A TRVE RELATION OF THE LATE VN­IVST, CRVELL, AND BARBA­ROVS PROCEEDINGS AGAINST the English at AMBOYNA in the East-Indies, by the Neatherlanders there, vpon a for­ged pretence of a Conspiracie of the said English.

AFter the fruitlesse issue of two seuerall Treaties: the first An. 1613. in London; and the o­ther Ann. 1615. at the Hage in Holland, touching the diffe­rences betweene the English and Dutch in the East-Indies, at last by a third Treatie, Anno 1619. in London, there was a full and solemne composition made of all the said [Page 2] differences, and a faire order set for the future pro­ceeding of the Supposts of both Companies in the Indies; aswell in the course of their Trade and com­merce, as otherwise. Amongst sundry other points, it was agreed, That in regard of the great blood-shed and cost, pretended to be bestowed by the Hollan­ders, in winning of the Trade of the Isles of the Mol­luccos, Banda, & Amboyna, from the Spaniards & Por­tugals, & in building of Forts for the continual secu­ring of the same, the said Hollanders therfore should enioy two third parts of that Trade, & the English the other third; and the charge of the Forts to be maintained by taxes and impositions, to be leuied vpon the Merchandize. Wherefore, in consequence of this agreement, the English East-India Company planted certaine Factories for their share of this Trade; some at the Molluccos, some at Banda, and some at Amboyna. Of the two former of these, there will be, at this present, small occasion to speake fur­ther; but the last will proue the Scene of a sad Tra­gedie.

This Amboyna is an Island lying neere Seran, of the circuit of fortie leagues, and giueth name also to some other small Islands adiacent. It beareth Cloues; for gathering and buying in whereof, the English Companie for their part had planted fiue seuerall Factories: the head and Rendevouz of all, at the town of Amboyna; and therein first, Master George Mus­ [...]hamp, and afterward Master Gabriel Towerson, their Agents, with directions ouer the smaller Facto­ries at Hitto and Larica vpon the same Island, and at Loho and Cambello, vpon a point of their neighbou­ring Island of Seran.

[Page 3]Vpon these Islands of Amboyna, and the point of Seran, the Hollanders haue foure Forts; the chiefe of all is at the said towne of Amboyna, and is verie strong, hauing foure Points or Bulwarkes with their Curtaines, and vpon each of these Points sixe great peeces of Ordnance mounted, most of them of brasse. The one side of this Castle is washed by the Sea, and the other is diuided from the land with a Ditch of foure or fiue fathome broad, very deepe, and euer filled with the Sea. The Garrison of this Castle con­sisteth of about 200. Dutch souldiers, & a Company of free Burgers. Besides these, there is alwayes a mat­ter of three or foure hundred Mardikers (for so they vsually call the free natiues) in the towne, ready to serue the Castle at an houres warning. There lye al­so in the roade (for the most part) diuerse good Ships of the Hollanders, aswell for the guard of the place by Sea, as for the occasions of traffique: this being the chiefe Rendevouz, as well for the Island of Banda, as for the rest of Amboyna. Here the English liued; not in the Castle, but vnder protection thereof, in a house of their own in the town; holding themselues safe, as well in respect of the ancient bonds of amity betweene both nations, as of the strict coniunction made by the late Treaty before mentioned.

They continued here some two yeares, conuersing and trading together with the Hollanders, by vertue of the said Treaty. In which time there fell out sun­dry differences and debates betweene them; The English complayning that the Hollanders did not onely lauish away much money in building, and vn­necessary expences, vpon the Forts and otherwise, and bring large and vnreasonable reckonings thereof [Page 4] to the common accompt; but also did, for their part, pay the Garrisons with victualls and cloth of Coro­mandell, which they put off to the Souldiers at three or foure times the valew it cost them, yet would not allow of the English Companies part of the same charge, but onely in ready money; thereby drawing from the English (which ought to pay but one third part) more than two thirds of the whole true charge. Hereupon, and vpon the like occasions, grew some discontents and disputes, and the complaints were sent to Iaccatra, in the Island of Iaua Maior, to the Councell of defence of both Nations there residing: who also, not agreeing vpon the points in difference, sent the same hither ouer into Europe, to be decided by both Companies here; or, in default of their a­greement, by the Kings Maiestie, and the Lords the States Generall, according to an Article of the Trea­tie of the yeare 1619. on this behalfe. In the meane time, the discontent betweene the English and the Dutch, about these and other differences, continued and daily encreased, vntill at last there was a sword found, to cut in sunder that knot at once, which the tedious disputes of Amboyna and Iaccatra could not vntye. And this was vsed in maner as followeth.

About the eleuenth of February, 1622. Stilo veteri, a Iaponer Souldier of the Dutch in their Ca­stle of Amboyna, walking in the night vpon the wall, came to the Sentinell (being a Hollander,) and there, amongst other talke, asked him some questions tou­ching the strength of the Castle, and the people that were therin. It is heer to be noted, that those Iaponers (of whom there is not thirty in all the Island) did, for the most part, serue the Dutch as Souldiers, yet were [Page 5] not of their trusty bands, alwaies lodged in the castle, but vpon occasion called out of the town to assist in the Watch. This Iaponer aforesaid, was for his said conference with the Sentinell, apprehended vpon su­fpicion of treason, and put to the Torture. Ther­by (as some of the Dutch affirmed) hee was brought to confesse himselfe, and sundry others of his coun­trey-men there, to haue contriued the taking of the Castle. Hereupon, other Iaponers were examined and tortured, as also a Portugall, the Guardian of the Slaues vnder the Dutch. During this examination, which continued three or foure daies; some of the English-men went to and from the Castle vpon their businesse, saw the prisoners, heard of their tortures, and of the crime laid to their charge; But all this while suspected not, that this matter did any whit concerne themselues; hauing neuer had any conuer­sation with the Iaponers, nor with the Portugall a­foresaid. At the same time there was one Abel Price, Abel Price examined. Chirurgion of the English, prisoner in the Castle, for offering in his drunkennesse to set a Dutch-mans house on fire. This fellow the Dutch tooke, and shewed him some of the Iaponers, whom they had first most grieuously tortured, and told him, they had confessed the English to haue beene of their confede­racy, for the taking of the Castle; and that if he would not confesse the same, they would vse him euen as they had done these Iaponers, and worse also. Hauing giuen him the torture, they soone made him confesse what euer they asked him. This was the fifteenth of February, 1622. Stilo veteri. Forthwith, about nine of the Clock the same morning, they sent for Cap­taine Towerson, and the rest of the English that were [Page 6] in the Towne to come to speake with the Gouernor in the Castle: They all went, saue one that was left to keepe the house. Being come to the Gouernor, hee told Captaine Towerson, that himselfe and others of his Nation were accused of a conspiracie to surprise the Castle, and therefore, vntill further triall, were to remaine prisoners. Instantly also they attached him that was left at home in the house, tooke the Marchandize of the English Company there into their owne custody by Inuentory, and seized all the chests, boxes, bookes, writings, and other things in the English house. Captaine Towerson was commit­ted to his chamber with a guard of Dutch Souldiers. Emanuel Tomson was kept prisoner in the Castle; the rest, viz. Iohn Beomont, Edward Collins, William Web­ber, Ephraim Ramsey, Timothy Iohnson, Iohu Fardo, and Robert Browne, were sent aboard the Hollanders ships then riding in harbour, some to one Ship, and some to another, and all made fast in Irons. The same day also the Gouernor sent to the two other Facto­ries in the same Island, to apprehend the rest of the English there. So that Samuel Colson, Iohn Clarke, George Sharrock, that were found in the Factory at Hitto, and Edward Collins, William Webber, and Iohn Saddler at Larica, were all brought prisoners to Am­boyna the sixteenth of February. Vpon which day also Iohn Powel, Iohn Wetherall, and Thomas Ladbrook, were apprehended at Cambello, and Iohn Beomont, William Grigs, and Ephraim Ramsey, at Loho, and brought in Irones to Amboyna the twentieth of the same month. In the meane time the Gouernor and Fiscall went to worke with the prisoners that were already there: And first they sent for Iohn Beomont, [Page 7] and Timothie Iohnson, from aboard the Vnicorne; who being come into the Castle, Beomont was left with a guard in the Hall, and Iohnson was taken into ano­ther roome. Where, by and by, Beomont heard him crie out very pittifully; then to bee quiet for a little while, and then loud againe. After taste of the torture, Abel Price the Chirurgion, that first was examined and tortured (as is aboue remembred) was brought in to confront and accuse him: But Iohnson not yet confessing any thing, Price was quickly carried out, and Iohnson brought againe to the torture; where Beomont heard him sometime cry aloud, then quiet a­gaine, then roare afresh. At last, after hee had beene about an houre in this second examination, hee was brought forth wailing and lamenting, all wet, and cruelly burnt in diuers parts of his body, and so laid aside in a by-place of the Hall, with a souldier to watch him that he should speake with no body. Then was Emanuell Tomson brought to examination; not in Emanuel Tomson ex­amined. the roome where Iohnson had beene, but in another something farther from the Hall. Yet Beomont being in the Hall, heard him roare most lamentably, and many times. At last, after an houre and an halfe spent in torturing him, hee was carried away into another roome another way, so that he came not by Beomont, through the Hall. Next, was Beomont called in, and, beeing demanded many things, all which he denied with deep oathes and protestations, was made fast to be tortured; a cloth tyed about his neck, and two men ready with their Iarres of water to be powred on his head. But yet for this time the Gouernor bad loose him, hee would spare him a day or two, because hee was an old man. This was all Saturdayes worke, the [Page 8] fifteenth of February afore said.

Vpon Sunday the sixteenth of February, William Webber, Edward Collins, Ephraim Ramsey, and Robert Brown, were fetcht from aboord the Rotterdam, to be examined. At the same time came Samuel Colson, William Griggs, and Iohn Clarke, George Sharrock, and Iohn Saddler, from Hitto and Larica, and were imme­diately, vpon their arriuall, brought into the Castle­Hall.

Robert Browne Tailor was first called in; and being Robert Browne ex­amined. tormented with water, confessed all in order as the Fiscall asked him. Edward Collins ex­amined.

Then was Edward Collins called in, and told, that those that were formerly examined, had confest him as accessary to the plot of taking the Castle. Which, when he denied with great othes & execrations, they made his hands and feete fast to the Rack, bound a cloth about his throate, ready to bee put to the tor­ture of water. Thus prepared, hee prayed to be respi­ted, and hee would confesse all. Being let downe, hee againe vowed and protested his innocency; yet said, that because hee knew that they would by torture make him confesse any thing, though neuer so false, they should doe him a great fauour, to tell him what they would haue him say, and hee would speake it, to auoide the torture. The Fiscall hereupon said; What, doe you mocke vs? and bad, Vp with him againe; and so gaue him the torment of water: which hee not able long to endure, prayed to bee let downe againe to his confession. Then he deuised a little with himselfe, and tolde them, that about two moneths and a halfe before, himselfe, Tomson, Iohnson, Browne, and Fardo, had plotted, with the helpe of the Iaponers, to [Page 9] surprise the Castle. Heere hee was interrupted by the Fiscall, and asked, whether Captaine Towerson were not of that conspiracy. Hee answered, No. You ly, said the Fiscall: did not he call you all to him, and tell you, that those daily abuses of the Dutch had caused him to thinke of a plot, and that he wanted no­thing but your consent and secrecie? Then said a Dutch Merchant, one Iohn Ioost that stood by, Did not you all sweare vpon a Bible to be secret to him? Collins answered with great oaths, that hee knew no­thing of anie such matter. Then they bade make him fast againe: whereupon he then said, All was true that they had spoken. Then the Fiscall asked him, whether the English in the rest of the Factories, were not consenting to this plot. He answered, No. The Fiscall then asked him, whether the President of the English at Iaccatra, or Master Welden Agent in Banda, were not plotters or priuie to this businesse. Againe he answered, no. Then the Fiscall asked him, by what meanes the Iaponers should haue executed their pur­pose. Whereat, when Collins stood staggering and deuising of some probable fiction, the Fiscall holpe him, and said, Should not two Iaponers haue gone to each point of the Castle, and two to the Governours chamber doore; and when the hurly-burly had bin without, and the Gouernour comming to see what was the matter, the Iaponers to haue killed him? Here one that stood by, said to the Fiscall, Do not tell him what he should say, but let him speake of himselfe. Whereupon the Fiscall, without attending the an­swer to his former question; asked what the Iapo­ners should haue had for their reward. Collins answe­red, 1000. Ryalls apeece. Lastly, he asked him, when [Page 10] this plot should haue beene effected. Whereunto, although he answered him nothing (not knowing what to deuise vpon the sudden) yet hee was dismis­sed, and very glad to come cleere of the torture, though with certaine beleefe that hee should die for this his confession.

Next was Samuel Colson brought in, being newly Sam. Colson examined. arriued from Hitto, as is before touched, and was the same day brought to the torture, who, for feare of the paine wherewith hee saw Collins come out, in such a case, that his eyes were almost blowne out of his head with the torment of water; chose rather to con­fesse all they asked him: and so was quickly dismis­sed, comming out weeping, lamenting, and protesting his innocency.

Then was Iohn Clarke, that came with Colson from [...]ohn Clarke. [...]xamined. Hitto, fetcht in, and a little after was heard (by the rest that were without in the Hall) to cry out amaine. They tortured him with water and with fire, by the space of two houres. The maner of his torture (as also of Iohnsons and Tomsons) was as followeth: First they hoised him vp by the hands with a cord on a large dore, where they made him fast vpon two Sta­ples of Iron; fixt on both sides, at the top of the dore posts, haling his hands one from the other as wide as they could stretch. Being thus made fast, his feete hung some two foote from the ground; which also they stretch [...] a sunder as far as they would [...]etch, and so made them fast beneath vnto the dore-trees on each side. Then they bound a cloth about his necke and face so close, that little or no water could go by. That done, they poured the water softly vpon his head vntill the cloth was full, vp to the mouth and [Page 11] nostrills, and somewhat higher; so that he could not draw breath, but he must withall suck-in the water: which being still continued to be poured in softly, forced all his inward parts, came out of his nose, eares, and eyes, and often as it were stifling and choa­king him, at length took away his breath, & brought him to a swoune or fainting. Then they tooke him quickly downe, and made him vomit vp the water. Being a little recouered, they triced him vp againe, and poured in the water as before, eftsoones taking him downe as he seemed to be stifled. In this maner they handled him three or foure seuerall times vvith vvater, till his body vvas svvolne tvvice or thrice as bigge as before, his cheekes like great bladders, and his eyes staring and strutting out beyond his fore­head: yet all this he bare, vvithout confessing anie thing; insomuch as the Fiscall and tormentors reui­led him, saying that he was a Diuell, and no man, or surely was a Witch, at least had some charme about him, or was enchanted, that he could beare so much. Wherfore they cut off his haire verie short, as suppo­sing he had some witchcraft hidden therein. After­wards they hoised him vp againe as before, and then burnt him with lighted candles in the bottome of his feete, vntill the fat dropt out the candles; yet then applyed they fresh lights vnto him. They burnt him also vnder the elbowes, and in the palmes of the hands; likewise vnder the arme-pitts, vntill his in­wards might euidently be seene. At last, when they saw he could of himselfe make no handsome c [...]nfes­sion, then they ledde him along with questions of particular circumstances, by themselues framed. Be­ing thus wearied and ouercome by the torment; hee [Page 12] answered, yea to whatsoeuer they asked: whereby they drew from him a bodie of a confession to this effect; to wit, That Captaine Towerson had vpon New-yeares day last before, sworne all the English at Amboyna to bee secret and assistant to a plot that he had proiected, with the helpe of the Iaponers, to surprise the Castle, and to put the Gouernour and the rest of the Dutch to death.

Hauing thus martyred this poor man, they sent him out by foure Blacks; who carried him between them to a dungeon, where he lay fiue or six daies without a­ny Chirurgion to dresse him, vntil (his flesh being pu­trified) great Maggots dropt and crept from him in a most loathsom & noysom maner. Thus they finished their Sabbath daies work; & it growing now darke, sent the rest of the English (that came that day from Hitto, and till then attended in the Hall) first to the Smith's shop, where they were loaden with Irons, & then to the same loathsom dungeon where Clarke and the rest were, accompanied with the poore Iapo­ners, lying in the putrefaction of their tortures.

The next morning, being Munday the seuenteenth of February, old Stile, William Griggs and Iohn Fardo, with certaine Iaponers, were brought into the place of examination.

The Iaponers were first cruelly tortured, to accuse Will. Griggs examined. Grigs; which at last they did: and Grigs, to auoid the like torture, confessed all that the Fiscall demanded. Iohn Fardo examined. By and by the li [...]e also was done by Iohn Fardo, and other Iaponers: but Fardo himselfe endured the tor­ture of water, and at last confessed whatsoeuer the Fiscall asked him; and so was sent back to prison.

The same day also Iohn Beomont was brought the [Page 13] second time to the Fiscals chamber; where one Cap­taine Ioh. Beomont examined 20. Newport a Dutch-mans son (borne in England) was vsed as an Interpreter. William Grigs was also brought-in to accuse him; who said, that when the consultation for taking of the Castle, was held, then hee (the said Beomont) was present. Beomont denied it with great earnestnesse and deep oaths. At last being triced vp, and drenched with water till his inwards were ready to crack, he answered affirmatiuely to all the Fiscals interrogatories: yet as soon as hee was let down, he cleerly demonstrated to Captain Newport, and Iohnson a Dutch Merchant then also present, that these things could not be so. Neuerthelesse hee was forced to put his hand to his confession, or else hee must to the torture againe: which to auoid, hee sub­scribed; and so had a great iron bolt & two shackles riueted to his legs, & then was carried back to prison.

After this, George Sharrock, Assistant at Hitto, was George Sharrock ex­amined. called in question; who, seeing how grieuously o­thers were martyred, made his earnest prayer to God (as since vpon his oath hee hath acknowledged) that he would suffer him to make some such probable lyes against himself, as the Dutch might beleeue, and so hee might escape the torment. Being brought to the Rack, the water prouided, and the candles lighted, he was by the Gouernor and Fiscall examined, and char­ged with the conspiracy. He fell vpon his knees, and protested his innocencie. Then they commanded him to th [...] Rack, and told him; Vnlesse hee would confesse, he should be tormented with fire and water to death, and then should be drawne by the heeles to the gallows, and there hanged vp. He still persisting in this his innocencie, the Fiscall bade him be hoised [Page 14] vp. Then hee craued respite awhile, and told them, that he was at Hitto, and not in Amboyna, vpon New­yeeres day, when the consultation was pretended; neither had been there since Nouember before, as was well knowne to sundry of the Hollanders them­selues that resided there also with him. Heereupon, they commanded him againe to the Rack: but hee, crauing respite as before, now told them, that hee had many times heard Iohn Clark (who was with him at Hitto) say, That the Dutch had done them many vnsufferable wrongs, and that he would be reuenged of them: to which end, hee had once broken with Captaine Towerson of a braue plot. At which word the Fiscall and the rest were attentiue, encouraging him to proceed. So hee went on, saying, that Iohn Clark had entreated Captain Towerson, that he might go to Maccassar, there to consult and aduise with the Spaniards to come with gallies, and rob the small Fa­ctories of Amboyna and Seran, when no ships were there. Heer they asked him, what Captain Towerson said to this. He answered, that Captain Towerson was very much offended with Clark for the motion, and from thenceforth could neuer abide him. Hereupon the Fiscall called him rogue, & said he prated all from the matter, and should go to the torture. Hee craued fauour againe, and began another tale; to weet, that vpon Twelf-day then last past, Iohn Clark told him at Hitto, that there was a practise to take the Castle of Amboyna; and asked him, whether hee would con­sent thereunto. Whereupon he demanded of Clark, whether Captain Towerson knew of any such matter. Which, Clark affirming; then he (the said Sharrock) said, that hee would do as the rest did. Then the Fis­call [Page 15] asked him, what time the consultation was held. Hee answered, In Nouember last. The Fiscall said, That could not bee: for, the consultation was vpon New-yeers day. The prisoner said as before in the beginning, that hee had not been in Amboyna since the first of December, till now that hee was brought thither. Why then, quoth the Fiscall, haue you be­lyed your self? Whereto the prisoner resolutely an­swered, that all that hee had spoken touching any treason, was false and fained, onely to auoid torment. Then went the Fiscall out into another room to the Gouernor, and anon returned, and sent Sharrock vn­to the prison againe. The next day hee was called a­gaine, and a writing presented him; wherein was fra­med a formall confession of his last conference with Clark at Hitto, touching the plot to take the Castle of Amboyna: which being read-ouer to him, the Fiscall asked him, whether it were true, or no. He answered, No. Why then, said the Fiscall, did you confesse it? He answered, For feare of torment. The Fiscall and the rest in a great rage told him hee lyed; his mouth had spoken it, and it was true, and therfore he should subscribe it. Which as soon as he had done, hee fell presently into a great passion, charging them bitterly to be guilty of the innocent blood of himself and the rest, which they should look to answer for at the Day of Iudgement: withall he grappled with the Fiscall, and would haue stopped him from carrying-in the confession to the Gouernor, with whom he also cra­ued to speak; but was instantly laid hold on, and car­ried away to prison.

William Webber, being next examined, was told by William Webber exa­mined. the Fiscall, that Iohn Clark had confessed him to haue [Page 16] been at Amboyna on New-yeers day, and sworne to Captaine Towerson's plot, &c. All which he denied, alleaging, hee was that day at Larica: yet, beeing brought to the torture, hee then confessed, hee had bin at the consultation at Amboyna vpon New-yeers day, with all the rest of the circumstances in order as he was asked. He also further told them, hee had re­ceiued a letter from Iohn Clark; after which was a Postscript, excusing his brief writing at that time, for that there was great businesse in hand. But one Re­nier a Dutch Merchant, then standing by, told the Gouernor, that vpon New-yeers day, the time of this pretended consultation, Webber and hee were merry at Larica. So the Gouernor left him, and went out. But the Fiscall held on vpon the other point, touching the Postscript of Clark's Letter, vrging him to shew the same. Which when hee could not doe, though often terrified with the torture, he gaue him respite; promising to saue his life, if hee would pro­duce that Letter.

Then was Captaine Towerson brought to the exa­mination, Gabriel Towerson [...]xamined. and shewed what others had confessed of him. Hee deeply protesting his innocencie, Samuel Colson was brought to confront him: who beeing told, that vnlesse hee would now make good his for­mer confession against Captaine Towerson, he should to the torture; coldly re-affirmed the same, and so was sent away. They also brought William Grigs and Iohn Fardo to iustifie their former confessions to his face. Captain Towerson seriously charged them, that as they would answer it at the dreadful day of Iudge­ment, they should speak nothing but the truth. Both of them instantly fell downe vpon their knees before [Page 17] him; praying him for God's sake to forgiue them, and saying further openly before them all, that what­soeuer they had formerly confessed, was most false, and spoken onely to auoid torment. With that, the Fiscall and the rest offred them again to the torture: which they would not endure, but then affirmed their former confessions to be true.

When Colson (who had accused Captain Towerson before) was required to set his hand to his confessi­on, he asked the Fiscall, vpon whose head he thought the sinne would lie; whether vpon his that was con­strained to confesse what was false, or vpon the con­strainers. The Fiscall, after a little pause vpon this question, went in to the Gouernor then in another room; but anon returning, told Colson hee must sub­scribe it: which he did; yet withall made this prote­station: Well, quoth he, you make mee to accuse my selfe and others of that which is as false, as GOD is true: for, God is my witnes, I am as innocent as the childe new borne.

Thus haue they examined all that belong to the English Companie in the seuerall Factories of the I­land of Amboyna.

The one and twentith of February, they examined Ioh. Wetherall examined. Iohn Wetherall, Factor at Cambello in the Iland of Seran. He confessed, he was at Amboyna vpon New-yeers day: but for the consultation, whereof he was demanded, he said he knew of no other, but touching certain cloth of the English Company, that lay in the Factories rotting and worm-eaten; which they ad­uised together how to put off to the best auail of their Imployers. The Gouernor said, they questioned him not about cloth, but of treason: whereof when hee [Page 18] had protested his innocency, he was for that time dis­missed. But the next day hee was sent for again, and Captaine Towerson brought to confront and accuse him, hauing before (it seems) confessed somewhat a­gainst him. But M. Towerson spake now these words onely: Oh, M. Wetherall, M. Wetherall, speak the truth, and nothing but the truth, as God shall put into your heart. So Captaine Towerson was put out again, and Wetherall brought to the torture of water, with great threats; if water would not make him confesse, fire should. He prayed them to tell him what hee should say, or to write downe what they would; hee would subscribe it. They said, hee needed no Tutor; they would make him confesse of himself. But when they had triced him vp foure seuerall times, and saw hee knew not what to say, then they read him other mens confessions, and asked him from point to point, as they had done others: and hee still answered, Yea to all.

Next, was called in Iohn Powle, Wetherals Assistant Iohn Powle examined. at Cambello: but he, prouing that he was not at Am­boyna since Nouember (saue now when hee was brought thither prisoner), and being spoken-for by one Iohn Ioost, who had long been well acquainted with him, was dismissed without torture.

Then was Thomas Ladbrook, seruant to Wetherall Thomas Ladbrook examined. and Powle at Cambello, brought to bee examined: but prouing that hee was at Cambello at the time of the pretended consultation, and seruing in such qua­lity, as that he was neuer acquainted with any of the Letters from the Agent of Amboyna, hee was easily and quickly dismissed.

[...]phraim Ramsey was also examined vpon the whole [Page 19] pretended conspiracie, and particularly questioned Ephraim Ramsey exa­mined. concerning Captaine Welden the English Agent in Banda: but denying all, and prouing that he was not at Amboyna at New-yeers tide, being also spoken-for by Iohn Ioost; was dismissed, after hee had hanged in the Rack a good while, with the Irons vpon his legs, and the cloth about his mouth.

Lastly, Iohn Saddler, seruant to William Grigs at Iohn Saddler examined. Larica, was examined; and being found to haue been absent from Amboyna at New-yeers tide, when Grigs and others were there, was dismissed.

Thus haue wee all their Examinations, Tortures, and confessions, being the work of eight daies, from the fifteenth to the three and twentith of February. After which, was two daies respite before the Sen­tence. Iohn Powle, being himself acquitted as before­said, went to the prison to visit Iohn Fardo, one of those that had accused Captaine Towerson. To him Fardo religiously protested his innocency; but espe­cially his sorrow for accusing M. Towerson: for, said he, the feare of death doth nothing dismay me; for, God (I trust) will be mercifull to my soule, according to the innocency of my cause. The onely matter that troubleth me, is, that through feare of torment I haue accused that honest and godly man Captain Tower­son, who (I think in my conscience) was so vpright and honest towards all men, that he harboured no ill will to any, much lesse would attempt any such busi­nesse as he is accused of. He further said, hee would before his death receiue the Sacrament, in acknow­ledgement that hee had accused Captaine Towerson falsely and wrongfully, onely through feare of tor­ment.

[Page 20]The three and twentith of February, old Stile, all the prisoners, aswell the English, as the Portugall and the Iapons, were brought into the great Hall of the Castle, and there were solemnly condemned, except Iohn Powle, Ephraim Ramsey, Iohn Saddler, and Thomas Ladbrook, formerly acquitted, as aforesaid.

Captain Towerson hauing been (during all his im­prisonment) kept apart from the rest, so that none of them could come to speak with him; writ much in his chamber (as some of the Dutch report), but all was suppressed, saue onely a Bill of debt, which one Th. Iohnson a free Burgher got of him by fauour of his keepers, for acknowledgement, that the English Company owed him a certain summe of money. In the end of this Bill hee writ these words: Firmed by the Firme of mee Gabriel Towerson now appointed to die, guiltlesse of any thing that can bee iustly laid to my charge. God forgiue them their guilt, and receiue me to his mercy. Amen. This Bill being brought to M. Wel­den the English Agent at Banda, he paid the money, and receiued-in the acknowledgement.

William Grigs (who had before accused Captaine Towerson) writ these words following in his Table­book: We, whose names are heer specified; Iohn Beo­mont, Merchant of Loho, William Grigs, Merchant of Larica, Abel Price, Chirurgion of Amboyna, Ro­bert Browne, Tailor, which doe heer lie prisoners in the ship Rotterdam, being apprehended f [...]r conspiracie, for blowing vp the Castle of Amboyna: wee being iud­ged to death this fift of March, Anno 1622. which wee through torment was constrained to speak, that which we neuer meant, nor once imagined; the which wee take vpon our deaths and saluation, that tortured vs with that [Page 21] extreme torment of fire and water, that flesh and blood could not endure: and this we take vpon our deaths, that they haue put vs to death guiltlesse of our accusation. So therefore we desire, that they that shall vnderstand this; that our Imployers may vnderstand these wrongs, and that your selues would haue a care to look to your selues: for their intēt was to haue brought you in also: they askt con­cerning you; which if they had tortured vs, we must haue confessed you also. And so farewell; written in the dark.

This Table-book was afterwards deliuered to M. Welden afore named, by one that serued the Dutch.

Samuel Colson also, another that accused Captaine Towerson, writ as followeth in the waste leaues of a booke, wherein were bound together the Common Prayers, the Psalmes, and the Catechisme.

In one page thus;

On the other side, vpon the first page of the Cate­chisme, is thus written:

In the beginning of the Psalmes, and in the leafe so referred vnto, is thus written, viz.

Yet in another page were these words:

This booke hee deliuered to one that serued the Hollanders, who sowed it vp in his bedde, and after­ward, at his oportunity, deliuered it to M. Welden be­fore named.

All these said writings are yet extant vnder the hands of the seuerall parties, well knowne to their friends here in England.

The sixe and twentieth of February, stilo veteri, the prisoners were all brought into the great Hall of the Castle (except Captaine Towerson and Emanuel Tom­son) to be prepared for death by the Ministers. The Iaponers now all in generall, as some of them had done before in particular, cryed out vnto the English, saying; Oh you English-men, where did wee euer in our liues eate with you, talke with you, or (to our re­membrance) see you? The English answered, Why then haue you accused vs? The poore men, percei­uing they were made beleeue each had accused o­thers, before they had so don [...] indeed; shewed them their tortured bodies, and said, If a stone were thus burnt, would it not change his nature? how much more we that are flesh and blood?

Whilest they were all in the Hall, Captain Tow­erson was brought vp into the place of examination, & two great Iarres of water carried after him. What he there did or suffered, was vnknowne to the Eng­lish without: but it seemeth they made him then to vnder-write his confession. After supper, Iohn Powle, [Page 24] Ephraim Ramsey, Thomas Ladbrook and Iohn Saddler, who were found not-guilty, as aforesaid, were taken from the rest, and put into another roome. By and by also were Samuel Colson & Edward Collins brought from the rest, into the roome where Emanuel Tomson lay. The Fiscall told them, it was the Gouernours mercy, to saue one of them three: and it being indif­ferent to him, which of them were the man, it was his pleasure they should draw lotts for it. which they did, and the free lot fell to Edward Collins; who then was carried away to the chamber, where Iohn Powle and the rest that were quit, lodged: and Samuel Colson back into the Hall. Anon also Iohn Beomont was brought out of the Hall into the chamber, where Iohn Powle, and the rest of the acquitted persons were, and was told, that he was beholding to Peter Iohnson the Dutch Merchant of Loho, and to the Secretarie; for they two had begged his life.

So then there remained in the Hall ten of the Eng­lish; for Captaine Towerson and Emanuel Tomson (as is said before) were kept in seuerall rooms apart from the rest. To these that remained in the Hall, came the Dutch Ministers, wh [...] [...]lling them how short a time they had to liue, admonished and exhorted them to make their true confessions; for it was a dangerous and desperate thing, to dissemble at such a time. The English still professed their innocencie, and prayed the Ministers that they might all receiue the Sacra­ment, as a seale of the forgiuenesse of their sinnes; and withall, thereby to confirm their last profession of their innocencie. But this would by no meanes be granted. Whereupon Samuel Colson said thus vn­to the Ministers; You manifest vnto vs the danger [Page 25] of dissimulation in this case. But tell vs, if we suffer guiltlesse, being otherwise also true beleeuers in Christ Iesus, What shall be our reward? The Prea­ch [...]r answered, By how much the cleerer you are, so much the more glorious shall be your resurrection. With that word, Colson started vp, imbraced the Prea­cher, an [...] gaue him his purse, with such money as hee had in it, saying; Domine, God blesse you: tell the Gouernour, I freely forgiue him; and I intreat you, to exhort him to repent him of this bloodie tragedy, wrought vpon vs poore innocent soules. Here all the rest of the English signified their consent to this speech. Then spake Iohn Fardo to the rest, in presence of the Ministers, as followeth: My countrey-men, and brethren, all that are here with me condemned to dye, I charge you all, as you will answer it at Gods iudgement seat, if anie of you be guiltie of this mat­ter, whereof we are condemned, discharge your con­sciences, and confesse the truth for satisfaction of the world. Hereupon Samuel Colson spake with a loude voyce, saying, According to my innocencie in this Treason, so Lord pardon all the rest of my sinnes: and if I be guiltie thereof more or lesse, let me neuer be partaker of thy heauenly ioyes. At which words, euerie one of the rest cryed out, Amen for me, Amen for me, good Lord. This done, each of them know­ing whom he had accused, went one to another, beg­ing forgiuenesse for their false accusation, being wrung from them by the paines or feare of torture. And they all freely forgaue one another: for none had beene so falsely accused, but he himselfe had ac­cused another as falsely. In particular, George Shar­rock (who suruiued to relate this nights passage) knee­led [Page 26] downe to Iohn Clarke, whom hee had accused of the tale at Hitto aboue mentioned, and craued for­giuenesse at his hands. Clarke freely forgaue him, saying; How should I looke to be forgiuen of God, if I should not forgiue you, hauing my selfe so falsely accused Captaine Towerson, and others?

After this, they spent the rest of the dolefull night in prayer, singing of Psalmes, and comforting one another; though the Dutch that guarded them, offe­red them wine, bidding them drinke Lustick, & driue away the sorrow; according to the custome of their owne Nation in the like case, but contrary to the na­ture of the English.

Vpon the morrow morning, being the execution day, the 27. of February, stilo veteri, Iohn Powle being freed (as is aboue recited) came into the roome where the condemned persons were, and found them at Prayer. They all requested him to relate vnto their friends in England, the innocencie of their cause; ta­king it vpon their deaths, that what they had confes­sed against themselues & others, touching this crime, was all false, and forced by feare of torture.

The same morning, William Webber was called a­gaine into the Fiscals room, and there pressed to pro­duce the letter, which hee had before confessed to haue receiued from Iohn Clark, in the Postscript wher­of some great businesse was intimated. They promi­sed him his life, if he would deliuer or produce them that letter: which although hee did not, nor indeede could, yet at last they pardoned him, and sent him to the rest that were saued, and Sharrock with him.

That morning Emanuel Tomson, vnderstanding that Iohn Beomont was pardoned, made meanes to haue [Page 27] [...]im come and speake with him; which with much a­ [...]oe hee obtained. Beomont found him sitting in a chamber, all alone in a most miserable fashion; the wounds of his torture bound vp, but the matter and gore blood issuing thorow the Rollers. Hee tooke M. Beomont by the hand, and prayed him, when hee [...]ame into England, to doe his duetie to the honoura­ [...]le Companie his Masters, to M. Robinson, and to his [...]rother Billingsley, and to certifie them of his inno­ [...]encie, which (said hee) you your selfe know well e­ [...]ough.

All things being prepared for the execution, the condemned were brought forth of the Hall, along [...]y the chamber where the quit and pardoned were; who stood in the dore, to giue and take the farewell of their countrey-men now going to execution. Stay­ing a little for this purpose, they prayed and charged those that were saued, to bear witnesse to their friends in England of their innocencie, and that they dyed not traytors, but so many Innocents, meerely mur­thered by the Hollanders, whom they prayed God to forgiue their blood-thirstinesse, and to haue mer­cie vpon their owne soules.

Being brought into the Yard, their sentence was there read vnto them from a Gallery, and then they were thence caried vnto the place of execution, toge­ther with nine Iapons and a Portugall: not the ordi­nary and short way, but round about in a long pro­cession, thorow the towne; the way guarded with fiue Companies of Souldiers, Dutch & Amboyners, and thronged with the Natiues of the Island, that (vpon the summons giuen the day before by the sound of the Drum) flocked together to behold this [Page 28] triumph of the Dutch ouer the English. Samuel Col­son had conceiued a prayer in writing, in the end whereof he protested his innocency: which Prayer he read to his fellowes the night before, and now al­so at the place of execution deuoutely pronounced the same; then threw away the paper, which the Gouernour caused to bee brought to him, and kept it.

Emanuel Tomson told the rest, hee did not doubt but GOD would shew some signe of their innocen­cie; and euery one of the rest tooke it seuerally vpon their death, that they were vtterly guiltlesse; and so one by one with great cheerefulnesse, they suffered the fatall stroke.

The Portugall prayed ouer his Beades very de­uoutely, and often kissed the Crosse; swearing there­upon, that he was vtterly innocent of this Treason: yet confessed, that God had iustly brought this pu­nishment vpon him, for that hauing a wife in his own countrey, hee had, by the perswasion of the Dutch Gouernour, taken another in that countrey, his first being yet liuing.

The Iapons likewise (according to their Religi­on) shut vp their last Act with the like profession of their innocencie. So there suffered ten Englishment, viz. Captain Gabriel Towerson, the Agent of the Eng­lish at Amboyna, Samuel Colson Factor at Hitto, E­manuel Tomson Assistant at Amboyna, Timothy Iohnson Assistant there also, Iohn Wetherall Factor at Cambello, Iohn Clarke Assistant at Hitto, Wil­liam Griggs Factor at Larica, Iohn Fardo Steward of the house, Abel Price Chirurgion, and Robert Browne Taylor.

[Page 29]The Portugall also suffered with them. His name was Augustine Perez. He was borne at Bengala.

The names of the Iaponeses that suffered (if any be curious to know them) were as followeth:

• all borne at Firando.
  • Hitieso,
  • Tsiosa,
  • Sinsa.
• borne at Nangasacque.
  • Sidney Migiel,
  • Pedro Congie,
  • Thome Corea.
• Quiondayo natiue of Coraets.
• Tsabinda of Tsoucketgo.
• Zanchoe of Fisien.

Besides these, there were two other Iaponeses; the one named Soysimo, borne at Firando; and the other Sacoube, of the same place: the former of which be­ing tortured, confessed both to haue beene priuie to this pretended treason, and to haue offered his seruice vnto the English to ayde them in taking of the Castle: and the latter confessed to haue had knowledge of the consultation of the other Iapons to this purpose. But neyther of them was executed, nor so much as condemned. The reason whereof was not knowne to the English that were saued.

They had prepared a cloth of blacke Veluet for Captaine Towerson▪s bodie to fall vpon; which be­ing stayned and defaced with his blood, they af­terwards put to the account of the English Com­panie.

At the instant of the execution, there arose a great darkenesse, with a sudden and violent gust of winde and tempest; whereby [...]wo of the Dutch [Page 30] Shippes, riding in the harbour, were driuen from their anchors, and with great labour and difficul­ty saued from the rockes. Within a few dayes after, one William Dunckin, who had told the Go­uernour, That Robert Browne, the English Tailour, had a few moneths before told him, hee hoped, that within sixe moneths the English should haue as much to doe in the Castle of Amboyna, as the Dutch: This fellow, comming vpon an euening to the graue where the English were buried, bee­ing all (saue Captain Towerson) in one pit, fell down vpon the graue; and hauing lien there awhile, rose vp againe starke mad, and so continued two or three dayes together, and then died. Foorth­with also fell a new sicknesse at Amboyna, which swept away about a thousand people, Dutch and Amboyners: in the space wherein, there vsually died not aboue thirty at other seasons. These signes were by the suruiuing English referred to the confident prediction of Emanuel Tomson aboue-na­med, and were by the Amboyners interpreted as a token of the wrath of God for this barbarous tyran­ny of the Hollanders.

The next day after the execution, beeing the eight and twentith of February, Stilo veteri, was spent in triumph for the new General of the Dutch then pro­claimed, and in publick rejoycing for the deliuerance from this pretended treason. The day following, be­ing the first of March, Iohn Beomont, George Sharrock, Edward Collins, and William Webber, were brought to the Gouernor; who told Webber, Beomont and Shar­rock, that they were pardoned in honour of the new [Page 31] Generall; and Collins, that hee was to go to Iaccatra, there to stand to the fauour of the Generall. So the Gouernor made them drink wine with him, and cur­teously dismissed them; willing them to go and con­sult with the rest that were saued, who were fit to be placed in the seuerall Factories. Which done, and their opinions reported to the Gouernor, hee accor­dingly commanded each to his place; adding, that he would thenceforth take vpon him the patronage and gouernment of the English Companies businesse. To which purpose, he had within a few daies past opened a Letter that came from the English President at Iac­catra, directed to Captaine Towerson; beeing (as hee said) the first English Letter that euer he intercepted; further saying, that he was glad that he found by that Letter, that the English at Iaccatra were innocent touching this businesse.

The Gouernor and Fiscall, hauing thus made an end at Amboyna, dispatched themselues for Banda: where they made very diligent enquiry against Cap­taine Welden, the English Agent there; yet found no colour nor shadow of guilt to lay hold on: but at last entertained him with courteous speeches, professing to bee very glad, that they found him, as well as the English at Iaccatra, to bee without suspicion of this treason (as they tearm it). Captaine Welden, percei­uing the disorder and confusion of the English Com­panies affaires at Amboyna, by means of this dealing of the Dutch; forthwith hired a Dutch Pinace at Banda, and passed to Amboyna: where, instantly vp­on his arriuall, he re-called the Companies seruants, sent as before by the Dutch Gouernor to the vnder­Factories.

[Page 32]Hauing enquired of them, & the rest that were left at Amboyna, of the whole proceedings lately passed, hee found, by the constant and agreeing relation of them all, that there was no such treason of the English as was pretended: as also vnderstanding what strict command the Gouernor had giuen to the suruiuing English, not once to talk or conferre with the coun­trey-people concerning this bloody businesse, al­though the said countrey-people euery day reproa­ched them with treason, and a bloody intention to haue massacred the natiues, and to haue ripped vp the bellies of women with childe, and such like stuffe; wherewith the Dutch haue possessed the poore Vul­gar, to make the English odious vnto them. The said M. Welden therefore finding it to sort neither with the honour nor profit of the English Company, his Ma­sters, to hold any longer residence in Amboyna, hee took this poore remnant of the English along with him, in the said hired Pinace, for Iaccatra; whither the Gouernor had sent Iohn Beomont and Edward Col­lins before, as men condemned, and left to the mer­cy of the Generall.

When this heauy newes of Amboyna came to Iac­catra and the English there, the President forthwith sent to the Generall of the Dutch, to knowe by what authority the Gouernor at Amboyna had thus procee­ded against the English, and how he & the rest of the Dutch there at Iaccatra, did approoue these procee­dings. The Gouernor returned for answer, that, The Gouernor of Amboyna's authority was deriued from that of the Lords States General of the Vnited Nea­therlands; vnder whom hee had lawfull iurisdiction both in criminall and ciuill causes, within the destrict [Page 33] of Amboyna; further, that such proceeding was ne­cessary against traitors, such as the English, executed at Amboyna, might appeare to bee by their owne con­fessions: a copie wherof he therewith sent to the En­glish President; who sent the same back to be authen­tickly certified, but receiued it not again.

Hitherto hath been recited the bare and naked nar­ration of the progresse and passage of this action, as it is taken out of the depositions of six seueral English Factors; whereof foure were condemned, and the o­ther two acquitted in this processe of Amboyna: all, since their return in [...]o England, examined vpon their othes in the Admiralty Court. The particular of cap­taine Towerson's, as also of Emanuel Tomson's exami­nations and answers, are not yet come to light, by reason that these two were kept apart from all the rest, and each alone by himselfe; nor any other of the English suffered to come to speak with them, except onely that short Farewell which Iohn Beomont took of Tomson the morning before the execution before-mentioned. The like obscurity is yet touch­ing the examinations and answers of diuerse of the rest that are executed; being, during their imprison­ment, so strictly lookt to and watched by the Dutch, that they might not talk together, nor mutually relate their miseries.

But because the Hollanders defend their own pro­ceedings by the confessions of the parties executed, acknowledging seuerally vnder their hands, that they were guilty of the pretended crime; it will not be a­misse to recollect and recall vnto this place, as it were vnto one summe and totall, certain circumstances dis­persed in seuerall parts of this narration; whereby as [Page 32] [...] [Page 33] [...] [Page 34] well the innocencie of the English, as the vnlawfull proceedings against them, may be manifested.

First therefore it is to bee remembred, that the Ia­pons were apprehended, examined, & tortured three or foure daies, before the English were attached; and the fame aswell of their apprehension, as torture, was rife and notorious in the Town of Amboyna, and the parts adioyning. Tomson, in this interim, and the ve­ry first day of the examination of the Iapon, went to the Castle to ask leaue of the Gouernor to land some Rice, and brought back the newes with him to the English house of the cruell handling of these poore Iapons. This had been Item enough to the English, if they had been guilty, to shift for themselues: where­to also they had ready means by the Corricorries or small Boats of the Amboyners, which lie along the Strand in great number, wherewith they might easily haue transported themselues to Seran, to Bottoon, or to Maccassar, out of the reach and iurisdiction of the Dutch: but in that they fled not in this case, it is a ve­ry strong presumption, that they were as little priuie to any treason of their owne, as suspicious of any [...]eacherous train laid for their bloods.

In the next place let it be considered, how impossi­ble it was for the English to atchieue this pretended enterprise.

The Castle of Amboyna is of a very great strength (as is before declared); the Garrison therein two or three hundred men, besides as many more of their free Burgers in the Town. What their care and cir­cumsp [...]ction in all their Forts is, may appear not on­ly by the quick Alarum they now took at the foolish question of the poore Iapon, made to the Sentinell a­boue-recited; [Page 35] but also by that which a little before hapned at Iaccatra, where one of their souldiers was shot to death for sleeping on the water.

Durst ten Englishmen (where of not one a souldier) attempt any thing vpon such a strength & vigilancy? As for the assistance of the Iapons, they were but ten neither, and all vnarmed aswell as the English. For, as at the seizure of the English house, all the prouisi­on therein found was but three swords, two muskets, and half a pound of powder: so the Iapons (except when they are in seruice of the Castle, and there ar­med by the Dutch) are allowed to haue no Armes, but onely a Catanne, a kinde of short sword: and it is forbidden to all the Dutch, vpon great penalty, to sell any hand-gum, powder or bullets, to the Iapons or Amboyners. But let it be imagined, that these twen­ty persons, English and Iapons, were so desperate as to aduenture the exploit; how should they be able to master the Dutch in the Castle, or to keep possession when they had gotten it? what Second had they? There was neither Ship nor Pinace of the English in the harbour. All the rest of the Iapons in the Island, were not twenty persons, and not one English more. The neerest of the rest of the English, were at Banda, forty leagues from Amboyna; and those but nine per­sons, all afterwards cleered by the Gouernor and Fis­call themselues from all suspicion of this pretended crime, as were also the rest of the English at Iaccatra.

On the other side, besides the strength of the Ca­stle and Towne of Amboyna, the Hollanders haue three other strong Castles, well furnished with Soul­diers, in the same Island, and at Cambello neere ad­ioyning. They had then also in the road of Amboy­na [Page 36] eight Ships and vessels, namely, the Rotterdam of 1200. tun, the Vnicorne of 300. tun, the Free-mans vessell of 100. tun, the Calck of 60. tun, Captaine Ga­mals Iunck of 40. the Flute of 300. tun, the Amster­dam of 1400. tun, and a small Pina [...]e of about 60. tun; and all these well furnished with men and muni­tion. It is true, that the Stories doe record sundry valiant and hardy enterprises of the English Nation, and Holland is witnesse of some of them, yea, hath reaped the fruit of the English resolution; yet no Story, no Legend scarcely reporteth any such hardi­nesse, eyther of the English or others, That so few persons, so naked of all prouisions and supplyes, should vndertake such an aduenture vpon a counter­partie, so well and abundantly fit [...]d at all points.

But let it be further granted, that they might pos­sibly haue ouercome all these difficulties; yet to what end and purpose should they put themselues in­to such a ieopardie? They knew well enough, that it was agreed betweene both Companies at home, That the Forts in the Indies should remaine respectiuely in the hands of such, as had possession of them at the date of the Treatie, Ann: 1619. and that the same was ratified by the Kings Maiestie, and the Lords States Generall. They knew likewise, and all the world takes knowledge, of his Maiesties religious obserua­tion of peace and treatie with all his neighbours, yea, with all the world: what reward then could these English hope for, of this their valour and danger? Certainely none other than that which is expresly prouided by the Treatie it selfe, that is, To be punish­ed as the disturbers of the common peace and amitie of both Nations.

[Page 37]But let these English-men haue beene as foolish in this plot as the Hollanders will haue them; is it also to be imagined, that they were so gracelesse, as when they were condemned, and seriously admonish [...]d by the Ministers to discharge their consciences; yet then to persist in their dissimulation, being otherwise of such godly behauiour, as to spend the time in Prayer, singing of Psalmes, and spirituall comforting one an­other, which the Dutch would haue had them bestow in drinking to driue away their sorrow? Let Colsons question to the Minister be considerd: his & the rests offer & desire to receiue the Sacrament, in signe & to­ken of their innocencie; their mutual asking forgiue­nes for their like false accusations of one another, for­ced by the torture; Tomsons last farewell to Beom [...]nt; Colsons prayer, and his writing in his praier booke; Fardo▪s farewell to Powl [...]; also his coniuring exhorta­tion to his fellowes, to discharge their consciences, and all their answeres thereunto; crauing Gods mer­cie or iudgement, according to their innocencie in this cause; their generall and religious profession of their innocencie, to their countrey-men, at thei [...] last parting with them, & finally, the sealing of this pro­fession with their last breath and blood, euen in the verie article of death, and in the stroke of the Execu­tioner. What horrible and vnexampled dissimula [...]i­on were this? If some one or more of [...] [...] [...]n so fearefully desperate, yet would not there one a­mongst ten be found to thinke of the iudgement to come; whereunto he was then instantly summoned without Essoine, Baile, or Mainpri [...]e▪ What▪ had they hope of reprieue & life, if they kept [...]eir coun­tenance to the last? Yet what hope had Tomson and [Page 38] the rest, when Capt. Towersons head was off? Nay, what desire had Tomson and Clarke to liue, being so mangled and martyred by the torture? They were executed one by one, and euery one seuerall tooke it vpon his death, tha [...] he was guiltlesse.

Now to blanch a [...]d smooth ouerall this rough and barbarous proceeding; it is here giuen out, that the Gouernor & Fiscall found such euidence of the plot, and dealt so euenly in the processe, that they spared not their owne people; hauing vsed some of their natiue Hollanders, partakers of this treason, in the same maner as they did the English. But this, as well by the relation here truely and faithfully set downe, grounded vpon the sworn testimonie of sixe credible witnesses, as also by other sufficient reports of diuerse (lately come out of those parts) appeareth to bee a meere tale, not once alleaged by anie in the Indies in many moneths after the execution, but only inuented and dispersed here, for a Fucus and a faire colour vp­on the whole cause, and to make the world beleeue that the ground of this barbarous and tyrannous pro­ceeding was a true crime, and not the vnsatiable co­uetousnesse of the Hollanders, by this cruell treache­rie to gain the sole Trade of the Molluccos, Banda and Amboyna; which is already become the euent of this bloody processe.

To adde hereunto by way of aggrauation, will be needlesse; the fact is so full of odious and barbarous inhumanitie, executed by Hollanders vpon the Eng­lish Nation, in a place where both liued vnder termes of partnership and great amitie, confirmed by a most solemne Treaty.

THe very causes and beginnings through which, the Gouernour, and Councell, established in the name of the Vnited Netherlands, in Amboyna, came into suspicion, that some thing was plotted a­gainst that Province; did first flow from the great licentiousnes of the Tarnatanes, in Moluque, and Amboyna: Who, contrary to the con­tract of alliance, 1606. made with the High and A Mighty Lords the States, attempted (without our consent, and knowledge) to make peace with the King of Tidore; as also truce with the Spaniards, (their, and our ancient aduersaries) by which, the B said Tarnatanes had too much cast off all respect which they, both in regard of our confederacy, and manifold assistance, did owe to this State. The Spa­niard C also was master enough at sea, in the Moluque, because the English Merchants there, in the East-In­dies, were vnwilling to furnish vs with ships of warre, toward the common defence; as they were bound to doe, according to the treaties 1619. to the number of ten. Through which, the voyages to Mannila, comming to cease, the enemy traded there, without any interruption, & procured power to send Gallyes, Shipps, and Pynasses to the Moluque, with great suc­cours of people, and prouision; and that because, against the same (through the default of the English Merchants) there were no Ships of warre kept, as there should haue beene.

The subiects of the King of Tarnata, begun to D commit great insolencies (otherwise than they [Page 2] were wont) against our Nation, hauing outragious­ly assaulted diuers of vs, diuers wayes, and also slayne some, and wee notwithstanding could not ob­tayne any punishment vpon them. And as one out­rage (vnpunished) prouokes many more, through hope of the like impunity, or other considerations; so were the sayd Tarnatanes of Amboyna, dwelling at Loho, Cambello, and those neere adioyning places proceeded further, and haue armed themselues at Sea, and inuaded diuers Ilands, and places, standing vnder the Netherlands Gou [...]rnour in Amboyna, spoy­ling them, and killing our subiects, and taking others, and carring them away for slaues. And notwithstanding the instant request of the Ne­therlands Gouernour, no satisfaction, or iustice, ha [...]h followed; but the said Tarnatanes are yet gone fur­ther, and openly threatned, to murder the Dutch Marchants, and to spoyle and burne the Logie, or Factory, which our people haue many yeares there enioyed: so that our Merchants haue taken out the Dutch goods, to auoid damage: And the Tarna­tanes at Loho did actually set on fire, and ruined the said Netherlands Factory. In the Manichells (an I­land being vnder the Prouince of Amboyna) they haue in like manner shortly after, burned the Ne­therlands Logie, with the losse of all the goods there­in. The Netherlands Gouernour, that by his presence, and authority, hee might cause such rebellions to cease, and to giue order for time to come, and also to seeke satisfaction, and punishment vpon the foresaid insolencies; went toward Loho, with a small power of sloopes, and comming there-about, [Page 3] was mett (otherwise than was wont) by a nauy of sloopes of the Tarnatanes of Loho, stronger than his were. Thes [...] (by their conference) gaue him well to knowe, how little reuerence they gaue the Dutch Gouernour: they braued him, without hope of restitution of any thing to come; so that, (nothing done) he was faine to returne to his Castell of Am­boyna. By reason of these things the sayd Tarnatanes became so stout and daring, that they gaue out o­penly, that they would come, and spoile our sub­iects by a generall army, with aboue a 100. Frig­getts: with these, they said they would come against Amboyna, to make a vniuersall spoile of our people; Through which, there came a great feare vpon the Indians, standing vnder the subiection of the High and Mighty Lords the States, as also ouer the Ne­therlanders.

In the Ilands lying farre Eastward of Banda, it E was also said, and the newes went currantly there, That the Hollanders were sure enough quit of the Castle of Amboyna; And at that time there were di­uers secret correspondencies betweene the In­dians, and others, which gaue vs great suspicion. By this meanes the Neatherlands Gouernour, & Councell of Amboyna, were moued to haue speciall regard, and looke narrowly vnto all things, seeing that it might bee thence clearly gathered, that something might be plotted against the State in Amboyna, and that the Indians (of themselues) durst not offer to vn­dertake any such great designe, without some F great helpe of some of Europe, either of Spaniards, Portugalls, or some other; and also, they vnderstood, [Page 4] that they of Loho, Cambello, &c. had great secret G correspondence with the English Merchants. When things were in such a state in Amboyna, there came forth, and was wonderfully discouered, in February 1623. a horrible conspiracie, against the Castle, and Person of the Dutch Gouernour, and the whole state of Amboyna: and first, by the apprehension of a cer­taine Iaponian (a complice of the feate) who at an vnseasonable time was often seene vpon the wall of the Castle, where he also ouer-curiously enquired of the most vnskilfull and sillyest souldiers, tou­ching, the setting, and change of the Watch, and what number of people might bee in the Castle, and many other things. Whereupon, in the very act, the sayd Iaponian was apprehended, and being examined of many circumstances, hee confessed, that the Iaponian souldiers vnder our seruice, had decreed to make themselues Masters of the Castle, and that they should haue sett vpon this by the helpe of the Eng­lish, who had sollicited them vnto it; and that hee, with all the other Iaponians in the English house, of­ten times within three moneths before-going, had conferred with the English (whome he there named, by their names) touching the manner, whereby they should bring this treachery to passe. Hereupon it came to passe, that all the Iaponian souldiers which were in our seruice, were disarmed, and imprisoned, and by examination of them all, it appeared playn­ly, by an orderly and ioynt-confession, that all the said Iaponians, vpon the intreaty of Gabriel Towerson, and other English Merchants, and Officers agreed to assist the said English; to betray the Castle, and to [Page 5] giue it ouer into the English Power: and that Gabriell Towerson, and Abel Price (an English Chirurgion) and other English, dealt often with them, (whom hee na­med by their names) of the way and meanes, how they should worke it; the sayd Abel Prince being be­fore imprisoned, for a foule, and execrable fact, and yet remayning in durance.

And although it appeared sufficiently to the Go­uernour, and Councell of Amboyna, out of the confes­sion of the Iaponians, what the sayd Gabriel Towerson with his Merchants, and other complices, had be­fore resolued to do, and that the Councel had suffi­cient information to imprison them all; yet the Ge­ner all Councell would not precipitate, but comman­ded the said Abel Price, (who was in prison) to come before the Councell, and (after the places, persons, and time, nominated to him, where, and when hee had dealt with the Iaponians, and other English, about the said treachery) it was also from him well vn­derstood, how hee (in the name, and by the com­mand of Gabriell Towerson) and another Iaponian, (who was then also in prison) had perswaded all the Iaponians, to consent to this villany, and that conse­quently the said Towerson as the first Authour, and all the other English Merchants, (being in the Forraigne Cantore of the Prouince of Amboyna) had also know­l [...]dge of the sayd treachery.

Vpon this full and vniforme examination, and con­fession of 12. persons, as well of the 11. Iaponians, as one Engl [...]sh, is the said Gabriell Towerson called to the Councell; and there appearing, the sayd Towerson called together all his people vnto the Castle, vpon [Page 6] the request of the Generall Councell, who were there taken, and imprisoned, except the said Gabriel To­werson himselfe, to whom (vpon his request) and in regard of his quality, being chiefe merchant in Am­boyna, in the name of the English Company; his owne house was allotted him for his safe keeping, and forth comming. And the said prisoners were all lawful­ly and orderly examined, and it appeared by them ioyntly, according to their owne confession (euery one hauing vnderwritten it with his owne hand) as followeth.

Gabriel Towerson, about New yeares day 1623. H hauing with him almost all the English Merchants of the Forraigne Cantore in Amboyna, he assembled them in his chamber, and propounded to them, that he had something of great moment, to impart vnto them, (which hee alone could not effect) vnder the fidelity of an oath to bee taken before, for the keeping se­cret thereof, and being trusty therein; saying, It is necessary so to bee: for if the thing should come a­broad, which I shall make knowne vnto you, it will cost all our liues. Whereupon the holy Gospell was produced, vpon which, euery one who was present, did sweare secrecy and fidelity, as was required. Then Towerson (after a preface) opened to the con­spirators, how hee had a way and meanes to make himself Master of the Castle of Amboyna. And wheras some present made it difficult to doe, being too I weake for it: the said Towerson answered, That he had already won to his purpose the Iaponian soul­diers who were in the Castle, and that they should execute his purpose when the Dutch, who were in [Page 7] the Castle, were in their greatest weakenesse: and worst prouided, or (vnawares) when the Gou [...]rnour should bee absent, about some exploit; and that they should waite till some English ships, or ship, were in Amboyna▪ whose people hee might employ in this attempt; as also, when as all other the English Merchants, and slaues of the Forraigne Cantore in Amboyna, should bee sent for to the Castle. And said further, That hee knew how to get men enow, and they should leaue this to his care, and themselues do their best; and that they of Loho should also come to helpe him with certaine Corrercorens, &c. vpon which inducements, all that were present swore to assist Towerson herin. And concerning the manner of execution, the sayd Towerson had prescribed to the Iaponians, which were in the Castle, that they should send to euery point of the Bulwarkes, two men, and the rest in the court attend the Gouernour, and to murder him, and that at the signe which should be giuen by the English, they should make themselues Masters of euery point of the bulwarke, and kill all who should resist, and imprison the rest; and fur­ther should take, and diuide betweene themselues, and the Iaponians, the goods of the Dutch East-Indian Company; except a 1000. rialls of 8. which euery Iapo­nian should haue before, and that they should kill the citizens who would not consent with them, and do them all the mischeife they could. And touching K the time, hee had not yet certainely set it, but that there should suddenly bee another assembly of the conspirators, when Gabriel Towerson would giue order for all things, and giue a signe to the Ia­ponians, [Page 8] whereupon, when they shewed it, they should begin the worke within.

The sayd Gabriel Towerson being asked in particu­lar, L what moued him to such a wicked fact; hee an­swered, the desire of Honour, and Profit. Being fur­ther demanded, who should enioy that Honour and Profit, and for whome hee would haue taken the Castle: he answered, That if he did obtayne his desire, hee sh [...]uld presently haue aduertised those of his Nation being in Batauia, and called for their helpe, who if they had sent him succour, hee would haue kept the Castle for his owne company (viz: for the English East-Indian Company) and if not, he would haue held it for himselfe, and haue endeuoured a peace with the Indians, that so by the one mea­nes or the other, hee might attayne his purpose. After the examination of Towerson was ended, the M Dutch Gouernour in Amboyna vpbrayded Towerson of his cruell intent, and asked, if this should haue beene the recompence of the manifould honours, and kind­nesses hee had done vnto him. Whereto Towerson answered with a deepe sigh, Oh, if it were to bee be­gun, it should not be done. This voluntary confessi­on, and penitent acknowledgement, with much sor­row, was made the 9. of March, being the day when the execution should haue beene done; but the exa­mination of Towerson was ended the 18. of February, so many dayes before. This is the substance of the confessions of 10. Iaponians, of 14. En [...]lish▪ and of a Neatherlandish Merinho, or Captaine of the Slaues; who all confirmed these their confessions with their owne hands.

[Page 9]What crime this intended prodition was, is hence very manifest, and vndoubted: what punish­ment is due to treachery, according to the law and customes of all nations, is also well knowne: no true Christian man will patronage any such horrible at­tempt, but will adiudge it worthy of death, as it was determined vpon the complices of this conspira­cy, according to order of iustice, as there in Amboy­na it is exercised (according to desert) by the Go­uernour and Councell, in the name of the High and Mighty Lords, the States.

Here you haue (Sir) the very substance of the truth, both of the fact and punishment; other than which, many things are spread abroad in England, but vpon what pretence, or intendement, I know not; let the matter it selfe speake for it selfe.

The first point, which is obiected against this iu­stice Obiect. 1. done in Amboyna, is concerning the procee­dings; N which are said to bee holden without forma­lity, and with extreamity, against these conspirators: Your Worship (and each reasonable man) knoweth, that euery land hath their lawes, and ordinances, and their particular manner of proceedings, as well in Ciuill as in Criminall causes. England hath hers. France, Spayne, Dutchland, Netherland, and all other Kingdomes and Gouernments haue also theirs, which are iust & lawfull to euery one in their dominion; so that, when any man will iudge of the equity or iniu­stice of a proceeding vsed in any land, hee must exa­mine the same according to the lawes and custo­mes of that Kingdome or dominion, where the iu­stice and proceedings were holden. These procee­dings [Page 10] were holden by the Netherlandish Gouernor, in the name of the illustirons Lords the States, hauing su­preame power, many yeares since in the Yles of Am­boyna, which were conquered (in the name of the said Lords the Staes) from the Spaniards, or Portu­galls, who held that Castle in the name of the King of Spaine, our hereditary enemy; therefore they are now possessed in the name of the Lords the States, and are vnder their dominion, by a iust and lawfull title of warre, according to the law of Nations. There, (a­mong other things) iustice is administred according to the lawes of the Netherlands, in that manner as was vsed in the proceedings against these conspira­tors. I know that the lawes of England are diuers from ours in criminall cases, yea, & from all the Na­tions in Europe: howbeit therefore, no man hath any ground of reason to say, that the proceedings of the Engl [...]sh Iudges (holden in England) against delin­quents, are not legitimate, though the said English proceedings doe vary in the manner, from the proceedings of France, Spayne &c. where other custo­mes are: for that is lawfull, which agreeth with the lawes of that land where the fact is committed. Now then the Iaponian souldiers, being in the ser­vice of the Netherlands Company in Amboyna, are discouered to haue conspired against the Castle and the Gou [...]rnment there, vnder whose oath & pay they were, they were apprehended, and examined, and conuicted of the said conspiracy. This proceeding is lawfull, and toucheth no man, because the said Ia­ponians knew no other Master than the Netherlan­ders, vnder whose oath, seruice, and pay they stand. [Page 11] All these Iaponian conspirators with the said Merin­cho, a Captayne of the Netherlands Slaues, confessed with one mo [...]th, that they were moued and induced to this conspiracy, by the English Merchants resident in Amboyna, whose names they named. Now, not on­ly the right of Netherland, but of England, and of the whole world requireth, that the authors, abettors & complices of murther and treason, should bee pu­nished with death; whereto, according to the com­mon lawes, as also the particular lawes of eue [...]y Kingdome or Dominion, the suspected persons first, and before all, should bee imprisoned▪ not only for preuenting the eff [...]ct of their euill purpose, but that they might also receiue their deserued punish­ment: which apprehe [...]sious, could not ( in that place) bee done by any o [...]her man, than by the command of the Netherlands Gouernor, to whom it belongeth to take care, to see euery act concerning supreame power, to be there obserued, & specially (al other rea­sons O ceasing) the highest English Officers there, could not apprehend these English conspirators, because all the chiefe of the English Merchants in Amboy­na were themselues of the conspiracy, and com­plices of the fact, vpon which the apprehension was made. Therefore the apprehension of the English complices, must bee done by the Dutch Gouernour, who therefore hath therein proceeded according to the custome of all Nations of the world. And P that these apprehensions may bee holden more law­full, it appeareth out of the written processe, that the said English complices were not imprisoned vpon the first suspitions and grosse euidences, which [Page 12] were had against them, but then at last, when all the Iaponian souldiers were taken, examined, and con­uicted, and had discouered by the vniforme con­fession of all the 11. the names and sur-names of such English as had perswaded and hyred them to this fact; of which English, one (viz. Abel Price Barber) was before apprehended (as an Incendiary) for bur­ning and violence done vpon other houses, who also was first examined, and first confessed (as the other 11. Iaponians) that he (by name, Gabriel Tower­son) and other English Merchants, whom hee named by their names, had suborned the said Iaponian souldiers, and that all the English Merchants in the Forraigne Cantores in Amboyna, had knowledge of this conspiracy, &c. So that it may be seene, out of that which went before, that the Dutch Gouernour dealt no otherwise in the apprehension, & examina­tion of the English, than according to his place, and power, and that with great discretion, according to the lawes of these Vnited Prouinces.

The second point which is abusiuely dispersed in Obiect. 2. England, against this execution, is, that it is said, that it Q did not appertain to the Netherlanders in Amboyna to imprison the said English, and to proceede against them, or to punish them; but that it did belong to the Councell of defence resident at Iaquetra, consisting half of English, & half of Netherlanders, according to the treaty of the yeare 1619. made betweene his Maiesty and the Lords the States, betweene the two East-India Companyes. That I might the better informe my selfe thereof, I tooke in hand, and perused the generall treaty of 1619. with the explication following ther­vpon; [Page 13] but I professe, that (as I thinke) euery vnder­standing man, (not louing discord) must confesse, that neither in the said treaty, nor in the enlargement, any one article or word could be perceiued, wherby (according [...]o that which is vntruely said in England) either this, or any such thing is ordayned, or decided, by the said treaty, as it ought to haue clearely beene in so great and important a point, as this part of iu­risdiction is. I appeale to all wise men, who I desire may iudge of this, whether this speech of some in England (to wit, that the said Councell of defence should (alone) haue iudged these conspirators) bee agreable to the said treaty, or contrary to the same. I finde many arguments for my negatiue o­pinion, to wit, that before the treaty of 1619. the Dutch in Amboyna administred iurisdiction, and iu­dicature, vpon all and euery one who dwelt in or vnder the iurisdiction of the Castle, as well inha­bitants as strangers, without difference; and that in this said treaty, the Dutch, with the English Mer­chants, made onely a league in the matter of com­merce and negotiation of Nutmegs, Mace, Cloues, and Pepper, in some quarters, without hauing any further treaty, or communication in the land; so that with­out the bounds of this common negotiation, eue­ry one remained free, and vn-hyndered in the land by the right and possession which either Company enioyed and exercised seuerally; according as the same appeareth out of the 23. article of the treaty: where it is expressly said; That Castles, and Forts shall remayne in their hands who at present doe possesse them: And out of the ▪13. 14. 15. articles of the trea­ty, [Page 14] all may see, that this common Councell of De­fence hath no more power, saue onely ouer the fel­lowship of the treaty, that is, ouer the Nauy of de­fence in the Sea, to the defence of the common Merchandize, and liberty of commerce; and lastly, to taxe the charges for the prouision of munition in the Forts: neither can any other thing be sincere­ly collected out of the said treaty, so farre as I can conceiue. Therefore this second point is found to be vntrue and abusiue, being not founded vpon the said treaty, which treaty (notwithstanding) ought to bee the onely rule, both of the one and the other Company.

Finally, it is giuen out in England, that in the exa­mination R of the Conspirators there was excesse in the Netherlands Iudges, in the point of Torture I ac­knowledge, that no argument or pretext against the iustice of this execution, hath more mooued mee in the beginning, than this pretence of excesse aforefaid, because this stirreth Christian compassion; although I also iudge, that wise men will not suffer themselues to bee too much transported thereby, before the true reasons doe fully appeare, which should moue vs thereunto. For, I well remember yet, that in the time of former mistakings in the In­dyes, many things were pretended on both parts, vpon which, there were great outcries one either side, which yet, by due examination, were found to be (though faire, yet) false pretexts of some ill-wil­lers, and men desirous to wrangle: which pretences being throughly sifted by the High and much ad­mired wisdome of his Maiesty, and the Lords the [Page 15] States, were well discouered [...]o be no such matters as they were made: as it is also vndoub [...]edly to be be­leeued, that his Maiesty, and the States, will yet fur­ther doe in this affaire; and so the cause of the Dutch Company may bee (in the carriage hereof) rightly iustified. Of which I vnderstand that the Lords the States haue speciall regard, and that they haue beene throughly informed, what is the very truth of the things there past, and of the execution in Amboyna vpon the English Conspirators. Vnto which end the Lords the States resolued to see and peruse all the papers and letters, touching the said pro [...]eedings: And now thereupon men speake farre otherwise than heretofore; for pretences, and cauills (being once detected) cannot stand with truth. And it doth plainly appeare, that there is little truth in the matter of torture, reported to bee most cruelly inslic­ted vpon these English Conspirators, as in England it is said. And I haue euer suspected this for a slan­der: for I know the Dutch Nation doth naturally abhorre this kinde of cruelty, and are as much moo­ued to commiseration, as any other people. But whether these euill minded men, who haue scatte­red this great slander in England, and haue so fowly defaced a iust cause, haue done it by occasion of our vse of tortures in these lands, in some weighty causes, according to the custome of the most domi­nions of Europe; I cannot iudge. But is that to bee censured and iudged [...] bee vniust of the whole world, which is repugnant to the l [...]wes of England, (or any one Nation) where tor [...]ure is rarely vsed? Nothing so; but the iustice or iniustice of a cause, [Page 16] must bee (as aforesaid) determined, according to the lawes where it is done, and not of other lands. If this were not so, why then should not the whole world much more iudge that as a hard, and a thing vnheard (and therfore condemnable) which in some cases is vsed in England, according to the lawes there, when they proceed against some guilty per­son; who being once and againe asked of the Iudge, and vtterly refusing to bee legally tried, is adiud­ged as dumbe, that is, by contumacy, whose con­demnation then accordingly followeth, that hee is laid vpon a table, or planke, and another planke vpon him, and so much weight of stone or lead laid vpon him, that his body is miserably bruised, and so pres­sed violently to death. The which, according to the confession of all nations, (especially, because this kinde of iustice is not vsed in other lands) and by the English writers, is iudged to bee one of the most sharpe and seuere kindes of death, that can bee inuented; yet cannot such an execution bee cal­led cruell and vnlawfull when it is done in England, because it is done according to the lawes of that land, though strangers shall iudge otherwise of it. And in like manner the English nation cannot com­plaine of the torture which euill willers say, was vsed vpon these English Conspirators in Amboyna, because it is done according to the lawes of this Go­uernment, and is not vnusuall in cases of treason, nei­ther with vs, nor (almost) any Nation in Europe. And for England it selfe, it is well knowne (and his most excellent Maiesty doth acknowledge by his owne Princely pen) that the Rack, & the Manicles, are [Page 17] the on [...]ly tortures, that are exercised vpon Tray­tors, to force them to confesse, (without concealement) what they knowe to bee dangerous to the State.

And to say the [...]ruth, wi [...]hout taking parts, the Eng­lish Conspirators being a [...]ronted with the vniforme and written confessions of the 11. Iaponians (their Compli [...]s) which could conuince them sufficient­ly, according to the lawes, and fr [...]de them guilty of the same conspi [...]acy, and consequen [...]ly of death: if now, notwithst [...]nding this, they had persisted in the sto [...]t deniall of the fact, were not this, (to speake according to the manner in England) enough to iudge them dumb by con [...]umacy, and so to esteeme them worthy of this sore p [...]nishment of pressing to death, as is aforesaid? But this torture of ours (if any in Amboyna were so tortured) is to bee iud­ged farre lesse, than that pressing, where the male­factor doth suffer such extreame misery as cannot bee imagined, and which is not to bee lenifyed or cased at all, but ended by death. But to the suffi­cient satisfaction of my self, and your Worship, and all men, a [...]d not to speake according to the sen­tence, and conscience of others; I haue vsed all di­ligence to get into my hands the written Processe, con cerning the Conspirators in Amboyna, which I ob­tained authentically, and read carefully, and I finde, that all, that is by mee aboue said, is confer­med, to wit, That the Iaponian Complices were ex­amined, and made their confession as aforesaid, for 3. dayes, viz. the 23. 24. 25. of February, 1623. and that all this being don [...], and consummated before, then at last, is Gabriel Towerson, first with the rest of [Page 18] the English Complices, imprisoned, the said 25. of February, when their examination, and confession began, and continued diuers dayes, without ouer­hasting, till the 3. of March. And the said examina­tions and confessions being so finished, the Nether­lands Gouernour, and Councell, deliberated whether the punishment might bee deferred to any long time, or referred to any other place; but it was so concluded, by ioynt consent of all, that the said punishment (there deserued) must bee executed in the same place, for example, and that it could not (in any wise) bee delaied without extreame danger, for reasons there related; and among others, be­cause the Ternatanes, & Indians about Amboyna, had otherwise than they were wont, rebelled; neither could it bee fully knowne, what great confederacy these Conspirators had made with them, and others. And touching any extraordinary, and cruell [...]or­ture, I haue accuratly ouerlooked euery ones con­fession, but I finde not one word in any one, which maketh any mention of such torture, as is vniustly spoken of in England; nay, scarce finde any men­tion of that ordinary torture, which is in vse, saue onely these words, in one act of the 25. February, 1623 viz. The Councell being gathered together, haue thought meete, that all the English should be presently examined one after another (as accordingly it was instantly done) and some of them, before any torture; others, after a little (or rather a touch) of it, confessed as followeth. Vnto which, followeth presently, the particular con­fession of each one, subscribed with his owne hand, as aforesaid. So that hence it is manifest, that no ex­traordinary [Page 19] torture was vsed, in such manner as is giuen-out there, by those that wish vs euill; nay, that those few that felt any, were onely touched (not punished) with ordinary torture.

And thus your Worship hath the vpright, and im­partiall S truth of this businesse, touching the whole passage as it proceeded, and the punishment, as it was inflicted; from which, some English were exemp­ted by fauour, that the English goods should not be lost, according as order hath beene giuen to that end: And I finde that the sentence was giuen the 9. of March, 1623. by a competent assembly of 14. Iud­ges; who, (as it appeareth in the sentence) in the doing thereof, did ( before) earnestly call vpon the name of the Lord, that hee would please to be presi­dent and predominant in euery one of their hearts, in this their sorrowfull assembly; and that hee would inspire them onely with that which might bee iud­ged to bee expedient and iust, &c. So that out of all that is aboue said, nothing else can appeare, but that this businesse was managed lawfully, and or­derly, by men of honesty and conscience, against such as had vndertaken against the State, against the wealth and aduantage of this East-India Company, the liues of their Officers there placed, against the estate and welfare of many, who had little deserued, and as little expected, such wickednes from their friend­ly confederates in the same society of Marchants, there resident with them.

And now (considering the premisses) I hope it shall bee farre from euery Christian in any wise to protect or excuse this wicked fact, but rather to [Page 20] mourne and g [...]ieue (as wee doe) for this conspiracy, and for the euill, the conspirators haue so deserued­ly drawne vpon their owne heads; and to honour them, who in iustice haue punished villany, accor­ding to the due merit thereof; for wee all know, that without IVSTICE, without reward of that which is Good, and punishment of that which is Euill, no society of mankinde can consist.

And of this information, (which I send in loue, and honour, to your Worship, as vnto a louer of Truth, and a hater of Treachery) you may make such vse, as to yo [...] shall seeme good, in any place where you come, both for refutation of any thing already reported contrary thereunto, and for preuention of any further false rumors, or clamors; and finally, for propagation of that vndoubted truth, which here (to my b [...]st) I haue endeauoured to discouer. And if you shall meete with any thing of worth, which can be truly auowed, to bee contradictory vnto any thing I haue written, I desire to vnderstand it from you, and you to suspend your wise and impartiall iudgement, till I haue cleared it vnto you. TRVTH remaineth euer the same. So I commend you to the God of truth, desiring him to giue vs mindes, Not to iudge accor­ding to outward appearance, but to iudge with a righte­ous iudgement.

From my Lodging, Iuly 23. 1624.

AN ANSWER TO THE DUTCH RE­LATION, TOVCHING THE PRE­tended Conspiracie of the ENGLISH at AMBOYNA in the Indies.

THE Compiler of this relation, perceiuing that hee had an hard taske, to make it probable, that eighteen Englishmen, Mer­chants and their seruants, all vnarmed, should, with the helpe and assistance of tenne Iapons, likewise vnarmed, vndertake the surprize of a Ca­stle, so prouided euery way, as that of Amboyna, is before in the relation of the English truely descri­bed to bee: as also the same Author, well weighing that albeit all that he was to write, of this pretended Conspiracie, should bee taken for true, yet the fact would seeme very poore to beare so rigorous a pu­nishment in persons of that qualitie, and of that rela­tion to those that inflicted it; prouides more skilfully than fairely, for both these points in the preamble of this relation: To this end, he [...]akes and heapes toge­ther all the iealousies and dangers that the Dutch [Page 2] had in the Indies: yea and more than they truely had, at or about the time of the pretended conspiracy, and applyes them all to the suspicion of this busines: as if all their enemies were likely to conspire [...]ith the English; and therefore the fact, vnder colour whereof th [...]y were condemned and executed, were possible and probable; and as if the state of the time had bin then so dangerous, that euery shadow of con­spiracy was to bee exquisitely enquired of, and the l [...]ast off [...]ce to be seu [...]rely punished. Wherefore al­ [...] this be no direct charge of the English, but vs [...]d by the Author to supply the want of probabili­ [...]ies in the processe it selfe, it will not be amisse to ex­amine the seuerall circumstances, and how far they may yeeld any suspicion against the said English.

Now this Author taketh the maine grounds of this s [...]spicion of some great plot against the Prouince of Amboyna, from the vnwonted boldnesse and inso­lencies, A of the Ternatans; first in the Moluccoes, and then in Amboyna. For those in the Moluccoes, h [...] saith, they had lately before the pretended con­spiracy of the English, gone about, contrary to the Treatie, Anno 1606. betweene them and the Dutch, to make peace with the King of Tedore, and truc [...] with the Spaniard, without the consent or know­ledge of them, the Dutch: which how honestly and conscionably it is alleadged to this purpose, may ap­peare by the Iournalls of those parts; which eui­dently sh [...]w, that this Treatie betweene those of [...] and Tedore, was in Nouember, 1621. [...]hat is to say, fifteene moneths before this forged conspiracie; and that with the knowledge of [...], the Gouernour of the Dutch, who, vpon [Page 3] the 19. of Nouember the yeare aforesaid, acquainted M. Nichols the Agent of the English in those parts, with the preparations of this Treatie, which was a­ctually holden at Ternata the 24. of the same month. But the matter was so well handled by the Dutch, to keepe those neighbour Islands in perpetuall warre, that the Treatie was dissolued re infectâ, And the seuenth of December following, an Edict was pub­lished by the King of Ternata, commanding all the Tedorians forthwith to depart the Island of Terna­ta, vpon paine to be made slaues. After this, the cor­respondence betweene the Dutch and Ternatans in the Moluccoes, returned into as firme state as euer; the Ternatans performing daily exploits against the Spaniards, and communicating the triumph with the Dutch: As the seuenteenth of Februarie 1622. be­ing a full yeare before the feined treason of the Eng­lish, the King of Ternata, with twentie Curricurries, tooke a Spanish Galley, slew fortie in fight, and tooke 150. prisoners, whom they sold to the Dutch for Cloth and Rice: and comming by the Hollanders Castle of Maalaïo, the eighteenth of the same mo­neth, with the heads of diuers Spaniards at his Stern, the Dutch saluted him from their said Castle with nine shot of great Ordnance. The 25. of Aprill fol­lowing, the Admirall of the King of Ternata tooke a Prow of the Spaniards, slew some, and sold the rest to the Dutch. The 28. of the same moneth, both Dutch and English were feasted by the King of Ter­na. The 22. of May next ensuing, the king of Terna­ta went forth to Machian with sixe Curricurries, and at his departure was honoured with thirty shot of great Ordnance from the Dutch Castle. The 15. of [Page 4] Iune the Admirall of the king of Ternata made a voyage towards Mindanow, carrying diuerse of the Dutch with him to assist him. The third of Iuly the Ternatanes tooke other prisoners, and sold them to the Dutch. The 24. of August the king of Ternata made one Vogler a Dutch Merchant, his Treasurer; at whose instalment in his new office, the Dutch gaue seuen great shot from the Castle. And this good cor­respondence, betweene the Ternatans and the Dutch in the Moluccoes, continued euen vntill, and after the execution of the English at Amboyna: which was (as hath beene shewed) in February 1623. new stile. Vpon the 14. of which moneth, the Dutch gaue the king of Ternata, and other Blacks, two hundred Bailes of Iapan Rice, with other presents: at the de­liuerie whereof, there were shot off from the Castle seuen peeces of Ordnance, and three Vollies of small shot. By all which may appeare, how sincerely this Author applyeth the diffidence betweene the Dutch and the king of Ternata, which was now none at all, to this businesse of Amboyna.

The next point is, that the Ternatans in the Mo­luccoes B went about also to make truce with the Spa­niards, without consen [...] or knowledge of the Dutch: wherein this dealing of the Author is worse than the former. For this Treatie of truce appeareth by the Iournalls to haue beene holden the 19. of Iuly 1623. which was fiue moneths after the execution of the English at Amboyna, and so came too late to mo [...]e suspicion against them.

And yet this pretended feare and iealousie of the C Moluccoes is f [...]rther [...] by the strength of the Spaniard, beeing then (as this Author affirmeth) Ma­ster [Page 5] of the sea there, and that by default of the Eng­lish; who, contrary to the treaty of the yeer 1619. had deserted the defense, and sent no more ships, nei­ther to the Moluccoes, nor to the Manilliaes: whence now the Spaniards had means to send Ships, Gallies, and Pinaces, to the Moluccoes. What the strength of the Spaniard in the Moluccoes (by sea) was, at the time of this pretended feare, may appeare by the ex­ploits before-mentioned, done vpon them by the Cur [...]curries of the Ternatans, without help of the Hollanders. But for the default of the English, which is heer odiously alledged, it will bee requisite to set downe the true causes wherefore the English relin­quished the action of defense, aswel at the Manilliaes, as elsewhere; being a matter much aggrauated vpon all occasions by the Holl [...]ders, albeit themselues haue giuen the cause thereof. Wherefore shortly, the true motiues of the English, their desisting from the action of defense, were as followeth. The English had, by agreement of the Councell of defense, two yeers together maintained a Fleet of fiue tall & war­like ships, to ioine with the like strength of the Hol­landers, for the action of the Manilliaes, and the pro­fit of the voyage (as the charge) to bee common to both Companies. The Dutch prepared another Fleet of seuen shippes, all of their owne, for Ma [...]ao, bordering vpon Chyna, neer the Manilliaes, without giuing knowledge thereof to the English at Iaccatra, vntill their Fleet was ready to depa [...]t thence; well knowing, that vpon such warning it would b [...] impo [...] ­sible for the English to prepare a like force [...]o ioy [...]e with them. To those they appointed also [...] [...] ­naces th [...] were then abroad, to ioin; a [...]d [...] [Page 6] sent another ship with prouisions vnto them. This Fleet passing by two of the English ships, which were appointed for that quarter of the Manilliaes; the En­glish welcomed them, and offered to ioyn with them in their exploit: which the Dutch refused, saying, That this being an exploit of their owne, the English should neither participate of the fact, nor of the be­nefit that might arise thereby. Likewise, by agree­ment of the Councell of defense of both Nations, there was another Fleet of ten shippes set forth at the equall charge of the English and Dutch, for the coast of Mallabar, to secure the trade in that part. Of the Dutch ships (about a moneth after they set saile) two were found to bee so weak and leak, that they were fain to returne to Iaccatra. The rest being come to their quarter, two of the best of the Dutch ships were sent away by the Dutch Admirall, for the red sea; contrary to their instructions and commission at Iac­catra from the Councel of defense, and notwithstan­standing the protestations, obtestations, and excla­mations of the English against this preuarication. So that foure Caracks of the Portugals comming that way, the rest of the Fleet of the English and Dutch being thus weakned by the default of the four Dutch ships aforesaid; the fairest oportunity that euer hap­ned either before or since the joyning of the English and Dutch Companies, or is euer likely to offer it selfe in the future, was lost and vtterly defeated. By this it appeareth, what cause the Dutch haue to com­plaine of the English for deserting the action of de­fense, and what reason and encouragement the Eng­lish haue to continue the joint action and charge with [...] that vse so little sincerity, euer contriuing the [Page 7] common actions and charge to their priuate aduan­tage; that when the joynt forces are imploied to giue the enemie work in one part, they (the Hollanders) might with ease oppresse them in another, and appro­priate the whole benefit to themselues.

The next suspicion that this Author gathereth, is D from the insolencies of the Ternatans of Amboyna, dwelling at Loho and Cambello, and thereabouts; who (as this Author saith) presumed now beyond former example, to outrage the subjects of the Dutch, slaying them, and carrying them away for slaues, yea burning two of their houses, one at Loho, & another at Manichells: for which when the Gouernor went out with a Fleet to craue justice and reparation, hee was braued by the Te [...]natans with a stronger Fleet than his owne; yea, they threatned to come with an hundred Curricurries against Amboyna.

This dealing of the Author is like the former about the treaty of peace with the Tedorians, & truce with the Spaniards. For when the Gouernor of Amboyna set forth the last Fleet of Curricurries before the ap­prehension of the English, he stood in good tearmes with the Ternatans at Loho; neither of the Factories heer mentioned beeing then burnt or injured. The Gouernor then went onely, according to his yeerly custome, to visit the skirts and out-parts of Amboy­na, and had no affront offered him. After that, vpon occafion of a slaue of the English that ran away, and being afterwards laid hold on, was rescued by a re­puted holy man of or neer that part; the English cra­ued assistance of the Dutch Gouernor, who did his best, but was therein abused by those of Loho; and not onely some of his men outraged, but the English [Page 8] Factor M. Beomont (to whom this slaue belonged) was way-laid by the people of the said holy man: and, in stead of him, one of the seruants of the Dutch was slain between Cambello and Loho. The next day also, was Beomont himself assailed, and shot in the hand by the same holy mans people, who also a little before did their best to kill William Grigs, another of the English Factors, that finding the said slaue at Loho, laid hold on him there. Vpon this occasion, both the English and Dutch left their Factorie at Lo­ho, which was shortly after burnt by those Terna­tans. That other, touching the burning of the Facto­rie at Manichells; is more grossely applyed than the former; for that Factorie was burnt after the English were apprehended: besides that, this Author dissem­bleth that there was a vehement and common suspi­cion at Amboyna, that this Factorie at Manichells was burnt, not by the Ternatans, but by the Dutch Factor himself, who, being there alone, was said to haue first conueied away the goods of the Dutch and the English there for his owne vse, and then to haue burnt the Factorie; laying the fact vpon the Terna­tans.

After this indeed, the Gouernour of Amboyna made out a Fleete of Curricurries, to procure repara­tion of those excesses; and therein not going so strong as he might, was braued by those Ternatans of Amboyna. But this was after the apprehension and execution of the English; and so is as honestly appli­ed to moue suspicion in this place, as the ioint quarrel of the English and Dutch with those of Loho, begin­ning vpon occasion of the English; & as the burning of the Factorie at Manichells, done after the Eng­lish [Page 9] were apprehended and imprisoned. As for the threats of the Ternatans here mentioned, that they would come with 100. Curricurries against Amboy­na, it is (for ought any of the English euer heard) a meere fiction; at most, it was a vaine bragge, and such as could not affright the Gouernour, that knoweth well that the Ternatans haue no gun-powder, nor o­ther prouisions, for such an exploit; and yet are farre behinde the Gouernour of Amboyna for number of Curricurries, besides the Dutch ships and Castles.

The next cause of suspicion, this Author makes to E be an idle report in the East parts beyond Banda (vn­certain which, or by whom) that the Hollanders were alreadie quit of their Castle at Amboyna. A poore pretence, and not worthy to bee answered; yet still further discouering what penurie of good matter this Author had, that he was faine to borrow such crazie stuffe.

But the last, and that which alone is expresly appli­ed F to the English, is, That about this time the Dutch vnderstood that those of Loho and Cambello held great and secret correspondence with the English. How did the Dutch vnderstand this? or why doth not this Author expresse the particular proofe, in a matter so pertinent? It is true, the English had their Factories at Loho and Cambello; but in the same houses with the Dutch, and for their ioint accompt, and had trafficke with the countrey-people, as the Dutch had: but what secret correspondence is this? or what danger to the Dutch? Was the burning of the Factories, which belonged to the English as well as to the Dutch, a note of good intelligence between the English and the Incendianies? What was that for [Page 10] correspondencie with those of Loho, when at one time they way-layed M. Beomont to kill him, and at another time shot him in the hand with an Arrow, of­fered to kill William Griggs, and from time to time a­bused and outraged our people, equally with, and as the Dutch? Further, our people as well as the Dutch, had now dissolued their Factory at Loho, and were come all thence. What letters or messages did they euer send thither afterwards? or how, and by what meanes maintained they this correspondence? Yet this was vnderstood, saith this Relation. How vn­derstood? Perhaps by the Gouernors dreames: for that (as he afterwards told M. Welden, Hill, and Cart­wright, that came thither from Banda) was a motiue to him to examine the first Iapon, which was the be­ginning of the whole processe.

The Author hauing thus quit himselfe in this pre­face, G proceedeth to the matter it selfe, first setting downe the occasion and maner of the discouerie of this pretended plot, and then the confessions of the Iapons and of the English: but he maketh no menti­on of any torture vsed vpon the Iapons that first con­fessed, nor of any other indicium or presumption to torture or examine that Iapon; but only his curious questioning touching the setting and changing of the Watch, and of the number of the Souldiers in the Castle: which, what sufficient indi [...]ium and cause it was to torture a Souldier of their owne, that seruing them, had reason to desire to vnderstand the course of their Watches, and the strength of the ayde he might expect, if anie sudden attempt should happen in his quarter; is easily to be iudged. And how this poore man, and the rest of his countrymen were tortured, [Page 11] appeareth in the English relation. Here also is con­cealed, by what maner and kinde of questions, this and the other Iapons were ledde along in their con­fessions, to make vp the plot iust as the Dutch had de­uised it: as also, what other answers they made, be­fore they were thus directed. That they, and the Eng­lish both, confessed what the Dutch would haue them, is no doubt nor wonder, being so tormented and feared with torture; etiam innocentes cogit men­t [...]ridolor. But what likelyhood or possibilitie there is of the truth of their confessions (if yet they confes­sed as is here related) may appear by that which hath beene alreadie discoursed in this poin [...], towards the end of the English relation; which for breuitie sake is here forborne to be repeated: yet some circum­stances, which the Dutch Relation hath more than the English, deserue here to be examined. And first, that of Abel Price the English Barber, who is made the messenger & negotiator of this practice with the Iapons. It is true, that hee (and hee alone of all the English) had some kinde of conuersation with some of the Iapons; that is, he would dice and drinke with them, as he likewise did with other Blacks, and with the Dutch also. But is it credible, that M. Towerson would commit anie thing of moment, nay, so dange­rous a matter as this, to a drunken debauched sot, who also (as the English that were there, constantly re­port) threatned to cut his, the said Towersons, throat, for that he had punished him for his misdemeanors? Further, this Relation maketh this Abel Price con­fesse, that all the English Merchants in the out-Facto­ries, were priuie and accessarie to this pretended trea­son: Yet the Gouernour and Fiscall in their owne [Page 12] processe found Iohn Powle, Ephraim Ramsey, and two others, guiltlesse.

After Price his confession, he sets downe the gene­rall H substance of all the confessions in one body; where first hauing assigned Master Towerson a pre­face to the rest, to induce them to the exploit, he tells vs; that they made doubt of the point of possibility, (as well they might) knowing the weaknesse of their owne part, and impregnable strength of the Dutch, in comparison of theirs: for satisfaction of which their doubt, he saith, M. Towerson told him that he had already won the Iapons within the Castle to his pur­pose, and that he would attempt this matter; not when the Dutch were at their full strength, and the English at the weakest, but would expect till the Go­uernour should bee some where abroad vpon some exploit, and some English ships, or ship at least, at Amboyna; the people whereof he would vse in the enterprize: Likewise, he would send for the Factors and slaues of the other Factories, and should haue a supply from the Ternatans of Loho, of certaine Curricurries, &c.

Here he hath inrolled a goodly armie for this acti­on; I but let vs see the manner how they should haue executed their exploit: and first for the Iapons in the Castle, wee must beleeue, if this Author or his voucher say true, that Master Towerson had acquain­ted those, and wonne them to his plot, before he had imparted it to his owne countrey-men the English. And yet in the acts of the processe, Emanuel Tomson is recorded to haue confessed, that eight dayes after the consultation, Master Towerson told him, that hee had then sent out Iohnson and Price to treate with the [Page 13] Iapons, and winne their consent to this enterprise. But what should these (being all but ten) haue done? Marrie (saith the relation by and by) Master Tower­son had ordeined, that eight of them should haue been bestowed, by two in a company, vpon the foure points of the Castle, to kill all those that should re­sist them, and to take the rest prisoners. It must bee (therefore) here imagined, that the Dutch and their Mardikers in their Castle, being three or 4. hundred, would scorne to take the aduantage ofse [...]ding fortie or fiftie; much more of an intire company, to any point of the Castle, but would combate with the Iapons at euen hand by two at a time, and so giue the Iapons leaue and respit to kill or take them by two, and by two. A sweet conceit, and such a ser­uice as perhaps hath beene sometimes represented vpon a stage, but neuer acted in surprise of a Castle in good earnest.

Thus we see how eight of the Iapons were to bee imployed; what should the other two haue done? forsooth they should haue waited in the great cham­ber to murther the Gouernor. Yea, but this relati­on told vs yer while, that this plot should haue beene executed when the Gouernor was abroad vpon some action. How then should these two Iapons haue kil­led him in the Castle, at the same time? But wee see how all the Iapons (that is) all the pretended partie of the English within the Castle, should haue beene occupyed. Who should haue opened the gates to the English, and their other aydes? who should haue killed the Court of guard at the gate? These parts were left for them that were without: therefore let vs take a reuiew of them, what they were. The rela­tion [Page 14] mustereth them to be fourteene English, where­of eleuen were Merchants; one Steward of the house, one Taylor, and one Barber, to dresse the wounded, besides God knowes how many English shippers, slaues, and Ternatans. First, for the English Mer­chants, of what dexteritie they are to take Forts, is easily iudged; and in all the English house when it was seized by the Dutch, vpon this pretended trea­son, the whole prouision was but three swords, two hand-guns, and about halfe a pound of powder. Yea but the English ship or ships would haue brought both fitter men and better prouision. But how knew Master Towerson that those of the English ships, when they came, would ioyne with him in this worke be­ing so contrary to the Treatie, and it selfe so dange­rous? or why did he not stay the opening of the plot till this ship or ships were come, that he might sweare the shippers also, or at least the chiefe Officers a­mongst them, and take their aduice? Is it possible that Master Towerson was so slight, as to open his plot to all the English at Amboyna, yea to the Taylor and Barber, so long before it was to be put in executi­on, and before he knew the minds of his chiefest as­sistants, of whose arriuall he was so incertaine? Yea, but he was sure of the slaues of the English, and of the Ternatans of Loho, with their Curricurries in quemlibet euentum. This indeed is the remainder of the Armie; let vs view them. The slaues were, in all the English Factories, iust sixe in number, and all boyes: The Ternatans were enemies aswell to the English as to the Dutch▪ as is before shewed in an­swer to the preface. When were they reconciled? how commeth it, that in all the examinations of the Eng­lish, [Page 15] this point was not sifted, and somewhat confes­sed of it amidst so many tortures? There is no con­fession thereof in all the examinations; and M. Tow­erson in his expresly denied it, and was pressed no fur­ther. The truth is, the Gouernor and Fiscall of Am­boyna knew, that what-euer had been confessed in this point, would not haue been beleeued by their owne people there; who knew well enough, that the first beginning of this breach between the Dutch & Ternatans at Loho, was about the slaue of the Eng­lish: and the outrages thereupon following, were done vpon the English, aswell as vpon the Dutch. Yet this Author seems to hope, that that may be be­leeued heer in Europe, w ^ch had no colour at Amboyna.

Concerning the time of executing this plot, it was K not (as the relation saith) yet prefixed, but left to the next meeting of the conspirators, which should bee shortly holden, wh [...]n Gabriel Towerson had prepared all things, &c. H [...]r was certainly a hot practice of treason, and worthy to be tearmed by this Authour, An horrible conspiracy. They met together on New yeers day, and plotted as is before related: and now it was th [...] [...]ue and twentith of February, and not on­ly nothing done all this Interim, but not so much as a new consultation. But this ( [...]orsooth) is the body and substance of the vnanimous confession of all the English, by themselues seuerally subscribed. In the L next place the Author relateth somewhat singular in M. Towerson▪s confession; as that he said, he was mo­ued to this fact by hope and desire of honour & pro­fit: and being demanded from whom hee attended this honour, and for whom [...]e meant to hold the Ca­stle, his answer was, That if he could hau [...] compassed [Page 16] his project he would forthwith haue giuen aduertise­ment thereof to the rest of his nation at Iaccatra (which now they haue christianed Batauia), and haue craued their aid: which if they had yeelded him▪ then hee would haue held the Castle for the English Company; and if not, then hee would haue kept it for himselfe, and haue vsed meanes to haue agreed with the Indians; and so, by the one means or other, would haue compassed the enterprise.

Heer first is to be obserued, that hee would not (as this Author makes him speake) haue sent for aid to Iaccatra, vntill hee were first Master of the Castle: and yet in the generall confession before, it is said, he would attend the coming of some English shippes or ship, before hee would aduenture vpon the Castle. Next, let the ambiguous and alternatiue resolution, heer said to be confessed by M. Towerson, be conside­red in both the parts thereof, and it will appear, that no man in his wits would haue any such conceit as is heer pretended. What hope could M. Towerson haue, that the President and English Councell at Iaccatra, liuing vnder command of the Dutch Fort there, and altogether subject to the Hollanders, durst joine in a­ny such action, thereby to giue occasion to the Hol­landers to arrest, torture, and condemn them of trea­son? M. Towerson knew well enough, that about six moneths before, the Generall of the Dutch at Iacca­tra, had caught at a very slight occasion to entrap the English President there: who hauing sent out two of his people in the night to the English Cow-house, to see what watch the Blacks in their seruice kept ouer their [...] ▪ the [...]aid two English were apprehended by the D [...]tch [...], kept in prison seuen dayes, [Page 17] and charged, that they had said that they went the Round: and one of them, being last examined, was told by the Balieu (the officer of the Dutch in crimi­nall causes), that his fellow had confessed, that they had said they went the Round, and that by the Eng­lish Presidents commission; and if he would not con­fesse the same, he should be tortured: but the fellow, being constant in the truth, came off at last without torture. yet this was Item enough to the English Pre­sident and Councell, how the intent of the Dutch was to entrap them vpon the least occasion: and this, and other daily captious dealings of the Dutch at Iaccatra, which were too long heer to recite, were all aduertised from time to time to M. Towerson, who therefore was sure he could expect no assistance from them, that were themselues in such a predicament. The other part of M. Towerson's resolution is said to haue been, To keep the Castle for himself, and to a­gree with the Indians, in default of help from the English. This is yet more improbable than the for­mer. Were the Portugals and Indians not able to keep out the Dutch from Amboyna, when they had no footing there; and shall Captaine Towerson, with twenty or thirty English and Iapons, without Ship or Pinace, be able, with the help only of the poor na­ked Indians, to driue them out, hauiug already three Ca [...]tles in the Ilands of Amboyna, and at Cambello hard by, all well furnished with men and prouision, besides their power of shipping, which makes them stile themselues Lords of the sea? And yet how could M. Towerson hope to winne the Amboynezes (the Hollanders sworn subjects) to his side? He might rather assure himself, that after hee had mastered the [Page 18] Hollanders (if yet that must be beleeued to be possi­ble), the Amboynezes would haue surprised him, and cast him out (beeing so weakly prouided to stand of himselfe), that so they might vtterly free themselues from their seruitude. Heer also must be remembred, that this Author himselfe in his preamble faith, that the Indians themselues durst not vndertake any such great designe (as he there feineth) against the State of Amboyna, without some great aid of some▪ Nation of Europe, either of Spaniards, Portugals, or some other. Whereby is not onely confessed, how weak the Indians of themselues are; but withall it follow­eth, how small hope M. Towerson might haue, being deserted of his owne Nation (as heer the case is put), to hold the Castle for himselfe by the help of those Indians, if yet hee could once haue wonne it. In a word; they that knowe the power of the Hollanders in Amboyna and thereabou [...]s, and the weaknesse of the poore Indians there, will judge this conceit of M. Towerson's (To keep the Castle for himselfe) to bee a mad plot; and for which, M. Towerson should rather haue been sent to Bedlam, or the Dullen Kist (as the Dutch call it), than to the Gallows.

But this Author hath one voluntary confession, M vpon which he taketh speciall hold; to weet, that M. Towerson, after his examination was finished, beeing expostulated withall by the Dutch Gouernour, and demanded whether this should haue been the recom­pense of his (the Gouernor's) manifold courtesies towards him; answered with a deep sigh, Oh! were this matter now to doe, it should neuer bee done. ‘This voluntary confession and penitent acknow­ledgement, saith this Author, was made the ninth [Page 19] of March, being the day when the execution was to be done: but the examination of Towerson was ended the eight and twentith of February, so many daies before.’ But how shall we beleeue this? For­sooth, hee hath it out of the Acts of the Processe of Amboyna. Yea, but in these Acts are omitted many materiall passages of these examinations, as is already shewed: why may they not then be guilty of additi­on, aswell as of such mutilation and omission? But let vs peruse the words of the Act i [...] selfe, which are these:

Thus we see the Act it selfe, and this pretended vo­luntarie confession of M. Towerson; which is not de­liuered [Page 20] vpon the credite of the Court or Councell at Amboyna (and yet how small that is, is before she­wed) but vpon the Attestation or Affidauit of the Gouernour and fiue others, the principall actors in this bloody Tragedie: And this not vpon their oath, but vpon their troth, or honest word (forsooth) in stead of an oath. The time when these words were vttered by M. Towerson, is not described by the day when he spake them, but only by the precedent Act of his examination. And yet the circumstance of time is not only an vsuall and customary solennity, and requisite in all such Attestations; but also in a businesse of this nature altogether necessarie: as like­wise in this case, that of the place was. For if these words were spoken in the place of torture, or incon­tinently after the examination ended, they are by their owne law, esteemed no more voluntarie, than the confession vpon the Racke it selfe. Neyther yet doth this Attestation affirme, that this confession was voluntarie. But this Author, vnconscionably repor­ting the date of the Attestation, for the time of the confession, collects it to be voluntary, because (as he saith) it was made the ninth of March, being so many dayes after his examination, which was taken the 28. of February. Can a man attest nothing but what was done vpon the very day when he maketh Affidauit? The Attestation saith, that these words were spoken by M. Towerson after he had bin alreadie examined. Why may not that haue been rather vpon the very day of his examination, than vpon the day when this Act was entred; if yet he euer spake anie such words, or meant them, as he is here interpreted? the contra­rie [Page 21] whereof is the more probable by all the circum­stances of this businesse, truely set downe in the Rela­tion of the English.

But in that this Author makes so much of this poor circumstance, of M. Towersons profession of sorrow for what was done, naming it a voluntarie confessi­on; it is plain how destitute he was of voluntary con­fessions, and of all true and concluding circumstan­ces. What? was there not a letter or other paper, to be found in all the Chests and Boxes of the English, so suddenly seised at Amboyna, Larica, Hitto, and Cambello, to discouer this treason? nor amongst so manie complices of diuerse nations, a false brother to betray the rest, and accuse them voluntarily; but the processe must begin with the torture, & the Heathens confession vpon torture, be sufficient to bring Chri­stians to torture? the debauched and notoriously in­famous persons (such as Price was) to draw torture vpon the sober, orderly, and vnstained? And yet this Relation it selfe confesseth, that Price's confession was drawne from him by the Examiners specifying of place, persons, and time vnto him. Certainly one Demonstra­tion to the Lords States, touching the gouernment of the Ma­iores. of their owne Nation had reason to aduise, that more Aduocates might be sent ouer to the Indies, to ayde the accused, to make a legal answer; For, saith he, they goe to worke there so villanously and murtherously, that the blood of the poore people cryeth to heauen for vengeance.

But why haue we no particular of any mans con­fession, but this of Price; and M. Towerson and all the rest blended together in one body? Did none of all the rest go [...] than his fellowes, or [...] more [...]han they? Where is Sharrocks confession, that hee [Page 22] was at Amboyna vpon New-yeares day, when tenne or twelue of the Dutch themselues witnessed he was at Hitto? Where is his confession of Clarkes plot to goe to Maccassar, to deale with the Spaniards there, to come and rob the small Factories? Where is Collins confession of another plot, about two moneths and a halfe before his examination, vndertaken by Tomson, Iohnson, Price, Browne, Fardo, and himselfe? Where be the leading Interrogatories, that directed them to the accusation framed by the Dutch, lest otherwise there had beene as many seuerall treasons confessed, as per­sons examined? Not a word of all this, nor of a great deale more of this kinde, which is here in England proued by the oath of sixe credible persons, to haue passed in the examinations. Wherby appeareth, how faithfully the Dutch at Amboyna haue entred the Acts of this processe. Well, at last hee concludes the narration of the confessions, with the summing vp of the number and nations of the parties, that had thus confessed; which, he saith, were ten Iapons, foure­teene English, and the Neatherlandish Marnicho, or Captaine of the Slaues. By which last words, hee would giue the Reader occ [...]sion to thinke, that the fact was so cleere, and their owne proceeding so euen and iust, that they had executed one of their owne Neatherlanders for it. Which how true it is▪ is alrea­dy declared in the conclusio [...] of the English Relati­on. The truth is, this Captaine of the Sla [...] [...]es was of the Portugall race, and borne in Be [...]gala. His verie name, Augustine Perez, sheweth, he wa [...] no N [...]ther­lander.

Hauing thus [...] this relation, this Authour N [Page 23] proceedeth to a disputation: and taking notice of some aspersions in England cast vpon these procee­dings at Amboyna, he diuideth them into two heads; the one, that the processe was without its due forma­litie; the other, that there was excesse and extremiti [...] vsed against the Conspirators. For the point of for­malitie, he first taketh great paines to prooue, that the formalities of processe in Amboyna, are not there­fore vnlawfull, because they agree not with our forme in England. Which labour he might haue spa­red: for no wise man will deny him this point. And such as shall be so ignorant as to blame the Dutch for varying from vs herein, were not worthy the an­swering. Herewithall also hee deduceth the title of the Lords States generall to the Soueraigntie of Am­boyna; and so the Gouernour of Amboynaes iuris­diction, in causes as well criminall as ciuill, to bee rightly grounded. Thence he concludes, tha [...] the Ia­pons being sworne seruants to the Dutch, and [...] their pay, were subiect to the iurisdiction of the Dutch Gouernor. Then hee telleth vs, that the Au­thor, and complices of murther and treason, are by the lawes of all nations to be punished with d [...]ath; all which points may bee grant [...]d him witho [...] any preiudice to the cause of the English in this que­stion.

At last he comes in partic [...]lar to the [...] case, and a [...] ­firms, O that the chiefe of the English there mig [...] ▪ not apprehend the English complices of this conspiracy, because themselues were complices of th [...] f [...]ct. All which also may be gran [...]d in t [...]is po [...] of [...], [...] [Page 24] in the point of cognisance, shall bee anon in due place examined.

In the meane time, this Author, to make the point P of apprehension cleere beyond exception, saith, that the English were not apprehended vpon the first sus­picion, when yet there was euidence, and indicia sufficient to doe it; but after the examination of all the Iapons and their ioynt confession, that the Eng­lish, whom they specified by name and surname, had moued aud hired them to this treason: yea, not vntill Abel Price had also confessed as much, and that all the English in the out Factories were priuie thereun­to. For answer hereof, that must be repeated which hath beene vpon other occasions before alleadged; that the first beginning of the processe, was by the torture, there being no sufficienteuidence or indicium to torture the Iapon, that onely sought to enforme himselfe of the course of the Watch, and of the strength of the Castle, wherein himselfe was a soul­dier: and so the whole Series of the examination proceeding from the confession of one tortured per­son, to apprehend and torture another, without other euidence; though it brought forth more confessions, and those with name and surname, and other cir­cumstances, according as the Interrogatories (or ra­ther directories) of the Gouernour and Fiscall led the prisoners, was wholly against the forme and rule of all lawes of tortures;

But here must be answered an obiection that may be made against this, from anothe [...] part of this relati­on, [Page 25] that is, that some of the English confessed with­out or before torture; yea, this Price here m [...]ntioned, was either not tortured at all, or very lightly. Yea but he was shewed the tortured bodies of the poore Iapons, martyred with fire and water, and told, that vnlesse he would confesse that which they told him they had first confessed, he should be tortured as ill, or worse than they. This feare of torture is by their owne law, equalled to the torture it selfe, and con­sequently, the confession thereupon made no better indicium or euidence to bring another man to the torture, than the confession made vpon the racke it selfe. Againe, it must be here remembred, that the very matter of Price his confession here mentioned, to wit, that all the English Merchants of the out Fa­ctories, were priuie to the pretended treason; was re­futed by the processe of the Dutch themselues, that found Powle, Ramsey, and two others of those Facto­ries guiltlesse.

Next, this Author taketh notice of an obiection Q made in England against the iurisdiction of the Dutch Gouernor, and his Councell at Amboyna, ouer the English there; because this power is, by the Treatie of the yeere, 1619. disposed of, and agreed to consist in the Councell of defence of both nati­ons at Iaccatra. For information in which point this Author saith, he hath perused ouer all the seuerall articles of the said Treatie, and findeth in the 23. article, that the Fortresses were to remaine in the hands of them that then possessed them; and in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth, that the Coun­cell of defence hath no other power, but onely ouer the Fleet of defence, ouer the commerce, and final­ly, [Page 26] to taxe the charges of maintenance of the Forts: But he could not see the thirtieth article; which or­ders, that all disputes that cannot be decided by the Councell of defence, should bee remitted into Eu­rop [...]; first, to the two companies there, and in de­fault of their agreement, to the King and States. Why then was not this dispute so proceeded in? There is nothing in the former articles, to limit the Councell of defence; and this generall article ap­peareth to bee added by way of ampliation, to pro­uide for that which was not particularly and expres­ly [...]ared for in the former. Which is most plaine by the words of the explanation vpon this thirtith arti­cle, agreed vpon at the first, and subscribed by the Commissioners on both sides, An. 1619. where this course of proceeding is expresly directed, not only in disputes about the meaning of the Articles, but also about any other matter hapning in their common a­boad. Since w ^ch aso the Kings Maiestie hath, vpon a smaller occasion than the life of his Subiects, cleerly declared himself in the point of Soueraignty; That both nations in the Indies should wholly lay aside all pretence thereof. Which declaration was sent to the Lords States Generall, and by them accepted before this bloody butchery was executed. But if it were granted, that the Hollanders are absolute Lords of their partners the English in those parts, without respect to the Treatie, yet at least the Hollanders in Amboyna are bound to obserue the Lawes of the vnited Prouinces; for so saith this Author himselfe. Doe these allow to begin the processe at the tor­ture, and to bring persons of honest fame to the racke, vpon others confession made in the torture? [Page 27] Doe their lawes allow of the leading interroga­tories aboue mentioned, to direct the prisoner what to say, to auoide the torture? Where, in the vnited Prouinces, is that drowning with water, in vse? or the torture with fire, vsed to Iohnson, Tomson, and Clarke? or especially the splitting of their toes, and launcing of the breast, and putting in gun-powder, and then firing the same, whereby the body is not left intire, neither for innocency, nor execution? Clarke and Tomson were both faine to be carried to their execu­tion, though they were tortured many dayes before.

Lastly, their confessions were contradictorie, ap­parantly false, and of things impossible to bee done, much lesse practised before by the said parties; and therefore ought not by their law to haue been belee­ued, nor the prisoners to haue beene condemned thereupon, without other sufficient indicia or eui­dence besides.

In the last place, this Author handleth the excesse R of torture whereof (hee taketh notice) there is much complaint in England; and saith, That the Lords States generall take great care to enforme themselues of all the passages of this businesse; and to that end haue desired to see all the letters, peeces, and papers that concerne this processe: by which it appeareth not, that there was any cruell torture vsed. But suppose the acts make no mention of them; is it any maruell that the Authours of this murtherous and tyrannous processe, being themselues the per­sons that also formed the acts, would omit those things that made against them? It is to be presumed also, that the acts kept by their people at Poloway in Banda, haue omitted many things of their pro­cesse, [Page 28] against the poore Polaroones, whom in Au­gust, 1622. being about sixe moneths before this ex­ecution of the English, their Gouernor there vsed in like sort, as the Gouernor of Amboyna did the English, and gaue him a modell and precedent of this processe; which it will not bee amisse to relate briefly, because this Authour, in the next place, al­leadgeth the mercifull disposition of the Nether­lands nation in generall; to inferre thence, that it is therefore vnlikely, that their Gouernour at Am­boyna was so cruell as is reported in England.

Polaroon, one of the Islands of Banda, was in pos­session of the English at the time of the treaty, Anno 1619. and by the agreement was to remaine theirs. After the treaty came vnto the Indies, the Hollanders forbare publishing thereof in the Ilands of Banda, vntill they had taken Polaroon. But, knowing that it must be restored again, according to the treaty, they first take all courses to make the Iland little or no­thing worth: they demolish & deface the Buildings, transplant the Nutmeg-trees, plucking them vp by the roots, and carrying them into their owne Ilands of Nera and of Poloway, there to bee planted for themselues; and at last finde a means to dispeople the Iland, and to leaue it so, as the English might make no vse of it, worth their charge of keeping; and that vpon this occasion: There was a yong man, the son of an Orankey, or a▪ Gentleman in Polaroon, that had committed felony; for which, by the Lawes of his Country, he was to die. This fellow, to saue his life, [...]ed to another Iland of Banda, called Rofinging, and there turned Christian: but quickly vnderstanding, that that would not make him safe from punishment, [Page 29] hee went back secretly to his owne Countrey of Po­laroon; and, hauing lurked there a few daies, tooke his passage for N [...]ra, another Iland where the Dutch haue a Fort; and told the Dutch Gouernor, that the Orankeys of Polaroon had conspired to massacre the Dutch, as well at Polaroon, as at Poloway, with help of the people of Seran, that should send▪ ouer thirti [...] Curricurries for that purpose. Immediately vpon this indicium of this malefactor, certaine Prows or Fisher-boats of the Polaroons, that were fishing at Poloway, were seized, and the people made priso­ners. Command was sent by the Dutch Gouernor to Polaroon, that the Orankeys should come ouer to him, that there might be further inquisition made of this matter. The Priest of the Polaroons and seuenty Orankeys instantly took a Prow or small vessell of their owne, and imbarked themselues for Poloway. As they were at sea, and yet out of the sight of the Dutch Castle, they were met by a Fisher-boat of Bandanezes, and told, how all the rest were appre­hended; and that, if they went to Poloway, they were all but dead men. Neuerthelesse, the Priest and the rest, although they had space and means to haue esca­ped to Seran and other places safe enough from the Hollanders, yet were so confident of their innocency, that they would needs to Poloway to purge them­selues. Where, as soon as they were arriued, they were instantly carried prisoners to the Castle: and withall the Gouernor, with a force of two hundred men, went presently for Polaroon; whence hee fe [...] ­ched all the rest of the Orankeys, and bro [...]ght them prisoners to the same Castle. As soone as they were comne, they were presently brought to the torture of [Page 30] water and fire, euen in the same sort as our people were afterwards at Amboyna; onely heerein diffe­ring, that of those at Poloway, two were so tortured, that they died in their tortures: the rest, beeing one hundred sixty two persons, were all, vpon their own forced confessions, condemned and executed. The Priest, when he came to the place of execution, spake these words in the Mallaian Tongue: All yee, great and small, rich and poor, black and white, look to it: we haue committed no fault. And when hee would haue spoken more, he was taken by the hands & feet, laid along, & cut in two by the middle with a sword. Forthwith, the Gouernor caused the wiues, children, and slaues of those of Polaroon, to be all carried out of the Iland, and distributed in other Ilands subject to the Dutch; and so haue made a cleer Country for the English; where they may both plant and gather themselues, destitute of the help of any of the Coun­trey-people; without whom, neither the English nor Hollanders can maintaine their trade in the Indies. And yet this is not heer recited, to the end thereby to charge the Neatherlands Nation with those cruell proceedings, but the persons themselues that haue committed those barbarous tyrannies: Who, if wee Nootwendich discourse, printed ann. 1622. vnder the name of Ymant van Waarmond. shall beleeue an Author of their owne, are not of the best of that Nation. For the Maiores (as this Author sayes) vse the Indies as a Tucht house or Bridewell, to manage their vnruly & vnthrifty children & kindred; whom when they cannot rule & order at home, they send to the Indies, where they are preferred to offices and places of gouernement. Yea, saith he, they prefer such to be Fiscals there, as neuer saw studie nor law. So that it is no maruell, that such persons proceed [Page 31] not with that iustice and moderation as is vsed gene­rally in the Low Countries, by the choyce of the Na­tion there. And this agreeth well with the report of our Merchants of credite, that came lately from Am­boyna; who auerre, that, excepting the Gouernour himselfe, who is well stept in yeares, of the rest of the Councell there, as well the Fiscall as others, there was scarce anie that had haire on their faces, yea, that most of them are lewd drunken debauched persons; and yet must be Iudges aswell of our English, as the poor Indians there.

Now to returne to this Authors proofes, that there was no excesse vsed in the proceedings; at the last he taketh one argument by way of comparison, from the Law of England to presse men to death: which he saith, hath much more cruelty than their course of torture, vsed by the Dutch in Amboyna, and is holden, as well by some authors of our owne nation as others, for damnable. How pertinently is this matter of Pressing alleaged, for iustifying of their tortures, since no man in England is pressed for not confessing, which is the cause of torture in Dutch­land? But the cause why any is pressed, is, for that he obstinately refuseth the tryall of his countrey, and challengeth the Iudges as incompetent, which the Law appointeth him: which hee doth (for the most part) to saue his goods, which, but by that ordinarie course of tryall, cannot be confiscate. What is this to the point of confession, for refusall whereof, the Dutch vse the Torture? And yet no man blameth them for proceeding according to the Law of their countrey herein; nor yet in their execution, when they breake the legges, armes and thighes of the ma­lefactors, [Page 32] and then set them vpon a wheele on the end of a great pole, there to languish to death: an execu­tion farre more direfull than the English pressing, which is so suddenly done, and so seldome vsed. But why doth he not name the Author of our owne or foraine Writers, which condemne this kinde of exe­cution? Let him do it yet, and he shall haue moe Au­thors of his owne Countrey, that condemne their course of tortures: and yet the English complain not of the course in generall, but of the vnlawfull vse of it; contrary to the rules of the Lawes euen of the v­nited Prouinces. Lastly, in this point the Author pretendeth, that little or no torture was vsed in this Processe. What the torture was, and in what degree, appears in the English Relation: but he can find little or none mentioned in the Acts. What if he will not find it? or what if their Officers of Amboyna haue conceal'd it? shall we not beleeue those that suffred it themselues? shall we not beleeue those, that beeing themselues acquitted, yet heard the cryes, and saw the bodies of Iohnson, Clarke, and Tomson, and haue con­firmed their relation by their corporall oathes? As for the Act of the fiue & twentith of February, which this Authour hath here transcribed; it cannot be a true Act: for therein it is said, that that day all the English were examined one by one, and some before torture, and some after confessed the fact. Whereas it appeareth not onely by the English Relation, but by this very Author in the precedent page, that they were not all examined the same fiue and twentith day of February; but that the examination continued six daies together, euen to the third of March inclusiue. How then could the Act of the fiue and twentith of [Page 33] February haue all their confessions? By this may ap­peare, what credit may be giuen to these Acts, or else to this Author. Here also by the way he tels vs of the deliberation of their Councell; whether the punish­ment of the fact might be respited, or the cause remo­ued: wherein it was resolued, that execution must needs be done in the place of the delict, for example sake; and might not bee respited, for feare lest the conspirators (as hee tearmes them) might haue moe dependances than yet were knowne; and in particu­lar, the Ternatans and other Indians about Amboy­na. A poore pretext: as if, hauing all the English in irons aboard their seuerall ships, they should need to fear their joyning with the Ternatans. But it may be, they feared some English ships also to come thither: for so they had made their owne people beleeue. And therefore, two ships being descried at sea, the Dutch and their free Burghers cried out, That there were the English that should haue holpeh to take the Castle: but when they arriued, they proued to bee two shippes of the Hollanders come from Iaccatra; wherein was a Letter from the President of the Eng­lish there, to call away Captain Towerson and all the English from Amboyna to Iaccatra. Which Letter was opened and read by the Dutch Gouernor, while our people were yet in prison, and not executed; and might well haue secured him, that there was no fur­ther danger to bee feared of the English aids of ship­ping, what-euer the English prisoners had through torture confessed.

At last the Author comes to the sentence it selfe, transcribing out of the Acts of the ninth of March, That the Colledge of Iudges being then competent, [Page 34] and calling vpon the name of the Lord to assist the [...] in this mournfull assembly, to preside in their hearts, and inspire them with equity and iustice; proceeded to sentence, &c. Who knoweth not, but the Act may be thus formed, and yet no prayer at all made? or if there were any such prayer, yet the proceedings well weighed, will shew it to be but like Iezabels Fast, the preparatiue to the false iudgement against Naboth. Neyther will the wise and indiff [...]rent Iudges of this whole matter, conceiue the better of the cause, for the hypocriticall formalities therein obserued.

Last of all, he concludes his treatise with a iustifi­cation, S yea an Elogie and commendation of the whole proceedings of the Dutch at Amboyna a­gainst the English; not finding the least to be blamed in the Dutch, but aggrauating the crime of the Eng­lish very ridiculously, because (forsooth) that this plot amongst other things, was against the great meanes of the Netherlands East India company: as if a con­spiracy to rob them, (if any such had beene) must needs bee treason; [...]r as if the intent onely in any crime but treason, were capitall.

Thus haue we examined this strained iustification of that most barbarous and execrable processe of Amboyna; consisting of a preamble, full of false and forged suspicions; a narration of the fact, fraught with ridiculous absurdities, contrarieties, and impos­sibilities, and of a dispute of impertinences, with concealement of the maine grounds of the English griefs. All which verifieth that of Papinian, That Par­ricides are more easily committed than defended.