King thinks now all succour past,
Till good
Astolfo sware by sweet Saint
George,
Astolfo
[...] after the
[...] of the
[...] nobilitie
[...] George.
Sith force was vaine, he would another way,
To driue these monsters from the king assay.
114
The horne, which euer he about him beares,
He meanes against these monsters to employ,
He causd the King and his to stop their eares
With molted waxe, that no noise them may noy,
Else might his blast haue bred in them such feares,
To driue them thence, and all the land destroy;
Then causd he them prepare another feast,
An vp he gets him on his winged beast.
115
The steward that did know his mind by signes,
Straightwayes another dinner doth addresse,
With store of daintie meates and costly wines,
But in a trise more soone then one could guesse,
The filthy flocke, as famine them inclines,
Came downe and seasd vpon the costly messe;
But straight
Astolfo blew them such a blast,
As on the sodaine made them all agast.
116
The noise into their open eares so entered,
That had no meanes to stop them nor defence,
As so their stomacks and their tasts distempered,
They fled, as feare expeld all other sence;
The English Duke to follow them aduentered,
And winding still his horne, he chast them thence,
To that hils foote, whence Nylus first doth fall,
If so that Nyle haue any head at all.
117
About the bottome of this mightie mount,
There is a caue descending like a well,
By which (as dwellers by do oft recount)
A speedie passage one may haue to hell;
To this the monsters fled, and made account
Within this caue safe from the noise to dwell,
Which seene,
Astolfo from his beast alighted,
And ceast the blowing that them so affrighted.
118
And for he did with heed the caues mouth marke,
He nearer doth approch vnto the same,
And with a listning eare he then doth harke,
If any sound from thence vnto him came;
The entrance lookt all like a dungeon darke,
With smoke that seemd to come from smothered flame:
But more of this hereafter I will treat,
For now this booke begins to be too great.
Morall. In this xxxiij. booke there are many things worth the obseruation, both for historicall matter, as also in Allegoricall sence, and therefore I would not stand long in the Morall: Only this note I will take of
Gradasso for breach of his promise, in not bringing the horse backe to the fountaine, as was couenanted betweene them: that many braue and valiant men,
[Page 277] such as he is here described to be, how euer they stand vpon termes of honor and value, yet if they may obtaine their purpose without blowes, they will many times dispence both with honour and honestie: which yet I iudge rather an example to shun, then a president to be followed. And in
Senapo, that through riches and abundance grew so insolent, that he would needs thinke to conquer Paradise; we may see the course of yong carelesse men, that being left rich by their parents, or else aduanced (vnworthily in their owne consciences) to some extraordinary fortunes, straight in conceits begin to despise the diuine prouidence (as
Senapo assaulted Paradise) and dispute with their prophane tongues, not against this or that religion, but against all religion, hauing no
[...] argument so probable indeed and so forcible, as that which the Poet
Martiall reciteth of one
Silius:
Nullos esse Deos, inane coelum
Affirmat Silius, probatque quod se
Factum, dum negat haec, videt beatum.
Thus in English:
That heau'n is void, and that no gods there are,
Silius affirmes, and all his proofe is this,
That while such blasphemies pronounce he dare,
He liueth here in ease and earthly blisse.
But this matter I shall touch more at large in the Allegorie.
For the histories touched in this book they are many and diuers,
Historie. but the special drift that mine author hath in this book, is to note how those kings of France that haue come to inuade Italy, and to make a conquest thereof, or of any part thereof, haue had euer ill successe, and bin either taken or foyled: and of the other side, those that haue come to rescue them, and take their parts, haue many times brought backe honour and victory. Now first mine author for the finer bringing in of the matter fathers it vpon
Merlin our English prophet (as they terme him) of whom I haue spoken before in the notes of the third booke, alledging that he by Magicke framed that sumptuous hall, and therein painted vpon the skreen thereof all these stories of the time to come.
First he recites all the excellent drawers of the time past, taking by that, occasion to praise the excellent workmanship of some of his owne time: their names he reciteth hudling together; but here I will particularly touch them for their sakes that haue not read of them, and are desirous to know of whence they are.
Timagoras was a Calcydonian,
Timagoras. and was the first that is specially noted to haue compared his cunning with another of the same science, and to haue had the glorie from him.
Parrhasius an Ephesian,
Parrhasius. noted specially for his excellent shadowing and giuing good proportion to the countenance, and in the outermost lines of the face, which is a great point of that art.
Polygnotus I find no extraordinary thing to speake of,
Polignotus: onely I read that he vsed first to draw women in white garments, and had a speciall grace in making the opening of the mouth.
Timant,Timant. they praise his wit as much as his worke, for making in a great table the picture of
Iphigenia standing at the altar to be sacrificed; and hauing drawne all the standers by very sad, and with wofull countenances, and specially her vnkle; when he came to her father, he made him with a scarce afore his face, signifying thereby that his griefe was greater then could be seene in his countenance.
Protogenes was borne in Sycaunum a country subiect to the Rhodians,
Protogenes. he was noted for somewhat too much curiositie and tediousnesse (a fault our countrimen be much noted of, that they know not when their worke is well:) howbeit his worke was held in such price, that
Demetrius lying at the siege of Rhodes, and hauing oportunitie offered him to haue fierd the towne on that side where a table of his drawing did hang, he raised his siege rather then he would burne the table.
Appollodore was so excellent (as
Plinie writeth of him thus) that he opened the doore of cunning in that art,
Apollodore. by which
Zewces afterwards entred into it in the citie of Heraclia.
Zewces. The story of the strife betweene
Zewces and
Parrhasius Zewces. is well knowne I, thinke to all, but yet I will briefly set it downe:
Zewces to shew his workmanship, brought a table, wherein he had painted grapes so naturally, that the birds came and peckt at them, thinking them to be grapes indeede: the other had drawne onely a curtaine, such as they vse to haue before pictures to keepe them from the dust; which curtaine looked so like a true curtaine, that
Zewces being proud of the iudgement of the birds, bad him now to remoue his curtain to shew his picture; but being quickly aware of his error, with a kind of noble bashfulnesse, granted the prise to his aduersarie, confessing it was more to deceiue a workman then a bird.
Appelles borne at Coas,
Appelles. was held in such reputation for his drawing, that
Alexander the great gaue commandement that none should make his picture but onely
Appelles. He began the image of
Venus, and died ere it was done, leauing the imperfit worke so full of the perfection of his art, that no man durst euer take vpon him to end it: so as euen to this day if any begin a work in any kind with any felicitie, and after leaue it vnfinisht, they straight liken him to
Appelles. Now hauing spoken so much of all these famous men of old times, it were an enuiouis part to say nothing of those of this age, that haue bin famous, and are named by mine author also: wherefore I would touch one or two of them.
Leonard Vinci was a Florentine,
Leon. Vinci. a goodly man of person, and so excellent in the Idea or the conceiued forme of his worke, that though he could finish but few workes, yet those he did had great admiration.
Also there was
Andrew Mantinea (whom I forgot to put in by ouersight in his due place,
Andr. Mant. but I will make him amends here) who being but of meane parentage and very poore, yet his aptnesse to this kind being made knowne to the Marquis of Mantua, and encouraged by his liberalitie (the speciall nurse of all good arts) grew most excellent in it: and beside other rare workes that is seene and shewne of his in Rome and in Mantua, he is said to be the first that deuised cutting in brasse, which how curious a thing it is, the pictures in this booke may partly testifie.
[Page 278]Gian Belline.Gian Belline was a Venetian, and was the more famous because Mahomet (king of the Turkes) was so farre in loue with a table of his drawing, that he sent for him, but the Venetians would not spare him: mary they sent a brother of his, a very good workman. Now (albert the Turkes are by their lawes forbidden images) yet was this Prince so in loue with that picture I spake of, that when the other drawer came to him, he made him draw both his owne picture and the Turks, and so after sent him backe againe, both highly commended and rewarded.
Michael Agnolo.Michael Agnolo (we pronounce it
Michel Angelo) was the rare man of this age for drawing and caruing both, attaining to the excellency of the art very yong, and doing many notable works: but three be most famous, one was caruing of an Image of Pitie in Rome, another was a Giant in Florence, the third was a picture of certain naked men that went to wash themselues in Arno, and hearing of a sudden alarme in the camp, they made hast to put on their clothes: in which picture were contained all the gestures, lookes and motions that men could imagine would happen in such an accident: his father sirnamed him
Angelo in his cradle, as a presage of some great excellencie aboue ordinary that he should grow to.
Raphael and
Sebastian were but his schollers, though both very perfect: all which I haue the more willingly noted, and at more length then I was wont in the former bookes in like matters so lightly touched, both because my selfe (I must confesse) take great pleasure in such workes (as pleasing ornaments of a house, and good remembrances of our friends) as also to shew in what great reckning that science hath bin with Emperors and great Princes, and with Prelats and religious persons: howsoeuer some austere or rather vnciuil persons, will seeme either to condemne it or contemne it. And though indeed this Realme hath not bred any
Michel Angelos, nor men of such rare perfection as may deserue his title:
Michel (more then a man) Angell diuine.
Yet I may say thus much without partialitie, for the honor of my country, as mine author hath done for the honour of his, that we haue with vs at this day one that for limming (which I take to be the very perfection of that art) is comparable with any of any other countrey.
M. Hilliard. And for the praise that I told you of
Parrhasius for taking the true lines of the face, I thinke our countryman (I meane
M. Hilliard) is inferiour to none that liues at this day as among other things of his doing, my selfe haue seene him in white and black in foure lines only set downe the feature of the Queenes Maiesties countenance, that it was euen thereby to be knowne; and he is so perfect therein (as I haue heard others tell) that he can set it downe by the Idea he hath, without any patterne; which (for all
Apelles priuiledge) was more (I beleeue) then he could haue done for
Alexander. But I am entred so far into pictures, that I know not how to get out againe: and though there be so much other story in this xxxiij. booke as wil aske some time, yet I thought better to set downe this of these not able men here altogether, for those that haue a mind to reade it, then to haue turned them ouer to the Table, where they must looke one in one place, and another in another, according as the names would fall out in order of Alphabet. But now to the French storie.
12. staffe.Clodoueus was the first king of France, after that
Clodoueus that first receaued the Christian Religion. This Prince, what time
Grimoaldo Duke of Beneuent had ciuill warres in Lombardy with
Perderite and
Gondiberto two brothers, taking this oportunity, made warre on
Grimoaldo: but
Grimoaldo doubting his strength to meet them in the field, with a notable stratagem vanquished them: he fained as if he fled and forsook his tents, leauing them ful of vittall and strong wines, which the French men so eagerly deuoured, and dranke so deuoutly of the wine, that it made them sleepe more soundly that night then was for their safetie: for the Duke of Beneuent set on them in the dead of the night, and so more by force of his wine then of his weapons vanquished them.
18. staffe. In the time of Pope
Vrban the fourth, mentioned couertly in the 18. staffe, one
Charles Duke of Aniou was called into Italy by the said Pope, and pronounced King of Sicily. But in a short time hauing done many great feats, the Sicilians conspired against him by the meanes of one
Iohn of Procida, and murdered them all with great crueltie at the sound of an euensong belleso as it is to this day a by-word vsed in Italy if any notable crueltie be done, that is withall sodainly executed, they call it the Sicilians euensong: for they did at one euensong kill not onely all the Frenchmen, but also all the women they thought to be with child by them.
21. staffe. The Earle of Marca, mentioned in the 21 staffe, maried Queene
Ioan of Naples (the matter for the strangenes of the president, I thought worth the noting) this
Ioan being sister to
Charles the third, and heire generall to the Crowne of Naples, was contented, for auoiding the foule infamie that she had by her ouer great familiaritie, and the too much inward acquaintance of one
Pandolfo a meane man, to marry with one
Iames Earle of Marca, and of the bloud royall of France: but first she indented with him, that he should onely haue the bare title of King, but she would haue the gouernement wholly in her hands: he being once in possession, brake his couenant, and would needs gouerne all: but she by the help of
Francis sforse, in the end depriued him of the whole, and sent him backe into his country againe, where the poore Gentleman was glad to make himselfe an Hermit.
28. staffe.Lodwike Sforse spoken of in the 28. staffe, for emulation of the king of Naples, first brought
Charles the eight into Italy, and made him so strong, that in the end he was not able to get him out againe. This
Lodwike his manner was still to be plotting of new deuices, to set other Princes at variance: now taking part with one side openly, and feeding the other with money secretly; neuer fast friend to any, neuer so proud as when with his smooth tongue and faire promises he had beguiled some plaine and open man, not so fine headed as himselfe. Now though we might perhaps note some men of our time held for notable wise men, and leaning much to this kind of course, yet I see small incouragement, either by his beginning, or proceeding, or ending, why any should thinke him worth the following: he began an vsurper, he liued a dissembler, he died a begger, and (which is worse) a prisoner. Further it is noted in
Guichiardine that he spent (as I remember) eight hundred thousand Duckets in that kind I spake of, setting Princes together by the eares: and he gat this for his labour, that no Prince loued him, as appeared when being ten yeares a prisoner in France, no man euer made sute in a manner for his libertie. Wherefore
Tully saith to
Anthonie in one of his Phillippiks,
Te miror Antone, quorum acta imiteris corum exitus non perhorrescere. I maruell (saith he) friend
Anthonie, that you are not afraid of their ends,
29 staffe. whose euill acts you do follow. So surely I would wish none of my frends neither in print not publike affaires, to follow those halting courses, but hold it for a maxim, that he that is not a true frend, shall not haue a true frend.
The Marquis of
Pescara touched in the xxix. staffe,
[Page 279] at the assault of Castellnouo in Naples, being impatient of all stay, bargained with an Ethiopian slaue to burne the French nauie, and to let him in at the Church called Santa Croce, but the slaue hauing greater rewards giuen him of the Frenchmen, betrayed him, and shot him in with a forked arrow, and so killed him.
In the xxxiij. staffe where he speakes of
Geriadad,33. staffe. where
Liuiano the Venetian Captaine was taken, I will refer the reader to
Guicciardine for the whole discourse of the matter, beginning at the league of Cambray. But the substance of the matter briefly is this:
Maximillian the Emperour,
Lewes king of
[...]rance, and all the kings of Europe in effect, together with Pope
Iulio, made a league at Cambray, combining themselues against the Venetians, and indeed preuailed so farre against them, that they left them almost nothing
in terra firma as they call it, deuiding all their townes, some to the king of Spaine, some of the Pope, some to
Lewes himselfe, diuers to the Emperour, and two or three to the Duke of Ferrara. But in the end (as commonly in songs of so many parts they cannot long keepe perfect harmony, but that some song out of tune) so it fell out, that in parting the spoiles, they of the league could not well agree among themselues, and so gaue breath to the Venetians, who thereby recouered much of their state againe.
In the xxxvij. staffe he speakes of the ouerthrow of the Swizzers,
37. staffe. that had beene before wonderfull prowd of their glorious title giuen them by the Pope, who sent them the Pontificall banner, with this title vnto it,
De
[...]enders of the libertie of the Church, against the pride of Princes. But after that king
Francis came into Italie and besieged
Millan, the Swizzers that were in the towne refusing to make a peace with him, which he offered them, comming after to battell were ouercome, and seuen thousand of them slaine.
In the xliiij. staffe and so forward for three or foure more,
44. staffe. he mentions the battell of Pauia, where the king of France was taken, a thing so generally known as I need not stand long on it: onely mine author touches one chiefe ouersight of this kings, which was, that his muster masters deceiued him in the number of his men: but howsoeuer it was, sure it is this Prince was a most worthy man, and wanted no quality of an excellent king, valiant and bountifull and such a fauourer of learned men, that the Italians termed him,
Padre e madre, the father and mother of learning and liberall sciences.
In the xlix. staffe he toucheth the sacke of Rome,
49. staffe. which the Duke of Burbon was ring leader of, though himselfe was at the verie first assault slaine, with a harguebush shot in the head, but the other Captaines sacked the towne, and in fine draue the Pope to his ransome. And thus much for the storie of this booke: now I come to the Allegorie.
Diuers excellent good Allegories may be taken out of this prettie fiction of
Prester Iannie,Allegorie. called
Senapos. One is, as I partly touched in the morall, when men through wealth and honor grow proud, and despisers of God and religion, whose state is damnable and incurable, except a flying knight come downe from heauen, I meane some Angell of God, or speciall grace of God, to remoue these monsters and monstrous opinions out of their minds. The punishment of blindnesse laid vpon him for that his presumptuous assaulting Paradice, shewes that no men are in deed more blind, then those that thinke they see so much more then other men, specially when they enter into that wilfull blindnesse, of not seeing the way to their owne saluation. Italie had bin noted long to haue had many irreligious men in it, and no maruel, for our old English prouerbe is, the nearer the Church, the furder from God: yet surely those despisers of religion, are themselues dispised of many: in so much as it is growne for a by word among them; when they speake of such a man, they will say, Oh, he is grown a profound wise mā, he begins now not to beleeue in Christ, therby Ironically noting his passing folly. I would stand longer in applying al the particulars of this Allegorie, but that I doubt I am somewhat to tedious in these notes already.
In the Harpias that snatch away the meate from the mouth of this king,
Allusion. he alludes (as himselfe expoundeth plainly in the beginning of the next booke) to the Swizzers and other strangers that spoile Italie. But a like storie, which this may seeme to allude vnto, is told of
Calai and
Zet, sonnes of
Orithya daughter to
Erictheus king of Athens, who are sayd to haue deliuered
Phineus king of Thrace from the Harpias in such a like sort.
[...] gift in understood the
[...] of Rome.
[...]h Constan
[...] [...] Pope
[...]ster, which
[...]ur now
[...]ursinnes.
[...] because of
[...].
And these (O Ladyes sayre) your bewties be,
I do omit ten thousand things and more
Like vnto these, that there the Duke did see:
For all that here is lost, there euermore
Is kept, and thither in a trise doth flee,
Howbeit more nor lesse there was no folly,
For still that here with vs remaineth wholly.
81
He saw some of his owne lost time and deeds,
But yet he knew them not to be his owne,
They seemd to him disguisd in so strange weeds,
Till his instructer made them better knowne:
But last, the thing which no man thinks he needs,
Yet each man needeth most, to him was showne,
By name mans wit, which here we leese so fast,
As that one substance, all the other past.
82
It seemd to be a body moyst and soft,
And apt to mount by eu'ry exhalation,
And when it hither mounted was aloft,
It there was kept in pots of such a fashion,
[...] [...] kept
[...], like oyl.
As we call Iarrs, where oyle is kept in oft:
The Duke beheld with no small admiration,
The Iarrs of wit, amongst which one had writ,
Vpon the side thereof,
Orlandos wit.
83
This vessell bigger was then all the rest,
And eu'ry vessell had ingrau'n with art,
His name, that erst the wit therein possest:
There of his owne the Duke did finde a part,
And much he musd and much himselfe he blest,
To see some names of men of great desart,
That thinke they haue great store of wit, and bost it,
And here it playne appeard they quite had lost it.
84
Some loose their wit with loue, some with ambition,
Some running to the sea, great wealth to get,
Some following Lords, and men of high condition,
And some in sayre iewells rich and costly set:
One hath desire to proue a rare Magicion,
And some with Poetrie their wit forget,
Another thinks to be an Alcumist,
Till all be spent, and he his number mist.
85
Astolfo takes his owne before he goes,
For so th'Euangelist did him permit;
He set the vessels mouth but to his nose,
And to his place, he snuft vp all his wit:
Long after wise he liu'd as
Turpin shows,
Vntill one fault he after did commit,
By name the loue of one fayre Northerne lasse,
This is written in the fourth booke of the five Cantos, aided to Ariosto, which many thinke were
[...] of his doing, and are veris vnperfect.
Sent vp his wit vnto the place it was.
86
The vessell where
Orlandos wit was closed,
Astolfo tooke, and thence with him did beare,
It was far heauier then he had supposed,
So great a quantitie of wit was theare;
But yet ere backe their iourny they disposed,
The holy Prophet brought
Astolfo, wheare
A pallace (seldome seene by mortall man)
Was plast, by which a thicke darke riuer ran.
87
Each roome therein was full of diuers fleesis,
Of woll, of lint, of silke, or else of cotten,
An aged woman spun the diuers peecis,
Whole looke and hew, did shew her old and rotten:
Simile.
Not much vnlike vnto that labour, this is,
By which in Sommer, new made silke is gotten,
Where frō the silke worme his fine garment taking
They reaue him of the clothes, of his owne making.
88
For first in one large roome a woman span
Threds infinite, of diuers stuffe and hew;
Another doth with all the speed she can,
With other stuffe, the distanes still renew:
The third in feature like, and pale and wan,
Doth seuer faire from foule, and old from new:
Now who be these? the Duke demands his guide.
These be the fatall sisters, he replide;
89
The Parcees that the thred of life do spin,
To mortall men, hence death and nature know
When life must end, and when it must begin:
Now, she that doth deuide them, and bestow
The course from finer, and the thicke from thin,
To that end works, that those that finest grow,
For ornaments in Paradise may dwell,
The course are curst to be consum'd in hell.
90
The Duke did further in the place behold,
That when the threds were spent that had bin spun,
Their names in brasse, in siluer, or in gold,
Were wrote, and so into great heaps were donn;
From which a man that seemed wondrous old,
With whole loads of those names away did run,
And turn'd againe as fast, the way he went,
Nor neuer wearie was, not euer spent.
91
This aged man did hold his pase so swift,
As though to runne, he onely had bin borne,
Or had it giu'n him as a speciall gift;
And in the lappet of his cloke were borne,
The names of men, with which he made such shift;
But now a while I craue to be forborne,
For in the booke ensewing shalbe showed,
How this old sire his cariage ill bestowed.
[Page 288]In this xxxiiij.
Morall. booke, is to be noted in the tale of
Lydia, the punishment of ingratitude, and what an odious sin the same is, in the sight of God and the world: also here are to be obserued many kinds of ingratitudes: as first of her despising of
Alcestes long seruice, and approued good will, and secondly of the fathers ingrate recompences, for his great deserts by seruices in the wars, in which kind, it is not onely slanderous, but dangerous for a Prince to show a niggardly mind, and much more a contemptuous disposition. For though indeed no subiect (rightly considering his duety) ought to be moued by any ingratitude or iniury of his seueraigne, to forget his allegeance, yet seeing the nature of most men, and specially of braue and resolute minded men, is subiect to the passion of reuenge, and can hardly bridle the same when they shall find themselues (as they thinke) disdained, or their seruices not well regarded: therefore the wisest and safest way, and sittest for the Maiestie of a Prince, is to be liberall in rewarding, or at least thankfull in accepting such mens seruices, and to consider that loue and bountie, are stronger bands of allegeance, then feare and dutie.
Concerning the Historie of this booke,
Historie. I have quoted some briefly by the side, and some is so plaine it expounds it selfe: onely I meane to ad a word or two what at I have read, concerning that which is here deliuered by mine author, about the Assumption of
S. Iohn. First, how far the Scripture toucheth the same in the Gospell, euerie one knoweth, and how vpon the speech of our Sauiour (if I will be tary till I come, what is that to thee) it was noysed among the Disciples, that that Disciple should neuer see death. After this, as other of good credit haue deliuered,
S. Iohn liued till he was an hundred yeare old, and then made himselfe a tombe, and entred thereinto aliue in presense of many, and on the sodaine, a light shone all about the place, and tooke the tombe for the time, quite from their sights: but the light being gone, the coffin was found empty, and the body of that Saint was no more seene vpon the earth. Whereupon it was certainly thoughtthat he was taken vp into heauen or Paradise, as
Enoch and
Elias were. Though this of
S. Iohn be not recorded in the Scripture (nor no more is the assumption of the blessed virgin) and consequently, no man is bound to beleeue it, as an article of our Creed: Yet for mine owne opinion, I thinke it may be verie true, and I would in such cases beleeue a great deale more then I need, rather then anything lesse them I ought; for the tone (if it be a sinne) is surely pardonable, but the other doubtles is verye damnable. But I will briefly note the Allegorie that is meant hereby.
First,
Allegorie. whereas
Astolfo washeth himselfe in a christ all well of cleare water, before he can fly vp to Paradise, it signifieth, that after a man shall by remorse, and deuout consideration, weigh and behold the filthinesse of his sinne, he must then wash himselfe with the cleare spring water of prayer and repentance; and then and not before, be may mount to Paradise: which may here be vnderstood the comfortable peace of conscience, the onely true Paradise of this world. And whereas
Astolfo commeth to
S. Iohn (whose name signifieth grace) to receiue by his helpe
Orlandos lost witts, for so it is set downe that that was the secret cause why he was guided thither, though vnawares to himselfe: thereby it is to be vnderstood, that no hope nor means is left for any man that hath lost his wit, with following the vanities and pleasures of this world (as diners carelesse christians do, in forgetting and omitting their duties to God, which is the verie highest point of follie,) I say there is no meane for them to recouer their wit againe, but onely by the helpe of this
S. Iohn, that is this, grace of God, which can miraculously restore it againe.
In the description of
S. Iohns apparell (
His gowne was white, but yet his Iacket red, The tone was snow, the tother lookr as blood, &c) by the red is signified charitie, which burneth with Zeale and seruentinesse of loue; by the white is meant virginitie and purenesse of life.
All those things that he saines to have beene showed
Astolfo in the circle of the Moone, are but similitudes, and likenesse of such follies, as he that will marke them well, shall easily discerne.
The old man that ran away so fast with the Printed names of men, and flang them in the darke streame, figureth time, as in the next booke mine author verie artificially explanet bit: affirming in the person of
S. Iohn, as if it were (as our prouerbe faith) as true as the Gospell, that the onely defence against the malice of time, is the pen of the learned: and that same out lasteth, and out styeth all things: as the well learned Gentleman, and my very good frend
M. Henrie Constable wrate in his Sonnet to the now king of Scotland.
Where others hooded with blind loue do fly
A low on ground, with buzzard Cupids wings,
A heau'nly loue from loue to loue thee brings,
And makes thy Muse to mount aboue the sky.
Young Muses be not woont to fly so hy,
Age taught by time, such sober dittie sings,
But thy youth flyes from loue of youthfull things,
And so the wings of time doth ouerfly.
Thus thou disdainst all wordly wings as slow,
Because thy Muse with Angels wings doth leaue
Times wings behind, and Cupids wings below,
But take thou heed, least Fames wings thee deceaue,
With all thy speed from Fame thou canst not slee.
But more thou flees, the more it followes thee.
For the punishment of
Lidy as ingratitude by hanging in the eternall smoke,
Allusion. makes me call to minde a story of the Emperour
Seuerus as I remember, who hearing that a fauorite of his accustomed to promise many men great furtherancein their suits, by his favour with the Prince, and having taken their reward, his promise vanished into the aire like a vapour, and left the poore suters nothing but his vaine breathed words: the iust Emperour caused him to be smothered to death with smoke, saying
Fumo percat, qnifumum vendidit. Let sume him choake, that selleth smoke.
The proudest knight that Spaine long time had bred
Obtaind next place, and with a visage sterne,
And threatning voice thus to the damsell sed:
Your curtsie small reward for you shall earne;
For either here in fight you must be ded,
Or at the least, I will you prisner bring,
Vnto
Marsilio, of great Spaine the king.
67
Well (answerd she) keepe these your threats in store,
Your villany my curtfie shall not let,
But that ile frendly monish you before,
That backe againe vnto your king you get,
Ere that your
[...]all, may make your body sore;
And say that I desired to haue met,
A man indeed of courage, and of worth,
And not your selfe, not him that last cameforth.
68
This her replie so mild, and yet so bitter;
The Pagan with more furie did enflame;
With speare then speech, he thought an answer fitter
And toward her in full carreer he came,
Intending sure, some deadly blow to hit her;
But she that was accustomd to this game,
Bare well his blow, and with her Goldélance,
She taught him how the somerlaut to dance.
[...]sout is a
[...] tha
[...] is to
[...] [...]se to cast
[...]selues for
[...] the
[...] heels their head.
69
But yet his horse, that loose about did runne,
She brought him backe, and thus to him she sayd,
Loe sir, you had bin better to haue donne
My message, when I curteouslie you prayd;
Yet here I will release my prisner wonne,
So you will tell your king that I haue stayd,
To combat with a man in fight well seene,
And not with nouices, of skill so greene.
70
The lookers on that sure thought nothing lesse,
Then that a virgin so could guide a speare,
With murmurings their wonder great expresse;
Still ayming with surmises who it were;
Some
Brandimart, and some
Renaldo guesse,
Or others whom the Turks had cause to seare,
But most they would
Orlando haue suspected,
Saue they had heard his sences were distracted.
71
Next stout
Ferraw desir'd to haue the place,
Not that he hop't the conquest to haue wonne,
But that these knights may haue the lesse disgrace,
If I (quoth he) shall do as they haue donne:
A strong swift horse he takes, and sure of pace,
Well made to beare the shocke, and free to runne,
The choisest of an hundred that he kept,
And thus all arm'd vpon the beast he lept.
72
Against the femall champion forth he goes,
And first they interchangeably salute,
Please it you (said the Ladie) to disclose
Your name to me? that shall be all my sute:
He (that what longs to ciuill manners knowes,)
To satisfie her therein was not mute,
And I refuse you not, then said the tother,
Although I rather would haue had another.
73
Whom? (quoth
Ferraw)
Rogero (she replyed)
And scarse she fully could bring forth his name,
But that a blush with rosie colour dyed
Her louely cheekes, with secret honest shame:
(Further she addeth) him whole vallew tryed,
And so much praysd, was cause I hither came;
None else I seeke, nor for none else care I,
Onely his manhood I desire to try.
74
She spake the word in plaine and simple sence,
Which some perhaps will subtlie wrest awry,
Well (said
Ferraw) yet now ere I go hence,
Let me with you haue leaue on ecourse to try;
To see if I can make no more defence,
Then those whom last you made one arth to ly,
If I fall as did they, then I will send,
That gentle knight, that may our errour mend.
75
Her beauer open was while they confard,
At which, when her the Spaniard well had vewed,
And markt her bewtie worthy of regard,
He was alreadie more then halfe subdewed:
He thought an Angell of the heau'nly guard,
Could not with greater bewtie be endewed;
Against her speare, what fence can he deuise,
That is alreadie conquerd with her eyes?
76
Now tooke they field, and ran with all their force,
And now
Ferraw is from his saddle borne,
The damsell doth of curtsie stay his horse,
The Spaniard lyeth like a man forlorne;
But backe he must vnto the king perforce,
Nor true to do his message doth he scorne;
He tels
Rogero plaine before them all,
How this same knight onely for him doth call.
77
Rogero who it is yet little knowing,
In hast to make him readie doth begin,
A setled hope of conquest plainly showing,
Willing to fight, with mind assur'd to win:
As for their foyles, and their fowle ouerthrowing,
That went before, he weighd them not a pin;
But how they met, how kindly him she serued,
Vnto the booke ensuing is reserued.
[Page 296]In the beginning of thu booke,
Morall. after the excessiue prayses of
Hippolito, he returnes to the former matter of the force of time, the Allegorie whereof I will continue in this place: onely for the Morall, I will touch two speciall faults, which mine authour reproues in men of the better sort, one is the great account they make of Parasites, Promoters, and Iesters, and such like; for their basenes and filthines, likened to the asse anporke: and other is their venerie and drunkenes, which he noteth by these words,
anzi venere e bacco: I Englsh it,
by their owne surffeting and lust; because surfeting contains both kinds of excesse in meat and drinke. And surely I must grant, that our Realme of England hath bin noted sorriot in meats, many yeares since, and not without cause (though not alone) for
Plato found the like fault with Italie in his time. but for this other vice of drinking, which, with the name of a health, ouerthrowes all health and sobrietie, it is nor growne as vsuall and more dious then the tother, and I doubt it will not so easily be driuen out, as it is sodainly crept in. I haue beard a prettie tale not impertinent to this matter, of a Gentleman that had his sonne at the Vniuersitie, who being be like of so good a conscience (as most of vs are in that kind) to take but a little for his money, and growing (as it seemed) more in yeares, then either in learning, or good manners: his tutor to discharge his dutie, sent his father word, how he misdoubted the young mans well doing, because he found him giuen to dycing and gaming: the father was sorry, but yet answered, that he hoped when his sonne grew to haue more wit, he would leaue that, or at least not lose by it. The next news he heard of his amendment, was that now he began to follow women: this touched the father somwhat nearer, yet he replied againe, that he made no question but he would leaue that ere long for his owne ease, and therefore yet he would not dispaire of him. The last newes he heard, was that he began to mend his former two faults; but that now he fell to bilbing and drinking. Out vpon the villan (said the father) I will surely disinherit him: for that fault the elder he waxeth, the more he wilbe subiect to it. Wherefore I conclude this Morall with this exhortation: that if wit cannot make men leaue play, nor their owne ease make theē eschew venerie; at least let the vglynes, openesse, and beastlines of this sin make them leaue it; which hath no defence, nor no praise: I say praise, because the Scripture saith,
The wicked man i
[...] praised in his wickednes But I neuer heard praise ascribed to a drinker, but the well bearing of drinke; which might be a good praise for a brewers horse, or perhaps a brewers man, but sure it is a small bost for a Gentleman.
Augustus Caesar was not such a Saint, &c.
Of
Augustus Caesars faults both
Suetonius,Historie. and
Plutarke haue written at large, and I am loth to renew the memorie of them, except I did also recite his many vertues, which made large recompence for his few vices: sufficeth it to affirme that which mine author saith, that his bountie and loue to learned men couered his faults: and of his bountie, among other things witnesseth the saire Pallace he gaue
Virgil, with a goodly Mannor, or rather indeed territorie, in the field called Ager Cremonensis, neare Mantua.
Whereas it is said, in the person of
S. Iohn.
But yet (for ought you know) he might haue taught
The contrarie to this,
Staffe. 26.
if he had listed,
That Troy preuayld, that Greeks were conquerd cleane,
And that
Penelope was but a queane.
True it is that one
Dion an Historiographer, writeth to that effect, and inforceth verie far to proue, that the Greeks had the worse end of the staffe, and onely that
Homer fauoring the Greeks, wrate the contrary. Further some haue carped at
Penelopes chastitie (for what may not a mallicious with carpe at?) and they say
Homer himselfe insinuateth somewhat of her lightnesse; where he saith in his
Odisseas, that she obiected vnto her suters that none of them could shoot so strong a shoot as her husband: but howsoeuer it is, for my part, seeing it hath beene receiued so long for a truth, that
Penelope was a chast and vertuous wife, I will not take vpon me (by
S. Iohn) to write the contrarie, though mine authour make
S. Iohn to cast a doubt of it.
Of the Allegorie I haue not much to say, because mine authour himselfe expounds it so plainly; onely I'pray you mark how rightly and with what decorum,
Allegorie. he likens Promotors, and Parasites, to vultures, carren crowes, and chattring pyes, as likewise in the beginning of the 34 booke, he likeneth them to Harpias.
The sustenance that should for food haue serued,
For widowes poore, and orphanes innocent,
These filthie monsters do consume and wast it,
Olt at one meale, before the owners tast it:
As if one would say, the gifts and rewards that belong to old seruitours, and well deseruing souldiers, are catched at the volise by these rauenou, birds, and neuer come to the ground, or if they do, they make so false a bound, that a man shall make a fault in offring at them, and many times hazard both game and set for them.
Bradamant a woman ouercomming
Rodomont a most terrible Turke,
Allusion. alludes to the notable History of
Iudith, that cut off
Holofernes head: which story, the Lord
Du Bertas, and rare French Poet, continued into an excellent Poem
[...] in French, and the same is translated into a verie good and sweet English verse, by one
M. Thomas Hudson, which worke I the rather mention, because in the 6. booke of the vice of surfetting, which I reproued afore in the Morall, it is not ably described and with all sharply rebuked as followeth:
In auncient times shall find there hath bene store,
But in our dayes of bloudy cruell deeds,
Is greater plentie then hath bene before;
For charitie brings forth but barren seeds,
And hatred still is sowd in so great store,
That when the fruits of both come to be reaped,
The tone is scarce, the tother ouer heaped.
3
What fierce Barbarian Tartar, Moore or Turke,
Could vse more crueltie then now of late,
Looke in the History of this book concerning this crueltie he complaines of.
In Latin land Venetian force did worke?
Not by consent of the wise men of state,
But by the filthy nature that did lurke
In wicked hirelings, and a hidden hate;
I speake not of the damage and defaces,
They did by fire in all our pleasant places.
4
Though that reuenge was foule and to to cruell,
And chiefe against
Hippolito, who late,
When
Caesar sieged Padoa, as they knew well,
And brought it to low ebbe and wofull state,
He both withdrew the matter all and fewell,
And quencht the fires kindled by deadly hate,
Preseruing many a Church and many a village,
By his rare clemencie from fire and pillage.
5
Not those I meane, nor many actions more,
That cannot be excused or defended,
But such an act as stones might weepe therefore,
As oft as it is talkt of or reinembred:
Then when my Lord his houshold sent before,
There where his foes were secretly assembled,
And left their vessels on the saltish land,
While in ambushment close they lay on land.
6
As
Hector and
Aeneas did by fire
Assault the Greekish fleet with hardie fight,
The first
[...] this b
[...]k
[...] [...] tenth staffe,
[...] [...] were
[...] [...] [...].
So saw I two, whose hearts to fame aspire,
(One
Alexander, tother
Hercles hight)
Assault their foes, and driue them to retire,
Vnto their trenches, nay within them quite,
But one of them returned thence full hard,
P
[...] [...] both
[...] Cantel
[...] [...] carried
[...] danger
[...] his will,
[...] be repr
[...] [...] crueltie th
[...] [...] b
[...] to
[...] [...]ing it
[...] I
[...]sig
[...] D
[...] [...].
That thou shouldst haue which me not litle grieued:
Yet I endeuord still, as thou knowst well,
That by my meanes thou mightst haue bin relieued,
But finding thee still contrary inchned,
For very griefe at last I dide and pined.
65
But here I built this tombe afore I died,
Where I foresaw you two should make this fray;
[...] he whō
[...]
And being dead, to
Charon lowd I cried,
To suffer in this wood my ghost to stray,
Vntill this fight, to me foresignified,
Should happen, which was done this present day,
Now shall my soule from hence depart in peace,
Now
Bradamant thy iealousie may cease.
66
Thus said the voice, and left them all amazed,
With wonder great, and strangenesse of the case,
And when a while each had on other gazed,
They met in kindest manner, and embrace;
Nor
Bradamant her selfe, who erst was crazed
With iealousie, now tooke it in disgrace,
To see her spouse, when he most kindly kist her,
Now well assured that she was his sister.
67
Thus they agreed at last, and either twin,
Do call to mind some acts of childish yeares,
What they had sayd and done, where they had bin,
Which eu'n with tender heart did moue their teares;
At last the worthy brother doth begin
To tell
Marfisa what great loue he beares
To
Bradamant, whom he to wed intends,
And so at length he made them faithfull frends.
68
Then all parts pacifide so well at length,
Marfisa doth intreate her noble brother,
To tell to her the storie more at length,
Or that so strange exiling of her mother,
And if their fire were slaine by fraud or strength,
And who it was that wrought the tone or tother,
For sure (said she) I thinke I neuer heard it,
Or childishnesse did make me not regard it.
69
Rogero tels her, how of Troian race,
From
Hector they be lineally descended,
[...], some
[...] was killed
[...] V
[...]sse
[...] of this
[...] the Storie
[...] Allusion.
By meanes
Astianax (of speciall grace,
That scapt
Viysses and the snares intended,
Did leaue a child of like yeares in his place)
And from that country to the sea descended,
And came to Sicill after trauell long,
And tooke Mesina, and grew very strong.
70
His offspring still increasing in renowne,
Calabria rul'd in part, and thence to Phare,
[...] called
[...] of Mars.
And came at last to dwell in Mars his towne,
And many a noble Emperour and rare,
In stately Rome haue worne th'Imperiall crowne,
Of such as from this stocke descended are,
From
Constance and from
Constantine accounting,
To
Pepin and his sonne, them all surmounting.
71
Rogero first, and
Iambaron of these,
In this narration my Author follows not any true story, but a work intitled Almo
[...]e, which not withstanding has to some credits, though
[...]ot muc
[...].
Rouus, Rambaldus, and
Rogero againe,
Of whom (as
Atlant told) sau'd from the seas,
Our mother by the shore brought forth vs twaine,
Their acts in auncient stories they that please
To looke, may find them there recorded plaine;
Then tels he how there came king
Agolant,
With
Almont, and the fire of
Agramant.
72
How that Kings daughter, a most noble maid,
In feates of armes so valorous did proue,
That diuers Palladines she ouerlaid;
And then with that
Rogero fell in loue,
And of her fathers anger not afraid,
Did match in Christen state, as did behoue,
How after this one
Beltram sought by treason,
Incestuous loue of her without all reason.
73
And for that cause his brothers and his sire,
And his owne natiue soile he did betray,
And open Risa at his foes desire;
Which being tane, and leizd on as a pray,
Risa is a citie of good importance in the country of Rb
[...]gium,
[...]are, mounts Appen
[...]r
[...].
Fierce
Agolant and his inflamd with ire,
Tooke
Gallacell our mother where she lay,
Six months with child, and put her in a bote,
And in the Ocean wide they let her flote.
74
Marfisa all this while with gladsome cheare,
Vnto her new knowne brothers tale attended,
And in her mind reioyced much to heare,
That of so noble house she was descended,
From which
Mongrana came, as doth appeare,
And that of
Clarimount so much commended,
Which houses both, long in great fame had flourished,
For diuers noble persons they had nourished.
75
But when of
Agramant she heard him say,
How both his grandsire, vncle, and some other,
Consented had their father to betray,
And in so cruell sort to vse their mother,
She could not suffer any longer stay,
But breaking off his tale, said noble brother,
(With your good fauor) you haue too much wrong
To leaue your father vnreueng'd so long.
76
If not in
Almont nor
Traianos blood,
You can auenge this ill sith they be gone,
Yet ought you to auenge it on their brood;
Liue you, and let you
Agramant alone?
This blot, except it quickly be withstood,
Will shame you euer, if it once be knowne,
That he that did this wrong not onely liueth,
But that to you he entertainment giueth.
77
But for my part (said she) by Christ I vow,
(Whom as my father did, so serue I will)
That I will not leaue armes, till I know how
To venge my fathers and my mothers ill;
And much I shall lament, and do eu'n now,
If in that Pagan campe you tarry still,
Or euer should be seene therein hereafter,
Except it were to worke their harme and slaughter.
Of which (she said) one sure signe she did gather,
She heard him often so extoll his father.
79
Rogero answers thus with great regard,
(My deare) to haue done this at first I ought,
But then indeed the troth I had not hard,
Whereby I might my dutie haue bin tought:
Now sith that
Agramant hath me prefard,
If his destruction should by me be sought,
That am his seruant and a daily waitor,
The world might iustly deeme I were a traitor.
80
But this my meaning was, and so it is,
To find some meanes I may (with honor) part,
Which when I haue, then sure I will not misse,
To come and to requite your great desart;
And that (quoth he) I had performd ere this,
Saue that a cause (of which I felt the smart)
Enforst my stay, the wounds the Tartar gaue me,
So as my friends had much to do to saue me.
81
As she knowes well that holpe me at my need,
And eu'ry day did sit by my beds side:
Thus much he said, but they that tooke good heed
To all he said, in earnest sort replide,
Howbeit at the last it was agreed,
That he so long with
Agramant should bide,
Till he some honorable cause might find,
To leaue his master and to change his mind.
82
Well (quoth
Marfisa) if he needs will go,
Then let him go, but I will you assure,
That shortly I will vse the matter so,
He shall not long with
Agramant endure:
This said she vnto
Bradamant, but tho
She told not how she would the same procure:
Thus for that time
Rogero brake this parlie,
And turnd his horse to turne againe to Arlie.
83
When lo they chanc'd a sodaine crie to heare,
Proceeding from the next adioyning vale,
The voice did seeme, when they approched neare,
To be some damsels that for helpe did call:
But who it was, hereafter you shall heare,
For now of force I must cut off my tale,
And pray you my abruptnesse to excuse,
For in the next you shall heare further newes.
In the beginning of this Canto, he speakes against crueltie,
Morall. the most vnnoble thing that can be vsed in peace or warre: for though warre of it selfe is and must needs be bloudy in the heate thereof, yet hath it euer bene detested and contrary to all warlike discipline, to kill those that haue no weapon in hand. Wherefore noble Princes will euer make faire warres, as
Pirthus said in
Ennius:
Quorum virtuti belli fortuna pepercit:
Horundem me libertati parcere certum est.
Whose life the fortune of the warres doth saue,
Frankly I graunt that they their freedome haue.
Crueltie euer proceeds from a vile mind, and often from a cowardly heart, that haue nothing in their minds nor mouthes but
Mortui non mordent, which beside it is vnchristen, is also false: for the Scripture saith,
The blood of Abel
cried for vengeance; and it is a better approued prouerbe in England, blood will haue blood.
In
Bradamant we further note the bad effects of iealousie. In
Rogero, that after his long forbearance, at last thought to be reuenged on
Marfisa, we may see that
Laesa patientia fit furor: Patience prouoked turnes to furie.
Historie.Cantelmus whose death he so much bewailed, was taken in an ambushment by the Venetian armie, hauing very couragiously sallied cut (though
Iouius writes it was against his wil) with another companion of his, who scaped very hardly.
Cantelmus had his head chopt off on the side of a galley in sight of his father, against which crueltie
Ariosto iustly inueyeth.
Astianax sonne of
Hector (as the most credible authors write) was throwne downe from a high towre by
Vlysses, who in his bloudie pollicie thought good that none of the race of
Priamus should be left aliue: but my author here, by Poeticall licence (for I know no historicall ground of it) saith that he was saued, and a boy put in his steed; and that thence (forsooth) are descended many houses of great account. But this is not credible, and the president thereof is perillous, as I will shew in the Allusion.
Allegorie.By
Atlants parting the fray betweene the brother and sister, we may in Allegoricall sence vnderstand, that when diuers that are neare of kin fall at variance, there is nothing so auaileable for reconciling of them, as the memory of some of their worthy auncestors, which in well disposed minds will stirre a great reuerence, and be a strong motiue vnto them to giue ouer their vnnaturall contentions.
Allusion.Concerning the sauing of
Astianax, it puts me in mind of one or two perillous examples recorded in our Chronicles, of the like deuice of one
Perkin Warbecke, who fained himselfe to be
Richard the yonger sonne of
Edward the fourth, that was murdered in the Tower. But what a trouble grew by that puppet for a time, may there be seen, which the Chronicles set out very largely.
And to those three, whose, minds were yet inraged,
Whom whipt and stript he lately thence did send;
These with sharp goads and kniues his body gaged,
And to torment him, all their wits did bend,
Now some cast stones, and some with needels pricke him,
Some scratch, some bite, with feet some spurn & kick him.
93
Eu'n as a brooke new swolne with rage of raine,
Or with a sodaine thaw of melting snow,
Ort bears down rocks and trees with force so maine,
As heards do'h drowne and houses ouerthrow,
A drouth doth come, and then that brooke againe
Abates his pride, and is at last so low,
A woman, yea a child with small adoe,
May passe the same, and neuer wet their shoe.
94
So
Marganor that erst in pompe and pride,
Made hearts of men to quake when he was named,
To lowest ebb now turned sees his tyde,
His combe now cut, his furie now is tamed;
Now kennel-rakers scorne him, and deride,
To looke men in the face he is ashamed,
Small children, yea the babes, be not afteard,
To pill away his haire from head and beard.
95
The while
Rogero with those champions twaine,
The castle summond that did gladly yeeld,
Here
Vllanie recouered againe,
Which lately she had lost, her golden shield:
Here met they those three kings, which to their pain
Dame
Bradamant had twise ou'rthrowne in field,
At the same castle, where before I told
She wan their lodging, and made them lie cold.
96
Since which, on foote vnarmd they vowd to go,
Which want, faire
Vllanie from death did saue,
For all that went with armd men garded so,
Were sacrificed on
Tanacros graue;
Yet better of the twaine it was to show,
The parts that modestie conceald would haue,
For why both this and eu'ry other shame,
[...].
Is halfe excusd, if force procure the same.
97
Marfisa straight a Parlament did call
Mafisas law for women.
Of all the towne, and made them take an oth,
Of high and low, rich, poore, and great and small,
Although they were content, or else were loth,
That to their wiues they should be subiect all;
That in their houses and the Citie both,
The women should haue rule, such powre, such graces,
As men are wont to haue in other places.
98
She further made this notable decree,
That lodging, meate and drinke should be forbode
To trauellers, of whatsoere degree,
Admit they go on foote, or that they rode,
(Within that towne) except they first agree
To sweare by some great Saint, or else by God,
That they should euermore be womens frends,
And foe vnto their foes to their liues ends.
99
And whatsoever stranger there arriues,
Must further sweare, before they go their way,
If, or they haue, or meane to marry wiues,
That euermore they shall their wils obay:
This must they keepe on perill of their liues,
For why she vowes to come ere twelue-months day,
And if she find her law broke in that Citie,
To lacke and burne the same without all pitie.
100
This done, the warriers three did hasten hence,
But yet their going they so long deferred,
Vntil
Drusillas corse was tane from thence,
Where (as it seemd) it was but homely berred,
And order tane, with cost and good expence,
Her spouse and she might nobly be interred,
With Epitaphs, by which was signified,
In how great honour they both liu'd and died.
101
Marfisa made her law in marble faire,
Vpon a pillar to be written downe,
And then
Rogero with the warlike paire
Of damsels, tooke their leaues of all the towne:
But
Vllanie her garments doth repaire,
And stayes to make some new and costly gowne,
She thinks to come to Court were great dishoner,
Except she had some sumptuous clothing on her.
102
Therefore she staid behind, and in her powre
Was
Marganor, by those same warriers giuen,
Who had new torments taught him eu'ry howre,
And was at last by his sharpe iudges driuen,
To leape downe headlong from a mightie towre,
Where all his bones and flesh were broke and riuen:
Of him nor these I haue no more to say,
But of those three that went the tother way.
103
The rest of that same day together riding,
And halfe the next in companie they spent,
Vntill they found a way in twaine diuiding,
One to the campe tother to Arlie went;
Ouid de
[...]istibus. Sape uale dicto rursus suns multa loguutus.
Here oft they take their leaues, yet still abiding,
For euer parting makes friends ill content:
In fine the knight the way to Arlie tooke,
They to the campe, and thus I end this booke.
In this xxxv ij. booke,
Morall. the praises of women are set downe to the encouragement of all vertuous minded yong Ladies, and likewise the miserable end of
Marganor and his two sonnes, for their vnbridled lust and crueltie, to the terrifying of all great men that dispose themselues to lawlesse and tyrannous behauiour. Lastly in the law made for women, we may see that that sex is capable of rule and gouernement, and not to be excluded from the highest degree thereof (as a noble learned, and learned noble man hath most amply and excellently proued in a discourse of his, which I happened by fortune to light vpon,
Lord Harris Howard. Historie. though as yet I thinke imparted to few.)
Concerning the historie of this booke, first it should seeme that the whole booke it selfe was incerted into the rest of the worke by mine author, to take occasion thereby to speake in praise of women, and specially of the Ladie Vittoria, wife
[Page 314] to the famous
Francis of Pescard: but concerning the famous women by him briefly touched, I will here set downe as briefly as I can their storie.
Arpalice or
Harpalice a woman of Thrace, whose father being taken prisoner by the Geties, a nation of Scythia, with great courage and expedition recovered him from their hands, of whom
Virgil speakes in his
Aeneads:
Vel qualis equos Threissa fatgat
Harpalice volucrem
[...]; suga pr
[...]euertitur Haebrum.
Tomeris Queene of the Massagetians.
Cyrus became a suter to her, to marry her but she thinking (as it was most likely) he wooed not her, but her kingdome, refused him: hereupon
Cyrus made warre on her.
Tomeris sent her son against him, who was taken by
Cyrus with an ambushment, and slaine. But she faining as though she fled for feare, drew
Cyrus to the straits of the hils, where (they write) she slue his whole army, being two hundred thousand men, and left not a man aliue to carry newes; and after in reuenge of her son, she put
Cyrus head into a great boule of bloud, vsing that wel knowne speech:
Satia te sanguine quisanguinem sitijsti, Fill thy selfe with bloud that didst thirst for bloud. In the 5. staffe.
With those that did
Turnios and
Hector ayd.
Those two were
Camilla and
Pentheselea, of both which
Virgil writes in the
Aeneads:
Pentheselea surens, medijsque in millibus ardet
Bellatrix, ardétque viris concurrere virgo.
She that in compasse of buls hide, &c.
That was
Dido: The storie is well knowne of
Pigmalions crueltie in mardering
Sycheus for hope of his money, but
Dido warned in a dreame by the gift of
Sycheus, tooke away all the gold, and fled with diuers confederates to Lybia in Affrik, and there bargained to buy as much ground as she could compasse with a buls hide: which bargain being made, she cut the hide into an infinit company of smal thongs, and so built the famous city of Carthage within that cōpasse, as
Virgil noteth:
Mercatique locum facti de nomine Birsen,
Taurino quantum poterant circundare tergo.
Zenobia Queene of the Palmirens, widow, or as we call it, dowager of
Odenatus: She rebelled against the Romaine Empire, and fought many battels very prosperously; but afterward by
Aurelianus she was besieged in the citie of Palmira, and in her flight from thence she was taken and brought to Rome in Triumph.
She that lnde and Assure frayd: this was
Symiramis wife of
Nynus, who was a notable warrier; had not her vnbridled lust of the flesh stained the honour of her other vertues, which as it became her owne destruction, so it hath left a notable example to all other Princes of her sex, to take heed and eschew the like infamie, and specially (though they be aboue all positiue lawes) yet not to pollute the laws of nature.
Allegorie.In that it is said
Marfisa and
Bradamant put off their bases, therewith to hide the priuities of the damsels, it may thereby be vnderstood, that the vertues of some excellent women are so great, as not onely serue themselues to make them famous and most honorable, but also extend themselues so farre, as to serue to hide and couer the deformitie of others not so well apparelled with the garments of honor, and so (as it were with works of supererogation) beautifie those that had defects of their owne.
Allusion.Concerning the great praise mine author ascribeth to Madam
Vittoria:
Whose learned pen such priuiledge can giue,
As it can cause those that are dead to liue.
And for that cause preferreth her before
Porcia wife of
Brutus, and a diuers others that died voluntarie soone after their husbands, it was because she wrote some verses in manner of an Epitaph vpon her husband after his decease: In which kind, that honorable Ladie (widow of the late Lord
Iohn Russell) deserueth no lesse commendation, hauing done as much for two husbands. And whereas my author maketh so great bost onely of our learned woman in Italie, I may compare) besides one aboue all comparison,
The four daughters of Sir Anthonie Cooke. Ladie Burke. Ladie Ru
[...]t
[...]ll. Ladie Bacon. Blistris Kelly. grew. that I haue noted in the twentith booke) three or foure in England out of one family, and namely the sisters of that learned Ladie, as witnesse that verse written by the meanest of the foure to the Ladie
Burlie, which I doubt if Cambridge or Oxford can mend.
Si mihi quem cupio cures
Mildreda remitti,
She wrote to
[...] Ladie Bobe, to send a
[...] of her
[...] wall, where be dwele, end to,
[...] his going
[...] son.
Tu bona, tu melior, tu mihi sola
[...]oror:
Sin malè ceslando retines, & trans mare mittis,
Tu mala, tu peior, ta mihi nulla soror.
Is si Cornubiam, tibi pax sit & omnia laeta,
Sin mare Ciciliae nuncio bella. Vale.
In the 14 staffe.
And if the great Macedon enuie bare,
Vnto
Achilles for Meonian lyre, &c.
This place M.
Alexander Neuell imitated, in his verses vpon Sir
Philip Sidneys funerals, with farre sharper conceit then mine author here vseth it. For whereas the now King of Scotland had written among, that pretie Epitaph of the foresand Knight:
The verse hath a fine conceipt, and perhaps better then it showes for. Now (as I say)
M. Neuell praising Sir
Philip Sidney in the like manner, vseth the like application, as mine author doth in this place, preferring his fortunatenesse in this kinde, before his, whom
Alexander enuieth: for he saith (as I remember)
Concerning the tale of
Drusilla, it is taken out of
Plutarke, and thought a true Story: it is both in the Courtier of Castaglion and in
Apuleius; but somewhat amplified by mine author.
[...] challeges
[...]ade, the
[...] appoints
[...] th parte
[...] must
[...], and bring
[...] weapons, and the challenger
[...] choise
[...].
When second choise of weapon (as was fit)
Was giu'n
Rogero to auoid suspect,
Two Priests before the rest came forth, to wit,
Of each side one, and one of either sect,
Each had a booke, ours had Christs holy writ,
Theirs Alcoran, with errours foule infect,
With ours came forth the Christen Prince deuout,
With that of theirs, the king of Turks came out.
83
Now first king
Charles neare to his altar stands,
And this great protestation there did make,
And lifts to heauen both heart, and eyes and hands,
O God, O Christ, that suffredst for our sake,
O blessed Ladie, that in swathing bands,
Heldst him that mortall flesh of thee did take,
And didst nine months inclose that high diuinitie,
In sacred wombe, still keeping true virginitie.
84
Be witnesses, that here I make it knowne,
And promise faithfully for me and mine,
To
Agramant, and who so ere shall owne
The crowne of Affrike in ensuing time,
That if my champion shall be ouerthrowne,
To pay to them, each yeare of gold most fine,
Ten horslode, and forthwith the warres to cease,
And euermore hereafter to haue peace.
85
And if I fayle, then let the fearfull wrath
Of both, on me at once this folly wreake,
And worke vnto my sect all wo and seath,
That all insuing ages plaine may speake,
Loe what a plague, and iust reward he hath,
That durst his oth to you, and promise breake:
This said, his hand he laid vpon the booke,
And vp on heauen he fixt his stedfast looke.
86
When this was done, then all departed thence,
There where the Turks had with much superstition
Adornd their altar with no small expence;
And their king
Agramant, with like condition,
Vowd neuer after this, to do offence
To
Charles, but passe the seas with expedition,
And ay keepe peace, and equail tribute pay,
If that
Rogero vanquisht were that day.
87
And in like sort he did protest alowd,
And cald on Mahomet, his Idol great,
And by that booke, that his Priest held, he vowd
To keepe most duly all he did repeat:
This done, to part from thence were all allowd,
And either Prince retired to his seat;
Then in like sort they sweare the champions both;
And thus much in effect containd their oth.
88
Rogero promiseth, that if the fight,
By
Agramant shall be disturbd or parted,
That neuer after he will be his knight,
But serue king
Charles, and be to him true harted.
Renaldo in like sort his faith doth plight,
That if to him,
Charles any aid imparted,
Before that one of them were ouercome,
That then himselfe to
Agramant would come.
89
Now when these ceremonies all were ended,
Then eu'rie man departed to his side,
And then the warriours onely now attended,
The trumpets sound, that battell signifide;
Which when both heard, then each of thē intended,
To show the vtmost of his vallew tride:
Now sounds the steele with blows, not few nor soft,
Now they themselues, strike low and now aloft.
90
Sometime they would beguile the tone the tother,
With mind vnto their strength, to ad their art,
They profer at one place, and strike another,
Inuading still the least defended part:
But good
Rogero, that against the brother,
Of her did fight, that did possesse his hart,
Did oft bestow his blows, with such regard,
Most thought
Renaldo was for him too hard.
91
He seemed readier to ward then strike,
For he himselfe well knew not what he ment,
To kill
Renaldo, that he did not like,
To dy himselfe that was not his intent:
But now I hope that none will it mislike,
Sith in this booke so much time hath bene spent,
And least my tediousnesse may some molest,
In this ensuing booke to heare the rest.
[Page 324]Morall.In the beginning of this booke is set downe how great a regard a man ought to haue of true honor indeed, namely to do nothing
[...] herein it may be iustly touched: not as our young gallants in these dayes, that stand vpon their
puntos in tristing matters, hauing neither honor in their hearts, nor truth in their mouths. No doubt but to a noble nature and disposition, honor in the tenderest thing that may be: And therefore it may well of them be said:
Ma al honor chimancha in vn momento,
Non puo in cento annisatisfar, ne in cento.
But if that honor haue one minutes staine,
An hundred yeares scant can it clense againe.
But as in Religion, the true vsage thereof us most necessary to the good of the soule, but heresies and superstition be most damnable; so in this desire of worldy reputation, the good and considerat regard thereof, is the most worthy and Gentlemanly thing that can be: but the vaine and friuolous maintenance thereof is as ridiculous and to be scorned. For example, imagine some man so chast, (as
Caesar was called)
omnium mulierum vir, or to vse our homely English phrase (
as the towne Bull of the Parish) so true of his word, as he that
Heywood writes of that kept all the commandements, and namely that concerning false witnesse,
With witnesse false thou hurtest none, for why,
Each word thou spakest, each man doth know a ly.
So temperat in eating and drinking that he surfets but once a weeke,
vidz. from Saterday to Saterday; and endewed with other magnificall qualities, as swearing and gaming, and now and then (of the gentlenes of his nature) not scorning a Pandars occupation. Can you maruell (I say) if such
[...]an stand somewhat nycely vpon his honor, if he be touched therein? but the true honorable person indeed, will neither giue iust cause of offence, nor beare any wrong or disgrace; and whosoeuer sailes either in the first of these, for want of stayd gouernment, or faints in the later of these, for want of true courage, let him know his honor goeth lame on one legge, onely the first of these two mayms may be cured, but the tother is called a priuie maim
[...], and is vtterly incurable.
Concerning the Orations of
Agramant, Marsilio, and
Sobrino, a man might make a long, & not vnnecessary discourse of the matter, but that I haue taken vpon me to note, and not to discourse: First therefore in
Agramant we may obserue how young couragious Princes (such as he is described to have bin) are egged on by their grand minions (to whom peace is a penance) to warre vpon other mens countryes, and many times leaue their owne vnguarded: In which kind, fooles sometimes giue wiser counsell then they. As in the time of that good king of France
Francis the first, they report that when he inuaded Italy, he consulted with his counsell, where he were best to enter Lombardy: some aduising one way, some another, a foole standing by, and hearing their consultation, came in amongst them and sware that they were all fooles: for (saith he) here is euerie man that aduiseth the king how to enter into Italy, but none of you takes care how he shall get out againe: this though accounted (as it was) but a fooles bolt for the time, yet proued too true afterward: for in that iourney the king was taken, and was sent prisoner to a Castle in Spaine called Madrillo.
In
Marsilio and
Sobrino, we may see the qualities of a good counseller to a Prince, and a bad, one hauing only a regard to his owne priuat, the tother plaine and faithfull, and carefull for his Princes best safetie. In that
Sobrino the good and faithfull counseller, aduiseth to make an end of the war one way or other, either by taking or paying tribute, one may obserue that indeed it is no policie for Princes, but the vtter ruine & beggering of their Realmes, to prolong their wars, & to trifle away money & time in such serious causes, & be as vncertain in the end as in the beginning. The saying of a noble & wise councellor (another
Sobrino) in England, is worthy to be remembered, that with a prety tale he told, vtterly condēned such lingring proceedings. The tale was this, a poore widow (said he) in the country, doubting her prouisiō of wood would not last all the winter, & yet desiring to rost a ioint of meat, & a hen one day to welcome her frends, laid on two sticks on the fire, but when that would not scarse heat it, she fetched two more, & so stil burning them out by two and two (wheras one fagot laid on at the first would haue rosted it) she spent foure or fiue fagots more then she needed; & yet when all was done, her meat was scorched of one side, and raw of the tother side: her frends ill content with their fare, and she enforced ere winter went about, to borrow wood of her poore neighbours, because so many of her owne fagots were spent.
HistorieCresus was the king of Lydia, who thought himselfe happie for his riches: but
Solon was of another opinion, and therefore thought a foole by him, till in the end
Cresus being bound at a stake, to be burned by his victorious enemy, he cryed out on the name of
Solon, and through that thicke and darke smoke, he could see that wisedome, which before his eyes dazled with foolish wordly felicitie could not see.
Crassus called also the rich
Crassus, a Citizen of Rome, his saying was, that no man was rich that could not with his bare reuenue maintaine a Royall army: which if it be a true saying, I doubt whether any Prince Christened at this day be rich.
Crassus in reproch of his couetousnesse, had molten gold poured into his mouth by the Parthians, who tooke him prisoner and slew him.
Cambises sonne of
Cyrus king of Persia hauing conquered Egipt, inuaded the Ammonians with a great armie, but for want of victuals was forced to giue ouer his enterprise. Further he sent an armie before him of fiftie thousand men, with commandement to destroy the Temple of
Iupiter Amon, and they entring the deserts of that country were neuer seene againe, so as it was thought that while they sate at dinner in the field, a furious Sotherne wind raysed such store of dust and sand, as ouerwhelmed them and quite couered them.
Allegorie.In the miracles done by
Astolfo, is ment Allegorically, that a man guided by vertue, and assisted by grace, makes all kinde of creatures to serue his turne.
Allusion.His turning of stones to horses, alludes to the like thing in
Ouids Metamorphosis, where
Prometheus and
Epimetheus made men of stones.
Inque breui spacio superorum numine saxa,
Iacta viri manibus faciem traxere virorum,
Et de foemineo reparata est foemina iactu.
In his taking the Southerne winde in a bagge, it alludes to a like thing in
Homers Odisseas of
Vlisses, that had the winde bound in a bagge, and some say the Sorcerers neare the North sea, vse to sell the winde to saylers in glasses, and it is so common among them, that they will laugh as much at those that beleeue it not, as we would be to heare one tell it.
Of these same ships, and would haue deemd a fable,
If one had told him of a little bow,
To make a hundred ships, a man was able:
Wherefore he sayled on he car'd not how,
And doubts no foe but waue, and wind vnstable,
And not expecting such strange sodaine stops,
He neuer let his watchmen in his tops.
79
On tother side, our men that had espyde,
Their enemies, at sea an houre ere night,
Came with great speed, although all vndeseride,
For cu'tie ship kept close their fire and light:
At last when as they saw their time, they tryde
Their vtmost force, and with full sayles they light
On their toes shipping, that at first did shrinke,
And many did vnto the bottome sinke.
80
Now
Dudons men began to play their parts,
Some vsing fire, some heauie stones, some steele,
Vpon the Turks fell such a storme of darts,
As they before, the like did neuer feele:
On our side God, with courage fill'd their harts,
On their side, each mans hart was in his heele,
They stood amazd with feare, and quite astonished,
The time now come their old sins should be punished.
81
Thus
Agramant is closd on eu'rie side,
Description of a
[...], e
[...] fight.
With many a pike, and sword, and hooke, and axe,
The stones that fell from high, made breaches wide,
And much sea enterd at the new made cracks,
But most the fire, which they could least abide,
That takes in pitched boords, and wreathed flax,
To kindle verie quicke, but slow to quench,
Annoyd them sore with heat, & smoke, & stench.
82
Some ouer boord do fall in water cold,
And there are drownd: some take thē to their swimming,
But on another bark while they take hold,
They now full fraught, and fearing ouertrimming,
With cruell sword (a foule sight to behold)
Cut of their bands, w
t which they now were climing,
The bleeding stumps all mangled there remained,
And with fresh blood, the water salt was stained.
83
Some few to saue their liues that had desier,
Or at the least, to leese them with least paine.
Do leape in water to escape the fier,
Till with new seare of drowning, they againe,
Vnto the flaming shipwracks do retier,
And there, with much a do are glad and faine,
To catch some burning boord: and being loth,
To dye of either death, they dye of both.
84
Some one for feare of sword, or axe, or pike,
Doth all in vaine, vnto the sea betake him,
For why some stone, or arrow, or such like,
Ere he be farre from thence, doth ouertake him:
But least the reader haply may mislike,
My too long tale, this motion I would make him,
That to another season he defarre,
To heare the sequell of this bloudy warre.
MorallIn
Rogeros irresolute fighting, may be noted how necessary it is for a man before he go to fight, to put on a good and firme resolution, and chiefly of the goodnes of his cause. In
Agramants breach of the oth and promise, we may see how odious a thing it is before God and man to be
Foedifragi, Truce-breakers; which maketh them indeed, to be forsaken of their frends, prosecuted with great malice of their enemies, lothed, detested, and scorned of their owne subiects, and in the end breeds their vtter confusion. In that
Agramants souldiers do mutine against him and reuile him secretly, and he notwithstanding thinkes himselfe to be well beloued of them, and well thought of, we may see in what a lamentable case those Princes are, that (as is said of them)
Neuer see lookes, but fawningly disguised,
Neuer heare words, but fayningly deuised.
Historie.Of the Historie of this booke, first for
Sileno that was
Virgils Schoolemaster, it is written of him, he was one day laid to sleep, after he had bene made drunke with wine, and his schollers merily bound him, wherupon he waking said that verse,
Soluite me pueri, satis est potuisse videri.
Concerning this great battell at Arlie, certaine it is (as diuers Historiographers haue noted it) that there remaine to this home, great heapes of bones, betokening some great slaughter of men in that place: but when it should be done, I cannot precisely affirme.
Allegorie In that
Mehsla by the helpe of the deuill, taking vpon her a false image of
Rodomont, moued
Agramant to breake truce, the Allegorie thereof is, that they be diuels or diuellish persons, that will moue Princes to breake their word and their promise.
Of
Orlandos restoring to his wit, which indeed is the chiefe Allegorie of all the booke, and where-upon the booke taketh th
[...] name,
Orlando Furioso, this in briefe is the meaning thereof.
Orlando a man of noble birth, Erle of Auglant, nephew to
Charles the great, falls so farre in loue with
Angelica, by which (as I haue often noted) is meant pleasure, or honor; that he leeseth his wits and becomes mad: by which may be meant any s
[...]lly that young men fall into with loue, with prodigalitie, with ambition or vaine studies; (which are at large recited in the 34. booke.)
Astolfo with the receit he had of
S. Iohn, makes him wise againe, that is, by the grace of God and by the Gospell, which teacheth vs how to despise all these worldly things, and either quite leaue them or turne them to our good and benefite.
Allusion.The sea fight which is in the later end of this booke described, is like that which
Lucan sets forth in the ciuil wars between
Caesar and
Pompey: or rather indeed, to that he speaks of in the next book of Cardinal
Hippolito against the Venetians.
Seu'n kings, whom bound in chaines he chaunst to see.
1
TWere long (my Lord) to tell of all that fought,
Looke in the History of the similitudes.
In that sea fight, and certes all the while,
That I should tell it you, I should be thought,
To beare pots (as they say) to Samos Ile,
Where earthen vessels in great store are wrought.
Or Owles to Athens, Crocodils to Nyle:
For more then can of this by me be told,
Your selfe haue caused many to behold.
2
Your faithfull people had a long prospect,
When all a day vpon the streame of Poe,
Your men, as your great vallew did direct,
The shipping of your foes assaulted so,
That with their blood the streame they did infect,
And brought vpon them all, a world of woe;
Then both your selfe, and others plaine did see,
How sundry deaths, in fights of sea there be.
3
Ariofso was sent post to Rome to pacifie Pope Iulio the second, which he toucheth in one of his Satyres. The Lions teeth and pawes meaning the Venccians, called the Lyons of the sea.
But fl
[...]tling, and his sword was so good steele,
The backe so thicke, as it no hurt did take,
Yet ost therewith he made good
Dudon feele
Such thundring knocks, at causd his head to ake,
And made him readie many times to reele,
But least much reading may annoy your eyes,
To lay this booke aside I you aduise.
Morall.In
Agramant that from being so victorious, fel into so great extremity, Princes may consider the great mutability of Fortune: or to speake more truly and Christianly, they may see how God can ouerthrow them, when in their own conceipts they are at the very highest. In that their folly is dispraised that trust to others protection, and stand not vpon their own strength, the lamentable examples of many Princes that we haue heard of in this age, and some that we haue seene, may proue the truth of that principle; nor doth it only hold in Princes affairs, but euē in the case of meaner subiects, according as a good frend of mine, perhaps vpon some good, or (peraduenture) bad experience of his owne, wrate many yeares since:
If you be wise, this rule well minde,
Trust none for you to sue or pray,
Not frend most fast, nor kin most kinde,
In that your selfe can do or say.
Further wheras
Sobrino notwithstanding his age, is chosen to be one of the three in the challenge, offring himselfe therto, we may note therby, that old men are not only to be honored for their wisedomes, but also imployed in seruice for their constant courage, if themselues be willing therto, and not to be contemned or scoffed, (a vice that our time is too much giuen vnto (specially by young men that thinke they know all things, and indeed know lesse then nothing. It is a tale well
[...]ne, and worthie to be well marked, how one day, the people of Athens being set in their theater to behold playes, two ol
[...] men came in, & no man once offerd to giue thē place, til they came where the Lacedemonian Ambassadors sate: they straight rose, and in reuerence of their gray heads not knowing the men, they gaue them place, which act when the people Comended with great applause, the sorenamed Ambassadours gaue them that pretic tuch, which hath euer since stucke by them;
That the Athenians knew what was honest and commendable, but would giue others leaue to do it.
Historie. In the first staffe of this book, he vseth three similitudes to this effect, as we say in English, to fling water into the Teams
To beare pots (as is said) to Samos Ile,
(Where earthen vessels in great store are wrought)
Or Owles to Athens, Crocodyles to Nile.
Of
Samos vessels I will recite only that verse that was made of
Agathocles:
Fama est, sictilibus ornasse Agathoclea regem
Atque abacum Samio saepe onerasse luto,
Fercula gemmatis cum poneret horrida vasis,
Et misceret opes, pauperiem
(que) simul
Querenti causam, respondit rex ego qui sum
Sicaniae, figulo sum genitore natus.
Fortunam reuerenter habe, quicunque repente
Diues, ab exili progrediere loco.
Concerning the Owles of Athens,
Tully vseth the phrase
Hoc est Athenas noctuam mittam. But the saying rose not so much for the plentie of those birds, as because they had a coigne stamped with the same; as appeares in
Plutarke in the life of
Lysander, where it was laid to the charge of a grèat officer named
Gilippus, that he roosted too many Owles in the penthouse of his house, which was indeed, money that he had stole in that kinde of coigne, and hidden there.
The Crocodiles of Nilus are famous, neither are any of those beasts in any other riuer, but one in Affrica called Senega that falls into the Atlanticke Ce. amand because it hath Crocodiles, some hold it for an arme of Nilus, though, in my opinion, with as little reason, as some say Lundy the Ile betweene Cornwall and Wales, to be part of Ireland, because it hath no snakes in it. Of the Crocodile I count this worth the noting, that being bred of an egge, he groweth to be twelue or fourteene foot long, which no creature doth beside.
Hanniball being ouercome by
Scipio, fled to
Antiochus, and doubting of by sickle disposition went to
Prusia king of Bithinia, who by his counsell and policie ouercame
Eumenes in a sea fight, which benefite and seruice notwithstanding, the said
Prusia would haue betrayed him to the Romanes, but
Hanniball seeing no meanes of escape, tooke poyson, which he carried about him of purpose in a ring, and so made away himselfe.
Iugurth likewise betaking himselfe to the protection of
Boccus king of Mauritania his sonne in law, was by him taken and bound, and deliuered to
Sylla, who caried him to
Marius, in whose triumph he was after led at Rome, and forced (as some write) to leape off an high arch, or as other will haue it, starued after inprison.
Pompey being vanquished by
Caesar, fled to
Egipt to
Ptolomey, whose father had bene much beholding in times past to
Pompey, but he for feare of
Caesars displeasure made his head to be cut of.
Allegorie.In
Rogero that notwithstanding all his oths and promises to marrie
Bradamant, and become a Christian, yet with a regard of wordly reputation is caried away, and taketh shipping into Affrica, may be allegorically vnderstood, how our sence and vnderstanding, not hauing the helpe of grace to confirme it, is carried away into the sea of errors, and t
[...]ssed with waues of divers passions, and in the end suffers shipwracke as here
Rogero did, though after deliuered by prayer and faith, as is shewed in the next booke.
Allusion.The great perill that
Brandimart was in, leaping of the wall of Biserta into the towne, alludes to the like fact of
Alexander, who was in the like perill at the Citie of Ossidracus in India; where also (as
Iustin testifieth) he receiued a very dangerous wound.
His braines all cut therewith he plaine did feele,
And downe he fell like one most deadly sicke;
A streame of blood out of the grieuous wound,
Ran forth, and dyde with crimsen all the ground.
94
By this
Orlando waked, and behild
His
Brandimart that lay now a la mort:
He sees the Sericane that him had kild,
This angerd him, and grieu'd him in such sort,
Twas hard to say which more his stomacke fild,
His wrath or griefe; but time to mourne was short,
That griefe gaue place, and wrath bare chiefest sway
But now I thinke it best a while to stay.
In this booke may be noted the notable fondnesse of those men, that in avoiding of the lesse danger, fal into the greater, as
Morall. they did that forsooke the ship, and leapt into the boat, where they were all cast away, and the ship it selfe saued. In that
Rogero in his extremity of danger, feeleth a remorse of conscience, & straight hath recourse to God by prayer and vow, it is a good president for others to do the like, though indeed most men are apt to do so, but all the matter is, to performe the effect of their vow & promise to God after, for that few care for, according to that saying, made a prouerb in Italian,
Scampato il pericolo giabbato il santo,
When danger is scaped, the Saint is — mocked.
But the example of
Rogero may moue vs to more true deuotion; and this speech of the good old Hermit, let euerie one apply to himselfe that hath need of it, and it may fortune do him as much good as a sermon; for indeed it is most sweet and comfortable and verie true doctrine, and well beseeming the person of a deuout old man (as I called him in the
54 staffe) for seldome goeth deuotion with youth, be it spoken without offence of our
Peckedeuanted Ministers: as there goes an old tale of three things that a blind man could see, for when his boy told him that there was brought a verse braue horse, then saith the blind man, I see he is far: the boy maruelled how he knew it; next he told him, there came by a passing faire woman, then I see she is young (quoth the blind man) well guessed Master said his boy. Lastly, came by a deuout preacher: Sir quoth the boy, here comes a good Priest, then he is old said the blind man, and that guesse was so right, the boy was affraid his Master had had his eyes againe. For indeed age and bodies chastised with fasting and studie, are companions of deuotion: as a frend of mine was wont to say in Italian,
Dio mi guarda Da medico rognoso,
Dio mi guarda Da alchumista stracciato,
Dio mi guarda Da monacho ingrossato.
God defend me from a mangie Phisition, (for the Phisition that cannot cure the itch in himselfe, will hardly cure other greater diseases in another.) From a ragged or beggerly Alcumist, for he that cannot get himself good clothes, will hardly turne lead into gold. From a corpulent or fat fed Frier: for he that feeds his owne bodie fat, is not likely to giue of the best spirituall food of the soule.
In
Brandimart that laboreth to perswade
Agramant to peace, we may note a noble disposition, and excellent good nature, that being verie stout, and treating of peace (as they say) with his sword in his hand, yet endeuoured to take up the qûarrell before it came to bloud, which though it be a thanklesse office many times (as here it hapned to
Brandimart to be scorned for his labour) yet ought not that to terrifie a good mind from so honest an office. And sure the cause why great quarrels rise vpon small matters, betweene great personages, and are afterward so long ere they be reconclied, and so hollowly reconciled at last; is that some of a wicked pollicie, seeke to keepe them at variance, thinking it (as the prouerbe saith) best fishing in troubled waters: but neither
S. Peter that was the good fisher of men nor his Master, were of that opinion, but do say contrarily,
Beati pacifici.
Of the house of Este,
Historie. it was first called Ateste, but after (as mine Author hath deliuered) it was turned to Este, by reason of that speech,
Hic este Domini, and
Fornarius writing vpon this place affirmes the same.
In the deuises or impreises of
Orlando and
Oliuero,Allusion. may be noted the decorum they vsed, for
Orlando being a known and approved warrior, giues a more terrible deuice, yet referring the honor to God, in most Christian manner, of striking down and confounding his enemies with lightning.
Oliuero whose deuice is the spaniell, or lyam hound couching with the word
fin che vegna, doth with great modestie shew therby, that the spaniell or hound that is at commandement, waiteth, till the fowle, or deare he stricken, and then boldly leapeth into the water, or draweth after it by land: so he being yet a young man, waited for an occasion to shew his valew, which being come, he would no longer couch, but shew the same.
In this kind we haue had many in our time, as the happie
17. day of Nouember can witnesse, that haue excelled for excellencie of deuice: of which if I should speake at large, it would aske a volume by it selfe. My selfe, have chosen this of
Oliuero for mine owne, partly liking the modestie thereof, partly (for I am not ashamed to confesse it) because I fancie the spaniell so much, whose picture is in the deuice, and if any make merrie at it. (as I doubt not but some will) I shall not be sorrie for it: for one end of my trauell in this worke, is to make my frends merrie, and besides I can alledge many examples of wise men, and some verie great men, that haue not onely taken pictures, but built cities in remembrance of seruiceable beasts. And as for dogges, Doctor
Caynes a learned Phisition and a good man, wrote a treatise in praise of them, and the Scripture it selfe hath voutchsafed to commend
Tobias dogge.
Whose wiues are chast, and free-from lawlesse lust:
And some y
t for their wiues truth durst haue sworne,
Haue for their labours, in their head a horne.
80
Now sir, if you beleeue your wife is true,
As sure till one do finde contrarie proofe,
I thinke both you, and all men ought of dew,
For that no doubt is best for their behoose,
Here you shall see it tride within your vew,
For which I prayd you harbour in my roofe:
This cup (said he) if you desire to know it,
By drinking in the lame, will clearely show it.
81
Now drinke hereof, and proue this passing skill,
Acteons armes were horne
[...] giuen him by Diana, wherupon a pleasant fellow wrote this deslicke of one that had married a light huswife. Th
[...]da
[...]e credi
[...] d
[...]isse, sed illa D
[...]ana est, Namque Acteoneum da
[...] [...] Gau
[...] caput.
For if
Acteons armes, be on your crest,
Do what you can, you shall the liquor spill,
Beside your mouth, vpon your lappe and brest,
But if your wife be chast, then drinke your fill,
No such mischance your draught will then molest.
Thus much he said, and fixt on him his eyne,
And thinkes
Renaldo sure would spill the wine.
82
Renaldo halfe allured to assay,
To finde a thing, which found he might repent,
Did take in hand the golden cup straight way,
As if to quasse it off, were his intent:
Yet first he doth the certaine danger way,
To which by tasting such a cup he went.
But giue me leaue a while some breath to take,
Before you heare what answer he did make.
This booke begins with a Morall against wrath, and reuenge, excusing rather then allowing them that yeeld to that bloodie passion: but let all noble minded men (I speake to men of the sword) if they do as
Orlando did, reuenge the death of their deere friend, yet after take example of
Orlandos clemencie towards
Sobrino, whom (after the furie of the combat was past) he made to be cured.
Tully in his Oration
pro Marcello, hath many excellent sayings to this effect, to
[...]raise
Caesar and, all such as being able to reuenge, yet rather chuse to forgiue: as in one place he saith,
verum animum vincere, iracundiam cohibere, victoriam temperare, &c. Haec quifaciat, non ego eum summis viris comparo, sed simillimum Deo iudico. To ouercome the passions of the minde, to bridle ones anger, to moderate the victorie, &c. who doth these things I compare not him to the best sort of men, but I liken him to God himselfe. Further in the same oration he cals wrath an enemie to wisedome; and our common English prouerbe saith, the hastie man neuer wanteth woe: all which I alledge rather to proue mine authours saying true: that it is hard to bridle wrath, and to temper revenge; and consequently the more commendable for those that can do it: according to the saying,
pulchra quae difficilia; and therefore the more noble and great a man is either in byrth or fortune, the more honorable it is for him to be spare and not bloodie in reuenge;
Posse & nolle nobile. And euen in this last booke, you read how hurtfull desire of reuenge
[...]alleth of time to him that desireth it; for
Agramant came of purpose into France to be reuenged vpon
Charles, and was as you see, first expelled out of that Realme, and after bereft of his life.
Of
Alfonsoes hurt you may reade in
Guycchardin,Historie. and how his men recouered the Bastia from the Spaniards, who had certaine Moores with them at that time; and therefore he saith (of men whose greater part were circumcised.)
Fulgoso, or
Fregoso, was Archbishop of Salerne, and as it seemes, had carped at
Ariostos verse of
Lyppadusa: but he defends the matter prettily, alledging that an earthquake, or inundation had destroyed all the leuell ground. The like reproofe had
Virgil about the hauen of Mongibello, which he describes at the roote of that hill, where indeed there was none: and the like excuse is made for him, that it filled with the continuall casting vp of stones out of the burning hill.
Catalani are the chiefe house of Spaine, alledged here by the Poet, for their good successe in discouering the Indies, though indeed the Portugals
Lusitani not
Catalani deserue the praise of it.
The monster that assaulted
Renaldo signifies Iealousie that he had,
Allegorie. that another possest his loue: the knight that deliuered him was Disdaine, that with the heat of noble courage, signified by the fierie Mace, ouerthrew the monster, and draue him quite away: it is so plaine in the verse it needs no exposition.
The cup that
Renaldo was offerd,
Allusion. puts me in minde of the like fansie, in the Historie of
Herodotus in the second booke, briefely it is thus.
Pharao King of Egypt, hauing by ill hap, lost his eiesight, was aduised (by some Oracle) to bath his eyes in the vrine of a chast woman. Wherefore first he proued his wiues, and after diuers other great Ladies, but he found none did him good but one poore gentelwoman, wherefore being recouered of his fight, he put all the other to death, and married that one: but because the matter of the cup is continued in the next booke, I shall speake more to this effect, in my notes vpon the same.
The mindes of chastest dames, and make them light:
To Lippaduse he doth his course direct,
But first Orlando finisht had his fight:
That Hermit that Rogero did baptise,
Heal'd Oliuer, and Sobrine in likewise.
1
O Curst, ô greedie, ô vnsaciable
[...]
Desire of gaine, I do not maruell sure,
If thou the base and filthy minds art able,
[...] men.
To cause to stoope vnto thy carren lure,
Sith oft we see some persons honorable,
Can scarce thy weake and base assaults endure,
Who if they could thy foule entisements shun,
No doubt but they great glory should haue won.
2
[...] men.
Some men can measure earth, and sea, and sky,
And tell the change and cause of eu'ry season,
And wade so farre with wit, or mount so hy,
They search both heau'n & hel with depth of reason
But when thou com'st in place, then by and by,
Thou putst their daintie tasts so out of season,
They place their whole delight, their hope, their health
In only scraping and in heaping wealth.
3
[...].
Another man in warres hath great renowne,
And gets the conquest in each bloudie strife,
And wins this fortresse, and that walled towne,
Opposing his stout brest to perils rife,
Thou onely conquerst him, and thrusts him downe,
And keepest him thy prisner all his life:
[...] professions
Some men, excelling in each art and studdie,
Thou doest obscure, with base desires and muddie.
4
[...].
What should I speake of dames of worth not small,
That hauing louers, men of great desarts,
Oppose their honours, as a brasen wall,
Against their suits with vnrelenting harts?
But come some miser, base deformed squall,
That saue his riches,
Omid. Aureanuns ver
[...] [...]unt seculap
[...]urimus
[...] Venit hones,
[...] amor. Dana
[...] had a
[...] of gold fell in her lap. Looke in the Table.
hath no worthy parts,
They breake the wall, and make therein a gap,
To take the showre that fell in
Danaes lap.
5
Nor without cause hereof complaine do I,
Take me that can, for I do rightly take it,
Nor from my matter do I swarue awrie,
Or by a vaine digression do for sake it:
Yet to my former speach I not applie,
But tending to a future tale I spake it:
Now let me tell you of
Renaldo first,
One thirst was for were, the tother to know his wiues c
[...]st
[...]e.
That with one draught wold swage his double thirst
6
But whether that his courage did him faile,
Or that on more aduise,
Sentence
[...] to that
[...] M
[...]lut
[...] bene posi
[...]um ne moue as Sentence.
he changed minde,
He thought and said, what should it one auaile,
To seeke a thing he would be loth to finde?
My wife a woman is, their sex is fraile,
I yet am to beleeue the best enclinde;
I know I cannot better my beliefe,
And if I change it, it will be my griefe.
7
What good may come by such a straight espy all,
Into my sences surely cannot sinke,
Much hurt may come, there can be no denyall,
Let nothing seuer those whom God doth linke:
Sentence.
Wherefore to make so vnaccustomd triall,
Were sinne, and tempting God as I do thinke:
Then drinke this cup, (quoth he) that lift, not I,
In the tale of the Mantuan knight may be gathered this good morall,
Morall. that it is no wisedome to search for that a man would not find: and how the first breach commonly of the sweet concord of matrimonie, groweth of iealousie, I must confesse, these be two knauish tales that be here in this booke, and yet the Bee will picke out hony out of the worst of them. For mine owne part I haue euer bene of opinion, that this tale of the Mantuan knight, is simply the worst against women in all the booke, or rather indeed that euer was written. The hosts tale in the xx viij booke of this worke, is a bad one: M.
Spencers take of the squire of Dames, in his excellent Poem of the Faery Queene, in the end of the vij. Canto of the third booke, is to the like effect, sharpe and well conceited; in substance thus, that his Squire of Dames could in three yeares trauell, find but three women that denyed his lewed desire: of which three, one was a courtesan, that reiected him because he wanted coyne for her: the second a Nun, who refused him because he would not swear secreacie, the third a plain countrey Gentlewoman, that of good honest simplicitie denyed him: which also hath some liknes with that of
Pharao I spake of in the notes vpon the 42. book: but this of the Mantuan knight passeth thē all, if you marke the secret drift of it: shewing how a woman of so excellent education, so great learning, so rare beautie, so fine wit, so choise qualities, so sweet behauiour, so aboundant wealth, so dearly beloued by her husband, could so easily be conquerd with the sight of three or four iewels: and then for his comfort, how for ten yeares after, he being a great house keeper, all his married guests that came to him spilt the drinke in their bosomes. This tale (admitting it to be true or probable) would argue women to be of exceeding couetousnes, but loe how easily all this is not onely to be excused for them, but retorted vpon men: for assuredly it is onely the couetouseness of men, that maketh women (as we interpret it) to sell their chastities: for women indeed care for nothing but to be loued, & where they assure themselues they are loued, there of their kind and sweet dispositions, they bestow loue againe. Now because men can protest and sweare, and vow that which they thinke not, therefore no maruel if women are hard of beliefe, and thicke listed to heare them: but when they come to giue things that cost money, and that the coyn begin to walke, which they are sure men esteeme so dearly, as they venter both body and soule for it many times, then no maruell if they belieue them, and thinke them to be in good earnest, and consequently yeeld to that they denyed before. But to go forward with the rest of the morall, both men and women may gather this morall out of both these tales; that as all vice is odious and base, so that which a bodie is hired vnto, is most shamefull and detestable.
Of the Faery
Manto I cannot affirme any thing of truth,
Historie. whether she were a Faery or a Prophetesse, but this I finde wrtiten of her, that when Thebs was razed by
Alexander, this
Manto daughter of Tyresia, being learned in Magike as well as her father, came vnto that part of Italy, where Mantua is now, and there her sonne
Ocnus (as
Virgil will haue it) built that Citie, and called it after his mothers name.
Ille etiam patrijs ignem ciet
Ocnus ab oris,
Fatidicae
Mantus, &
Thusei filius amnis,
Qui muros; matrisque dedit tibi Mantua nomen.
Concerning those braue men with whom
Orlando compareth
Brandimart, the
Decij. M. Curtius, and
Codrus of the
Decij, one of them had a dreame or vision, that told him how in the battel which he was to fight next day with the Latins the Captain of one side, and the army of the other side should perish, wherupō he being then Consul, ran wilfully on his enemies and was slaine, and so gat the victory for the Romans. His son
Decius did the like after him:
Curtius lept into the gulfe, that was prophecyed should neuer be stopt, till the most precious iewell the Romans had were thrown: into the same.
Codrus dyed thus, the Dorians hauing warre with the Athenians, the Oracle told them of Athens, that if
Codrus were slaine by the enemies, then the Athenians should haue the victorie: this newes being noised in the Dovians campe, they gaue straight charge that none should kil
Codrus; but he minding to dye for the defence of his countrie, countersaited himselfe like a Pedler, or such like, and came to the campe of enemies, and picking a quarrell there of purpose with some of the souldiers, was slaine among them.
The cuppe presented to
Renaldo,Allusion is allegorically to be vnderstood for suspition, which whosoeuer drinketh of, it is great ods he sheds it so into his bosome, as he shal drinke the worse after it while he liues, and therfore
Renaldo said wel,
Drinke of the cup, (quoth he) that list, not I. I am not, nor I minde not to be drie.
For the Mantuans tale,
Allegorie. it is not vnlike to that of
Cephalus in
Ouids Metamorphosis, in the seuenth booke, where he tels how in the like sort changed by negromancy, he tempted his wife so farre,
Dum census dare me promitto, loquendo
Muneraque augendo, tandem dubitare coegi.
I haue heard of a Gentleman that would needs court his owne wise in a maske, causing her to be told he was some other man; and made loue so long to her, till he found himselfe more gracious with her, then he had cause to beast of.
As for the
Faery Manto, whether there be any Faeries or no, I wil not dispute the matter, but I haue heard strange tales reported by credible persons, of these witches and spirits whatsoeuer they be; and I haue heard it often among the simpler sore, that he that can please the Queene of Faeries; shall neuer want while he liues; and it seemes the like opinion hath crept into other countries, though taken but as a fable, or as the saying is,
It may be in my Paternoster indeed,
But sure it neuer shall come in my Creed.
Marrie for the shaghaird dog, that could dance to please Ladies so well, and had such pretie qualities, I dare vndertake my seruant Bungy (whose picture you may see in the first page of the booke, and is knowne to the best Ladies of England) may cōpare with any Pilgrims dog that serued such a saint this seuen yere: only he wants that qualitie to shake duckats out of his eares. But now to leaue these toying tales, and fall to the soberer matter, the solemne suneralls of
Brandimart and
Orlandos mourning, alludes to the buriall of
Pallas, or
Pallante in
Virgil: Bardino to
Acetes: and
Orlando to
Aenas: but this here is set forth with denout and Christian termes, and therefore more to be commended.
Brake downe the bridge, when they the streame had past
And so as then they made the passage fast.
94
Rogero failing of his first intent,
Did seeke some place to passe to tother side,
Along that streame till all that day was spent,
And all that night vncessantly doth ride:
Be time next morne vnto a towne he went,
To ease his wearied bodie, and beside,
To make his horse amends for so great wrong,
In keeping him without a bait so long.
95
Vngardo, one of reckning good and state,
Held this same towne to
Constantino deare,
And footmen had, and horsemen got of late,
Since of these warres he did first tidings heare:
Rogero finding none to watch the gate,
More boldly enterd finding passage cleare:
The towne it selfe within he likewise found,
With meat and drinke, and lodging to abound.
96
Now where
Rogero lodged that same night,
One of Romania, happend there to oste,
That present was at that precedent fight,
When as
Rogero holpe the Bulgars host:
And at that time did him so sore affright,
That though of his escaping he might bost;
Yet still he feard him, and still did doubt him,
And still he thought that Vnicorne about him.
97
Wherefore when as he saw that sheeld, he knew
This was the man that eu'n before so late,
So many of the Grecian armie slew,
Straightway he hasted to the castle gate:
And that he may haue audience, he doth sew,
For matter that concernes the Realme and state:
But when he was admitted, what he told,
Within the booke insuing ile vnfold.
Morall.How truly and vpon how iust cause mine author blameth Princes for their weake keeping promise, and their continuall breaking of leagues (be they made euer so solemnly) I thinke our present time can witnesse, in which it is hard to say, whether any two Princes in Europe at this day be assured each of others loue: the reason is plaiue,
They weigh not wrong nor right, nor recken of it,
Further then it may tend to their owne profit.
And as the fault is theirs, so sure they haue a great punishment for it, which is, that they liue in perpetuall feare one of another, and euer one iealous of anothers greatnes: it was a happie time (if euer there was a time) when it was otherwise.
In dame
Beatrice we may note the notable ambitious humor of women, specially in matching their children aboue their calling, which I touched more at large in the notes of the fist booke: neither are the wiser sort of men free from this folly, for if they may match their daughters, so as they may say my Lord my sonne, they thinke they haue God almightie by the toe (as the prouerbe saith) whereas many times they haue the diuell by the claw: but those that glorie so to make their sonnes their Lords, I would haue them heare that verse of
Martiall to one that called his father his Lord.
Seruum te dicis natum ingenueq fateris,
Cum dicis dominum Sosibiane patrem.
A slaue thou art by birth, of this I gather,
For euermore thou saist, my Lord my father.
Historie.Perythous would needs take vpon him by the helpe of
Theseus to steale away the daughter of the king of Molossus, but being both taken,
Perithous was deuoured by Cerberus a great dogge that the said king kept, and
Theseus was after resiued by
Hercules: thence arose the fable that they went to hell togither to steale
Proserpina, for so was that kings daughter named.
Allegorie.In the many lets that
Rogero hath ear he can get
Bradamant, the Allegorie is
[...]ontinued from the beginning to the end of the whole worke, to shew how hardly a man comes to a true contentment and peaceable state in this world (which is figured in the match with
Bradamant man hauing still enemies bodily or ghostly to hinder or interrupt the same.
Allusion.In
Bradamants constant loue to
Rogero, he alludes to a Lady of the house of Colonna, that married
Luigy Gonzaga against the Popes will, and many of his adherents.
And that they are, which none of wit could guesse,
Each vnto other, man and wife assured:
I pray you yet, the time more plaine expresse,
When this was done, how long it hath indured,
This (sure I am) tis but a tale deuised,
Except it were before he was baptised.
107
And if twere done before his Christen state,
To stand vnto the same I am not tyde,
Wherefore this caueat is put in too late,
Her owne desire she hath not had denyde:
Now tis not fit, a Prince of such estate,
As for her sake, aduenterd to haue dyde,
Should your Emp'rours promise be deluded,
And by such craft, be from his right excluded.
108
You should haue spoken then of this contract,
Before our king had sent his proclamation,
I meane not thus to haue my credit crackt,
For more then so, I weigh my reputation:
Thus pleaded he against that precontract,
The which to breake was his determination,
To either part his eare the Emperor lends,
Yet partially, to neither side he bends.
109
Simile. Outd. Qusha succincts vbi truxinsibilat Eurus. Murmura pi
[...]atu
[...], ve
[...]qualia
[...]lu
[...]tus
[...] qu
[...]e
[...]ac
[...] si quu procul aud
[...]at illos A wonder lasts nine
[...]ay
[...]s.
Looke what a murmure winds do make in woods,
When
Zephyrus mild blasts among them are,
Or when one heats from far the saltish floods,
When
Eolus and
Neptune are at square:
So did the common people in their moods,
Talke of these matters, and the same compare,
And as the manner is (for nine dayes space)
This was the newes and talke in eu'rie place.
110
This man
Rogero, Leon that defends,
According to the fancies of the men,
But yet it seemd
Rogero had most frends,
Scarse had the stranger one, for tothers ten,
But as I said, the king to no side bends,
And hauing duly weighd the matter then,
He points the mariage day to be deferred,
The case vnto his Parliament referred.
111
Next day
Marfisa made another offer,
Sith that none could, during her brothers life,
Wed
Bradamant, and be assured of her,
Her brother should (for ending of the strife)
To
Leon hand to hand, the combat proffer,
So she might be the last suruiuers wife;
And he that tother could in battell kill,
Enioy her might alone at his owne will.
112
Charles vnto
Leon doth impart these newes,
As he before the other did impart,
That offer
Leon ment not to refuse,
But saith he take it would, with all his hart,
He minds againe the matter so to vse,
The knight of th'Vnicorne should play his part,
He little knew that in great care and anguish,
The noble knight did now consume and languish.
113
But missing him, he quickly did repent,
That he accepted had that stout defiance,
And therefore straight to seeke the knight he sent,
In whose tryde force he put his whole affiance;
Him to
Rogero to oppose he ment,
And all his frends and all his strong alliance:
Wherefore to shun both danger great and scorne,
He sent to seeke the knight of th'Vnicorne.
114
To all the Cities, and the the townes he sends,
And all the villages were there about,
And mounting on his horse himselfe intends
To go in person and to seeke him out,
But neither he nor all
Regeros frends,
In France, had euer light on him I doubt,
Had not
Melissa holpe him at his need,
As in the booke insuing, you may reed.
Morall.This booke began with an excellent Moral, of the vnstablenesse and varietie of Fortune, which as it is plainly set downe and notably proued by examples, so if a man will rightly apply it to his owne state, I know not whether any thing in this whole worke hath bene, yea or can be said to better purpose, not onely for humanitie, but in some sort for diuinitie. For in matters of the world who knoweth not, that the wisest counsell a man can giue, and the wisest course a man can take is this,
Vtnecoppressus sis aduersis rebus necelatus secundis, neither to be abasht with aduersitie, nor puffed vp with prosperitie: and in diuinitie (as the most learned diuines haue written) the two onely rocks at which our vessells make shipwrade, the
Silla and
Caribdis that drown so many thousand Christians in this their worldly passage, are these two extreames, of presumption and dispaire: betweene which two, he that can keepe his course euen, it is vnpossible be should miscarrie, but by wonderfull, and euen most wilfull negligence.
In the great curtesie vsed by
Leon toward
Rogero, and afterward by
Rogero toward him, as is shewed both in this booke and the next, we may note first the wonderfull effects of vertue, that breeds loue, not in strangers onely, but euen in enemies: secondly we may see that a man of a true noble nature, thinks himselfe more bound to requite a benefit, then to reuenge an iniurie. For to fayle in reuenge often proceedeth of vertue, but to be vnthankfull, is a most hatefull thing euen in the greatest, and can neuer proceed but from a most vile nature.
In
Charles may be noted the iust and moderate proceeding of a wife and discreet Prince, who when the controuersie about
Bradamant began to grow so intricate, that it was hard to discouer where the right was, in the hearing of the matter, he shewd no maner of partialitie, and in the end referred
[...] the determining of the free Court of Parliament, thereby shewing, that he presumed not too farre of his owne wit, and that he meant to haue the matter heard openly and indifferently; and yet he did wisely remoue from himselfe, the enuie and grudge that might grow to him by giuing a definit sentence in a cause so ambiguous, which a wise Prince will eschue as much as may be, specially when the matter shall concerne great personages.
Polycrates,Historie.was king of Samos, a man so exceeding fortunate, that he tooke no exploit in hand were it neuer so difficult, but be brought it to the end he desired, so as being willing (as it seemed) to moderat this great enuie of his fortune, with a voluntarie mishap, he threw one day into the sea a iewell of exceeding great value, with purpose to leese it, and thereby to frame to himselfe a cause of sorrow: but his good fortune would not suffer it, for a Fisherman, not long after bringing him a faire fish for a present, this iewell was found in the bellie of that fish, and so most strangely recouered. Yet behold, this fortunate
Polycrates going with an armie against
Darius, was taken prisoner by one
Orontes one of
Darius Captains, and after hanged vpon the top of a high mountaine: doubtlesse a notable example for such as make fortune their Goddesse (if any such there be) who haue indeed, no reason to thinke they are aduanced by fortune, but euen the guiltinesse of their owne base and vicious minds, worthy of no part of
Polycrates aduancement, but euen his last.
Dionysius a tyrant of Sicilie (and sonne of that tyrant that spoiled the Churches, and tooke away a cloke of gold from
Iupiter, saying, a cloth cloke was lighter for summer, and warmer for winter: and tooke away
Aesculapius golden beard, saying, it was a sawcie part for him to haue a long beard, and his father
Apollo to ha
[...]e none.) This
Dionysius (that we may see how well the children of them prosper, that scorne the false gods and beleeue not in the true) continued his fathers tyrannie in Syracusa, and was by them inforced to flye the Realme; so as being a runnegate hauing no meanes to liue, he went to Corinth, and liued there a priuate and meane life: as in the life of
Tymoleon in
Plutarke is set downe at large, and is verie well worth the reading, for the many prettie sayings and pleasant scoffings that were giuen him, and some returned by him againe: as that, of one that in derision comming into the roome where
Dionysius sat (in a blinde tauerne, or alehouse) shooke his gowne, (so they vsed to do, that came to the presence of tyrants, to show they had no weapons about them) tush saith
Dionysius, this was needlesse at your comming in, but at your going out it would not be amisse, to see if you steale nothing with you. Yet this vertue
Dionysius had, (if a tyrant can haue any vertue) that he bare his aduersitie not onely patiently, but euen pleasantly, which is surely praiseworthy, according to that I spake before in the Morall, not to be abashed with euill fortune, which also
Dionysius himselfe confessed he had gotten by Philosophy: and sure it is a point of good courage to be able to beare aduersitie, according to that saying:
Fortiter ille facit, qui miser esse potest.
Of
Marius I need not speake much, considering how largely his whole life is set downe in the forenamed
Plutarkes liues, onely I will adde a word of
Valerius Maximus opinion of his fortune. Nothing in the world (saith he) could be more variable then the state of
Marius: For if you will place him among the vnfortunate, you shall find him most miserable, if among the happie, you shall finde him most fortunate.
Two examples are alledged by mine author of this age.
Lewes the
12. of France, and
Mathia Coruino of Hungary. Of these two a word:
Charles the 8. king of France conceiuing some displeasure against the Duke of Orleans, father to to this
Lewes, cut off his head, and was in some doubt and mammering if he should not do as much to his sonne, yet after many hard aduentures, it was his hap at last to be king of France.
Mathia Coruino was kept in close prison by
Vladislaus king of Hungarie, because his elder brother had slaine the Earle of Cyglia, vnckle to the said king, but the king dying young and without issue, this
Mathia was made of a prisoner, a Prince: but of this kind of sodaine change, our Realme hath one example, that passeth not onely these, but all (I thinke) that haue bene heard of, or written: and that is the Queenes most excellent Maiestie that now is, who from the expectation of a most vndeserued death, came to the possession of a most renowned kingdome: for what greater extremity could one come from? or what greater felicitie might one come to? She that was sent for from Asbridge, with commandement to be brought either aliue or dead, she that was committed to the Towre of London, she that was so often and so straightly examined: she that demanded if the Lady
Ianes scaffold were taken downe, doubting to play on the same such another Pageant; she that doubted murdering if her keeper had bene an ill disposed man, she that sent word to her seruants that came to know how she did
(tanquam ouis:) lastly, she that wrate in the window at Woodstocke with a Diamond:
Much suspected by me,
quoth Elizabeth
prisoner:
Nothing proued can be,
quoth Elizabeth
prisoner:
Became of the sodaine a crowned Queene, with greater applause, then either
Lewes in France, or
Coruino in Hungarie, and not onely hath raigned, but doth raigne most happily. All which her highnesse troubles, my selfe haue the better cause to remember, because the first worke I did after I could write Latin, was to translate that storie out of the booke of Martyrs into Latin,
This little booke was given to her Maiestie.as
M. Thomas Arundell and Sir
Edward Hobby can tell, who had their parts in the same taske, being then schollers in Eaton as I was, and nmaely that last verse I remember was translated thus:
Plurimi de me malè suspicantur,
Attamen de me mala non probantur.
Elizabetha
carcere clausa.
And thus much for example of the change of fortunes.
In
Bradamants fight against
Rogero,Allegorie.we may see how our opinion blinded with a false supposition, striveth oftentimes most vehemently against that it would be loth to ouerthrow, if it were rightly informed.
The cruell minde of the
Theodora, alludes to the cruelty of another
Theodora,Allusion.wife to
Iustinianus, who exercised all those cruelties (that this intended against
Rogero) vpon Pope
Vigilius.
No word doth speake, but straue himselfe to sunder
From him, or if he could to get him vnder.
121
Simi'e, and a ve
[...] apl comparison, for a g
[...]ho
[...]d will ou
[...]r
[...]some a m
[...]lliue in continuāce of tight,
[...] [...] bene tried.
Eu'n as a Mastiue fell, whom Grewnd more fell,
Hath tyrde, and in his throat now fastned hath
His cruell fangs, yet doth in vaine rebell,
Though vnder him, and seekes to do some skath:
For still the Grewnd preuailes, and doth excell
In force of breath, though not in rage and wrath:
So doth the cruell Pagan striue and straine,
To get from vnder him, but all in vaine.
122
But with long striuing and with wondrous paines,
He freed his better arme, and void of aw,
His dagger that in his right hand remaines,
Which in this later bick'ring he did draw,
He seekes to stabbe into
Rogeros raines;
But now the valiant youth the perill saw,
Then for his sasties sake he was constrained,
To kill the cruell Turke that grace disdained.
123
And lifting his victorious hand on hie,
In that Turks face he stabd his dagger twise
Vp to the hilts, and quickly made him die,
And rid himselfe of trouble in a trise:
Downe to the lake, where damned ghosts do lie,
Sunke his disdainful soule, now cold as Ise,
Blaspheming as it went, and cursing lowd,
That was on earth so lostie and so proud.
Morall.This last booke of
Ariosto is so full of examples of courtesie, as me thinke we should offer it great discourtesie if we should not
[...]ike out some good Morall from it, to recommend to your considerations that haue perused and read ouer the booke; the first and chiefest courtesie is in
Leo, that manageth the whole matter so well for
Rogero, knitting the consent of all parties like a well deuised Comedie: then
Marsisas kindnes is to be praised, that would haue fought in defence of her brother honor. Thirdly
Ammon doth well to aske pardon of
Rogero for his hard vsage: then the Bulgars are to
[...]e allowed for their thank fulnes to make him king for his good seruice: Further Charles the Emperor is to be extolled for
[...] Pri
[...]ely regard in honoring and feasting them so bountifully at the mariage: Lastly
Bradamant and the whole crew that would haue emerie one haue taken upon them
Rogeros defence against
Rodomont, and
Rogero not permitting it, yet they disdained not to do him the seruice to helpe to arme him, to put on his spurres, to stay his horse, to hold his
[...]rop: in all which I doubt not but the noble minded readers will finde sufficient matter both to commend, and to imitate without my further labouring to set forth the same. Onely one note I may not omit, yea though I were sure to be chidden by some of you (faire Ladies) for my labor, namely, the strong ambition of your sex, which we call weake; For you see how my author in the 55. staffe of this Canto hath deliuered to vs, that
Beatrice the mother of
Bradamant, would neuer be wonneto accept
Rogero for her sonne in-law, neither for his gentrie, nor his personage, nor his vallew, nor his wit, no nor yet her daughters owne choice and affection, till she heard he was chosen a king: with which aspiring humour of women, it seemed how that (neuer too much praised) Sir
Philip Sidney was well acquainted with: making in his Arcadia not onely the stately
Pamela, to reiect the naked vertue of
Musidorus, till she found it well clothed with the title to a seepter, but euen Mistres
Mopsa, when she sate hooded in the tree to beg a boone of
Apollo, to aske nothing but to haue a king to her husband, and a lusty one to, and when her pitiful father
Dametas (for want of a better) plaid
Apollos part, and told her she should haue husbands enough, she praid donoutly they might be all kings: and thus much for the Morall.
Historie.Aegeus king of Athens, hauing no issue, went to the Oracle of
Apolio, to know how he might do to haue a sone, and receiuing a doubtfull answer, asked counsell of
Pythe
[...]. [...] of Troezenes, that was in those dayes counted a deepe wise man; who scanning the meaning of the obscure verse, which was this,
O; time vir non ante pedem dissolueris vtri
Exsertum claras quam tu remearis Athenas.
In English not verie cleanly thus.
Good sir take heed how ear it falls, what vessell you do broch,
Before vnto the cittie walls of Athens you approch.
I say
Pytheus found out such a mysterie in these verses, that he perswaded him ear he parted thence, to take the paines (or I might haue said the pleasure) to lie with his daughter
Ethra: Aegeus hauing done the feat, and being belike (as many men are) sorie when he had done, tooke his leaue to be gone; but ear he went he tooke
Ethra aside, and shewed her where he had hidden his sword and his shoes vnder a hollow stone of great weight, charging her that if she bare a sonne, so soone as he were of strength to remoue that stone, she should send him with those tokens to him as priuily as may be. In fine she bare that famous
Theseus, who comming to Athens as a stranger,
Medea then wise of
Aegeus, perswaded her husband to poyson him at a banquet, to which the old man assented: but while
Theseus was readie to drinke,
Aegues saw the swors, handle, and calling it to mind, ouerthrew the cup and saued the life of his sonne: of which, who so please better to enforme himselfe, may reade more at large in the life of
Theseus written by
Plutarke.
Allegorie.In that mine author brings in for the conclusion of his whole worke, that
Rogero immediatly vpon his mariage to
Bradamant, killeth
Rodomont: this is the Allegoricall sence thereof, that
Rodomont which is to be vnderstood the vnbridled heat and courage of youth (for in all
Rodomonts actions you shall finde him described, euer most furious, hastie, and impacient)
Rodomont I say, is killed and quite vanquished by marriage; and howsoeuer the vnrulinesse of youth is excusable in diners kinds, yet after that holy state of matrimonie is entred into, all youthfull wildnes of all kinds, must be cast axay: which the common saying doth proue, distinquishing in ordinarie speech, a bacheler from a married man, by these names, a good fellow, and an honest man.
In
Rodomonts punishing of himself, by forswearing the vse of armor, a yeare, a month, and a day, he alludes (I think)
Allusion. to one
Bucycaldo a Frenchman, gouernor of Geneua, who being a goodly tall man of personage, was ouerthrowne and vanquished by
Galeazzo Gonzaga a little man of stature, but of great spirit, and for that cause he vowed neuer to beare armes againe: but in the death of
Rodomont to shew himselfe a perfect imitator of
Virgil, he endethiust as
Virgil ends his Aeneads with the death of
Tumus,‘
Vitaque cum gemitu fugit indignata sub vmbras.’
Here end the notes of the 45. and last Canto of
Orlando Furioso.
A BRIEFE AND SVMMARIE ALLEGORIE OF ORLANDO FVRIOSO, NOT VNPLEASANT NOR VNPROFITABLE for those that haue read the former Poeme.
WHen I had finished this translation of
Orlando Furioso, and being almost proud in mine owne conceit, that I had in these my young yeares, employed my idle houres to the good liking of many, & those of the better sort, I happened to reade in a graue and godly booke these words:
In the Resolution, of the accounting day.So diuines do hold (for examples sake) that the glory of S. Paule is increased dayly in heauen, and shalbe to the worlds end, by reason of them that dayly do profue by his writing, and rare examplar life upon earth, as also on the contrarie part, that the torments of Arius, Sabellius,
and other wicked heretickes, are continually augmented by the numbers of them, who from time to time are corrupted with their seditious and pestilent writings; If it had stayed there, it would neuer haue troubled me, but immediatly followes,
The like they hold of dissolute Poets, and other loose writers, which haue lost behind them lasciuious, wanton, and carnall deuices, as also of negligent parents, masters, teachers, &c. This saying (gentle Reader) was such a cooling card to me, and did so cut the combe of that pleasing conceit of mine, that I could not tel whether I should repent me or not of my former taken paine. For this was not a malicious taunt of a wry-looking
Zoylus, but a graue reprehension, and commination of a deuout and diuine writer; Now though the Epithetons of
Dissolute and
Loose, make me partly presume, that mine author is out of the foresaid danger, whose worke cannot iustly be deemed lasciuious, wanton, nor carnal, and though I haue spoken as I thinke sufficiendy in my Apologie, to satisfie all indifferent readers, both for mine authors defence and mine owne excuse, yet because I know in mine owne conscience, that all the verses in this worke be not so full weight, but if they shalbe tryed in so seuere a ballance, some will be found many graines too light: I would endeuour all I might to supply that detect, with the more weightie and sober consideration of the Allegorie; which, as I haue partly touched in euery seuerall booke, so now I intend to present to your consideration the whole bodie of the same, to make as it were a rehearsal Oration of it, which I haue placed in the latter end,
[Page 406] and as it were for a farewell, as men do at a great dinner, in which they haue almost surfetted vpon sundrie sorts of meats,
Simile of a surset.more delicate then wholsome, yet in the end close vp their stomakes with a peece of a Quince, or strengthen and helpe their digestion with a cuppe of Sacke; whereas to a temperate feeder vpon wholsome meats, both of them are supersfluous. Also I do the rather place it in the end of my booke, because commonly, that which men reade last stickes best in their memories, and so I wish this to do, being as it were the verie kyrnell and principall part, or as the marrow, and the rest but the bone or vnprofitable shell; or according (as I said in my Apologie, vsing
Tassoes comparison) like to the pill that is lapped in suger, and giuen a child for a medicine, who otherwise would not be drawne to take the simple drugge though it were to saue his life. But to come to the matter, mine author (as you may see from the beginning) applyeth his whole worke, and referreth all the parts thereof to two principall heads and common places: namely,
Armes..L
[...].Armes and
Loue: in both which, men commit great ouersights, and from both which, proceed many great enormous disorders, both in publique and priuate. For these two faults of wantonnesse and wilfulnesse, are so coupled commonly with youth, that they seeme to be borne at a burthen therewith, and as it were accidents inseperable; and a man might almost canonize him for a Saint, that hath passed the heat of his youth, and not offended in one of these: but many doubtlesse offend in them both. And this is the cause that mine authour hath propounded many examples, but specially two,
Orlando.in the which men may see their frailtie in the latter of these (which I will handle first) namely in the passion of loue. As first
Orlando, who with a long and tedious voyage, guardeth
Angelica from the Indies; then hath her taken from him among his friends, after looseth her, and by sundrie aduentures pursuing her, and yet missing most narrowly of his purpose, in the end falleth starke madde for her, till by Saint
Iohn his wits are sent him againe, which is as much to say, till by the grace of God and the light of the Gospel, he discouereth the darknes he walked in, and so comes againe to himselfe.
Secondly and principally in
Rogero,Rogero. whom he faineth to haue bene a man of infinite value, and of courage able to ouercome a thousand of our common worldly miseries, but yet ouercome himselfe of this passion of loue, without any resistance: this is the reason that he is borne away vpon a horse with wings (which would not be gouerned) vp into the aire, to the countrey of
Alcyna,Alcyna, the court of pleasure.(which we may easily conceiue to be the court of pleasure:) by which mine a
[...]thour giues vs, to vnderstand that the principall occasion of our euill proceedeth of this, when our appetite not ruled by reason, ruleth vs. as
Horace writeth of anger, and may be applyed to any passion that striueth with reason:
Ira furor breuis est, animum rege, quinisiparet
Imperat, hune frenis, huno tu compesce catena.
Wherefore this same appetite is that passionate desire of the minde that we are so often counsailed to restraine. Now to this desire to this inordinate lusting, is ioyned idlenesse, as an assistant and great furtherer; as I partly noted in the fourth booke out of
Ouid, Otiasitollas, &c.Idlenes, captaine of all other filthie vices.This idlenes is fayned by the Poer, verie grosse and corpulent, drunken and drowsie, ryding vpon a Tortesse in token of slouth, and he (forsooth) is ring-leader of a monstrous band, of which some haue heads like dogges, some haue neckes like cranes, some are mounted vpon Oxen or Asses, some haue countenances and gestures of Apes, some are armed with prongs, with forkes, with hookes, with broches (all out of the Kitchen) of all which, what other meaning can be gathered but this, that idlenes and slouth, and the not beraking ones selfe to some honest trauell, causeth men to proue drunkards, gluttons, backbytets, reprochers, iesters, parasites and promoters, with other monstrous and filthie faultes, though worthie to be punished, yet not worthie to be named.
[Page 407] Wherefore the auncient fathers haue not without great iudgement and iust cause placed slouth among the seauen deadly sinnes, being so precise in the confideration thereof, that they haue deliuered their opinion thus farre of it, that though simply to be idle is not a mortall sinne (as they terme it) yet so to be idle as to be kept thereby from some good exercise, as hearing of Gods word, or helping out brother that wanted out assistance, may make it mortall. But now, because in common sence it had not bene fit nor probable, that a man of a high spirit and noble courage (as his
Rogero is described to be) should be daunted with such a shamefull and base companie as these were, therefore you see he defends himselfe against them most resolutely, though their assault seeme terrible, and their number infinite,
Logestilla betokens vertue.and in despight of them he proceedeth towards the house of
Logestilla (by which is meant vertue) by that craggie and painfull way, and shunneth the other way to
Alcyna, by meanes of the good warning
Astolfo had giuen him of the daunger thereof. But loe two faire yong Ladies sent from
Alcyna, which as I noted in the seuenth booke, caried a shew of honourable and chast loue; these wanne him without any resistance, and make him of a resolute warriour, a dissolute louer: but trow you he can come to
Aleyna with the bare name of a louer? no, if he be poore, there is no place for him in dame Pleasures court;
Erifila.he must spend, he must giue, he must lash it out.
Erifila, a couetous wretch, keeps the bridge, by which is vnderstood that many men are stopt from this course of folly, in regard of the great charge and expence thereof, and so stay at this bridge; and though no consideration of vertue withhold them, yet feare of the charge doth terrifie them. But when
Erifila is once ouerthrowne, then they are presently receiued into the bosome of
Alcyna, then all the cheare, sporting, dauncing and courting that can be imagined is applied to the welcoming of this youthfull
Rogero. Thus he is drowned and viterly ouerwhelmed in this gulfe of pleasure, which mine author hath set downe so liuely, as it were the very picture of the Prodigall sonne spoken of in the Scripture, giuen ouer to all vnthristinesse, all loosenesse of life and conuersation. But because the Poet knew very well, that youth of it selfe hath many good gifts of nature, if the same were applied, and that many yong men comming to themselves againe, haue become notable members of their countreys, and worthy patternes of prowesse and vertue; therefore he deuiseth most excellently a meane whereby
Rogero vnwindeth himselfe out of the bonds of
Alcyna, shewing how one day being gotten from her (a thing that seldome happened vnto him)
Melissa recalled him againe, and gaue him that Ring that discouered all
Alcynas trumperies, and made here odious in his sight: so as now he cursed her in his heart, and was ashamed that euer he had set his loue so basely. This is to be vnderstood, that a man besotted in the fond pleasures of this world, entring into godly consideration with himselfe of his owne estate,
Considerationheareth
Melyssa, which is to be vnderstood the diuine inspiration of the grace of God, calling him from the damned course of life, to an honest and vertuous course; and by that Ring which signifieth reason, he discouereth the odious filthinesse of that which seemed to him before most pleasant and amiable.
Therefore not without verie good cause doth the notable writer (I recited in the beginning of this treatise) lay downe in the very first chapter of his booke the daunger and inconueniences that grow to men for lacke of consideration, vsing also in another place among many his diuine similitudes this one, that men are caried by inconsideration to their euerlasting ruine without any striuing;
Simile.euen as Hawkes are caried hooded verie quietly, which if their sight were free, would neuer leaue bating till they had broken their lines, or vtterly tyred themselues: but notwithstanding that the Ring of Reason maketh him discerne these foule deformities of
Alcyna, yet it is maruellous to see what wonderfull impediments be set in his way ere he can discharge himselfe of his late received mistresse.
The Faulkner, the horse, the hawke, the dogge, that do all assaile him after a strange fashion, the particular Allegorie whereof, I touched in the eight booke, though to say truth
[Page 408] I needed not so curiously to haue sought for such a hidden meaning in them, when as the verie things themselues are so vntemperatly vsed by many, that they keepe them from vertues and more honorable actions: How many men giue themselues so extreamely to these hunters, haukes, hounds, and horses, that they cannot scarse affoord an houre to the studie of wisedome and temperance? though I do not vtterly condemne the honorable vse of them all, for recreation, so as a man would remember,
Ne quid nimis, or as our English Prouerbe saith, Too much of one thing is good for nothing.
Now when these difficulties be ouercome, then yet for a great while the way is painefull, the weather is hot, the Sunne parcheth,
Rogero rideth solitarie without companie or good fellowship; and by and by another temptation assailes him: Three Ladies sporting themselves by the seaside would stay him; one offers him wine increasing his thirst with the sight of it, another inuites him to alight, the third railes vpon him for his inciuilitie: The first of these is our concupisence, that with a perpetuall thirst still maketh vs couet things hurtfull for our selues: the second is ease, that is loth to sustaine too much labour, but is still perswading vs to giue ouer vertuous workes, because they are painfull: the third is the mockerie and lewd vse of the world, as I haue also noted in his place, to
[...]eft at such as liue austerely and vertuously, as though it were a toké of a base mind, whereas indeed, it is the onely noble disposition that may be, to follow vertue, and to despise pleasure.
These three women though
Rogero fled away, yet they followed him, which signifieth, that our owne imperfections euermore follow vs, neither can we be ridde of them, and it suffiseth not to ouercome them once, but that we must wage continuall battell with them. Now against this perpetuall miserie we are strengthened by discipline, & made able to withstand them, which is signified by the wise and graue Pilot, that transports
Rogero by sea, from
Alcyna to
Logestilla; and in sooth it may well be called a sea, in which euerie waue is readie to ouerwhelme vs, and euerie storme able vtterly to discourage vs, if we had not a good Pilot both safely to guide vs, and chearfully to encourage vs, by telling vs what entertainment we shall finde, if we come once into her harbour.
40
There is the food that fills and neuer cloyeth,
In the tenth booke.
There is the loue, the beautie and the grace,
That maketh him most blest that them enioyeth,
To which compar'd all other ioyes are base:
There hope nor feare, nor care the minde annoyeth,
Respect of persons, nor regard of place,
The minde still finding perfect contentation,
Resting it selfe in vertuous contemplation.
41
There are (saith he) some better lessons taught,
There dancings, dallying, and daintie dyet,
There shall you learne to frame your minde and thought,
From will to wit, to temperance from ryet:
This is the path by which you may be brought
Into the perfect paradice of quiet:
This tale the Pilot to
Rogero told,
And all the while their course they forward hold.
This encouragement and comfort was somewhat, but by and by they discouered a great nauie sent from
Alcyna, which vndoubtedly had surprised them, had not
Logestilla (which
[Page 409] drawne from the Greeke, is to say wisedome) sent a whole armie in their ayde: which signifieth writings, exhortations, instructions, examples, and precepts, that haue power in them, both to confound
Alcyna, and to recouer all that had bene wonne by force, in former times from
Logestilla.
The foure vertuous Ladies that are sent to guard
Rogero, as appeareth by their names and by their Epithetons giuen them by mine author, are the foure cardinall vertues, iustice, prudence, temperance, and fortitude. Which though it be well described in the foresaid x. book, yet in my fancie, that in the last booke, where he prayseth a Cardinals vertues, I meane
Hippolito, where also he ads a fift vnto them, and makes them fiue, it doth much better:
77
Then on another part was to be vewd,
His vertues, each one by themselves distinct,
Prudence, and temperance, and fortitude,
And Iustice, and a fift so nearely linkt
To these, that who with it is not endude,
The rest may seeme blotted, or quite extinct,
Bountie imployd in giuing and in spending,
A speciall grace to all the other lending.
These be the Captaines of that Armie Royall, that can ouercome legions, nay millions of vices: and sure if you will not allow the last of them for a principall leader, yet you must at least, make him treasurer and paymaster, or else it is great doubt that for lacke of pay, you will be driuen to Cassyre your bands. But to proceede, perhaps it will seeme strange to some, as it did to my selfe at the first reading, how it comes to passe that
Logestilla and
Alcyna are sisters, the one legitimate, the other a bastard; and that the bastard hath vsurped vpon the others state, and hath scarce left her aboue one strong hold. The exposition is this.
The nature of man (by which is vnderstood our appetite or affection,) which ought to be subiect to reason, and to be gouerned thereby, this nature (I say) was at the first a lawfull child of God, and was by the spirite of God framed to his owne likenesse, there to gouerne and rule by reason and wisedome, so that afore nature was corrupted, all the partes of our minde were in a perfect accord and harmonie, vnder the gouernement of reason, or rather euerie one setting forward itselfe to vertuous actions: but when this first perfection was lost, and that same great rebellion was made, to the ouerthrow of that quiet and setled state, the heart became so weake, as it was not able to endure the continuall assaults of the passions that assayled it, and in the end was content to take part with them, against the reasonable part of the minde. And now euery part of the body engenders such seeds of concupiscence, that nature is become a bastard sister to reason, and vsurpes that gouernement that is due onely to her, and leaueth her onely one castell, which was so strongly situated that it was impregnable: so that now reason is retired as it were to her principall fortresse, to the head, the rest of this kingdome being possessed (by
Alcyna) by pleasure and fond delights. Now then, what maruell is it, if this new
Hercules, described by mine author, do with so great difficultie, and through so many impediments, clāmer vp to this stately seate of
Logestilla, built with such rare workemanship, and of such pure stuffe, that a man may in the walls thereof, see euen into his very soule and conscience:
In these men see the vertue, and the vice,
That clea
[...]eth to their inward soule and minde,
As for those gildings and paintings, that were in the Pallace of
Alcyna, though the show of it were glorious, the substance of it was drosse, and nothing but Alcumie, and cosenage: but these of
Logestilla, be precious stones indeed, of inestimable vallue: The looking glasse and mirrour, that will shew vs how our soule and our minde is spotted; oh he that would vse such a glasse, what a notable Antidoton it would be against the poyson of flatterie?
You faire Ladies, that spend so many houres in looking and prying in a glasse to see if this shadow sit handsomely, if your rebatoes be well set, if your wyers stand euen vpon your heads, and the pendent iust in the middle of your forheads, and in the least of these matters you will not beleeue your maids eyes, but you will see it your selues, why are you so credulous to beleeue lyers and flatterers, that tell you your chastities and other womanlie vertues be extolled and praysed, and will not looke in that true glasse, to see if you deserue it or no?
It is true, that men are no fit iudges of themselues, because commonly they are parciall in their owne cause, yet is it as true, that he that will dispose him to iudge indifferentlie of himselfe, can do it better then any bodie else, because a man can see further into his owne minde and heart, then any one else can. But now, to come to this faire house of
Logestilla, to which I would so fayne inuite you all, both Lordes and Ladies, that reade this discourse, here be sweete gardens, here be wholesome herbes, here is the continuall spring: Here that vnbridled horse, that bare away
Rogero so farre out of Europe, is taught to obey the rodde and the rayne, and made seruiceable and at commaundement. Further, by the helpe of the ring (as was touched before) manie that had bene transformed into brute beastes, were restored to their shape againe: these were such as were so drowned in vice, and in beastlie pleasures, that no part of the reasonable man was left in them.
Astolfo was restored to his shape, that had bene turned into a myrtle, (now the myrtle was said euer to haue bene
Venus tree;) and because he was so entangled in Venerie, that he could not get himselfe out of it, therefore he is fayned to haue taken roote in the ground as the tree doth, and so was fastened, that without
Melyssas assistance he could not haue stirred from thence. Thus, as you see mine Authour vnder a prettie fiction, hath brought you to behold the whole miserie of the life of man, and there in the beginning of the seuenth booke, he exhorteth men to consider the meaning of his tale,
Wherefore to some my tale may seeme a fable.
Whose wits to vnderstand it, are not able.
But now because there are diuers kindes of errours, in this laberinth of loue, and as diuers meanes by which men offen, as there are diuers sortes of men that offend; therefore you may perceiue how my aut
[...]our hath filled the whole booke with sundry examples both of men and women: as beside
Orlando of whom I spake before, whose madnesse gaue the name to his worke, calling it
Orlando Furioso, there is
Sacrapant, that followes
Angelica from the Indies, and is still foded out by her with faire wordes: There is
Renaldo, that is extreamely in loue with her, till the water of disdaine draue away, and cooled the heat of his affection; and the whole booke is full of examples of men and women, that in this matter of loue, haue bene notable in one kinde or other, of which I will touch some speciall ones, and omit the rest, as not so much worth the standing vpon.
The ordinarie kindes of loue are set downe to vs of the good and the bad in two couples:
Angelica and
Doralice of the worse kinde, and
Olympia and
Bradamant of the the better sort. In
Angelica, the excellentnesse of her beautie bred such an exceeding pride, that disdayning the greatest and worthyest Princes that liued in that
[Page 411] age, she cast herselfe away at last vpon a poore seruing-man, for a iust recompence of her too haughtie conceipt. In
Doralyce, is set downe a patterne of great lightnesse of manners and behauiour, that first louing
Rodomont, and being forciblie taken by
Mandricard, yet in one night was so well pacified toward him, that she was content to tarrie with him, and in the end refused
Rodomont openlie for him, (though in so doing one might make a reasonable excuse for her:) but after when
Mandricard was slaine, she could haue found in her heart to haue loued
Rogero also. In
Olympia contrarie, we see an honest chast loue, though very hardly required, yet hath it in my opinion some reproofe, namely that it was too sodaine and violent. But in the worthy
Bradamant is a perfect patterne of true honorable loue to
Rogero, moued first by his value, by his courage, by his behauiour, by his worth, which made him worthie of her loue. In her you shall finde no rashnesse, no want of constancie, of faith, of all other due regards: for neither could her sundry ouerthwart chances neither the expectation and length of time, (which is wont to breed alterations,) nor the obstinate couetousnesse of her father, nor the vaine ambition of her mother, nor the state and Empire of
Leon, with all the promised riches and treasures his Father and he possessed, once withdraw her minde from her first loue. Further,
Bradamant did not rashlie fall in loue, as did
Olympia, but the Prophetesse
Melyssa, and tokens from aboue, did encourage her to her honest loue, for showing her of her noble posteritie, and of all those blessings that accompanie the same: so as indeed, in her onely we haue a patterne of honest and commendable loue before marriage.
Now there are in like manner two payre of marryed women, one worthie all reproch, the tother meriting all praise. The shamelesse
Orygilla and her filchie
Martano, are a patterne of base and filthie loue, grounded vpon ribauldrie, and continued with all fraudulent practises that may be; in which also the fond affection, and doting fancie of
Griffino is to be pitied, that could not see her trecherie til with notable shame and scorne, he felt the fruits of it.
Another patterne of lewdnesse in all kindes, is the tragicall life of the abhorninable
Gabryna, that for her filthie lust, brake all the lawes of hospitalitie and humanitie: First tempting
Fylandro most impudentlie, then accusing him most falselie, lastlie circumuenting him most subtillie, and making him with a most rare crueltie to kill her husband, and marrie her selfe; and finallie when she grew wearie of him, she found the meanes to poyson both him and the Phisition, and not resting there, spent all her life after in working all kinde of treason and mischiefe, euen to her last gaspe, which she fetcht on the gallowes. Such
Gabrynas and
Medeas as this perhaps there are in the world, that to effect their diuellish purposes, will not sticke to practise any kinde of trecherie and poysoning, yea and take a pride and felicitie when they can ouerthrow noble houses, set great men together by the eares, cause bloudshed, and ruine, and hurlyburlie in Cities and common wealthes, and cause brothers to cut off one anothers head: whereupon that old verse may seeme to haue bene made vpon some ground:
Non audet Stigius Pluto tentare, quod audet
Presbiter, effrenis plana
(que), fraudis axus.
But now in recompence of these two passing lewd women, we haue two excellent vertuous women:
Fiordeliege married to
Brandimart, and
Isabell espoused to
Zerbino. Which, I thinke mine author hath deuised to haue great aduersities, and to haue lost their husbands most vnfortunatly, to the end to lay before all chast and vertuous matrones an example, how the troubles that happen to their husbands, must be a meane to set foorth their praise the more. And indeed, to attribute to them the highest point of glorie in this kinde that may be, you see how he maketh them leese their husbands euen in the prime of their owne
[Page 412] yeares:
Zerbyno slaine in France, and
Brandimart in Barbarie, and both of them naming their wiues at their last houre, to shew how dearely they loued them; which causeth them to breake into such piteous lamentations, as would moue not onely a tender hearted Ladie, but euen a valiant hearted man, to shed teares with compassion. Further, the deathes of both these Ladies, in sundry kindes are most admirable:
Fiordeliege builds her a little roome in the sepulcher of her husband, and there becomes an Anchorite:
Isabella falling into the hand of the barbarous
Rodomont, and hauing no way to saue her chastitie from his violence, deuised a meane to redeeme it with the price of her life: Oh worthy
Isabella, that deseruest to be painted in Tables, and set foorth in clothes of Arres, for an example to all young Ladies of constant chastitie.
But now to goe forward, we haue to consider likewise of the inchaunted Pallace, in which as it were in an infinite laberinth, so many braue young men of great vallour, loose themselues in seeking their loues, and when they would depart thence, they heare themselues called backe, and thinke they see their faces; but when they come, thinking to finde them, they vanish out of their sights, and turne to shadowes. This inchantment is likewise referred to loue, that painteth forth in our fancie, the Image of the party loued, representing to vs the sweete speech, the seemely behauiour, the gracious lookes of our Idol that we worship: but neither can we finde it when we seeke for it, neither doth the heart take any repose, still labouring to attaine to the end which more do misse then hit, and yet when they do attaine to it, for the most part they grow as wearie, as before they grew fond. We may say that
Dido was in this laberinth, when as
Virgil describeth her:
At Regina graui iamdudum saucia cura,
Vulnus alit vaenis, & caeco carpitur igni,
Multa viri virtus animo, multus
(que) recurrat,
Gentis honos: haerent insixi peclore vultus,
Verba
(que); nec placidam membris dat cura quietem.
Wherefore this passion may well be called
That tickling wound, that flat'ring cruell foe, as it is in the first booke. And no maruell if
Rogero once againe, hauing lost his ring of reason, he drawne into this inchaunted Pallace. Onely
Astolfo (taught by a booke
Logestilla gaue him, to take away a fantasticall Image, or some such witchcraft as lay vnder the threshold) dissolued the inchauntment. But whereas it is said that
Atlanta did build it, thereby to keepe
Rogero in an idle life, therein he toucheth the fond tendernes of diuers parents ouer their children, who bringing them vp in wantonnesse, ease and pride, make them the more apt to fall into this inchanting laberinth. Many more examples are alledged by mine author: as that prettie Comicall tale of
Ariodant and
Genewra: the fantasticall tale of
Norandino and
Lucyna, that were lapt in goates skinnes: the death of
Marganorres two sonnes: the tale of the Mantuan knight that had the married mens cup. All which haue good Moralities, and may be fitlie applyed to this common place of loue.
Now the other common place is of armes,
Of armes. which indeed is more pertinent to matters of state (as tother is to priuate life and manners,) and in this mine author hath carried his inuention verie daintilie, and well worth the marking. For he propoundeth to vs the example of two mightie Emperours, one of which directeth all his counsels by wisedome, learning, and Religion; But the other being rash, and vnexperienced, ruined himselfe and his counttrie: and in this storie though much of it be fayned, yet are set downe the verie ordinarie causes, and the vsuall sequels of all such garboyls and troubles. It is almost an vsuall matter to reade of young Princes, that being left in peace and prosperitie, and hauing so much wealth they know not what to do withall, straight follow their youthfull humour of reuenging some (I know not what) old iniuries, and be put in hope by such hare-brayne Counsellours as
Rodomont and his fellowes, of great conquestes
[Page 113] and in the end ouerthrow indeed great armies, not of their enemies, but of their owne, as, the Oracle mocked
Craesus:
Craesus Halim penetrans magnam perueriet opum vim.
So did
Hanniball in Italie (though indeed he preuayled a great while) led thereto by a dreame, as some write. Now in these matters of warres, the chiefe fault commonly is, in those Counsellors that put a sword into a mad-mans hand, by putting such conceits into Princes heads. Yet we see
Agramant hath his graue
Sobrino, that aduised him at the first, not to inuade other mens countryes, but to keepe his owne; that aduiseth him to preuent mischiefe in time, and to sue for peace: that aduiseth him to put the matter to a combat of one man, and the partie ouercome to pay yearely tribute: and finally, that not onely with faithfull counsell, but with valiant seruice, sticketh to him to the last; but
Agramants owne rashnesse and follie ouerthrowes all the good that could be done him. Further these youthfull Counsellours, on whom
Agramant did so much relye, did not onely hurt him by their fond perswasions to his ill succeeding warres, but also in the middest of the heate thereof, when their seruice should haue stood him in most steed, annoyed him, and in a manner quite confounded him with their continuall iarring and squaring among themselues about matters of small or no importance: So that, as
Agamemnon, was wont to wish for ten
Nestors, and could haue bene content to haue spared
Achilles: so
Agramant had iust cause to haue wished for ten
Sobrinos, and to haue spared
Rodomount, and the other great champions. And by the way it is to be noted, how Poeticallie mine author sendeth Discord among them, and where she was found, as you might reade in the fourteenth booke. Now to
Agramant is on the other side opposed
Charles, a graue and well stayed Prince, wise and valiant, not parciall in doing iustice, bountifull in rewarding seruices, and which is all in all, deuout without hypocrisie, and putting indeed his affiance in God, and consequently in his extremities is ayded by God; and in the end obtaining a most happie victorie, driuing both his enemies out of his countrie, and gayning from them a great part of theirs. Further my author hath set downe diuers formes (as I may call it) of valiant men, though not all in a sort to be imitated, but some rather greatlie to be reproued;
Mandricard is described to be exceeding full of courage, and withall verie quarrelsome, and yet with good successe: He takes
Doralyce from her guard, he fights with
Orlando, with
Rodomont, with
Marsisa, and still he holds his owne, But this good fortune is a cause to fooles of their ouerthrow; for (as our English Prouerb saith)
So oft goes the pitcher to the water, at last it comes broke home. Mandricard would needs quarrell with
Rogero about their cognisaunce, and by him is slaine after all his brauerie. This is written for a warning to such as are of
Mandricardos disposition, to take heed of
Mandricardos end.
Likewise in
Rodomont there was exceeding strength of bodie, as well as courage of minde, but the same was gouerned with no deliberation; which caused him to attempt, and to giue ouer things attempted very sodainly, which finally turned to be hurtfull to himselfe as well as to others.
On the other side,
Renaldo was a franke natured man, valiant & curteous,
Ferraw stout, but too ful of cracking, and therby procuring himselfe enmities:
Orlando ful of clemencie as well as courage:
Zerbino a patterne of a most noble & thankful nature, and though not fortunate, yet most famous in despite of fortune.
Rogero, the verie Idea and perfect example of a true knight, that will by no meanes break his faith and his honour, that seekes no aduantage of the inchanted sheeld, that to be gratefull to
Don Leon Augustus, would leese both loue and life. and finally, that in defence of his honour killeth
Rodomont.
Further, as I haue often noted in the seuerall bookes, it is a verie pleasing thing to see the due punishment of the wicked doers, and the procurers of euill, as besides those I haue noted, you may see that none scapeth of the xxxij. kings that came out of Affricke, but
[Page 114]Rogero and
Sobrino, the one a perswader to peace, the other, a iust warriour, and true of his word.
Beside, in
Astolfo is a praise of learning, who with his sounding horne, by which is meant eloquence, and with his booke (betokening wisedome) both the gifts of
Logestilla, becommeth a tamer of monsters, as well as a conquerour of men, and accomplisheth greater matters alone, then all the rest do with their force and armes.
Further, in the praise of learning, and to moue Princes to fauour learning, he shewes how onely the pen of the learned is that that preserues the good fame of Princes, as for the common foolish Pamphlet-writers he condemneth them, likening them to Vultures, carren Crowes, and chattering Pyes, that are not able to saue their friends names from the lake of obliuion, because their writings are not durable. Thus much I thought good to note of the generall Allegorie of the whole worke, to giue you occasion to ruminate, as it were, and better to disgest that, which you before in reading, did perhaps swallow downe whole without chewing. Now me thinke it is euen high time to take away, and bid much good do it you, or at least no harme do it you, or if you thinke it will for all this, the best phisicke I can prescribe you, is to take a leafe or two of S.
Matthewes Gospell, or of S.
Paules Epistles, and it shall restore you to your perfect health.
THE LIFE OF ARIOSTO BRIEFLY AND COMPENDIOVSLY GATHERED OVT OF SVNDRIE ITALIAN writers, by IOHN HARINGTON.
Who are worthie to haue their liues written.THose that performed anie notable worke in their liues, either for the profite of their countrey, or for the aduancement of learning, or in any other thing that hath made them worth the talking of after their deceasses, haue for the most part both bene recorded in the Histories of their times, and also had their names eternized by speciall Treatises written of their liues; by which the ensuing ages might know their country, their parentage, their time of birth, their education, their disposition, their actions, and their end: Whether it be that men are willing to prosecute their deserts with a thankfull remémbrance after their deaths, as it were for a kind of recompence of their trauell in this life, whether for the incouragement of those that liue, to make them by vertue hunt after fame. Neither onely haue men of good deserts bene praised for their vertues, but also the wicked haue bene blazed for their faults, that those whom desire of fame cannot allure to well doing, yet feare of shame and ignominie, may terrifie from leud actions. In both which kinds, diuerse haue employed their pennes, both in former ages and now of late, to the great good and delight of the studious reader.
Plutarksliues. The xij. Cesars. The x. Emperours. The Mirour of Magistrats. Witnesse
Plutarks liues called his Paralels, comparing the notable men of Rome and Greece:
Suetonius booke of the twelue
Caesars: anothers after him of ten Emperours (excellently written in Italian): And of our owne countrie and in our owne language, the Mirrour of Magistrates, in which the life and fall of many great persons is very well set downe, and in a good verse. Now (as I say) this being a common custome, and as it were a due reward to men of good desert, no maruell if this Poet, whose
[Page 415] worke hath bene acceptable to so many thousands, haue also found this fauour to haue his life written, which hath bene done by three Italians that I haue read, namely
Gierolam, Porro of Padoa,
Gierolamo Garofala of Ferrara, and by
Simon Fornari of Rheggio: out of whose three reports I haue gathered this compendious treatise, to satisfie such as are desirous to know who this
Ariosto was, whom I haue so greatly extolled in my Apologie, as a benefactor of all studious mindes, and on whose worke I haue employed so much time, to put it into English verse, and to bestow so many notes as I haue done vpon the expounding of his Allegories, and whatsoeuer else I iudged fit for the readers of weaker capacities.
First therefore you must know,
Ariosto his parentage. that the house or name of the
Ariosti came first out of Bologna, (not as some haue vainely surmised deriued of the
Aristij or
Ariouisti) for yet their name is remaining in Bologna in good account and reckning, and was long since of that reputation for gentrie and wealth, that
Margues Obyso the third of the house of Este, thought it no disparagement to him to marrie a wife out of that stocke, called
Lippa Ariosta. This Ladie was of excellent beautie and wit, and bringing with her vnto Ferrara some of the Ariosti of her kin and followers, by her fauour and countenance, they so well fethered their nests in Ferrara in her life, that they held euer since the account of Gentlemen of the better sort: But (admit their familie were of good reckning before) yet the excellencie of this famous man we now treate of, by the consent of all that write of it,
His father. hath greatly increased the account and credit thereof. His fathers name was
Nicholas Ariosto, and both his father and vncles bare offices in their countrey of good valew, his mothers name was
Aria of the house of
Malagutsie in Reggio,
His mother. as appeareth in one of his Satyres where he nameth her. Now though this
Lodowike Ariosto were his fathers eldest sonne, yet he had foure brothers and fiue sisters, the names of his brothers himselfe set downe in his second Satyre,
Charles, Alexander, Galasso, and
Gabriell, where also he complaineth that
Mercurie was no great friend to his house,
His brothers meaning that their wealth was but small, because none of them had vsed to increase it by trafficke or merchandize. Now though his father were a man of good reckning, as hauing bene in his youth a companion of Duke
Borso, and after that an officer to Duke
Hercules, in a good place, namely his
Maiordomo, which I take to signifie as much as great master or steward of his house, and often employed as Ambassadour from him to the Pope, and to the king of France, and consequently receiued of him great preferments, as well in dignities, as reuenewes and fees, yet it seemeth that he liued euer so at the vttermost of his abilitie, that he pursed vp little to the increase of his stocke, and thereby left his heire no verie rich man.
His towardnes in his childhood. But to speake of the sonne of whom I chiefly intend my discourse, certaine it is that from his verie childhood, he shewed great tokens of forwardnes in all studie, but specially in Poetrie, in so much that his father yet liuing, he translated the tale of
Pyramus and
Thisbee into verse, making in a manner a Comedie of it, and so caused his brothers and sisters to play it. Howbeit his father being vtterly vnlearned, and rather regarding what studie would be most profitable to be followed by his sonne, then what his nature and inclination did best serue him to, compelled him to studie the ciuill law, in which hauing plodded some yeares verie displeasantly, and with no great proofe, at last he left it vtterly, and fell to more sweete studies; for the barbarousnesse of the phrase agreed not with the sharpnes of his conceit, in so much that he writeth of himselfe (though rather pehaps of his modestie, then that it was so)
Passar, vent' anni mi trouaua, e vopo
Hauer di Pedagogo, ch'a fatica
Inteso haurei quel che tradusse Esopo.
That is to say, that being twentie yeare old, he had need of a schoolamaster to conster
[Page 416]Esopes fables; though I see not how that could be, considering that being verie young, they say he made and openly pronounced an Oration in Latine, that gaue euen then great hope of him: the best likelihood is, that when his father set him to the Law, which he had no minde vnto, that then he lost his Latine againe, which is soone done, and so was glad to fall to it freshly, after he came to mans estate, which he did verie studiously, reading manie bookes, and especially
Horace, whom he studied so thorowly, that he was able to expound diuers hard and obscure places in his Odes, which were then not vnderstood, and it is obserued, that when
Leo the tenth was Pope, both his holinesse and diuers great Prelates in Rome fauored him greatly, euen in that respect. Thus as I said, his naturall inclination carrying him chiefly to Poetrie, he gaue himselfe to reade those Poets that were of best account, both in Latine and Italian, as his worke well shewes, in his oft and excellent imitations of them, and his gift was such, that though his youngest brother
Gabriel wrote reasonable well, and by meanes of a lamenesse he had, gaue himselfe wholly to studie, yet he came so farre short of him, that there was no comparison: so that as one said of
Tully, Satis est non modo in vna familia, sed in vna ciuitate esse vnum Rhetorem; it is enough to haue one good Orator not onely in a family, but euen in a whole Citie: So one may say of
Ariosto, it is enough that all Italy had one so excellent a Poet. Yet he was often woont to lament as before him
Petrarke, and before them both
Ouid is noted to haue done, that his father still draue him from Poetrie, as that verse witnesseth,
Abi lasso, quando hebbi al Pegaseo melo
L'eta disposta, e che le fresche guancie,
Non si videan auchorfiorir, d'vnpelo
Mio padre mi caccio con spiedi e lancie
Non che con sprom, a volger testi e chiose.
Em'occupo cing anni in quelle ciancie.
But to proceed, when he had prettilie entered himselfe in Poetrie, and was of the age of foure and twentie, his father departed his life, and as I in part noted before, left him no rich man, whether that the inheritance was deuided among all the brothers, as in some places of England and Wales, the custome of the Gauell kinde alloweth, or that his liuing stood most vpon offices and fees that dyed with him: but thus they write, that he was then greatly perplexed with the charge of so great a familie, and with bestowing his sisters, and prouiding for his brothers, that he was euen readie to haue giuen ouer all his studie, had not the emulation that he had with a Gentleman of his owne name and kinne, called
Pandolfo Ariosto, still renewed in him his former disposition: but in processe of time this
Pandolfo dyed, with which his friend and cosin were greatly discouraged, and for a time againe discontinued, but yet so as the world before that time had some conceit of his sharpenesse of wit, and of his gift in well writing: In the end being toward thirtie yeares old, he was for his good parts entertained into the seruice of Don
Hippolito Cardinall of Este,
His seruice of Cardinall Hippolito. a great fauourer of learning and good witts, and one that kept continually in his court great store of excellent learned men, among whom
Ariosto was receiued in verie honourable sort: and yet to this time he had not written any worke of fame, but some few Sonnets: forbearing belike to write till he were well stuffed with matter; as wise builders beginne not their buildings till they haue brought their Lime and stone and timber in place, left one should stay for the other. At his very entrance into this Cardinals seruice, he determined, as it should seeme, to make some Poem, finding his strength to serue him to it, and though he could haue accomplished it very well in Latine, yet he chose rather
[Page 417] his natiue tongue, either because he thought he could not attaine to the highest place of praise,
Why he wrote not in Latine the same being before occupied by diuerse, and specially
Virgil and
Ouid, or because he found it best agreed with his matter and with the time, or because he had a desire (as most men haue) to enrich their owne language with such writings as may make it in more account with other nations: but the first of these was the true cause indeed, for when
Bembo would haue disswaded him from writing Italian, alledging that he should winne more praise by writing Latine, his answer was, that he had rather be one of the principall and chiefe Thuscan writers, then scarse the second or third among the Latines: adding, that he found his humor (his Genius he called it) best inclining to it. Wherefore going forward with that resolution, of all the Poems that were then in that kind in manner of history (they were called Romanzi, which in French signifieth briefe notes of occurrents) he chose
Boyardo,So did Virgil by Homer for the same cause vpon whose worke he would ground, both because he said
Boyardos worke was fresh in euery mans minde, as also because he would shunne the bringing in of new names, and of new matter, which he thought would be nothing so pleasant vnto his countrimen, as that of which they had some tast alreadie, and yet withall a desire to know further of being by
Boyardo left vnperfect. Thus (as I said) he began this worke of his entituled
Orlando Furioso, being about the age of thirtie yeares, and being entred into the seruice of Cardinall
Hippolito, howbeit he did not so wholly giue himselfe either to reading, for the inriching of his owne wit, or to writing, for the pleasure and profit of others, that he withdrew himselfe from such honorable seruices as he was called to.
His imployments. For when Pope
Iulio the second had intended to make warre vpon the Duke of Ferrara (whose brother Cardinall
Hippolito was) master
Lodowicke Ariosto was chosen as a most fit man to go of Ambassage to him,
His ambassage to pacifie his wrath; the which busines he managed so well, that he wan great reputation of wisedome and discretion at his returning: Howbeit, it was not long after his returne, but that the forenamed Pope, being indeed a man of an vnquiet spirit, and giuen all to the warres, leuied a great power against the Duke, and shipped many of his souldiers, to send them ouer Poe the great riuer that runnes by Ferrara, these were met by the forces of the Duke vpon the water, and in that seruice
Ariosto himselfe demeaned himselfe verie valiantly,
His seruice by sea. and tooke one of the best shippes and best stored with victuall and munition in all the fleete. But these armies being dissolued, the Duke thought good once againe to send to pacifie that same ouer terrible Prelat; and euerie man shunning the office, knowing the furious nature of
Iulio, Ariosto againe for the seruice and safetie of his countrie,
His second ambassage. aduentured to go, indeed an exceeding aduenture, for neither were the wayes safe in time of warres to go so weakely guarded; neither was that Popes displeasure supportable where he placed the same; yet through both these dangers he waded, and presented himselfe to the Pope; but finding by some priuie intelligence, that the place was too hot for him,
His danger to haue bene put to death. he gat home againe with great perill to haue mard all his fine inuention, with the losse of that head from whence it came. For this seruice notwithstanding he was greatly both praised and fauoured. Now when things after by the good successe of the Duke, grew to more quiet, then he also betooke him to his quiet studies, & consequently did proceede in his excellent Poem: But sodainly, when he had made so much thereof, as gaue great hope to all men, that it would proue an excellent peece of worke, he happened to fall into the Cardinals displeasure, by meanes that he refused to go with him into Hungarie,
His troubles. which though the said Cardinall tooke verie displeasantly; yet knowing the valew of the man, and his worth, he would not disgrace him openly, though he wanted no enemies to feed and further that ill conceit in him; which master
Lodowicke finding, was so greatly discouraged, that he intermitted his writing many yeares: and to mend the matter, one taking occasion of this eclipse of the Cardinals fauour, put him in suit for a peece of land of his ancient inheritance, which was not onely a great vexation to his minde, but a charge to his purse, and trauell to his bodie; for vndoubtedly, the clattering of armour, the noise of great Ordenance, the sound of trumpet and drumme,
[Page 418] the neying of horses do not so much trouble the sweete Muses, as doth the brabling of Lawyers, the paltering of Attorneys, and the ciuill warre or rather most vnciuill disagreeing of forsworne Iurors. Thus was good master
Lodowike interrupted of his course of writing fourteene whole yeares, euen to the death of the Cardinall; after which time he had, or rather he tooke to himselfe more libertie or leisure to follow his owne humor and priuate studie, and in processe of time finished to great perfection that, which he had begun with great expectation.
His sauour & credit with dis
[...]so. Yet did the Duke
Alfonso allure him by all means he could to his court, vsing him like a companion rather then like a seruant, and offering him great offices and preferments if he could haue made him serue him in ordinarie; but he louing his libertie more then any preferment, refused both his and other great offers of great Princes and Cardinals, as also of Pope
Leo the tenth, a great fauourer of learning and good wits, of all whom notwithstanding he receiued many graces, and some good giftes; but for countries sake, and of his gratefull nature he was euer relying of the Duke of Ferrara; and finding that the Duke did delight in his writings, and specially in fine Comedies,
His Comedies he made. he made fiue:
La Casseria, I suppositi, la Lena, el Nigromante, la Scholastica: but of this last he made but three actes, and it was finished by his brother
Gabriel. These Comedies the Duke did so highly esteeme, that he built a verie sumptuous stage in a faire large hall at Ferrara, of purpose for a place to haue them plaide and represented in his court: and he vsed other great tokens of fauour to him, but specially (which is indeed the onely true token of fauour in a Prince) he gaue him great rewardes, enabling him thereby to build a conuenient house in Ferrara, with a delicate garden to it, in which he vsed often to sit and walke, and make verses, and writing diuers other both wittie and pleasant discourses, or translations out of French or Spanish,
His felicitie in translating out of Spanish & other tongs with such felicitie and good grace in the Italian, that his doings were in great account with all the Princes of Italy, and they sent him manie giftes for copies of them: but office of charge he was exceeding loth to take, saying, that he would not sell his libertie for the best Hat in Rome, meaning a Cardinals Hat; further he would confesse of himselfe that he was variable in his desires, and in his disposition, and therefore would be tide to nothing.
His reperance in diet. For his dyet he was verie temperate, and a great enemie of excesse and surfetting, and so carelesse of delicates, as though he had had no perseuerance in the tast of meates, in so much as one day a friend of his in sport, caused a Muskite to be set before him in steed of a Partrich, but by mistaking of the seruingmā that set it on the boord, another Gentleman happened to tast it, and so the iest was discouered, and he writeth of himselfe in one place,
Io non ho troppo gusto de viuande,
Che Scalco sia, fui degno esser almondo
Quando viuean gli huomiuni di grande.
That is to say, that his tast was not delicate, and that he was fit to haue liued in the world when they fed on Akornes: howbeit, for women I cannot so much praise his temperance, for he is noted to haue had dishonest companie with one
Alexandra,His mariage doubtfull. though some say he was married to her priuilie, and durst not be acknowne of it for feare to leese some spirituall liuings that he had, which were not lawfull to be held by a married man,
His sonnes bastards. but howsoeuer it was, his two sonnes were counted but base borne, though both of them prospered reasonable well in the world, their names were
Virginio and
Gian Battista, Virginio became a spirituall man, and his father surrendered some of his liuings vnto him, the other became Captaine of a band of the Dukes, and a man of good account with the Duke. Also there was a Ladie called
Genewra a faire and modest Ladie, whom he made great profession of loue vnto, but whether he enioyed her or no, it is not knowne, and therefore we may imagine the best: he fell in loue with one (whether
[Page 419] that were this
Genewra or no, I know not,) in Florence in the house of
Vestucci, a kinswoman of his, finding her one day dressing of a core like an armour for one of her sonnes, against he should go into the great shew that they haue there on midsomer eeue (as they were wont to haue here in London,) whereupon he made that comparison in the 54. stanse of the xxiiij. booke of
Orlando Furioso, of the wound that the noble
Zerbino Pince of Scotland, had receiued of
Mandricardo:
The Prince so eager was he felt no smart,
Yet ran the blond out of his brest amaine,
And of his armour all the former part,
With crimsen streame of bloud it did distaine:
So haue I seene her hand, that to mine hart
Hath bene a cause of anguish great and paine,
When she a purple seame or flowre hath drawne,
In siluer kirtle, or in sleeue of lawne.
Also his prettie fantasticall beginning of the fiue and thirtith Canto in the first and second staffe, with the first and second and third of the sixteenth Canto, do proue that he was subiect to that passion of loue, but withall, that his loue was placed vpon women of good worth and of great modestie. Now though I dare not excuse him in this so great a fault, yet partly in respect he was vnmarried, partly because these white diuels haue such a tempting power vpon the earth, me thinkes I should easily obtaine a pardon for him, of all you that reade this short discourse of his life.
Another peece of seruice in Grassignana. But omitting this one
peccadilio, in all his other proceedings he was verie modest, and iust, and affable, and verie graue and discreet, as he well approued, when after the death of
Leo the tenth, he was (though halfe against his will) employed by the Duke, as a Lieutenant or high shreeue, in the countrie called Grassignana, being then full of factions and diuisions, which he so orderdly gouerned, and so well quieted, that he left them all in good peace and concord, leauing among them a verie good report of his wisedome and equitie, and winning not onely the loue of the better sort, but also a wonderfull reuerence of the wilder sort of people, and a great awe euen in robbers and theeues: as appeared one day by a chance that happened to him in the time of that forenamed office. For as he rode one day with fiue or sixe horses, in one of the most licentious and disorderly parts of the countrie,
Loue of the people of all sorts. he was to passe neere Rhodea by a companie of armed men that lay dispersed in the shade, and by meanes of the dissention and falling out of two men of some reckening in that countrey, called
Domenico Morotto, and
Philippo Paechione, there were dayly diuers ryots and outrages committed thereabout vpon the passengers by su ch kinde of men, so as he rode by them not without some doubt to haue bene assaulted: but being past them about a stones cast, the chiefe of the companie demaunded of his man that rode hindermost, what his masters name was, he told him Master
Lodomke Ariosto, whereupon straight the partie armed as he was, ran after him;
Ariosto stayed his horse seeing him come after him, doubting in his minde to what purpose he came, but when he came nearer, he craued pardon of him, that he had not done his dutie vnto him in his going by, shewing him how he was
Philippo Pacchione, desiring his acquaintance, and offering to be at his commaundement with all humilitie and courtesie.
Not long after this, hauing occasion about some matter of his office, to haue some conference with one of the principall Gentlemen of Lucca, and appointing the same Gentleman to meete him at a towne called San Pellegrino: at his comming thither, he found not onely the said Gentleman there ready to attend him, but also diuers others: with Ladies and gentlewomen that came of purpose to see him, drawne by the sound of his learning and wit, where they feasted him and entertained him verie noblie, euerie one striuing
[Page 418] [...][Page 419] [...][Page 420] who could do him most countesie. Immediatly after this commission of his was expired, he was earnestly dealt with to haue bene Ambassadour to Pope
Clement, but he would by no meanes accept it. At his comming home giuing himselfe still to writing, the Duke intreated him to translate the Menecmie of
Plautus into Italian,
Menecmi of Plantus. which he did with so fit phrases of speech, and so agreeable to the Italian tongue, that it was not counted among the least of his praises: and as for all the others Comedies of his making, they were of such estimation, that they were often represented vpon the stage, and for the most part by Gentlemen, in so much that Don
Francesco of Este, that was after Marques of Massa, the first time that the Lena was plaid, to grace it the more, rehearsed the Prologue thereof himselfe in publike.
One of his Comedies called Casseria, he beganne in the life time of his father (though he intermitted it many yeares after) and one prettie accident they haue noted about it, which shewes his notable gift that he had to apply to imitation in his Poetrie, all that might with good iudgement be vsed in it.
A prety ch̄ace. It fortuned his father one day grew into some choler with him, and rebuked him verie sharpely, and with a long speech and many words, for some matter that he laid to his charge, imputing to him verie great blame for it, and all the while he made him no answer, but gaue him full scope and libertie to take his pleasure with him: soone after his brother
Gabriel, when his father had turned his backe, began to reason with him vpon the same subiect, and to lay to his charge the same arguments; but he easily resuted him, and with verie good and sound reasons rustified his doing. Why then? (quoth his brother) what ment you, you did not satisfie my father at the first, as you might easily haue done with so reasonable an answere? In troth (said
Lodowike Ariosto to tell you true, I was thinking of
Erofilos part in my Comedie I haue begunne of
Casseria, and me thought my fathers speech to me, was so fit to be assigned to that part of an old man chiding his sonne, that I forgat while I was thinking to make such a part in sport, that I heard such a part plaid in earnest.
An early riser. In making his
Furioso, he would rise sometime at one or two of the clocke in the morning, when he lay at his friendes houses, as well as when he was at home, and then he would cause an old seruant of his one
Iohn de Pescia to bring him pen and inke, and so would write many verses when he found himselfe well disposed to it, and then he had a great pleasure to reade them to his friends, both Gentlemen and faire Ladies, among whom by the pleasantnesse of his wit and his good grace, he was euer well accepted.
A good copanion vpon the way. The Duke of Ferrara tooke him for so good a companion, that when he rode any iourney, he would desire to haue him with him, and atidle times he tooke great pleasure to haue him reade to him, as well other bookes as his own, he had so good a grace in reading, and so sweete a pronunciation), and yet not delighting to heare himselfe (a fault that many other haue bene noted of) but alwayes giuing a spirite to that which he read, whether it were his owne writing or other mens, and as he himselfe could pronounce verie well,
His good pronunciation. so was it a great penance to him to heare other pronounce ill, that which himselfe had written excellent well. In so much as they tell of him, how comming one day by a Potters shoppe that had many earthen vessels readie made to sell on his stall,
A prettie tale how he vsed a Potter. the Potter fortuned at that time to sing some staffe or other out of
Orlando Furioso, I thinke that, where
Renaldo requesteth his horse to carrie for him, in the first booke, the 32. staffe:
Ferma Baiardo mio: Deh ferma il piede
Che l'esser senza te troppo minuoce.
Or some such graue matter fit for a Potter, but he plotted the verses out so ilfauouredly (as might well beseeme his dustie occupation) that
Ariosto being, or at least making semblance to be in a great rage withall, with a little walking sticke he had in his hand, brake diuers of the pots; the poore Potter put quite beside his song, and almost
[Page 421] beside himselfe, to see his market halfe mard before it was a quarter done, in a pitifull sowre manner, between railing and whining, asked what he meant to wrong a poore man that had neuer done him iniury in all his life: yes, Varlet, quoth
Ariosto, I am yet scarce euen with thee for the wrong thou hast done me here afore my face, for I haue broken but halfe a dozen base pots of thine, that are not worth so many halfe pence; but thou hast broken and mangled a fine stanza of mine worth a marke of gold.
He built (as I partly touched before) a pretie couvenient house,
His manner of building. and being demaunded why he did not build it in more stately manner, considering what sumptuous pallaces, what stately porches, what goodly fountaines he described in his
Furioso: he answered, that words were cheaper layd together then stones. Vpon the front of his doore he wrote a verse, that few of the builders of this latter age can truly write, or at least if they could, I would say their houses were strongly built indeed, for more then the third heire:
Parna, sed apta mihi, sed nulli obnoxia, sed non
Sordida, parta meo sedtamen are domus.
That is to say:
This house is small, b
[...]t sit for me, but hurtfull vnto none,
But yet not sluttish, as you see, yet payd for with mine owne.
One fault in his building was, he would often set vp and pull downe many parts thereof, and he would say of himselfe, that he vsed his house as he did his verses, mend them so much, that he mard them quite. For indeed, as a tree planted in an orchard, if it be once or twise well pickt and pruned, it doth further the growing of it, but if a man be euer sidling about it, it will leese the naturall beautie, and hardly keepe life: so is it with one of his stanzes or staues, as we call them, at the first conceiuing of it, one may mend that which he shall sodainly set downe, but if one will still be turning and wresting of it, he may make it leese the grace it had at the first. But what fault soeuer himselfe did finde with his owne Verses, certaine it is that to all the great Princes of Italie they were most acceptable, as witnesseth the diuers great and honourable gifts they gaue him, as namely a pension of twentie pound by the yeare in Millan with an office to it giuen him by
Hyppolyto, many sutes graunted him by the Duke of
Ferrara, with great rewards from Pope
Leo the tenth, from Cardinall
Farnese, from Cardinall
Bybiena, and chiefty from Marquesse
Vasto, and diuers other meaner stares that for breauities sake are omitted. And because now I would also draw to an end, I will a little runne ouer that the hath bene sayd, with somewhat that hath bene forgotten, and so conclude, beginning from his birth.
He was borne 1474. He was borne the yeare 1474, in the Castle of Rheggio, his father being then gouernour of the Castle, it stands in Lombardie; he was tall of person, of complexion melancholy, giuen much to studie and musing, and would therewith sometime forget himselfe, he was of colour like an Oliue, somewhat townie in his face, but faire skinned otherwise, his haire was blacke, but he quickly grew bold, his forehead was large, his eye-browes thinne, his eye a little hollow but very full of life and very blacke, his nose was lar ge and hooked, as they say the Kings of Persia were, his teeth passing euen and white, his cheeks but leane, his beard very thin, his necke well proportioned, his shoulders square and well made, but somewhat stopping, as almost all that looke much on bookes in their youth are inclined to be, his hand somewhat drie, and a little bow-legged. His counterfeit was taken by
Tytiano that excellent drawer so well to the life, that a man would thinke yet it were aliue; he was honoured with the Lawrell by the hands of the renowned Emperour
Charles the fist, in the yeare 1532, which was a yeare before hee dyed. Now for his disposition as we haue partly touched before, he was of nature assable, not proud, taking lesse vpon him then others did yeeld vnto him, yet putting vp no knowne iniurie not of his betters; somewhat amorous in his youth, very secret, passing studious, by nature
[Page 422] fearefull vpon the water, and therefore when hee went out of a shippe at any time he would see others go before him, vsing that saying,
De puppo neunssimus exi: though for mine owne part I see no great reason for it. Further, he was not very venturous on horse-backe, for they say he would light at every place of danger, though others rode ouer it. He loued not to go much abroad out of his owne countrey, in so much as he writes in one of his Satyres,
Che vuol Andare a torne, a torne vada
Vegga Ingleterra, Vngheria, Francia e Spagna,
Ame piace habitar lamia contrada
Vista ho Thosana, Lombardia Romagna
Quel monte che diuide, e quel che serra
Italia, e vn mare e l'altro che la bagna
Questo mi basta, il resto della terra
Senza mai pagar l'hoste, andro cercando
Con tolomeo, sia il mondo in pace e in guerra.
To this effect in English:
Who list to ride about, about may
[...]ide,
His writings do shew he had great skill in Cosmography.
See England, Vughery, and France and Spaine;
I loue in mine owne country still to bide,
In viewing which, I sure haue taune some paine.
Thoscan, Romagna Lombardie, beside
The hils that Italie close, and diuide,
Suffiseth me, the rest of all the maine
With Tolomey to search and eu'ry cost,
In peace or warre, and neuer pay mine host.
For his workes, I haue touched them before; as for the fiue Cantoes that follow
Furioso, I am partly of opinion they were not his, both because me thinke they differ in sweetnesse of slile from the other, and beside it is not likely that a man of his iudgement, hauing made so absolute a peece of worke as his
Furioso is, and hauing brought euery matter to a good and well pleasing conclusion, would as it were marre all againe, and sent them all by the eares, and bring
Rogero into the Whales bellie, and
Astolfo with him for companie, that a little before were conquerours of the world, and vumatchable for courage and learning: but to proceed to his end, he liued til he was 59 yeares old, and toward his latter end he grew sickly, and by much Physicke marred his stomacke, his sicknesse grew first as they write by meanes of ill digestion, he being a grosse feeder, and not chewing his meate well, so that in the end it weakned him very much. That very night that he sickned and tooke his bed, there happened a great mischance, that was (in the opinion of most men) a presage of his death. The goodly Hall that
Alfonso had beautified with the most sumptuous Stage that had bene seene in
Ferrara, (purposely for
Ariostes Comedies) was fiered by mischance, and consumed a great part of the Dukes pallace beside. Now if fire (as one
Artimedorus writeth) betokeneth same and greatnesse, then this vnfortunate fire fortuning at such a time as it did, may yet serue as a meane to enoble the more this famous mans death: and as Comets are said to foreshew the death of Princes, so this terrible fire lasting so many dayes as it did, might be thought to foretell his death, chiefly since it consumed that worke that was built for his great same and honour. He tooke his sicknesse not onely patiently but euen chearfully, affirming that he was willing to die, and so much the rather because he heard that the greatest Diuines were of opinion, that after this life we should k now one another, affirming to his friends that were by, that many his friends were departed, whom he had a very great desire to visite, and that euery houre seemed to him a yeare till he might see them. In fine, he dyed in
Ferrara the eight of Iuly, 1533, and though he were worthy of all honor,
[Page 423] yet this was all the honour he had done at that time, that the Monkes of
S. Benet buried him in their Church (and contrary to their custome, which is neuer to go to burials) went with him to his buriall, and that there was scarce a man that could write, but did honor him with an Epitaph, his bones were after taken vp by one
Sygnor Augustino, and layd in a very faite tombe, with his statue from the girdle vpward, in the forenamed Church of
S. Benet. And now to close vp this whole discourse of his life, with the greatest prayse, hee was a most charitable and honest man, as appeared both by his great care he had of his aged mother (whom also he speakes of often in his
Satyrs and other writings (saying in one place.
L'eta di cara madre, mi percuote, De pieta il cuore.
And also by this example that is recited of him, of an aged Priest that hauing three or foure fat benefices, was in great doubt to be poysoned for greedinesse of them, by some that had the next Aduowsons, and in respect of the great honestie of
M. Lodowike Ariosto, he chose him before all his owne kinne or friends with whom he would soiorne, as himselfe bosteth, and indeed it was a good boost,
Mane di voi ne de pui giunti a lui
D'amicitia fidar unqua sivolle
Io di fuor cutti scielto vinco fui.
To conclude, his learning, his good behauiour, his honestie, made him both beloued of all good men in his life, and bewayled of all honest men in his death, so as me thinke reading ouer his life, I could find in my heart to wish (sauing for some very few things)
Sie mihi countingat viuere fisq, mori.
AN EXACT AND NECESSARIE TABLE IN ORDER OF ALPHABET, VVHEREIN YOV MAY READILIE FINDE THE NAMES of the principall persons treated in this work, with the chiefe matters that concerne them.
A
ACteon. pag. 85. a notable hunter and a cuckold, and for that cause seyned to haue had hornes for the latter of the two properties, and to haue bene deuoured with his own dogs for the former, because he was beggered and consumed by them.
Aglaure. 307. daughter of
Erictheus king of Athens, she is said to haue bene turned to a stone, and her fault was this, because she presumed to looked vpon
Ericthonius, that was committed to her custodie by
Pallas with charge not to presume to open the basket he was kept in.
Agramant Emperour of the Turkes, sonne of
Trai. mo, alias king of Affricke,
alias the Southern king. He came into Fraunce to auenge his fathers death. pag. 1. He besiegeth Parish very straightly. 61, musters his men. 103. assaulteth Paris. 110. continueth his assault. 113.122. is repulsed and besieged in his tents. 142. is rescued. 217. is troubled with the contention of his Princes, and labours to compound them. ibid. is discomfited by
Renaldo. 254. slieth to Arly. 255. heares of the siege of Biserta. 320. his Oration to
Marsilio, Sobrino and the other Princes. ibidem. his challenge on
Rogeros head. 322. takes an oth of truce. 323. breakes the truce 326. discomfited by land. 331. flies to sea. ibidem. his men mutinous ibidem. discomfited at sea by
Dudon. 332. flyes, and would kill himselfe. 336. meets
Gradasso 337. sends a chalenge to
Orlando, three to three. 337. his stout answers to
Brandimart. 345. sights and is disarmed by
Brandimart. 348. is slaine by
Orlando. 352.
Agricane king of Tartane and father to
Mandricard pag. 7.
Albracca a towne in the East Indies pag. 7.
Alcyna a famous witch or Faerie. She tooke
Astolso, and transformed him to a mirtle. pag. 44. entertaines
Rogero. 50. the discription of her beauty. ib. the description of her deformitie. 53. she pursues
Roger by land. 58. by sea. 59 she is discomfited by
Logestilla. ibid.
Aldiger bastard sonne of
Bono entertaineth
Rogero the 35. booke. staffe. 63. hurt by
Mandricard. pag. 210.
Almonio a Scot, seruant to
Zerbium, saued in the tempest with
Isabella. 96. goes to Rochell. 97. findes
Zerbino 194. brings
Odericke prisoner. ibidem. executes him and
Gabrina, booke 24. staffe. 36.
Alzird, a gallant young man king of Tremisen kild by
Orlando. 93.
Amalthea was
Iupiters nurse. By
Amaltheas horne is signified plentie.
Amazons, looke tales. 153.
Amazons a nation of warlike women, so named of
[...], and
[...], which is to say, without papps, or of
[...] and
[...], without bread, because they feed on flesh onely.
Angelica called also the Indian Queene, daughter of
Galafron, came from India with
Orlando and is taken from him by the Emperour
Charles. pag. 2. giuen to the Duke of Bauier to keep, and scapeth out of his tent. ib. meets with
Renaldo and runnes from him. ibidem she meets
Sacrapant and goes with him. pag. 5. helpes him to take Bayardo. pag. 6. meets
Renaldo againe. pag. 7. leaues
Renaldo and
Sacrapant, and meets with an Hermit pag. 10. flyes from him and is pursued by him. pag. 59. her horse possest with a spirit, caries her into the sea, and after to land. ibidem. her lamentation. ibidem. she is cast into a sleepe by the Hermit, but yet he is not able to winne her maidenhead. pag. 60. She is caried to the Ile of Ebuda. 61. tyed naked at the shore. ibid. is found by
Rogero and deliuered. 79. vanisheth from him by helpe of the ring. 82. her beautie. 83. she comes to
Atlants enchaunted Pallace, and by the ring would disclose her selfe onely to
Sacrapant. 90. she is seene & followed by
Orlando and
Ferraw. 91. vanisheth from them ibid. takes away
Orlandos helmet. 92. she is sory because
Ferraw gat it. ibidem. she findes
Medore wounded. 147. heales him. woes him, weds him. 148. giues her host the bracelet
Orlando had giuen her. ibidem. meets with
Orlando in his madnesse. 238. scapes from him and goes to the Indies and giues her whole state to
Medore. 242.
Anglant the place of
Orlandos Earldome.
Anselmus Earle of
Maganza father of
Pinabelle buries his son. 179. condemnes
Zerbino wrongfully. 180.
Anselmus, a Doct. of law looke tales. p. 364. staffe. 67.
Antheus, a giant of great strength and statute, sonne of
Neptune and the earth, looke in the historie of the 23. booke.
Aquilant brother to
Griffino sonnes of Marques
Oliuero: the elder fights with
Orillo. 117. goes to Ierusalem
[Page] 11
[...] meets with
Martano. 139. beats him, brings him and
Origille to Damalco. 140. goes towards France 142. is in a tempest. ibidem. came to the country of the
Amazons. 149. Icapeth thence. 157. taken prisoner by
Pinabell. 172. goes with
Renaldo to rescue
Charles. 252. is at
Bradamants mariage 402.
Arachme, an excellent women in needle worke, and weauing, and is sayned to haue compared with
Pallas in that kinde, and therefore to be turned to a spyder.
Ardenna a huge forrest or thicket in France, where he fayneth the two fountaines of loue and disdaine pag. 7.
Arethusa daughter of
Nereus and
Doris, one of
Dianes companions till
Alphcus rauished her, and gather with child, whereupon
Diana turned her into a riuer bearing her name.
Argalia sonne of
Galafron brother to
Angelica slaine by
Ferraw, his ghost appeares to him. pag. 3.
Argia wife of
Polinyse, her husband being killed, & the tyrant
Creon forbidding one payne of death to bury him, yet she buried him and liued euer after a widdow. 307.
Argia looke tales. 164.
Ariodant a Gentleman of Italie a louer of
Genewra 33 fight with
Lurcanio, and is parted. 38. is knowne to the king of Scots 41. is married to
Genewra. 42. rescues
Zer
[...]ino in France. 125. and is no more spoken of by the author.
Arria wife of
Peto of
Padon, her husband and being condemned kild her selfe in his fight, protecting that death was pleas
[...]nt to her so long as she left him aliue 307.
Artimesia wife of
Mansoleus, she built that famous sepulcher for her husband, that was counted one of the wonders of the world, in honor of which all sumptuous tombes since are called
Mausolea.
Astolfo king of Lombardie. looke tales 225.
Astolfo called the English Duke, sonne of
Oton king of England turned into a mittle. 43. warnes
Rogero of
Alcina. ibid. comes to
Logestilla. 58. goes from
Logestilla. 114. receiues a booke of her and a borne. ibidem. takes
Calligorant. 116. ouercomes
Orillo. 118. goes to Damasco. 140 meets
Martisa. 141. takes her part. ibid. goes toward France. 142. is in a tempest. ibidem. comes to the
Amazons countrey. 149. with his horne seareth the
Amazons. 157 turnes to England. 169. dislolues the inchanted Pallace. 170. gets the Griffith horse. 171. meets
Bradamant. 177. leaues his horse Rabican, his armour and the inchanted speare with her. 178. goes about the world. 274. comes to
Senapo. 275. driues away the Harpias. 281. heares the wosull tale of
Lidia, ibid. stops vp the mouth of the caue. 284. washes himselfe at a well. ibidem. goes vp to Paradise. 285. conferres with
S. Iohn ibid. receiues by his meanes
Orlandos wit. 287. sees the riuer of Lethe. 292. comes from
S. Iohn. 319 heales
Senapo. ibid. takes the wind in a bag ibid. turnes stones to horses. ibid. goes to Biserra 328. redeemes
Dudon. ibid. makes ships of leaues. ib. releases diuers Christian prisoners. ibidem. restores
Orlando to his wit. 326. takes Biserta ibid. lends home
Senapo. 376. leaues Affrica. 327. lets goe the Griffith horse ibid. comes to France ibid. is at
Bradamants marriage. 402.
Astraea daughter of
Astreus a iust king, and therfore she was called Iustice. 114.
Atlant uncle to
Rogero. a great Magician makes a Pallace by inchantment. 12. fights with
Gradasso and
Rogero, ouercomes them and carries them prisoners into the said Castle. 13. fights with
Bradamant and is ouercome by her. 26. ouerthrowes his inchaunted Castle, and lets free
Rogero, with the rest of his prisoners. 17. makes another inchaunted Palace for
Rogero. 90. dyes, and his ghost parteth
Rogero and
Marsisa. 302.
Aurora is seyned by the Poets to haue leued
Tythonus, sonne of
Laomedon, and to haue maried him: but he growing old she fell in loue with
Cephalus.
B
Baliisard Rogeros sword that had bene sometime
Orlandos & stolen by
Brunello, giuen to
Rogero, was found by
Orlando in the ship 344 restored to
Rogero. 376.
Bardino findes
Brandimart. 329. pestwardes him to go home. 330. bewayles his death 370.
Bayardo
Renaldos horse ranne from his master twise. pag. 2. and 3. is found by
Sacrapant. pag. 6. recouered. pag. 10. is found by
Gradasso pag 274 recouered again by
Renaldo.
Bertolage one of the house of
Maganza slaine by
Richardet. 207.
Bireno taken prisoner by
Cimosco. 71. deliuered by
Orlando. ibid. maried to
Olympia. ibid. fals in loue with the king of Frislands daughter, and betrayeth
Olympia. 74 is hanged by
Oberto. 86.
Biserra a towne in Barbary assaulted by
Orlando, and
Astolfo. 335. is taken. 336 is sacked. 338.
Boreas the Northerne winde. is sayned to haue rauished
Orithia and to haue begotten of her
Calas and
Zet.
Bradamant meets with
Sacrapant and ouerthrowes him. pag. 6. betrayed by
Pinnabell. pag. 14. meeteth
Melissa in
Merlins caue. pag. 18. is shewed all her posteritie. 19.20. instructed how to take the ring from
Brunello. 21. meets
Brunello. ibidem. sends
Rogero the ring. 52. meets
Melissa againe. 99. is instructed of her femall posteritie. 100. is warned of the inchauntment, yet cannot auoyd it. 101. is freed by
Astolfo 170 meets
Pinabell. 173. kils him. 174. meets
Astolfo, and of him hath Rabycano and goldelaunce. ibid. goes to Montalbano. 178 sends Frontino to
Rogero by
Hippalca. 179. she receiues
Rogeros letter 247 her complaint. ibidem. iealous of
Marfisa. 259. another complaint. ibid. and 261. her dispaire. ibidem. she meets with
Vllanie the Queene of Islands messenger. 262. she winnes a lodging at Sir
Tristrams Castle. ibidem. she makes a stout Oration for
Vllanie. 265. she ouerthrowes three kings againe. 272. she meets
Fiordeliege. 292. ouertl. rowes
Rodomount. 393. sends a chalenge to
Rogero. 294. ouerthrowes diuers knights. 295. fights with
Marfisa 299. angrie with
Rogero and makes another complaint. 300 pacified. 301. againe fights with
Marsisa, but is reconciled 303 assaults
Marganor. 312. deliuereth him to
Villan
[...]e to be put to death. 313. goes to the campe. ib. enters into the battaile. 327. chaleth
Agramant. 331. complaints to
Marsisa of
Rogero. 353. resuseth
Leon. 378. her complaint. ibid. sues to
Charles, and obtaynes to haue a Proclamation for the combat with whomsoeuer would marrie
[Page] her. 308. writes to
Rogero to comfort him 379. her complaint of his absence. 386. the fights with
Rogero taking him for
Leon. 389. another complaint. 391. she is married to
Rogero 402.
Brandimart sonne of
Monodant, king of Damagyre, husband to
Fiordeliege, goes out of Parish to seeke his frend
Orlando. 63. is in
Atlants Pallace. 90. set free by
Astolfo. 170. meetes
Fiordeliege, and goeth with her to
Rodomonts bridge. 254. is taken prisoner by
Rodomount. 255. released by
Astolfo. 328. found againe by
Fiordeliege. 329. sees
Orlando mad and helps to take him. 330. assaults Lyserta and is the first that enters it. 335. is one of the three in the chalenge. 338. hath Frontino giuen him. ibidem. his Oration to
Agramant. 345. he fights with
Agramant and disarmes him. 348. he is deadly wounded by
Gralasso. 349. his speech at his death. 352. his stately funerall, at which
Orlando makes a funerall Oration 370. his tombe built by his wife. 371.
Bransard Lieutenant to
Agramant in Barbarie, sends aewes of the danger Africa was in. 320. redeemeth
Bucifer with
Dudon. 379. kils himselfe. 336.
Briarius a Giant said to haue an 100. armes:
Virgil sayns him to be in hell for his conspiracie against
Iupiter. Et centrum geminus Briareus & bellualernae it is deriued of the Greeke,
[...] they call a strong man.
Brigliadore, as much to say, Bridle of gold, the name of
Orlandos horse. 87. cast off by
Orlando in his madnes. 184. found by
Mandricardo. 200. giuen by
Rogero (who had slaine
Mandricard) to
Agramant. 247. wonne by
Orlando. 352.
Brunello is met by
Bradamant. described by
Melissa to her 21. is
Bradamants guide to
Atlants Castle. 25 is bound by her vnto a tree, and hath the inchanted ring taken from him. 26 musters his men before
Agramant, and was vnbound by
Isolir. 104. is arrested by
Marfisa and carried away by her 220. is brought backe by
Marsisa at ten dayes end to
Agramant, and there deliuered to a base villaine to be hanged. 258.
Brutus his wife was
Porcia: this
Brutus was the stout Roman that kild
Caesar for his tyrannie, married the daughter of
Cato Vucensis, the hearing of her husbands death eate hote coales and kild her selfe to, whereupon
Martiall faith.
Coningus asslissi satum cum Porcia Bruti,
& substracta sibi quareret arma dolor,
Nundum seit is ait mortem non posse negari?
crediderum saus hoe vos docuisse patrem,
Divis & ardentes auido bibit ore sauillas,
Imune & serrum turba molestanega.
Bulgar a people of Europe in part of
Maesia vpon the riuer Danubrum, where it is called Ister, assaulted by
Leon. 380 put to flight. 381. rescued by
Rogero. ibid. they make
Rogero king 382. send Embassadors to Frāce to
Rogero. 397.
Bulligant gouerns those of Lyon. 104.
Ptolomie cals that Citie Germanica.
Bucifer king of Algazer taken. 327. redeemes
Dudon. 328. slaine by
Olmero. 336.
C
Calai and
Zet were sonnes of Boreas, and had wings or so fayned, because they sayled in swift ships.
Calligorant a Giant taken by
Astolfo. 116. is carried about the country by him. 117. comes where
Crillo was. ibid and from thence goeth with
Astolfo to Ierusalem. 118.
Astolfo giueth him to
Sansonet gouernour of Ierusalem. 119.
Castor and
Pollex sonnes of
Iupiter and
Leda, gotten of her in likenesse of a swanne, brothers to
Helena, called
Tyndarides, they deliuered the sea of Pyrates, and therefore are counted Gods of the sea. They fayne that
Pollux was immortall, and when
Castor dyed besought
Iupiter that he might part his immortalitie with him, whereupon they are an example of brotherly loue.
Catalynes the chiefest familie of Spaine, of the house of Arragon, and are often put by myne author for the whole state of Spaine. 104.
Ceres called the Goddesse of come, mother of
Proserpina.
Charlemaine sonne of
Pipin gathers his forces together against the Turkes. pag. 1. takes vp the quarrell about
Angelica. pag. 2. is ouerthrowne by the Turkes. ib.
Charles besieged in Paris sends
Renaldo into England pag. 11. He expectes the assault and maketh publicke prayers vnto God. 107 his owne prayer. ibidem. receiues the English succours into Parish. 125. heares newes of the spoyles
Rodomont did. 126. his Oration. 128. 129. he sets on
Rodomont. ibidem driues him away out of Paris. 138. is discomfited againe by
Ferraw, and made retire. ibid. is rescued by
Renaldo. 254. Christened
Marfisa. 318. takes an oth of truce 323. welcomes
Rogero into France 376. makes a Proclamation at request of
Bradamant. 385 his vprightnesse in iudging the controuersies. 392. he makes a sumptuous feast at the mariage of
Bradamant. 398.
Cimosco king of Freezeland slaine by
Orlando. 70.
Circe a notable inchantresle, daughter of the Sunne and a Nymph called
Perses, she turned
Vlysses men into beasts.
Cleopatra Queene of AEgypt, being feasted by
Anthonie bad him to a banket, and dissoluing one huge pearle in vinegar she dranke it, and it was thought in that respect a banket of in estimable cost.
Clyte
[...]stra wife of
Agamemnon plaid the whore in his absence, and killed him at his retuine it is said the had a Musician plaid chast tunes to her, and so long the continued honest, but when he dyed
Aegistus corrupted her: her sonne
Orestes in reuenge of his fathers death flue her.
Cloridan a companion of
Medore goes to seeke the carkasse of
Dardanello. 143. kils diuers Christians. ibid. kils two Scots. 146. is kild 146.
Corebo one of
Zerbins men hurt in defence of
Isabella 97. is saued. 194.
D
Dalinda Genewras maid saued from killing by
Renaldo. 29 discouers
Polynessos trecherie. 32 is pardoned and goes to a Nunrie. 42.
Danae daughter of
Acrisius, mother to
Perseus, she being lockt vp in a tower by her father, that none might accompanie her, it is said that
Iupiter rayned a shower of gold through the tyles of the house into her lap, with helpe of which shower he gather with child.
Danubius the greatest riuer of Europe farre North
[Page] begins in Germanie, and in long running it is called Istar 60 riuers fall into it, and hate of them nauigable.
Dardanello son of
Almont musters afore
Agramant. 105. hurteth
Lurcanio. 138. is killed by
Renaldo. 142. foud dead by
Medore. 143. is buried by him and the helpe of
Angelica. 147.
Dido Queene of Carthage famous for the fabulous loue of
Aeneas.
Discord sought by the Angell
Michaell. 108. found in an Abbey. ibid sent to the Pagans camp ibidem. beaten and sent againe. 217.
Doralice comming from Spaine is taken by
Mandricard. 106. sends priuily to
Rodomont. ibidem. agrees well with
Mandricard. 107. parts
Zerbino and
Mandricard. 193. parts
Rodomont and
Mandricard. Lib. 24. staffe 92. borne away by a spirit in her horse. 213. reiects
Rodomont, chuseth
Mandricard. 221. her speech to disswade him from fight 243. her lightnes. 246.
Drusillae, looke tales of
Marganor. 308.
Dudon released by
Astolfos meanes and made Admirall 328. discomfireth
Agramant by sea. 32. fights with
Rogero on land 339. giueth him seuen kings. 342. comes into Paris 376. is at
Bradamants mariage. 402.
Durindane Orlandos sword taken by
Mandricard. 24. booke. 49. staffe. wonne for
Gradasso. 246. lost by
Gradasso in battaile with
Orlando. 352. giuen to
Rogero by
Orlando. 375.
E
Ebuda, I finde no such Ile, but
Ebude belles in our Brittish sea.
Encelladus the greatest of all the Giants that rebelled against
Iupiter, for this cause they faine that he was laid vnder mount
Aetua, and that the cause of the earthquaks there, is when he sturres to change sides.
Erichtonius sonne of
Vulcan had feete like a Serpent and deuised a coach to hide them. 307.
Euadne wife of
Capaneus kild with lightnight at the assault of Thebes, his bodie being burned as the manner of buriall was in those dayes, his wife leapt into the fire with it and dyes. 307.
F
Ferraw a Spanish knight fights with
Renaldo for
Angelica. pag. 2. lost his helmet in the water. ibidem. takes
Renaldo vp behind him. 3. meets with the ghost of
Argalia. ibidem. vowes to winne
Orlandos helmet. ibid. is in
Atlants Pallace. 90. freed by
Angelica. 91. fights with
Orlando. 92. pursues
Angelica and sees her. ibidem. gets
Orlandos helmet. ibid. musters his band of the king of Spaines guard. 104. restores the battaile lost. 138. his Oration. ibid ouerthrowne by
Bradamant. 295.
Fiordeliege wife of
Brandimart goeth to seeke him. 63 heares of
Orlandos madnesse Lib. 24. staffe. 46. sees the battaile betweene
Mandricard and
Zerbin, goeth toward Paris. ibid. staffe 59. comes to
Rodomonts bridge. 227. tels
Renaldo of
Orlandos madnesse. 253. finds
Brandimart. 254. sees him ouerthrowne and taken. ib. meets
Bradamant, and showes her
Rodomonts bridge. 293. deliuers
Rogero a chalenge from
Bradamant. 294. meetes
Bardino and goeth with him to Affrica. 329. finds
Brandimart. ibid. sees
Orlando and deseries him. ibidem. she makes a blacke Caparison for
Brandimart. 344. her dreame and speech. 370. her death. 371.
Fiametta, looke tales.
Fiordespina, looke tales.
Frontino the name of
Rogers horse is kept by
Bradamant. 28. sent by her to
Rogero. 178. is taken by
Rodomont. 179. recouered by
Bradamant. 293. sent againe to
Rogero. 294 found by
Orlando in a ship. 344. restored to
Rogero. 375. his praise. 389.
Fusberta Renaldos sword. 10.
G
Gabrina, looke tales: the flyes frō
Orlando. 99. meets
Marfisa. 158. is committed to
Zerbinos protection. 159. robs
Pinnabels corse. 179. betrayes and accuses
Zerbino. 180. flyes and is misused by
Mandricard. 182. is pardoned of life by
Zerbino. 194 committed to
Ordickes protection and by him hanged. Lib. 24. staffe 38.
Ganimed is fayned by the Poets to be
Iupiters cupbearer, and to haue bene caryed vp by an Eagle, it is taken generally in the worst part for
Bardassos.
Genewra, looke tales.
Gibbellius, looke Guelfs.
Gradasso king of Serycane taken by
Atlant into the inchanted Castle. 13. is deliuered by
Bradamant. 27. is in
Atlants Palace. 90. freed by
Astolfo. 170. come to aide
Agramant 216 helps to arme
Mandricard. 218. fals out with him. ibid. receiues
Durindane of
Rogero. 246. fights with
Renaldo. 255 fights againe. 273 parted and finds Bayardo. 274. ships at Arlie. 274. meets
Agramant in great distresse. 337. is one of the chalenge three to three and kils
Brandimart. 349. is killed by Orlando. 352.
Grandonio, the gouernour of the Algarbies, which dwell in promontorie cald
Celticum Promontorium. 104.
Griffin fights with
Orillo. 117. is in loue with
Origilla. 118. goeth with
Astolfo to the holy land. ibid. heares of
Origilla. 119. he finds her. 121. goeth to Damasco. 129. heares his hostes tales. 130. winnes the prize there. 133. departs thence. ibid. is betrayed by
Origill and
Martano. ibidem. is carted. 134. kils and beats the people of Damasco. 137. is reconciled to
Norandino. 139. meets his brother
Aquilant. 140. receiues a costly armour of the king. ibidem. is ouerthrowne by
Astolfo. 141. frended by him, he goeth with him and others towards France. ib. tost on the sea with a tempest. 142. comes to the shore of the
Amazons & heares their law. 149. scapeth thence 158. is betrayed and taken by
Pinnabello to obserue his law. 172. fights in defence thereof. 173. is ouerthrowne by
Rogero. 174. goeth toward France. ibid. meets with
Renaldo and is entertained into his band. 252. is at
Bradamants marriage. 402.
Griffith horse brought vp by
Atlant, and lost by him 26. flyes away with
Rogero. 27. carries him to
Alcinas Ile 43. caries
Melissa and
Astolfo from
Alcinas Ile. 58. brings them to
Logestilla. 77. is brought by
Melissa to
Rogeros riding. ibidem.
Rogero is carried by him ouer the world ibidem. breaks his bridle and flyes to
Atlant. 83. is gotten by
Astolfo. 171. flyes with
Astolfo oner the world. 274 caries him vp to Paradise. 285. brings him backe againe. 319. is let loose by
Astolfo. 376.
Guelfs and
Gibbellius two notable factions rising first of two brothers in Italie and spreading very farre.
Guidon Sauage in the
Amazons land fights with
Marfisa. 150, entertaines her and her company. 153. tels the tale of the
Amazons. 154. scapeth thence hauing
[Page] made prouision. 157. ouerthrowes
Richardetto, Alardo and
Guicchiardo. 25 1. fights with
Renaldo till Sunneset. ibid. makes himselfe knowne vnto
Renaldo. 252. goeth with him to ayde
Charles. ibidem is at
Bradamants mariage. 402.
H
Hecuba wife of
Priamus fell mad for sorrow of the death of her son
Polidorus, and is fayned to haue bene turned to a dogge.
Helena daughter of
Leda, she that was taken by
Paris.
Hercules sonne of
Iupiter and
Al
[...]mene, his twelue labours be knowne, howbeit
Stephen in his Hiostrical Dictionarie lets downe 34. labours.
Hillarion a passing deuout Hermit.
Hippalca, Bradamants maid caries Frontino towards
Rogero. 179. meets
Rodomont and is robd ibidem. meets
Rogero at
Merlins caue. 209. returnes to
Bradamant. 211. deliuers
Rogeros letter, and comforts her. 246.
Homer Prince of Greeke Poets.
I
Iason sonne of
Aeson and
Alemene comming to
Lemnos was entertained by
Hipsipile, and after wanne the Golden Fleece.
Indus or
Inde a riuer of the East, a very huge riuer of which India taketh name.
Iroldo a Christen Captaine.
Isabella found by
Orlando in a caue. 94 recites to him the cause of her being there. 96. is deliuered by
Orlando 98. prayes him to be her Protectour. 99. finds
Zerbino. 180. departs with
Zerbino frō
Orlando. 182. helps to gather
Orlandos armour. Lib. 24. st. 43. entreateth
Doralice to part the fray. ibid. staffe. 57. laments
Zerbinos death and becomes a Christen. ibidem. staffe 73. meets
Rodomont. 231. is wooed by him. 235. laues her chastity with losse of her life. 236. her praise. ibid. her tombe. ibid.
L
Lada one of
Alexanders souldiers, so swift and light of foote that scarce the print of his foot was seen in the sand. 270.
La
[...]demia wife to
Protesilaus loued him so dearly, that hearing of his death, she pyned away with griefe. 307.
Leon sonne of
Constantine repulsed by
Rogero. 381. deliuers
Rogero not knowing him from prison. 387. goeth into France to wooe
Bradamant, and winnes her by
Rogeros meanes calling himselfe the knight of the Vincorne. 389. disturbed and chalenged by
Marfisa. 391. misleth
Rogero. 392 finds him and recomforts him 396. brings him to
Charles 398. his speech. ibidem. frees the
Bulgars from further warre by promise ibid. is at
Rogeros mariage. 402.
Lidia looke tales. 281.
Logestilla defendeth
Rogero against
Alcina. 76. the description of her house, by which is ment vertue. 77. entertaines
Astolfo, and deliuers him a booke and a horne and lets him depart. 114.
Lucina looke tales. 129.
Lurcanio brother to
Ariodant an Italian Gentleman accuseth
Genewra. 36. fights with his brother. 38. is hurt by
Dardanello. 138.
M
Malagige rescued by
Rogero and others. 207. expounds the pictures at
Merlins well. 208. makes a spirit carie away
Doralice. 213. goeth with
Renaldo to aide
Charles. 247. coniureth to finde the cause of
Renaldos disease. 353. is at the wedding 402.
Mandricard sonne of
Agricane king of Tartarie had wonne
Hectors armes. 105. he seekes
Orlando. ibid. wins
Doralice, carries her away & wooes her. 106. lyes with her. 107. fights with
Orlando. 181. parted. 182. meets
Gabrina. ibidem. fights with
Zerbino and hurts him. lib. 24. staffe 49 winnes Durindane. ibid. fights with
Rodomont. ibid. staffe 80. is parted staffe 93. ouerthrowes
Richardetto and his brothers. 210. fights with
Marfisa. ibidem. quarrels with
Rogero. 211. reproued by
Rodomont. ibid. fights with
Rogero. 212. fights with
Marfisa. ibidem. parted. 213. rescues
Agramant 216 quarels with
Rodomont, Rogero and
Marfisa. 217. with
Gradasso. 218. is chosen by
Doralice. 221. disswaded from fight by
Doralice. 243. fights with
Rogero. 244. is kild. 240.
Manilard ouerthrowne by
Orlando. 93.
Marsilio king of Spaine musters his men of armes. 104. his Cration to
Agramant 320. he flyes into Spaine. 327.
Marfisa sister to
Rogero meetes
Astolfo and goeth to Damasco. 140. takes away the prize. ibid. is reconciled and honored. 141. goeth with
Astolfo and others toward France, and are tost with tempest. 142. arriues with them at the
Amazons Citie. 149. fights with
Guidon. 150 scapeth hence 157. part from her companions in Marsilia. 158. meets
Gabrina and carries her behind her. ibid. ouerthrowes
Pinnabell for laughing at her. 159. meets
Zerbino & commits
Gabrina to his custodie. 159. meets
Rogero. 206. aids him to rescue
Malagige and
Viuian. 207. dines at
Merlins caue. 208. fights with
Mandricard. 210. aids
Agramant. 215. craues battaile with
Mandricard. 217. arresteth
Brunelio. 220. brings him backe to
Agramant. 258. fights with
Bradamant & is ouerthrown 299. fights againe. 300. fights with
Rogero. 302. parted by
Atlants ghost. ibidem. frends with
Bradamant. 303. goeth with
Bradamant and
Rogero 30
[...]. aids
Vilanie and her companions. 308. heares the tale of
Marganor. 309. leads
Marganor captiue. 312. calles a Parliament and makes a law for women. 313. goeth with
Bradamant to
Charles. 317. meets
Charles and makes an Oration. 318. she is Christned 319. fights with
Agramant. 327. chaseth him. 331. disturbeth
Don Leon from marrying with
Bradamant. 397. makes a chalenge to
Leon on
Rogeros behalfe. 392. was about to strike
Rogero not knowing him. 398. is at the wedding 402.
Marganor looke tales. 309. his law 311. he is killed. 313.
Martano a whooremaster keeps
Origilla. 122. shames himselfe. 133 betrayes
Griffin. ibid. incenseth
Norandino against him. 134. beaten by
Aquilant. 139. punished openly. 140.
Mausoleo the tombe of a king so named, one of the seuen wonders.
Medea a cruell woman, a notable witch, she killed her owne brother, and her owne sonnes, she sent
Creusa a little boxe for a token, in which was closed such artificiall fire, that as soone as it was opened it burned her
[Page] and all the Pallace she was in.
Medore page of
Dardanell goeth to seeke his masters carkas to burie it. 143. kils many Christians asleepe, ibid. carries his maisters corse and is pursued by Scots. 144. hurt by a Scot against
Zerbinos will 147. found by
Angelica and healed, wooed, and married by
Angelica. 147. his Epigramme 148. escapes
Orlando hardly. 239. made king of East India. 242.
Melyssa showeth
Bradamant all
Rogeros posteritie 19. 20. instructeth her how to take the ring from
Brunello. 21. goeth to deliuer
Rogero. 52. her speech to
Rogero. 53. comforts
Bradamant. 322. in
Rodomonts likenes breaks the truce. 326. meeteth
Leon and showes him
Rogero. 395. bringeth the rich Pauillion by Nigromancie. 399. is at
Bradamants mariage 402.
Memphis the chiefe Citie of Aegypt neare to which the huge Pyramides were made.
Merlins Fountain. 208. his hall in
Sir Tristrams lodge and the stories thereof. 258. the English Prophet, of him you shall reade in the notes of the third booke. pag 22.
Morgana a passing witch much spoken of in
Boyardos booke of
Orlando Inamorato.
N
Nercus sonne of
Caropeius and
Aglaia a passing beautifull young man, witnes
Homer one of those that came against Troy. 269.
Nestor is said to haue liued three ages, which some count. 90. yeares, some 300.
Nilus the famous riuer of Egypt so called of king
Nilus, or as some will haue it of the Greeke
[...], that is new slime, for with the slime thereof it inricheth all Egypt: some doubt whether it haue any head at all but runnes out of the great lake, it fals deuided into the sea in seuen branches, wherefore
Ouid cals it in the 1.
Met. Septemfluus.
Norandino, looke in the tales, makes a great feast. 129. receiueth
Griffin into fauour 139.
O
Odericke is sent by
Zerbino for
Isabella. 9
[...]. would haue rauisht her. 98. woundeth
Corebo. ibidem. is brought by
Almonio to
Zerbino lib. 24. staffe. 16. is pardoned by him ib. staffe 35. breaketh promise and is hanged. ib. staff. 38.
Oberto king of Ireland comes to
Ebuda and meetes
Orlando there. 85. fals in loue with
Olimpia. 86. marries her ibidem.
Olimpia looke tales: she is deliuered by
Orlando and maried to
Bireno. 71. betrayed by him and left on the shore. 75. is found by
Orlando at the Ile of Ebuda: and her beautie described, she deliuered. 85.
Oberto fals in loue with her. 86, marries her ibdem.
Oliuero sent prisoner to Biserta, set free by
Astolfo. 328. assaults Biserta. 335. slue
Bucifar. 336. is one of the three in the challenge. 338. hath
Rogeros armour giuen him. 344. his impreyse a lymehound with the word (till he commeth) ibid. he is hurt by his horse fall. 348. is healed by the Hermit. 372. comes into France with
Orlando and
Rogero. 376. is at
Bradamants mariage. 402.
Origille a strumpet loued by
Griffin. 119. is found with
Martano, excuseth it. 122.
Orillo a Nigromancer looke tales. 116.
Orlando comes from the East Indies with
Angelica and hath her taken from him. pag. 1. troubled in his sleepe by a dreame. 62. he leaues Paris. 63. comes vpon the Pagans campe. 65. passeth into Britanie and is put backe to Antwerpe. 66. heares the state of
Olimpia. ibid. challengeth
Cimosco. 69. kills him. 70. flings the harquebush into the sea. 71. comes to Ebuda. 84. kils an Orke ibid. sets free
Olimpia againe. 85. goeth backe to Britanie. 87. illuded with the likeness of
Angelica. 89. pursues
Angelica 91. fights with
Ferraw. 92. lost his helmet ibid. foyld two bands of Pagans. 93. findes
Isabella. 94. deliuers her. 98. hangs the outlawes. ibid. deliuers
Zerbino. 180. fights with
Mandricard. 181. is parted. 182. hears newes of
Angelica. 183. fals starke mad. 185. some mad parts of his. 193. wrastles with
Rodomont. 237. meetes
Angelica and almost catcheth her. 239. comes to Biserta. 242. troubles
Astolfos armie in his madnes. 329. is bound & made wise by
Astolfo. 330. assaults Biserta. 334. rescues
Brandimart at Biserta. 336. sackes the towne. 338. accepts
Agramants chalenge. ibid. findes
Ballisard in a voyde ship. 344. fights the combat three to three. 348. kils
Gradasso and
Agramant. 352. meetes
Renaldo. 369. comes to Sicilie. 370. he makes
Brandimarts funerall. 371. his Oration. ibid. comes to the Hermit and meetes
Rogero there. 372. goeth backe into France with him. 376. is at
Bradamants mariage. 402.
Orke a monstrous fish.
P
Paris sonne to
Priamus louer of
Helena.
Paris fiered by
Agramant, and quenced by rayne from heauen. 61. assaulted by
Agramant. 110. entred by
Rodomont and set on fire. 111.
Paule the first Hermit or Anchorit. it is said of him that a crow brought him euerie day halfe a loafe of bread, and that
Anthonie a deuout man going to see him, the crow brought him that day a whole loafe.
Penelope wife of
Vlysses famous for her chastitie in the long absence of her husband: hauing many importunate sutors in her husbands absence she prayd them to respite her till she had ended a web, which she had begunne to weaue, and that being granted looke what she woue all day she vndid at night.
Pegasus a horse that had wings, this horse is sayd to be bred of the blood of
Medusa; and that
Bellerophon thinking to ride him vp to heauen, fell from him, but the horse held on his course still and was made a starre.
Phoebus or
Apollo taken for the Sunne.
Pinnabell son of
Anselmus of
Maganza meets with
Bradamant. 12. lets
Bradamant fall into
Merlins pit 14. steales her horse. 17. ouerthrowne by
Marfisa. 158. takes
Griffin, Aquilant, Guidon Sauage, &
Sansonet prisoners. 172. makes them sweare to his law. ibid. is met and killed by
Bradamant. 173.
Polinesso Duke of Albany betrayeth
Genewra by
Dalindas meanes. 35. is killed by
Renaldo. 38.
Polidorus son of
Priamus killed by
Polimnestor for couetousnes of the gold that
Priamus sent with him.
Pollux looke
Castor.
Prasildo a Christen Captaine.
Progue killed her sonne
Itis, and is fained to haue bin turned into a swallow.
Proteus counted a God of the sea called
Vertumnus because he is said to turne himselfe into all shapes.
Proteus king of Egypt spoken of in the. 46. booke.
Puliano a king musters afore
Agramant. 105. slaine by
Renaldo 154.
Pyramides certaine towers of incredible height built by the Princes of Egypt, of this looke in the seuen wonders of the world.
R
Rabican Astolfos horse. 54.
Renaldo fell out with
Orlando for
Angelica. 2. lost his horse, & in seeking of him found
Angelica. ibid. fought with
Ferraw. ibidem. rides behind him. 3. parts from him and finds his horse. ibid. he finds
Angelica againe. 7. fights with
Sacrapant. 10. is parted by the illusion of an Hermit. ibidem. he takes his horse againe. ibidem. he goeth to Paris. 11. is sent in Embassage. ibid. arriues in Scotland. 28. goeth toward the Co
[...]t. ibidem. is intertained by an Abbot and his Monks. ibidem. heares of
Genewras danger. ibid. is guided to the Court. 29. meetes with
Dalinda. ibid. heares the tale of
Genewrae 32.33.34.35.36. fights with
Polinesso and kils him. 38. sues for ayd to the Scottish king. 58. goeth by sea to England and is feasted there. 59. brought by Silence to Paris. 123. his Oration. ibidem. he encourageth the Scots. 125. kils
Dardanell. 142. troubled with ielousie of
Orlando. 216. comes to Mountalbano. 247. goeth to succour
Charles. ibid. meets
Guidon. 251. fights againe with
Gradasso. 257. fights againe. 273. looseth Bayardo. 274. a chāpion for
Charles. 222. fights with
Rogero. 223, is troubled with his old loue. 353. heares of
Malagige where
Angelica is. 354. asketh leaue of
Charles to go to India. ibid. assayled by a monster and deliuered by a knight. 355. comes to the knight of Mantua. 356. refuseth to tast the cup to try cuckoldes. 360. goeth by water to Rauenna. 369. meets
Orlando at Lyppaduse. ibid. meets
Rogero at the Hermits 372. promiseth him
Bradamant. 375. comes with him into France. 377. fals out with his father about
Rogero. ibidem. and. 391. is at
Bradamants mariage 402.
Richardet gat
Fiordespina with child and should haue dyed, & is set free by
Rogero. 199. tels
Rogero a tale. 200. comes to
Aldigers house. 202. goeth with him to rescue
Malagige and
Viuian. 203. meets
Marfisa. 204. rescues
Viuian and
Malagige. 207. dines at
Merlins caue. 208. is ouerthrowne by
Rodomont. 210. by
Guidon. 251. is at
Bradamants mariage 402.
Rifee or Riphe mountaines in Seythia.
Rodomont king of Algier a man of passing strength musters afore
Agramant. 105. enters Paris. 110. doth much spoile. 122. leaues Paris. 138. meets Discord, Pride and iealousie with
Doralices messenger. ibid. takes Frontino from
Hippalca. 179. fights with
Mandricard. Lib. 24. staffe 80. parted, staffe 93. fights with
Rogero. 212, parted. 213. rescues
Agramant. 217. fals at variance with
Mandricard & with
Sacrapant. 219. refused by
Doralice goeth away malcontent. 221. his inuectiue against women. 222. his hosts entertainment. 233. meets
Isabella. 231 kils the Priest. 234. is drunke and cuts off
Isabellas head. 235. makes a tombe, a vow and a brigde. 236. is cast by
Orlando into the water. 237. ouercomes
Brandimart. 254. is ouerthrowne by
Bradamant. 293. enters into a cell for shame of his foyle receiued by
Bradamant. 294. challenges
Rogero at
Bradamants mariage. 401. is killed by
Rogero. 404.
Rogero taken by
Atlant. 13. deliuered by
Bradamant. 27. carryed away by the Griffith horse. ibid. comes to
Alcinas Ile. 42. is warned by
Astolfo 43. fights with the monsters, 46. is rescued by two Ladies. ibidem. ouerthrowes
Erissila. 49. is intertained by
Alcina. 50. is warned by
Melissa. 53. discouers
Alcinas illusions. ibid. deceiues
Alcina and flies. 57. is impeacht by a Falkner. 58. tempted in his way by three Ladies. 76. assaulted by sea. ibid. deliuered by
Logestilla. ibid. parted from
Logestilla on the winged horse. 77. sees the musters in England. 78. goes to Ireland. 79. sees
Angelica tied to the rocke. ibidem. ouercomes the Orke by helpe of his shield. 80. lends
Angelica his ring. ibid. leeseth
Angelica 83. leeseth his horse. ibid. is carried by a traine to another inchanted Pallace of
Atlant 90. freed from the inchanted Pallace. 170. goes with
Bradamant. 171. vanquisheth
Pinnabells foure knights by his shield. 173. throwes away the shield. 174. sets free
Richardet lib. 25. st. 10. comes to
Aldiger 202. writes to
Bradamant. 203. meets
Marfisa. 204. rescues
Malagige and
Viuian.; 207 dines in
Merlins caue. 208. goes with
Hippalca. 209. finds
Rodomont. 211. fights with him and
Mandricard. 212. parted. 213. rescues
Agramant. 217. offers combat to
Rodomont and
Mandricard. ibid. kils
Mandricard. 245 is sore hurt by him ibid. is chalenged by
Bradamant. 294. parts
Marfisa and her. 300. fights with
Marfisa and is parted. 302 tels
Marfisa of his race. 303. promiseth mariage to
Bradamāt. [...]04 assaults
Marganor. 312 goes backe to the campe. 313. chosen champion for
Agramant. 322. fights with
Renaldo. 323. is parted 326. fights with
Dudon. 339. takes shipping 343. suffers shipwrack. 344. comes to an Hermit. 346. is christned. ibid. meets
Orlādo &
Renaldo. 372. hath a promise of
Bradamāt. 376 comes into France with them. 3 77. is refused by
Bradamants parents, his complaint 378. vowes to kill
Leon, and cals himselfe knight of the Vnicorne. 380. is made king of the Bulgars. 381. is prisoner to
Theodora. 385. deliuered by
Leon. 387 fights for him with
Bradamant and wins her. 389. his complaint, and would pine himselfe to death. 390. is releeued by
Leon. 396. marries
Bradamant. 399. killeth
Rodomont. 404.
S
Sacrapant makes great lamentation for
Angelica, his complaint begins. 4. st. 41.
Angelica discloseth herselfe to him. ibid he encounters with
Bradamant. 5. is ouerthrowne. 6. his horse being slaine takes Bayardo. ibid. fights with
Renaldo. 10. is patted by an illusion. ibid. is deliuered from the inchanted Pallace. 27. is in another inchanted Pallace. 90. freed by
Angelica. 91. leeseth her, and seekes her. ibid. fals out with
Rodomont. 220. folows him. 222. taken, and goes home. 294.
Sampson a man of great strength spoken of in the Scripture, his vertue was in his haire, he siue 1000 men with the iaw bone of an Asse. 106.
Sansonet gouernor of Ierusalem, intertaines
Astolfo. 119. goes to Damasco. 140. wins the prize. 141. comes to the Amazons land. 149. scapeth thence. 157. freed by
Astolfo. 328. helpes to take
Orlando. 330. assaults Biserta. 335. remaines in Affrica. ibid.
Scipio a famous Captaine of the Romans.
Senapo blind, looke tales. 275. healed of his eyes. 390.
[Page] lends
Astolfo men and money. ibid. his men assault Biserta. 335.
Sobrino a Prince and graue counsellor to
Agramant musters before him. 104. his good counsel to
Agramant. 221. his answer to
Marsilio, a good Oration. 321. flies with
Agramant by sea. 334. misliketh of the breach of truce. 327 witholds
Agramant from killing himselfe, and comforts him. 337. is one of the challenge 3. to 3. 338. wounded by
Orlando 347. hoghs
Oliuers horse. 348 is christened. 372. comes to France 577. is at the mariage of
Bradamant 402.
Stordilano father of
Doralice, king of Granada a rich prouince of Spaine, being watered with the riuer of Betica or Bethi. 104.
T
Tagus a riuer in Lusitania or Portugall, it hath golden sand in some places: by this riuer it is that
Pliny writes that Marcs conceiue with the wind, and bring forth colts exceeding swift, but they liue but three yeares.
Tiberius. 363 there were many of that name, one succeeded
Augustus, and built wonderful sumptuous buildings in the Ile of Capri, and gaue himselfe to drinke and filthinesse of life, insomuch that being named
Tiberius Nero, they nicknamed him
Biberius Mero.
Tiberius. 364. was a good Emperor and a Christian, it written of him, that hauing spent much money to good and Christian vses, and beginning to want he saw a crosse of stone lying on the ground, and for reuerence that it should not be troden on, caused it to be digged vp, and vnder that another, and so a third, till at the last he found an infinite treasure that had bene there hidden, which he tooke as a thing sent by God, and employed it to very good and princely works.
Tithonus husband to
Aurora, and had by her a gift of long life.
Traiano father of
Agramant slaine by
Pypin king of France, as is mentioned in the fift page.
Tripoly a citie in Affrica, so called because three sundry people did ioyne in the inhabiting of it, the Tirians, Sidonians, and Arabians.
Tristrams lodge, looke Tales 103.
Turpin Archbishop of France alledged often by mine Author, an ancient Historiographer.
V
Virgil called the Prince of the Latine Poets.
Vlysses son of
Laertes the famous Grecian captaine, a notable traueller,
Qui mores hominum multorum vidit & vrbes, a man of great policie, passing eloquent: the notable exploits that are attributed to him would be too long to set downe, but in his Oration in
Ouids Metamorphosis they be repeated by him,
Si mea cū vestris valuissent vota Pelasgi &c.
Vllany sent by the queene of Island with the golden shield. 262. defended by
Bradamant. 265. is found by
Bradamant balte stripped, and goes to
Marganors town with her. 308. puts
Marganor to death. 313.
Vulcan. 10. is fained by the Poets to keepe a shop in the hollownes of the mount Aetna, and there to worke thunderbolts for
Iupiter.
Z
Zenocrates a Stoike, a man of no great wit, but of wonderfull conti
[...]ncie, for when some youths of Athens had couenanted with a harlot to tempt him to her companie, and the s
[...]d
Zenocrates hauing supped with them and drunke well that night, which is a prouoking to venerie, yet the harlot was not able to tempt him, notwithstanding that she was her crafts master, or at least mistres, wherefore they demaunded their money againe, but she auoyded them thus, that her bargaine was to tempt a man and not an image.
Zerbin Prince of Scotland musters his men by the Theams. 78. his armes the Lyon. ibid. his comely shape. ibid. loues
Isabella. 97. sends
Odericke for her. ibid. gouerns the vaward of
Renaldos battell. 124. fights valiantly ibid. kils two Spaniards. 125. in perill to be slaine is rescued by
Ariodant. 125. after by
Renaldo. ibidem. chaseth his enemies all night. 144. spares
Medoro, and pursueth him that did hurt him. 146. 147. takes old
Gabrina into protection. 159. heares newes of
Isabella by
Gabrina. 160. fights with
Hermonide for her. 162. is betrayed by her. 180. deliuered by
Orlando. ibidem. findes
Isabella. 181. pardoneth
Odericke with singular clemencie. 194. commits
Gabrina to his keeping. lib. 24. st. 35 gathers
Orlandos armour. lib. eodem. st. 47. fights with
Mandricard in defence of
Durindan. eodem. st. 51. deadly hurt. st. 56. his last lamentation. 67. dies. 69. his stately tombé made by
Rodomont where
Isabella and he are laid. pag. 236.
Zeuxes of him I haue spoken in the Notes of the 33. Booke, onely I will adde this that I spake not of there; how he painted a boy bearing a bunch of grapes, and the bird
[...] pecking at the grapes, he found fault with his owne worke, saying the boy was not well drawne, for if he had, the birds would haue bene affraid to haue come so neere.