AN AVNCIENT Hiſtorie …

AN AVNCIENT Historie and exquisite Chronicle of the-Romanes warres, both Ciuile and Foren.

Written in Greeke by the noble Orator and Histo­riographer. Appian of Alexandria, one of the learned Counsell to the most mightie Emperoures, Traiane and Adriane.

In the which is declared:

  • Their greedy desire to conquere others.
  • Their mortall malice to destroy themselues.
  • Their seeking of matters to make warre abroade.
  • Their picking of quarels to fall out at home.
  • All the degrees of Sedition, and all the effects of Ambition.
  • A firme determination of Fate, thorowe all the changes of Fortune.
  • And finally, an euident demonstration, That peoples rule must giue place, and Princes power preuayle.

With a continuation, bicause that parte of Appian is not extant, from the death of Sextus Pompeius, second sonne to Pompey the Great, till the ouerthrow of Antonie and Cleo­patra, after the vvhich time, Octauianus Caesar, had the Lordship of all, alone.

[...]

JMPRINTED AT LONDON by Henrie Bynniman.

Anno. 1578.

[coat of arms or blazon]

¶ TO THE RIGHT HONO­rable, his singular good Mayster, Sir [...] Christopher Hatton, Knight, Ca­pitaine of the Queenes Maiesties Garde, Vicechamberlaine to hir Highnesse, and one of hir Maiesties most honou­rable priuie Counsayle.

WHAT care the almightie King of Heauen hathe, of the Princes and States of the earthe, though sacred Scripture did not teache vs, Pro­phane doctrine might instruct vs.

Homer shevveth, that God thro­vveth his shielde in the vvarre, to defende the Prince from harme, and that he appoynteth to euerye gouernour, a peculiar God for his protection.

Hovv God plagueth them that conspire againste theyr Prince, this Historie declareth at the full. For of all them, that coniured against Caius Caesar, not one did escape violent death. The vvhich this Author hathe a pleasure to declare, bycause he vvould affray all men from disloyaltie tovvard their Soueraigne.

The greatest seruice that men can doe, is to saue theyr Countrey from daunger. The Romanes gaue him a crovvne that saued one Citizen. Then hovv many crovvnes deser­ueth he, that helpeth to saue a number?

They vsed to make a coyne for his commendation, vvith this inscription: The Senate and people of Rome for Citizens saued.

Cicero vvas called, Father of the Countrey, bycause hee [Page] kept it from decay. All they that in theyr consultations, do seeke the like benefite to their Countrey, doe deserue the like revvard and prayse, and in the testimonie of good mēs hearts, they are sure to haue it.

Then seeyng this Authoures onely purpose is, to extoll the princely rule, and to procure the safetie of the people, I haue presumed to make a presente of hym to youre Ho­noure, that you being in case to do the like good, maye re­ceyue the same triumph of your desert.

Hovv vvorthy the VVryter is to be redde, I referre it to the vvitnesse of one vvorthy The reuerend father in God T. C. Bishop of Lincolne, in his booke entitu­led Thesau­rus linguae Latinae & Britannicae. Prelate of this lāde, vvho (as he sayd of Plato) shal suffice for a multitude. Further, vvith the manner of the Authoures vvriting I doe not meane to trouble you, himselfe shall tell your Honour, that such as be in your case, may bring to passe that he desi­reth, to the glory of God, the honour of the Prince, the benefite of the Coun­trey, and renoume of your selfe.

Your Honoures seruaunt most duetifully bounden: H. BINNIMAN.

The Preface of the Authour.

THe Romaine people and the Senate, did many Foure causes [...] of discorde a­mong the Romaines. Holy H [...] dedi­cate to [...]upiter, three myles beyond Rome, ouer the riuer Aniene, novv Tiberone. Creation of the Tribune of the people. Volscians people betvvene Hosti [...] and Circei [...]. times contend, for makyng of Lawes, releasing of debts, deuision of landes, or electiō of officers, yet was there no tumult nor vprore, but onlye discorde and debates in [...]iuill maner, and that was done with great reuerence one to another. The people, on a time hauing bene at warre, and fal­ling into like contention, did not abuse their armour presentlye, but stept aside vnto an hil, which therof was called Holy, where was no violence done, but a creation made of an officer of them­selues, whom they called Tribune of the people, to be a restraint to the Consuls chosen by the Senate, that they shoulde not haue the only rule▪ in the Common wealth. Of this great hatred and variance grew betwéene these officers: the Senate and the peo­ple being deuided for them, and styrred by ambition, sought the M. Coriolanus, the first that rose against his countrey, his name vvas. C. Martius, bycause the Ci­tie of Coriolie, belonging to the Volscians, vvas vvonne chiefly by his meane, he bare the name of the city The Romai­nes had their proper names, as Caius, Quintus, or Marcus, the name of their house, as Martius Valerius, Tullius, and of some fact or figure, as Publicola, Corio­linus, Affricanus one to ouer-rule the other. Martius Coriolanus, in such a contētion beyng vniustly banished, fled to the Volscians, and made warre a­gainst his countrey. This only feate of force, should a man finde among the old strifes, which neuerthelesse was the act of an out­lawe. But in their common metings, was neuer weapon drawn, nor [...]iuill murder done, before Tiberius Gracchus Tribune of the people and a deuiser of the Lawes, did firste perishe in sedition, and many moe with him taken in the Capitol an H [...] vvhere vvas the chiefe palace and temple, so called of a mans heade that vvas found It vvas begunne of Tarquinius Pr [...]scus, & finished by Tarquinius Superbus, but not dedicated. In the foundation Tarquinius spente xl. M. l [...]. vvaight of silver. M Horatius the secōde consul in Brutus place did dedicate it. It vvas burned in Sylla his time, and bu [...]lded againe, and dedicated by Ca [...]ullus, Sylla being deade. Then vvas it burned in V [...]ellius time and restored by V [...]spatian: and also after his death it vvas burned againe and his sonne Do [...]nician [...] builded it, and dedicated it, and made it so sunip­tuous in guilding and trimming of it, is he spente aboue xij. M [...]talentes vpon it, nor for no great holy­nesse, but for his pleasure, for his Galieries and his banquetting houses passed thys. Capitol, were slain about the Temple. Notwithstanding, discorde ceassed not by this dis­grace, euery man being euidently bente against other, bringing many times their weapons, and now one officer, and then an o­ther (by this diuisiō) was dispatched, in the temples, in assemblies and in Courts, the Tribunes, Pretors, or Consuls, eyther prouo­king to it, or working this occasion of it. Uncomely contumely of [Page 2] euery trifle, and foule contempt of law and right, did euer play a part. This euil growing great, manifest insurrections wer made against the state, mightie and fierce armyes were raysed against the countrey, banished mē striuing for restitutiō, or magistrates contending among themselues, for offices at home, or army a­broade. Some there were, in power like princes, and as Monar­kes, made leaders of seditious armies: some would not leaue the army that was deliuered them of the people: some without au­thoritie, would leuie straunge souldiers against their enimies, striuing whether of thē should first get the Citie, in word against the cōtrary factiō, but in déede against y e countrey: for they inua­ded it, as an enemy. Cruell murders were vsed in some, in others proscriptions to deathe, banishments, consiscations, & torments intollerable, so as no kinde of crueltie was left undone, till Corne­lius Sylla, one of the mightie Captaines of rebellion, fifty yeares after Gracchus healing euil with euil, made himselfe a Monarke for a time: the which kinde of officers, they called Dictators, vsed in most daungerous times, and commonly giuen ouer after sixe monethes were ended. But Sylla, being in déede Dictator by force, Dictator, vvas he that ruled a­lone, yet at the battell he might not be on horse­backe. perpetuall, yet in speach pretending to be elected, when he had his fill of that rule alone, was the first man, (as I thinke) that durst fréely giue ouer a Tiranicall power, affirming he woulde aun­swere for his doings, if any woulde accuse him: and in the sighte of all sortes, as a priuate man, many times he went to the com­mon place, and returned home againe without hurte. Suche a feare was there yet of his aucthoritie, in them that beheld hym, or an astonishmente, of the resigning of it, or a reuerence, that hée offered to aunsweare for hys doyngs, or some other cur­tesie and consideration, acknowledging his Tyranny to haue bene profitable to the countrey.

Thus a while sedition ceassed with Sylla, and there was a re­medie of the euils that Sylla had done: but after hym it began a­gaine, Caesar, conque­red Fraunce, passed the floud [...]e [...], and sayled into England. til Caius Caesar, by election sent to gouerne Fraunce, & after a long time being cōmaūded by the Senate to giue ouer, he aun­swered, that it was Pompey his enimie, leading an army in Italy, & [Page 3] repining at his authoritie in Fraunce, that sought to remoue him, & not the Senate. Yet notwithstāding, he propounded cōditions.

That eyther both of them shoulde reteyne their armyes, to a­noyde Caesar offreth conditions. suspition of perill:

Or that Pompey also, should leaue his power, and liue a priuate life according to the lawes.

Obteyning neyther of these, he marched out of Fraunce a­gainst Pompey and his countrey, the which he inuated, and hym, The place vv [...] called [...]harsalia, from the vvhich Pompey fled into Egypt, vvhere he vvas killed of the yong Kings Counsellers. being fledde, he pursued into Thessalie, and ouercame him verye victoriously in a valiant battayle, whom fléeing from thence, hée followed into Egipt, where he was slaine of that countrey men. And when he hadde tarried and set a stay among the princes of Egipt, and ouerthrown his greatest enemy, who for his worthy­nesse in the warres, was surnamed Great, no man nowe being Pompey, for hys valiantnesse, had the name of Megnus, that is Great, giuen vnto him. bolde to do anything against him, he returned to Rome, and was chosen the second Dictator perpetuall after Sylla. Then al sedition ceassed out of hande, tyll Brutus and Cassius, eyther for enuye of his greatnesse, or for zeale of their countrey, kylled him in the Brutus, Cas [...]ius. Senate house, being most accepted to the people, and most expert in gouernement. The people, of all other, most lamented him, & required his strykers to be punished: they burned his body in the common place, where they erected a temple, and sacrifised vnto These attendu­res the Romaines called proscrip­tions, vvhen a decree vvas vvritten to cō ­denme a man vvithout aun­svvere, and ki [...] him vvithout lavv. [...]epid [...]s. Antonius. Octau [...]tes. him as to a God. Then discord reuued and increased so farre, as slaughter, bannishmente, attendures, both of Senate men and Gentlemen followed confusedlye, the seditious of both sides sée­king to sequester his enemye, he cared not howe, not sparing friendes nor brethren. So muche did deadly desire of debate, o­uerwhelme al natural friendship and alliaunce. Yea they wente so farre, as thrée men, y t is to say, Lepidus, Antony, and he that first was called Octauius, (who being of Caesars bloud, and his son by a­doption, toke of him the name of Caesar) did deuide the Romaine Empire, as a priuate possession, after the whiche deuision, falling soone out, as was none other lyke, Octauius, Caesar excéeding them both in wysedome and experience, fyrste berefte Lepidus of Li [...]bia, which fell vnto him by lotte, and then ouerthrew Antonie at Act [...]o a place in [...]pir [...]. The Gulfe of Ionia is from Brun [...]usia to Mont Gargone, the rest is called the Gulfe of Venice. Actio, and toke frō him al y e rule he had [Page 4] from syna to the Duke of Ioma [...] after these most mightie actes, wherewith all men were amased, with hys nauy he wanne E­gipt, the gretest kingdome and of longest continuance, after A­lexanders Egypt. reigne, and only lefte to make the Romaine state as it is, by the which, being yet aliue, he was of the people of Rome Augustus is a name, by the vvhich the Ro­maines did cal their holy things 25. Augusta temple & Auguri [...]m, and vvhatsoe­uer Iupiter en­creaseth by hys mightie povver. The Senate did consult to cal him Ro [...]dus, but this name semed more ho­ly and reuerent, that vvhiles hee vvas aliue, hee might be conse­ [...]rated as a god. called Augustus, and the firste that so had that title. He shewed himselfe to be another Caesar, yea more mightie than Caesar was, as wel touching the subication of his owne countrey, as of all o­ther nations, not néeding any election, or forme of creation, to be a pretence to his doings. In continuance of time, being setled in his state, and in all things happy and beloued, he left behind him a succession; and a lynage to raigne likewise after him. Thus the Common welth of the Romaines, after diuerse debates, came to vnitie, and the rule of one. How these things were done, I haue written, gathering the most notable matter, that they that lyste, may sée the vnsatiable ambition of men in gréedy desire of king­dome, ioyned with intollerable paynes, and innumerable kindes of calamities. The which I haue the rather takē in hand, bicause dealing with the Historie of Egipt, and al these things going be­fore and ending there, I was compelled to make rehersal of thē. For by this occasion was Egipte also conquered, when Cleopatra The order of the story, vvhi­che is left out in the Italian tran­slation. VVhen Caesar Octauian had o­uercome Antony and Cleopatra, & made Egipt a prouince to the Empire of Rome, he made one Cornelius Gallus lieftenant there, and in token of the Conquering of that countrey firste by him, hee coyned a money, in the vvhiche vvas the picture of a Crocodile, vvhich is there only to be seene in the floud Nilus, chayned to a palme tree, & trees of Palmes laide ouer him, vvith an inscription. Col. Nem. that is, C [...]lligauit Nemo, signifiyng that hee triumphed of Egipt, sprinkling it vvith deavv instead of rayne, of vvhich there is none. toke parte with Antony. Now bycause of the multitude of mat­ters, I haue deuided them thus. The first shall shewe the thyngs done from Sempronius Gracchus, to Cornelius Sylla. The seconde shall conteine al the actes from that time vnto the death of Caesar. The rest shall declare all the dissention that was betwéene the thrée men, one against an other, and the Citizens of Rome and them, vntill the last and greatest feate of Ciuill force, in the whyche Augustus ouercame Antonie and Cleopatra at Actio, from the which time the Chronicle of Egipt shal take his beginning.

¶ The Hiſtorie of Ap …

The Historie of Appianus Alexandri­nus of the Ciuil dissentions of the Romaines.

The first booke.

WHen the Romaines first conquered Italy, It vvas 500. yeares before the Romaines could conquere Italy. This manner of inhabitants they called Colonies, vvhich vvere taken by lot, as the Greeke vvorde expresseth, vvhich is [...]. whych they did by little & little, they toke part of the land, and buylded new Cities, or sent of their owne people to inhabite the old, that by this meane, they might be sure of the countrey. The grounde that was tilled, eyther they distributed, or sold it, or let it to ferme to the inhabitants. The wast, which by reason of the warre was very much, not ha­uing euer leysure to make diuision of it, they proclaymed in this sort, to them that would manure it.

For the yearely increase of séede grounde, they required the The Romaines order for inha­biting the groūd tenth part.

For the places planted with trées and woode, they would haue a fifth part.

For Cattel eyther great or small, they appointed a tribute ac­cordingly.

Thys they did, for the maintenaunce of the Italian nation, The Romaines make account of the Italian nation. whom they accounted to be men of best seruice, that they might always, in the wars, haue the vse of that were their owne: but it came soone otherwise to passe, for y e rich mē, hauing got y e greater part of the vndeuided lande, prosumed vpon long prescription of time, that no man would molest them, and the poore mens small portions, lying nygh them, either they boughte for a little by per­suasion, or they encroched to them by very violence, and oppres­sion, so as now, in steade of Manour places, they had as it were whole countries: & bycause they would not haue their husbande­men called anye time awaye to the warres, they bought theyr [Page 6] Hynes and Herdes, to laboure the grounds, and would not sette their countrymen to any worke at all: by reason whereof, theyr gaine was incredible, as well for the yearely profit of their pos­sessions, as for the multitude of encrease of those slaues, whyche Increase of slaues. Decay of Ita­lians. were neuer called to y warre. Thus the great mē grew excéeding riche, and euery place was ful of [...]crutle generation: but the Ita­lians fel into decaye and wante of men, and were also oppressed with pouerty, by occasion of their continuall pressing to the war, and dayly exactions put vpon them. And if at any time they were eased of these, they felt a further incōueniēce, for where they had no land of their owne, the rich mē being Lords of al, and they v­sing the labour of bondmen in steade of frée men, the Italians were vtterly corrupted with rest & ydlenes. The people of Rome was much offended herewith, bicause they could not haue such seruice of the Italians, as they had before, and whensoeuer they made a­ny expedition abroade, they were not without daunger, for the great multitude of bondemen at home: they could not tel how to remedy this matter, for it was not easy, nor altogither equal, to thrust them out of possession, that had had so long continuance in their landes and houses, which they had so wel planted and pro­uided. At length wyth much adoe, the Tribunes toke the matter This vvas cal­led Lex Licini [...]. in hand and ordeyned,

That no man should kéepe aboue fiue hundred Acres of lande. An Acre vvas so much ground as a payre of O [...]en could arie in a day, the measure vvhereof 240. foote in length & a 120. in breadth. The measure of a foote vvas 4. handes, and one hand vvas foure fingers, and the measure of a singer, accor­ding to Geome­try, three barely cornes. This is added [...] the Ita­lian translation.

That no man shoulde féede aboue one hundered greate cat­tel.

That no man should féede aboue fiue hundred little cattel.

And for the better obseruation hereof, they appointed a num­ber of fréemen, to marke what was done, and to make declara­tion of the same from time to time.

The law was allowed, the penaltie assigned, and the commis­sioners were sworne, supposing that by this meane, some lande would be lefte, that for a small price, might be awarded to the poore. But regarde was there none, neyther of Lawe nor of the othe, and if some did séeme for manners sake, to obey the lawe, and make a counterfeyte deuision to them neyghboures, the moste parte dyd vtterly contemne the lawe, tyll Tiberius Sem­pronius [Page 7] Gracchus a goodlye noble man, honourable and eloquente, Thys Gracchus vvas sent Pretor to Numantia, vvhere the Cō ­sul Mancinus vvas ouer­throvvne, and seking for peace the Numantines vvould graunt none, excepte Gracchus vvere sent to thē, vvhi­che being done, a peace vvas made, the vvhi­che the Senate did not approue, though xx. M. Citizens vvere saued thereby, beside the sla­ues and rascals, in so much as the consul vvas sent thither a­gaine naked & bounde, but Gracchus, the people praysed that had saued so many Citizēs vpon vvhich occasion he be­came an enemye to the Senate, and a friend to the people. whereby he was more notable than al the other Tribunes, made a solemne oration, in the prayse of the Italian people, lamentyng that so warlike a nation, and of the Romaines alliaunce, shoulde shortly be dispeopled and brought to penurie without all hope of remedy. He inu [...]yed againste the ra [...]e of Slaues, as vnfitte for the warre, and vntrustye to their Lordes: he called to remem­braunce, a fresh affliction in Cicelie, by slauish seruauntes against their maisters, the which had their increase also, by being vsed in countrie businesse, whom the Romaines could not subdue, with­out long and sharpe warre, full of variable and daungerous successe: and hauing spoken to this effecte, hee renewed the law.

That no manne shoulde haue more than fiue hundered A­cres.

That their children should haue halfe so muche: which he ad­ded to the old lawe.

That thrée men chosen and changeable euerye yeare, shoulde make diuision to the poore.

The riche men toke this matter verye grieuouslye. For nowe they coulde not illude the Lawe, as they dyd before, bycause of them that were appointed for the deuision, nor purchase theyr Landes, that hadde theyr partes assigned, for Gracchus hadde prouided for that, forbydding all manner of sale. They assembled togyther in seuerall companies, fyndyng faulte wyth the Lawe. They were in a marueylous disdaine and griefe, that the poore shoulde possesse theyr aunti­ent inheritaunce, their plantings & buildings, and that they shold forgot the purchase of the lands that they had payd for to some of their neyghbours. Others repyned at the losse of their fore­fathers A Syrian slaue in Sicelie after a mad sorte raging vvith a desire to make rebellion, pretended a religion of do­ing honor to the goddesse of Syria, and called bondemen to libertie and ar­mes, and that he might seeme to do that by the vvil of God, he held a nutte in his mouth stuffed vvyth Sulphure, and fire, the vvhich vvhen he spake, did cast forth flames. The olde Romaines did bury in their possessiōs and it vvas long after Christ, ere mē vvere buried in sacred places. Sepultures, conteyned within their groundes, and the p [...]rtitions of theyr portions, lefte of theyr parentes.

Some obiected theyr wyues marriage money, and [Page 8] consumed vppon the same, or the lande of inheritaunce to theyr children: and some declared what debt they were fallen into, by reason of interest, so as there was great disorder, quarelling, and indignation among them.

The poore men on the contrary side, complaine that they were The poore offended. brought from good wealth, to extreme want, and thereby to decay of continuaunce, not being able to bring vp their children. They shewed how many tymes they had bin a warfare to winne thys land, and myght not beare to be be [...]est their publike portiō. They rayled on the riche, that in the steade of frée men, Citizens, and souldiers, they had chosen bonde seruauntes, a generation euer vnfaithfull and stubborne, therfore not fitte for the warre. Thus the one reuiling and vpbrayding the other, the multitude, that ei­ther were of the Romaine foundation, or of their owne gouerne­ment, and al other, that any wayes were partakers of the lande, fearing the losse therof, resorted togither, and were deuided wyth the one or the other, and so being enbolded by number, they wax­ed fierce, stirring rebellion, and abiding til the law should be dis­cussed: the one by no mean to suffer it to preuaile: the other, that it might take place to the vttermost. Both sides were ambitiouslye bent for the sequele of it, and against the appointed day prepared The Latin translation of P. Candidus and the Italian diffe­reth from the Greeke. themselues. Gracchus minde stoode vppon a resolution, not to fur­ther aboundance of riches, but the encrease of men, in procuryng of the which commoditie, he muche magnifyed himselfe, as in a trauell that to Italie could not be of more honor nor importance, the difficultye wherof he did not conceiue. When the day of ma­king Lawes was come, he made a long plausible Preface, and as­ked of them, If it wer right y t publike things shold be deuided in Gracchus talke. common: ‘and if a citizen were to be preferred before a seruant: and if a souldier were more profitable, than he that was vnapt for the war, and a partaker of publike profit more wel willing?’ ‘Not tarying lōg in this comparison, as néedlesse, he streight tur­ned his tale to vtter the hopes and feares of his countrey, that where they had by the warre wonne so muche lande of their ene­mies, and had good hope to get the rest of the earth, they woulde nowe put aim hazarde, whether to conquer al that remayned, by [Page 9] increase of fytte mē, or to lose this through want of their owne, and enuie of their enimies. He set forth the glory and wealth of the one, and the daunger and doubt of the other. He exhorted the rich to regard, if it were not more for their profite to gratifie the people with land to bring vp their childrē, in hope of the wealth to come, than to striue for trifling matters, and to neglect the greater things, they hauing sufficient recompence of their char­ges bestowed, by possession of fiue hundred acres of choyce, frée and certen land, and to euery of their children (if they had anye) halfe so much. After this sort Gracchus speaking much, kindling the pore, and other to, that stoode vpon reason, rather than desire of possession, he commaunded the Clearke to pronounce the law.’ But Marcus Octauius the other Tribune, whome the possessioners M. Octauius re [...]i­steth the lavve. had made to resist, and with the Romaines being euer more able to forbidde, commaunded the Clearke to silence. Then Gracchus greatly blaming him, deferred the Court till the next day, when, hauing prepared a sufficient force to compell Octauius, commaun­ded the Clearke with threates to propound the lawe to the peo­ple: but Octauius forbadde him againe, and put him to silēce. Then the Tribunes fell to chafing one with an other, so as the lawe could take no place for the tumult, wherefore the great men re­quired to committe their difference to the Senate. Gracchus toke Gracchus to the Senate. holde of that offer, thinking euery reasonable man to be wylling with the lawe, & ranne into y Senate house, where being repro­ued of the rich, as among the few chiefe men in The vvord si­gnifyeth the great men, or [...] streight. a straight, hée ranne agayne into the commō place, and sayd he woulde deferre the tryall, till this next dayes assemblie, both for the law, and for the authoritie of Octauius, and whether by order, a Tribune resi­sting the law, mighte reteyne his office: and so he did, at whyche time Octauius nothing abashed, made resistance againe. Where­fore Gracchus put the matter firste to the vayces, and when one company had giuen against Octauius, Gracchus turned to him, and prayed him to leaue his purpose, but he cared not for it, and so they procéeded. There was fiue and thirtie companies, whereof Fiue and thirtie companies [...] Rome. seauentéene had giuen against him with greate furie, and where y eyghtenth should haue determined the matter, Gracchus againe [Page 10] in the sighte of the people, lamentably desired him, that being in that daunger, he woulde not hynder so profitable and honorable an acte to all Italy: nor to withstande so greate desire of the peo­ple Gracchus excu­seth himselfe of the depriuation of his fellovv. whyche he ought to further, béeyng a Tribune: nor to suffer the disgrace of losing hys office. Thus hée spake, and called God to witnesse, that agaynste hys wyll hys fellowe was deposed. But when no persuasion woulde serue, hée made the decrée: Octauius béeyng depriued, he secretely conueyed hymselfe away, Octauius depri­ [...]ed. Q. Mummius chosen. Lavv of landes. Officers for the lavv. Appius Claudius▪ Quintus Mummius was chosen Tribune in his place. The lawe of landes was pronounced, and the firste officers appoynted to sée it executed, was Gracchus hymselfe the lawmaker, and a bro­ther of hys name, and Appius Claudius hys father in lawe. So muche dyd the people feare, that all the laboure of the lawe shoulde bée lost, vnlesse Gracchus and all hys familie hadde the execution of it. Gracchus was maruellously magnifyed for thys lawe, and accompanyed of the people to his house as a preser­uer, not of one Citie or Countrey, but of all the nations of I­taly. Thys béeyng done, they that had the day, returned to the landes in the Countrey from whence they came for that pur­pose, but they that lost the day, remayned discontented, and tal­ked that Gracchus shoulde not escape blame when he shoulde bée out of office, that durst violate a Magistrate of so greate autho­ritie, and gyue occasion of so manifest sedition in Italy. Nowe was it Sommer, and the tyme of choosing Tribunes at hande. It séemed that the ryche woulde so laboure, as the office should bée gyuen to some of Gracchus greatest enimies. The tryall bée­yng at hande, and hée afrayde that hée shoulde not bée elected Tribune for the yeare to come, called people out of the Coun­trey, to gyue voyce in the election, but they béeyng occupyed in Sommer businesse, and the daye drawyng nygh, hée was Gracchus la­bours the people. compelled to make the people of the Citie hys refuge, and wente aboute to euery one aparte, to desire them to make hym Tribune agayne, béeyng in daunger for theyr sakes. When the daye was come, the two firste companyes chose Gracchus, but the ryche men cryed, that it was not lawfull for one to bée Tribune twyce togyther. Rubrio a Tribune, to whose turne it [Page 11] came to bée chiefe of the election, doubted of the matter. Mum­mius Doubt in thē election. successor to Octauius, prayed hys fellowe to committe the order of the election to hym, whyche hée dyd, but the other Tri­bunes affyrmed, that thys must be tryed by lotte, for where Rubrio hadde hys turne, the appoyntmente dyd apperteyne to them all.

The contention béeyng greate, and Gracchus hauyng the worse, he deferred the discussing tyll the nexte daye, and béeyng vtterlye discouraged, although yet in office, he remay­ned the rest of the whole daye in the common place, beséechyng euerye man to bée hys helpe, as though he shoulde streyghte haue bin destroyed of hys enimies. The poore men were mo­ued wyth compassion, and consideryng that they were not vsed indifferently as Citizens, but rather as slaues to the lust of the ryche, and fearyng for Gracchus state, who suffered for theyr sake with lamentation, they all broughte hym to hys house at nyghte, and bade hym bée of good chéere agaynste the nexte daye. Gracchus béeyng thus encouraged, assembled hys parte in the nyghte, and gaue them a watchworde to fyghte it out if néede required. Then hée went to the Temple of the Capitoll, where the election shoulde bée, and when the assemblie was come togyther, and hée in the myddest of them, some of the Tribunes and the ryche men woulde not suffer the election to procéede for hym: wherefore hée gaue hys watche worde, they that were priuie to it made a greate shoute, and beganne the fray, some stoode aboute Gracchus Tumult b [...] Gracchus. to guarde hys person, some tore the seates, some wrang the roddes and maces out of the Sergeantes handes, some rente asunder euerye thyng, and bet the ryche menne out of the place, wyth suche a tumulte and terroure, as all the Tri­bunes ranne awaye, and the Priestes shutte the Temple dores. The flying and running was confused, and the spéeche not well vnderstanded. Some thoughte that Gracchus hadde de­posed an other Tribune, for spying none of them there, it was lyke to bée so. Some thoughte hée hadde made hym selfe Tribune agayne wythoute anye Election. [Page 12] In the meane time the Senate assembled in the Temple of Faith. Surely I maruell, that where the office of one ruler had Temple of Fayth. many times before preserued the state in like troubles, that now they dyd not choose a Dictator. In former times it was founde Dictator. most necessarie, but nowe neyther in memorie, nor after cared for. When the Senate, as wel as they could had resolued what was to be done, they went vp to the Capitoll, and Cornelius Scipio Nasica, by the name of chiefe Bishop led the way, and spake with Chiefe Bishop. P. Scipio Nafica. a loude voice that they should follow him that would haue their Countrey safe. Then he pulled the skirte of his gowne ouer hys head, eyther to giue a token by his garmēt, that the more might followe hint, or for a signe to them that sawe it, that he woulde fight, or for that he would as it were hide from the Gods what Superstition. he meant to do. Being come to the Temple, and thrusting in a­mong Gracchus route, they gaue place vnto him, as to a most worthy man, whome they sawe all the Senate follow: then dyd his company wring the weapons out of the others handes, and The fray. gathered the péeces of the broken seates, with any other things that they could get in the place, and bet Gracchus part so violent­ly, as they droue them to the brinke of the hill, in the whyche tu­multe Gracchus was slayne, and many with him at the Temple Gracchus slayne, vvho vvas a gentle curte­ous man, sober and eloquent, vvith modestie. dores, before the Images of the Kings. Thus Gracchus, béeyng some of that Gracchus that had bin twice Consull, whose mother was Cornelia daughter to Scipio that conquered Affrica, meaning well to his Countrey, but going aboute it vndiscretely, was slayne in the Capitoll, being yet Tribune. First Sedition. [...] vvas a base sonne to Lumenes, by a vvench of Ephe­sus, that vvas a Minstre [...]s daughter, A [...]s sonne to Lu [...]enes, made his Testament after this so [...]e, Populus Romanus honorum m [...]orum haeres esto. The Romaines stayed the prouince of Pergamo. Aristonicus as heyre to his father inuaded it, and killed Licinius Gracchus that vvas sent against him. Then M. Perpenna ouerthrevv him at Str [...]onic [...], and vvas killed in prison by the Senates commaundement.

As this was the firste mischiefe that was done in the place of election, so did it not ceasse till many more were done from tyme to time. The Citie was deuided into wo and ioy for Gracchus death; some lamented for themselues as well as for him, that the present state was no more a common wealth, but rather a Cō ­quest and crueltie. Other reioyced at that was done, whereby they had obteyned their purpose. This was done, whē. Aristoni­cus contended with the Romaines for the Lordship of Asia. Gracchus [Page 13] being thus slayne, and Appius Claudius dead, straight way Fului­us Flaccus, Paperius Carbo, and Gracchus the yonger, tooke vppon [...]. Flaccus P. Carbo. them the defence of the law, and where the possessioners denyed their lands to be surueyed, they made Proclamation, that the o­uerseers Proclamation. should acuse them, of the whiche grewe a multitude of difficult matter, for all the lande adioyning togither, whither it was solde or deuided to their companions in warre, came to bée examined how it was sold, and how it was diuided. Euery man had not his conueyance, nor the portions appoynted them, and they that had, were found doubtfull. And where lande should bée diuided agayne according to the order, some of the owners must be put from their groundes and manors, to barren séede, and from frutefull and well planted places, to Fennes and marrish groundes. And where at the béginning of the lands conquered, there was no great certentie kept, & now that by decrée all land diuisible must be laboured, many had entred vpō their neighbors boundes, whereby the forme of the places were confounded, and time hadde so altered the rest, as it was hard to find the wrong that the rich had done, although it were great: so was there no­thing but confusion, euery one changing & chopping into others right. The Italians were very much gréeued at this sharpe dea­ling The Italians sueth to Scipio. of the commissioners, and made sute to Cornelius Scipio that ouercame Carthage, to be their defence againste those iniuries, who for that he had had there good seruice in the warres, was Scipio. much gréeued they shoulde be misused, wherefore he came into the Senate house, where he did not directlye speake agaynste Gracchus lawe, but shewed the difficultie of the matter, and wi­shed it should not be determined of them that had the dealing of it, bycause of suspition, but of some other that might be thought indifferent, the which he quickly obteined as a thing reasonable. Tuditanus the Consull was appointed to be the iudge, but he en­tring Tuditanus. into the cause, and finding it so intricate, toke in hande a voyage againste the Illirians, séeking that occasion to be ridde of The Illirians novv Sla [...]onian [...] this. They that were first appointed for the diuision, bycause no man required iustice of them, did nothing in the same. Héere of an hatred and grudge of the people did growe againste Scipio, [Page 14] that he woulde haue more care of the nations of Italie, than of the people of Rome, whyche for hys sake had dyuers tymes got­ten the displeasure of the greate men, and twice made him Con­sull The people of Rome against Scipio. before he might so be by the lawe. This beyng knowen, his enimies spake manifestly agaynst hym, affyrming that he went aboute vtterlye to breake Gracchus lawe by force and violence, whyche when the people hearde, they were afrayde, tyll Scipio in an euening, takyng a payre of Tables to note what hée woulde say the next day, was founde dead without any wound, eyther by the practise of Cornelia mother to Gracchus, that hys lawe shoulde not be fordone, and by the helpe of Sempronia hyr Sempronia and Cornelia suspe­cted of Scipios death. This vvas Scipio Iunior Africanus, nephevv to Sci­pio Affricanus that ouerthrevv Anniball. Seruauntes con­fession. daughter, who was married vnto Scipio, whome she loued not, nor he hir, for that she was foule and barren, or rather (as some thynke) that hée kylled hymselfe, bycause he could not fulfill hys promise. Some saye, that hys seruauntes béeyng racked, con­fessed, that certayne straunge men vnknowen to them, were lette in at the backe dore, and that they did choke their maister, and bycause they sawe the people angry with him, and to bée glad of his deathe, they durst not bewray it. Thus dyed Scipio, and was not thoughte worthy a publike funerall, although he had done so great seruice to his Countrey. So muche could pre­sente Ingratitude. displeasure preuayle ouer benefytes passed. This happe gaue courage to Gracchus faction, although the diuision of landes was diuerslie deferred by the possessioners, wherof some thought good that all companions in warre shoulde be called to the frée­dome of the Citie, to make the benefyte the more common, and Freedome of the Citie. so leaue the contention for land. The Italians accepted this very gladly, and preferred the fréedome of the Citie, before the lande in the Countrey. Fuluius Flaccus being Consull, and a diuider of Fuluius Flaccus. land, was a great doer in this matter, but the Senate did not al­lowe, that they that were their inferiours, shoulde now become their fellowes: so this deuice tooke no place, and the people that was in hope of the diuision, was vtterly discouraged, till Caius Caius Gracchus the seconde Tribune. Gracchus, brother to him that made the lawe of landes, was thoughte the most méete man to be a Tribune, who since hys brothers deathe had liued in rest: and though many of the Se­nate [Page 15] enuyed hym, yet he stoode for the office, and obteyned it with great glory. He deuised to deceyue the Senate, by makyng Distribution. a lawe that the people should haue a distribution of a monethes Corne of the common store, whiche thing was neuer séene be­fore, whereby streight he wanne the peoples heartes, and Fului­us beyng his friende, he was declared Tribune for the yeare to come: for now there was a lawe made, that if a Tribune hadde A lavv for the Tribunes be­nefite. néede of furtherance to performe his promise, the people afore all other should make choyce of hym, and so Caius Gracchus was chosen Tribune the second time. Hauing thus allured the people by his largesse, he wanne also the Gentlemen by an other de­uice. They being in dignitie next the Senatours, in the middest Gentlemen, Equites, The next de­gree to the Senators after the order of the Ath [...]nians, vvhen they vvere able to find an horse▪ Iudgements of corruption. Cornelius Cotta. Salinator made the toll of salt. Manius Acilius ouercame An­tiochus. Corruption. Translation of Iudgements. betwéene them and the people, he turned the iudgementes diffa­med by corruption from the Senatoures to the Gentlemen, ob­iecting against them things lately committed, that Cornelius Cot­ta, Salinator, and Manius Acilius, who subdued Asia, being opēly condemned of bribery, were releassed by the Judges, when the Embassadours were present, goyng about, and crying out vpon them with great slaunder, wherof the Senate béeyng ashamed, gaue place to the lawe, the people proclaymed it. Thus were these iudgements translated from the Senatoures to the Gētle­men. When this law was made, Gracchus (as they report) sayd, he would dispatch the Senate quickly, which saying was found true by that followed thereof, for where the Gentlemen had the iudgements of corruption, banishment and diffamation, whyche they vsed extreamely ouer the Romaines and the Italians, yea the Senatours themselues, all the Gentlemē were like Princes ex­tolled, and the Senatoures like slaues deiected, beside forth the Gentlemen ioyning with the Tribunes in elections, to gratifye them againe in euery thing they would. The Senatours were Crueltie of the Gentlemen. fallen into so great a feare, as though the state should streyghte haue bin changed, they only hauing the name, and the Gentlemē the authoritie, who in processe of time, did not only ouerrule the Senatours, but did them open spight against all lawe. They dealte with matters of corruption, and felte so of continu­all gayne, as they vsed theyr authoritie more rigorouslye [Page 16] and moderately. They brought in priuie accusours against the rich, and by their faction and force ouerthrew the lawes of cor­ruption, so as the custome of triall of iudgementes was vtterly ouerthrowne, and a new disturbance concerning lawes of Jud­ges stirred vp, as like so long to continne as the former. Nowe was Graccus making of long high wayes in Itah, séeking there­by Gracchus maketh [...]vv vvayes. to help the multitudes of the labouring men, to haue them ready in any enterprise at his commaundement. He also placed diuers newe in habitances, and furthermore stirred the Latine nation to require the fréedome of the Romaines, as a thing to pro­cure hate to the Senate, if they should denie it to that natiō that was so nigh allied vnto them. He also gaue authoritie to other confederates of Rome, to giue voyces in elections, whiche might Gracchus giueth voyce in ele­ctions. not so do by auntient manner, that he might haue the more helpe to procure lawes at his pleasure, for the which the Senate was much troubled, and commaunded the Consuls to make procla­mation, that no man, vnlesse he had a right in elections, should re­sort into the Citie, or approch within fiue miles of the same, du­ring the time of assemble for the lawes. They perswaded Liuius Drusus the other Tribune, to resist Gracchus lawes, not makyng Liuius Drusus. the people acquainted with it, and it was graunted, that who so The Senates deuice to ouer­throvv the lavves. would resist, should not néede to shew cause thereof. And to win the commons heartes, they decréed twelue new inhabitancies to be made, wherewith the people was so wonne, as they cared not for the lawes. Gracchus being thus deceyued of the peoples fauour, sayled into Afrike with Fuluius Flaccus, who was Tri­bune Gracchus sayleth into Afrike. with Gracchus after he had bin Consull, where an inhabi­tance was appoynted, bycause of the plentie of the soyle, whych Colonie. was done of purpose, that by the absence of the people, the Se­nate might haue some rest from these sturres. Thys inhabi­tance was appoynted where Carthage was, little regarding that An inhabitance vvhere Car­thage vvas. Scipio the winner of it, did vowe it for euer to be a place of pa­stime. Sixe thousand was assigned, which by law ought to haue bin lesse, that they might the rather please the people. They re­turned to Rome, and gathered the sixe thousand out of al Italie, but when it was written out of Africa, that the Wolues had de­stroyed [Page 17] the plat of the citie, which Gracchus and Fuluius had layd, the Southsayers affirmed, that the inhabitantes should be vn­lucky, wherefore the Senate called a counsell, that the lawe of Inhabitance reuoked. inhabitance might be reuoked. Gracchus and Fuluius being decey­ued of this hope also, like mad men, sayd the Senate did lye, tou­ching the token of the Wolues. The vuruly sorte of the cōmons fauouring them, came with their weapōs to the Capitoll, where the assemblie shoulde be for this inhabitance. Whē the people was assembled, and Fuluius beganne to speake, Gracchus came vp to the Capitoll, garded with them that were priuie of his pur­pose, but being resisted of them that vnderstoode he woulde make new businesse, he lefte the way to the Capitell, and tooke a lowe Gallerie, there wayting to deceyue his aduersaries. One Atti­lius, Attilius. a man of the commō sort, séeyng him in these turmoyles, and making sacrifice in that gallerie, came and tooke hym by the hand, eyther to persuade him, or suspecting him, or otherwise to talke with him, prayed him he woulde spare his Countrey: hée was y more troubled, as fearing to be apprehended, & looked an­gerly vpō him, whereat one of his people, without any comman­dement or token giuen, but only by cōiecture of Gracchus grimme looke, thought it now to be time to please his Captayne, if he be­gan the fray, drew his sword, & ranne Attilius through. A greate Attilius killed. shoute being made, and the head body séene among them, euery man fledde out of the Temple with feare of lyke displeasure▪ Gracchus wente to the common place, minding to say somewhat to the people touching this facte, but no man woulde harken to Gracchus acte detested. him, euery mā detesting it as a wicked fact. Gracchus and Flacchus were out of hope hauing lost this occasion, which they thoughte to haue preuented, and ranne home to their houses, accompany­ed with their companions. The rest of the people, as in time of daunger, about midnight tooke the common place, and by breake of day, Opimius the Consull had appoynted men in armoure to L. Opimius. kéepe the Capitoll and called the Senate togither by publike of­ficers, himselfe in the meane time abiding in the Temple of Iu­piters children, to prouide for the necessitie. This being thus or­deyned, the Senate sent for Gracchus and Fuluius to aunswere for [Page 18] themselues in the Counsell house, but they in armoure wente to the hill called Auentine, hoping by the strength of the place to Auentine vvas one of the sea­uen h [...]ls of Rome. bring the Senate to some composition, and offered libertie to bondmen that would repayre vnto them: but no man made anye accompt of them, wherefore they tooke the Temple of Diana, and fortifyed it. Then they sent Quintus, sonne to Flaccus vnto the Se­nate, Second seditiō. requesting a pause with a truce of concord. The Senate willed them to leaue their armoure, and come to say what they could for themselues, or else to sende no more: neuerthelesse hée came agayne, and Opimius the Consull not taking him for a mes­senger bycause of their disobedience, caused him to be deteyned, and sent souldiours against Gracchus, and he sledde ouer the wood­den bridge, vnto the other side of the floude into a groue, wyth The vvoodden bridge vvas at that part of Tiber that goeth to the hill Ianiculo. one man, to whome when he saw he shoulde be taken, he offered his throte to be cutte. Flaccus fledde into a shoppe of one of hys acquaintance. They that followed him, threatned to burne the whole stréete, vnlesse they deliuered him. His friend being asha­med to betray him in his calamitie, bade an other do it, and so was Flaccus taken and killed, and both their heads were brought Gracchus and Fuluius slayne. This Gracchus vvas very elo­quent, but so ve­hement, as he vvould moue vp and dovvne, and cast his Govvne off hys shoulders. Purgation of the Citie. Temple of Con­corde. Lavv to sell lande. Diuision by money. Sp. Borius. to the Consull Opimius, who gaue the waight of gold for reward, and the people spoyled their houses. The Consull tooke their cō ­panions, & committed them, till they were executed. To Quintus he granted to choose what maner of death he would: then he pur­ged the Citie of bloudshed, & by the Senates sentence, erected the Tēple of concord in y cōmon place. This was y ende of Gracchus y second his seditiō. Not long after a lawe was made that anye man might sel the land y t was in controuersie, the which the for­mer Gracchus had forhidden, whereby the riche men agayne dyd buy the poore mens parts, or thrust them out by violence, til Spu­rius Borius the Tribune did deuise a law, y t land shuld be no more deuided, but remaine with the owners, & a tribute to be raysed of it for the people, the money whereof should be distributed, wher­by the poore had some reliefe, but to the increase of mē it was no help at al. Thus was Gracchus law abrogated by a sleight, which might haue bin very good and profitable, if it had bin vsed accor­dingly. Not lōg after, by an other Tribune, the distribution also [Page 19] was takē away, so as the people was vtterly destitute of al help, whereof followed wante of Citizens and souldyers, reuenewe of lande, of stipende, and of lawes, the space of fiftéene yeares af­ter Gracchus lawe, with a more quietnesse. In this meane tyme A Theatre vvas a place of Playes to bee seene of the people, and it vvas round sa­uing in one place. An Am­p [...]theatre vvas round euerye vvhere. Some­time the Thea­tres serued for the people to learne Oratiōs. Q. Metellus Censor. This Nonius, of other is called Memmius and Mumius. Nonius killed. In this matter this Author sees meth to varie from other. Scipio the Consull threw downe a Theatre that Lucius Cassius had begun and almost ended, eyther as an occasion of new sedition, or for that he woulde not haue the Romaine people acquainted with the Greekes pastimes. Q. Metellus a maister of maners, min­ded to haue remoued Glaucias that had bin Consul, and Apuleius hauing bin Tribune, from their dignitie, for their euill life, but he coulde not do it, bycause his fellowe was againste it. A little while after to be reuenged of Metellus, Apuleius laboured to bée Tribune againe, bycause Glaucias was Pretor, & should be chiefe in the election: but Nonius a noble mā, vsing frée spéech agaynste him, & reprouing Glaucias, was chosen Tribune. They fearyng that he being in authoritie, would punish them, sent a band of bu­sie fellowes as he went from the election, and killed him, entring into a shoppe to saue himselfe. This murther being committed, they of Glaucias faction, before the people could assemble agayne, [...]hose Apuleius Tribune earely in the morning, & by this meane was the deathe of Nonius not followed, men being afraide of the Tribune. Metellus was banished by y help of C. Marius now sixe Metellus. C. Marius vvas an enimie to the nobilitie, and a laborers sonne, voyde of lear­ning, and rude in manners, yet so good a Souldi­our, as vvhen Scipio vnder vvhome he ser­ued in Spayne, vvas asked vvhome hee thought meete to be generall after him, hee clapped Marius on the shoulder and sayd, perad­uenture this [...] times Consull, who bearing secrete hate againste him, conspired with his enimies. Apuleius did make a lawe to deuide certayne landes of the Frenche, wonne by the Cymbrianes, whome Marius hadde driuen away, as nowe no longer of the Frenche, but be­longyng to the Romaines, and therefore might be deuided. It was promised that if the people woulde allow the lawe, the Senate should confirme it the fifth day by an oth, and he that refused to sweare to it, should be remoued frō the Senate, and be cōdemned to the people in twenty Talents. This was a deuice to be reuen­ged of Metellus, who for his grauitie woulde not sweare vnto it. The law being in this forwardnesse. Apuleius appointed y t day, and in the meane time sent into y e Countrey for such as had ser­ued Marius in y warres, to haue their help, but bycause y Italian's shoulde be more aduaunced by this lawe than the Romaines, [Page 20] the people was not content with it. So discord arose in the time of the meeting. Apuleius did put backe from the higher place all Obiection a­gainst the lavv. that were against the law. The people of the Citie cryed that it th [...]ndered, which when it hapned, it was not lawfull for the Ro­maines Thunder stop­peth any pro­ceeding in e­lections and assemblies. The Citizens against the Countreymen. The lavve vvonne by force. Marius dissem­bleth. to conclude any thing in their consultations. Neuerthe­lesse Apuleius bande vsed violence still, wherefore the Citizens girded their gownes, and tooke such weapons of woode as they coulde get, and resisted the Countreymen. They agayne being encouraged by Apuleius, stucke to it, and with their staues and battes beate the Citizens so, as the lawe was wonne. Marius the Consull forthwith propoūded the oth, and bycause he knew Me­tellus a constant and sound man in his purposes, he firste shewed his owne opinion, affirming he would not sweare, and all to de­ceyue Metellus who sayd the same, wherefore both of them beyng commended of others, Marius brake vp the house. The fifth daye after, which was the time appoynted for the oth, the Consull as­sembled the Senate on a suddaine about tenne of the clocke, and sayde, he was afrayd of the people that fauored the lawe so fer­uently, A deuice of Ma­rius to illude the lavve. The vvords be▪ [...] and [...] commentum & subtil [...]. yet he had deuised a shift and a subtiltie for it, and that was this, that a man might sweare to the words of the lawe so farre forthe as it was lawfull, and so for the time the Countrey people mighte be sente home, and after it might be well proued that it was no law, which by violence and by the thundering of Iupiter was made contrary to the order of the Countrey. Whē he had sayd thus, euery man was silent for feare of entrapping, and the suddaynesse of the time: wherefore he arose and went to the Temple of Saturne, where the common treasourers shoulde sweare. Himselfe sware first, & so did his friēds: other Senators did the like for feare. Only Metellus would not sweare, continu­ing Metellus refu­seth the oth. in his former sentence without dread. Apuleius the nexte day sent a Sergeant to pull him out of the Courte, but the Tri­bunes defended him. Then Apuleius and Claudius ranne to the Countrey multitude, affirming that they neither could haue lād, nor law take place, vnlesse Metellus were banished: wherefore a decrée of his banishmente was made, and a Proclamation from the Consull, that no man should succoure Metellus, neyther wyth [Page 21] fyre nor water: and one only day was giuen him for deliberati­on of the matter. The people of the Citie were offended, and The moderatiō of Metellus. wente aboute Metellus with their weapons: he thanked them for their good will, but said, his Countrey should not be brought into trouble for him. So Apuleius pronounced the decrée of his ex­ile, Metellus bani­shed. and Marius confirmed it. Thus was the most worthy man of the Citie banished, after the which Apuleius was Tribune the third time, and for his fellow, one Gracchus a runnagate was ap­poynted, Gracchus the runnagate, vvho vvas aduanced by Marius. reporting that he was sonne to olde Gracchus, the people fauouring him for the names sake. The election of the Consuls being at hand, Marcus Antonius was chosen for the one, without any sticking: for the other, Glaucias and Memmius contended. Memmius was of more estimation in the Citie. Glaucias and Apuleius feared themselues, and sente certayne men with wa­sters into the assemblie, whiche layde vpon Memmius, and kylled Memmius killed. him. Thus was the solemne assemblie disturbed, no regarde be­ing had now of law or iustice, nor reuerēce of God or man. The people was gréeued at it, and the nexte day gathered togither to dispatche Apuleius, but he got the company of his new multi­tude of Countreymē, with Glaucias and C. Sapheius a treasourer, and tooke the Capitoll. The Senate commaunded they shoulde be taken and dispatched, but Marius vnwilling to it, did for a shew arme men very slowly. Some there were that did cutte a­way the water that wente into the Temple, wherefore Sapheius that could not abide the lacke of water, persuaded thē to set the Temple a fyre, but Glaucias and Apuleius yéelded themselues first, and after so did Sapheius. And where euery man called vpon their execution, Marius shutte them in the Senate house, as to deale with them more according to lawe. But the people percei­uing this to be a delay, pulled the staues of y roofe of the Tēple, and neuer left throwing vpon them, till they had killed all thrée, Sapheius, Glauclas and Apuleius killed. whereof one was a Questor, an other a Tribune, and the third a Pretor, and all at that time clad with the robes of their office. With them also was slayne a greate number of the people, en­tangled with their sedition, and in it the other Tribune, that was thought to be sonne to Gracchus, the first day of the entring [Page 22] into his Tribuneship, for now neyther libertie nor dignitie, ney­ther law nor office was able to reéeue any mā, whē as the Tri­bunes office, created for the repressing of wrongs, and defence of the people, as a sanctuary and holy thing, was waxen a worker of iniuries, and had iniurie done against it selfe. After Apuleius and the rest were killed, the Senate and the people decréede to call home Metellus, but P. Furius Tribune, not borne of a frée man Furius. to his father, but made frée of a bond man, boldly did resist them, and reiected his sonne Metellus, beséeching him with teares vpon his knées in the sight of all the people, which yong man for that pitifull acte, was euer after called Metellus the dutifull. Caius Ca­nuleius Metellus the dutifull. Tribune the next yeare, did accuse Furius and the people that would not tarrie to haue him tried by iudgement, did teare Furius torne in peeces. him in péeces. Thus euer one mischiefe or other was committed in the common place. Metellus was called home, and (as they say) a daye did not suffice for them that came to welcome hym Metellus reuo­ked. home at the gates of the Citie. Thus the thirde sedition, after the two former, made of the two Gracc [...], begunne by Apules­us, The thirde sedition. and working muche trouble to the Romaynes, was ended. In the meane tyme kyndled a stirre called the fellowes warre, whiche as it was sodayne, so it shortlye grewe verye great, and caused dissention to ceasse at home, for feare of trouble abrode, and when it was ended, it raysed newe turmoyles and workers of discorde, not for makyng of Cities, or creating of officers a­mong the people, but wyth myghtye armyes séekyng one ano­thers destruction, the whyche I thought good to ioyne with thys Hystorie, bycause it procéeded of ciuill dissention, and increased to a farre greater tumulte, the begynnyng whereof was thys. Fuluiu [...] Flaccus béeyng Consull, was the fyrste that openly en­couraged Fellovves vva [...], and the cause of it. the Italians to aske the fréedome of Rome, that of sub­iectes they myghte bée coequall in authoritie. And bycause hée was so earnest in the cause, the Senatoures sente hym to a forrayne warre, where hée laboured to bée Tribune. When Flaccus se [...] into [...]beria. hys office shoulde ende, and broughte to passe that hée was cho­sen Tribune wyth Gracchus the yonger, both the whyche going aboute to make lawes in the fauoure of the Italians, were slayne [Page 23] (as yée haue hearde,) whereby the Italians were the more sharp­lyesette, takyng it gréeuouslye, that they were rather vsed lyke vnderlyngs than fellowes, and that Fuluius and Gracchus for theyr sakes were so destroyed, after whome, Liuius Drusus a Liuius Drusus. noble man and Tribune, hadde promised the Italians to make a lawe in theyr fauoure, touchyng the freedome of the Citie, whereof they were verye desirous, as the onely meane, of Ser­uauntes to bée made Superioures. To gratifye the people of Rome, the Tribune ledde newe inhabitances, as well in­to Italie as Sicelie, determined before, but tyll that tyme defer­red. Hée also tooke in hande to make pacification betwéene the Senatoures and the Gentlemen whyche were fallen out for authoritie of iudiciall matters, and when hée sawe hée coulde not directlye restore the Senate to theyr former iurisdi­ction, he vsed a policie wyth them both, for where the Senate by reason of sedition, were scarcely the number of thrée hun­dred, hée deuised that so many more shoulde bée chosen of the Gentlemen, and of them all, Judges to bee chosen in tyme to Encrease of Senators. come, to heare matters of corruption, whyche was nowe no more regarded, for men were waxen so shamelesse, as it was thoughte no faulte: but thys policie hadde contrarie successe, for the Senate was gréeued that so many Gentlemen shoulde so suddaynely bée made theyr fellowes, béeyng vnlyke that they in lyke authoritie would agrée with them. The Gentlemen were afrayde that the whole order of iudgementes should be in the Senate, the which thing, now hauing tasted of great gaine, with much authoritie they began, (not without cause) to suspect: besideforth an emulation grew among themselues, which of thē shoulde be thought worthier than other, to be chosen to the thrée C. and he that was, was sure to be enuied: but nothing did more trouble them, than that the triall of corruption shoulde be called agayne to the ordinary court, the which was now out of vse, and in this, the Senate and the Gentlemen, though they agréed not Drusus said there vvas nothing novv left to be deuided, but earth or ayre [...] among themselues, yet they both conspired agaynste Drusus. The people was pleased wyth theyr newe habitations. But the Italians, for whose sakes the Tribune hadde begunne [Page 24] all these things, could not away with the placing of newe habi­tacions, It should seeme by some that he vvould haue reuoked cer­tayne inl [...]b [...] ­tancies. Tus anes. Vmbrianes be novv D [...]ato d [...] Spoleto. for if the diuision of common land should ceasse, the rich men, some by force and some by fraude woulde winne it, and streight get it from them, and be euill neyghbours to them that would with-holde them. The Tuscanes and the Vmbrians hauing the like affection, were brought of the Consull inpretence to dis­patche Drusus, but in very déde to resist the lawe, againste the which they openly cryed and expected the day of determination. When the Tribune hearde of this, he came not abroade, but gaue audience at home in a darke gallerie, and in an euening dismissing the people, it hapned so that he cryed, I am hurt, and with y word he fell downe dead, & it was found y t he was strickē with a Shomakers knife in y flanke. Thus Drusus y e Tribune Drusus flayne. was slayne. The Gentlemen of this determination tooke occasi­on to picke quarels against their enimies, and induced Q. Valerius Q Valerius. the Tribune to take vppon him to accuse all them that eyther priuily or apertly had furthered the Italians in the publique mat­ters, hoping thereby the great men should haue bin brought in­to slaunders and diffamation, and they be their Judges, whych being ridde away, they shoulde yet haue greater power in the common wealth. And whereas other Tribunes did refuse to propound the lawe, the Gentlemen with swords in hand, did cō ­passe the place, and caused the law to be made, which as soone as they had obteyned, they brought in accusers againste the Sena­tours, whereof one Bestius woulde not obey, but wente into vo­luntarie [...]. Bestius exiles himselfe. Cotta vvillingly exiled. banishment, as he that would not giue himselfe into the hands of his enimies. Cotta appeared in iudgement, and when hée had very boldly declared his seruice for the common wealth, and reprehended the Gentlemen, before he shoulde be cast out by de­crée, he wente away willingly. Mummius that euercame Greece, being promised of the Gentlemen to be released, was deceyued, Mummius exiled vvho ouers threvv Cornelius and thereof vvas called. A­c [...]icus, bycause it stoode in Achaia. and forced with shame to flée iudgement, and to leade his lyfe in the Ile of Delos. The people began to be gréeued at this disor­der increasing dayly against the best men, lamenting that so ma­ny and so good Citizēs should be so suddainely taken from them. The Italians hearing of Drusus death, and the cause of so many [Page 25] mens exile, thinking no longer to be suffered, that such a sort of their chiefe patrones should be thus vsed, and not hoping any o­ther way to obteyne the fréedome of the Citie, determined to leaue the Romaines, and to make warre vpon them. At the begin­ning of this confederacie, they secretely gaue hostages for assu­rance of their faith, which thing was long hidde to the Romaines, bycause of their dissention and iudiciall causes, but when it was perceyued, they sente diuers abroade to vnderstand the thyng closely, one of the whiche, marking that a yong man of the Citie of Ascolo, Thys Citie is in that part that is cal­led. Abruzzo, neere to the territorie of [...], apper­teyning to the Pope. There is ano­ther of thys name in Apulia, called Ascolidi Sairiano for a difference. Presidents. Hadriane the Emperoure. Proconsulles. Seruilius killed at Asculi. [...]onteius killed. Marsians in Cam­pania di Roma. Maliniās in Cam­pania felici. Vestinians in Abruzzo. Marusians A [...] bruzzo. Picentines Cam­panites di Lauoro. Ferentines in Cati [...]. Hirsians Abruzzo. Pompeyans in terrad: Lauoro. Venusians in A­pulia. lapigianes otrāt [...] ▪ Samnites A­bruzzo. All these natiōs be beyōd Rome. Asculi was deliuered to an other citie as pledge, he did vtter it to Seruilius the President of that prouince: for at that time, it should séeme, that the Romaines had presidents in diuers partes of Italy, whiche manner Hadriane when he was Emperoure desi­red to renue, but it cōtinued not lōg after his time. Seruilius came in great anger to Asculi at a feast, and sharply rebuked them, wherevpon they killed him, bycause they were discouered by hym. They killed also Fonteius y t was his legate. They had y e name of Legates among the Romaines, that were sent in commis­sion to the Presidents of the Countrey. After these two were slayne, there was as little courtesie shewed to the rest of the Ro­maines, for they were al killed, and their goodes set to spoyle. The conspiracie being now opened, all the neighboures about As­culi wente to armes. The Marsians, the Malinians, the Vestinians, the Marucians, and beside them the Picentines, the Ferentines, the Husians, the Pompeyans, the Venusians, the lapigianes, and the Sam­nites, whiche people before had euer bin enimies, and hurtfull to the Ramaines. All other nations from the floud The floud I [...]ri [...] Lario, novv Cla­riano in Campa­nia. Lario, which flo­weth, as I take it at Linterno vvas a Citie in Campa­nia, vvhere Sci­pio chose to ende his life, after he had found the people of Rome vnthankefull. Linterno, to y e Gulfe of Ionia, did send theyr Embassadors to the Romaines, complayning, that where the Se­nate had vsed their seruice and trauell, alwayes in getting theyr great Empire, they made no regard of it, nor for all their paines thought them worthy to be partaker of their Citie. To whome the Senate sharply answered, that if they repented theyr former doings, they shoulde send Embassadors, if not they shoulde sende none. They as men desperate, prepared for the warre, and made a common army of all the Cities, one of footemen, and an other [Page 26] of Horsemen, to the number of one hundred thousande. The Romaines made power as greate againste them, partly of their The army of the Italians. owne, and partlye of the Confederate Cities that yet re­mayned in league. Sextus Iulius Caesar, and Publius Rutilius Sex. Iulius Caesar. P. Rutilius Con­sulles. Lupus, then Consulles, were leaders both, as in a warre at hande, and daungerous. The rest remayned at home to de­fende the gates and the walles, and bycause mens mindes were en [...]ang [...]ed thys waye and that waye, by reason of the newe lawe, they appoynted assistantes to the Consulles, Assistantes to the Consulles. whome they called Legates, menne of the best [...]orte. To Rutilius, was ioyned Cneus Pompeyus, father to Pompey that was surnamed Greate [...], Quintus Capi [...], Ca [...]s Perpenna, and Valerius Messala. To Sextus Caesar P. Lentulus, brother of the sayde Caesar, Titus Didius, Licinius Crassus, and Cornelius Sylla. And beside these, Marcus Marcellus. These many appoynted to the Consuls, serued as Lieutenantes in seuerall places, and the Consuls wente ouer all, to whome and to the other the Romaines sente euer newe supplyes, as in a trouble of greate danger.

The Italians hadde theyr Captaynes out of euerye Citie, besyde the whyche, as in a generall cause, these were the Generalles, T. Afranius, C. Pon [...]ilius, Marius Ignatius, Genera [...]es of the Italians. Quintus Pompedius, C. Papius, M. Lampronius, C. Iudacilius, Hirius Asinius, and Vetius Cato. These deuidyng theyr ar­myes togyther, wente agaynste the Romayne Captaynes many tymes with the aduantage, and many tymes wyth the losse, the chiefe of both the whyche brieflie to declare, were these: Vetius Cato putte to flighte, Sextus Iulius kylied two thousande of hys menne, and droue him to As [...]rni [...], a Ci­tie Sextus Iulius ouerthrovvne. of the Romayne deuotion, where standyng to theyr de­fence, L. Scipio and L. Acilius in slaues apparell fledde awaye, and the enimies wyth tyme and hunger consumed them. Ma­rius Ignatius tooke Venafro by treason, and kylled two compa­nies Venafro lost. It is neere the [...] Vultu [...]. Perp [...] ouer­throvvne and discharged. of the Romaines.

P. Presenteius dyd ouerthrowe Perpenna a leader of tenne thou­sande, kylled foure thousande, and tooke the armoure from the [Page 27] moste parte of the rest. Wherefore Ratilius the Consull dischar­ged Perpenna of hys leading, and commytted the remnaunte of the Armye to C. Marius. M. Lamponius slewe eyghte hundred of them that were with Licinius Crassus, and chased the other Grument [...]. Li. Crassus lost [...] [...] vvo [...]e, [...] Citie not [...]ar [...]e from Naples. to the Citie of Grument [...]. C. Papius g [...]t [...] Nola by treacherie, and made Proclamation to two thousande Romaines that were there, to come and serue, whyche they dyd, and hée accepted them: but the Captaynes that refused to obey hys Pro­clamation, hée tooke, and famished them to deathe. He wa [...]e also Castabuli, Minturnio, and Salerno, that were habitations of Castabuli in Cam­pania, Mint [...] in Campania, vvhen Mari [...] hidde himselfe. Salerno beyonde Naples. Nuceria bes [...]e­ged, thirtie miles from Naples. Acerre a Citie in Campania, vvhi­che Anniball burned, the people beeyng escaped. Oxintha sonne to Iugurth. Venusio in Apulia. Numidians. Rome, and caused all the prisoners and Captyues to serue in hys Campe. He burned all aboute the compasse of Nuceria, whyche caused the nexte Cities to yéelde for feare. Hée re­quyryng an armye of them, they sente hym tenne thousande menne, and one thousande Horse, wyth the whyche hée be­séeged Acerre▪ Sextus Caesar wyth tenne thousande Frenche footemen, and manye Numidian Horsemenne, approched to A­cerre.

Papius broughte out of Venusio, Oxintha, sonne to Iugurthe sometyme Kyng of Numidia, where hée was kepte of the Romaines, and claddyng hym wyth Purple, shewed hym manye tymes to the Numidianes that were wyth Caesar, of the whyche manye fledde thycke vnto hym as to theyr kyng. Where­fore Caesar sente awaye the rest as suspected into theyr Coun­trey, after the whiche, Papius came vppon hym wyth con­tempte, and bette downe parte of hys trenche, Hée sente hys Horsemenne aboute, whyche kylled syxe thousande of Papi­us Papius lose [...] Souldyoures, whiche done, Caesar remoued the Campe from Acerre.

To Iudacilius in Iapigia, the Canusians, Venusians, and ma­nye other Cyties dyd yeelde, some that woulde not hée ouer­c [...]me, and as manye noble menne of the Romaynes as he founde, hée slewe, the Commons and the slaues hée vsed in hys [...].

Rutilius the Consull, and C. Marius made Brydges, not farre asunder, to passe ouer the Riuer of Liris. Vetius Cato camped [Page 28] nigh the bridge of Marius and layde an ambushe ouer agaynste the Consuls bridge. In the morning he suffered him to passe o­uer, and set vpon him with that sleyght, and many of his people he killed on the lande, many also he drowned in the flaud. The Consull in this conflict was hurt in the head, and dyed shortlye The Consull killed. Marius. after. Marius being at the other bridge, and perceyuing y chance by the bodyes that were brought by the streame, passed the floud with great speede, and set vppon Catos Camp, kept off a few, and made him lodge the nighte where he had wonne the day, from whence for lacke of victuall he was compelled to depart. Futilius corpse, and many other Gentlemen, being sent to Rome to be bur­ned, Heauinesse at Rome for the death of the Consull. it was an heauie sight to sée the Consull and so many other destroyed, and cause of many daies mourning: wherefore the Se­nate decréede, that they that dyed in the warre should be buryed there, least the other by the sight should be made afraide to goe to the fielde. No successor was made to Rutilius that yeare, by­cause Sextus Caesar had no leysure to goe to the election, but hys host, the Senate appointed Caius Marius and Q. Caepio to rule. Q. Pompedius lying against Caepio, fledde as a rūnagate, and brought Pompedius de­ceyueth Caepio. two slaues as pledges, cladde in purple as his sonnes: and to haue the more credite, he broughte certayne wedges of leade, layde ouer with siluer and golde. He exhorted him to set vpon his men being without a Captayne easie to be ouerthrowen. Caepio was so light of beliefe, as he wente with him. When Pompedius was nigh the place of embushment, he ranne vp to an hill as to ospie the enimie, to whome when he had giuen his token, they appeared, and ouerthrew Caepio, and many moe with him. The Caepio flay [...]. Senate committed the rest of his army to Marius. Sextus Caesar Sextus Caesar fleeth. marching with thirtie thousand footemen, and fiue thousand hor­ses, among hilles and rocky streyghtes, Marius Ignatiue fell sud­daynely vpon him, and compassed him in the same. He fledde a­way in a litter (bycause he was sicke) to a riuer, where was but one bridge to passe, there he lost the greater part of his armye, the other threw away their armoure, with whome he hardly es­caped to Theano, them he armed agayne as well as he could, and Theano in the end of Apulia. with an other multitude that came vnto him hand ouer head, he [Page 29] approched to Acherre, which Papio had beséeged. Their Campes lay hard togither, yet for feare durst not prouoke one the other. Cornelius Sylla, and C. Marius did followe valiantly the Marsians that lay against them, vnto the hedges of the Uineyardes. The Marsians with much adoe gote through the hedges, in the whiche Marius and Sylla thought not good to pursue them, but Sylla way­ting with his Camp on the other side of the Uineyards, encoun­tred them as they would haue escaped out, and killed manye of them, so as the slaughter of that day was aboue sixe thousande, and the harnesse that the Romaines tooke, was a great deale more. By this chaunce the Marsians like madde men were the more fierce, and armed themselues againe, and went on to prouoke the Marsi a valiant people in Latio, novv Campania. Romaines, who durst not come to hand with them, nor begin the fight, for they be a nation most warlike, and through this chance this only triumph was made of them, where before (as the say­ing is) neyther was there triumph of them, nor without them. Falerio in Camepania vvhere the good vvine is praysed. Firmo a tovvne in the march of Ancona. About the mount of Ealerno, Iudacilius, Titus Afranius, and P. Vē ­tidius togither, did ouerthrowe C. Pompeyus, and droue him to the Citie of Firmo. They wente their way, and lefte Afranius to be­séege Pompey, who armed his men spéedely, but woulde not come to fighte, yet by the comming of an other army, he sente Sulpitius about to be on the backe of Afranius, and he came forthe on the face. The fight being doubtfull on both sides, Sulpitius set the eni­mies Camp on fire, which when they sawe, they fledde to Ascoli without order or obedience, where Afranius was killed continu­ing Afranius killed. in the fight. Pompeyus procéeded to the winning of Ascoli. In­dacilius was borne at Ascoli, and fearing the losse thereof, hée Iudacilius. tooke eyght compantes and went toward it, sending to the Ascu­lians before, that as soone as they saw him a farre off, they should yssue vppon the enimies, that they mighte be assayled on both sides: but they would none of it. Notwithstanding Iudacilius en­tred through the Camp with as many as he could, and reprooued his Countreymen for vnfaithfulnesse, and cowardlinesse, but ha­uing Crueltie o [...] Iudacilius. no hope to saue the Citie, firste he killed all his auntient e­nimies, then those that of late had caused the multitude to diso­bey him at this instant. That done, he prepared a fyre in the [Page 30] Temple, and sette a bedde vppon it, then he did banquet with hys friendes, and after he hadde made merrie with them, he dranke off hys poyson, and layde hym downe on the strawe, Iudacilius death. and bade them sette it on fyre. Thus Iudacilius desyrous to dye honourablie for hys Countrey, made hys ende. Sextus Cae­sar, the tyme of hys office beyng expyred, was made Uicecon­sull of the Senate. He sette vppon twentie thousande as they remoued theyr Campe, and kylled eyghte thousande of S. Caesar dyeth. them, and vnarmed many more, lying long at the séege at Ascoli, he dyed of a disease, and appoynted C. Bebius to serue in his place. These were the things done in Italy, aboute the Io­nian sea.

The Hetrurians and Vmbrianes on the other syde of Rome hearyng of this, they and other Countreys theyr neygh­boures were disposed to rebell. The Senate béeing afrayde, least the enimie being rounde aboute them, they shoulde bée vndefended, sente garrisons of frée mace menne to all the coast betweene the Citie and Cuma. This was the Cuma in Campania felici. Freemade men sent to vvarre. firste tyme that they were admytted to serue in Warre for wante of frée menne. Those Italians that remayned in good faith, they made frée of the Citie, of the whyche all were desirous. Thys benefyte they sente also to the Hetruri­anes, who receyued that fréedome verye friendelye. The Hetrurians novv Tuscanes. Senate by thys curtesie made theyr welwyllers the more wyllyng, putte them oute of doubte that were in feare, and caused the enimie (for hope of the lyke) to bée the more remisse. The Romaines dyd not receyue these newe Ci­tizens into the fuye and thirtie companyes (for so manye The Italians made Citizens of Rome. they were) least that they béeyng more than the olde, shoulde preuayle in elections, but broughte them into newe com­panyes, deuided by tennes, whereby they were last in the elections, and manye tymes theyr voyces were in vayne, bycause the olde fuye and thirtie were firste called, and more than halfe. Whether thys was not knowen at the firste, or that the Italians were contente wyth it, afterward [...] it was cause of newe contention. They aboute the Ie­nian [Page 31] Sea, not hearyng of the Hetrurianes repentaunce, sente fifteene thousande menne in ayde to Hetruria, with long and laborious iourneys. C. Pompeius nowe Con­sull, mette wyth them, and kylled fyue thousande of them, the rest returnyng home by waylesse places, sharpe sea­son of Wynter, and by eatyng of Acornes, were the halfe de­stroyed.

That same Wynter, Cato, Pompeius fellowe, made warre Cato slayne. vppon the Marsianes, and was slayne. Sylla laye in Campe at Mount Pompey. L. Ignatius wyth greate despyghte, encam­ped wythin halfe a myle of hym. Sylla coulde not abyde thys Sylla fleeth. contumelie, but sette vppon hym, not tarrying for hys for­ragiers, and was dryuen to flée, but when hys forragiers were come, he sette vppon hym agayne and putte hym to Sylla putteth to flight. flyghte. Hée then Camped farther off, hauing a supplye of Frenchmen. He agayne placed hys Campe neere to Sylla. The armyes beeyng thus nygh togither, a Frenchman of migh­tye stature came forthe alone, and challenged anye of the Ro­maynes A Combate. A Numidian. to fyghte wyth hym: a little Marusian aunswered hym, and kylled hym, wyth the whyche, the Frenehmenne were so discouraged, as they fledde theyr way, whereby the Campe béeyng troubled, no companye of Cluentuis woulde tar­rie, but wyth consusion fledde to Nola. Sylla pursued, and kylled thirtie thousande in the chase. And whereas the No­lanes receyued them but at one gate, for feare the enimie shoulde also enter, he slewe aboute the walles twentye thou­sande, among whome Cluentius mansullye fyghting, was also Cluentius slayne. slayne.

Sylla wente agaynste the Hirpinianes, and beséeged A E­quilan [...]. Hirpini in the [...]rutians. Iucanes be they that novv be of Pasibcata. They looking for the Lucanes ayde that daye, desired respite to consider: hee perceyuing theyr crafte, gaue them one houre, and in the meane tyme sette Ladders to the walles, whyche were made of woodde, and at the Aquilano taken. Citie in Brut [...]. ende of the houre sette them on fyre. They béeyng a­frayde yéelded, yet he spoyled it, bycause they yéelded not of [Page 32] good will, but of necessitie. Other that yéelded he receyued, till he had subdued all the Hirpian nation. Then he wente againste the Samnites, not that way which Mut [...]lu [...] their Captaine kepte, but [...] ouer­throvven. an other vnknowen by a compasse, and came vppon them sud­dainely, and killed many of them, and the other ranne hither and thither, and Mutilus was hurt, and with a few fledde to Asernia. Asernia in [...]. Sylla went against the Brianes, where the common counsell of the factions were kept. This Citie had thrée fortresses, and whyles Brianes novve [...] in A­bruzzo. the Brianes came wholly against Sylla, he sente aboute certayne, whome he willed to take any of the fortresses that they coulde, and to signifye it by a smoke, whiche being done, he gaue a hote assault on the front thrée houres togither, and gote the Towne. These things that Sommer were happily done of Sylla, and to­ward winter he went to Rome to stand for the Consulship. C. Pom­peius Salapia a Citie of Apulia, vvhere [...] vvas caught in loue. Canue novve Berletta. Canutui a citie in Apulia, vvhere is the best vvoll in Italy, novv Ca [...]ossa. The floud Anfido. Trebatius is dis­comfited by Cossonius. subdued the Marsians, Marusians, and the Venusians. C. Cossonius a Lieutenant did burne Salapia, and tooke Canue. By the comming of the Samnites, with whome he fought valiantly, till many dyed on both sides. He was fayne to leaue the séege of Canuti [...], and goe to Canue. Trebatius the Captayne of the Samnites, sente vnto Cosso­nius, that eyther he should come ouer the riuer that deuided their armies, to fight, or goe backe, that he might come to him: he wēt backe, and when Trebatius was comming ouer, Cossonius set vppon him, and had the better in the fight, and as he woulde haue fledde ouer againe, he killed fiftéene thousande of Trebatius men, who with them that were left, fledde to Canusio. Cossonius hauing spoy­led Larinates &c. people of A­pulia. Pediculi in Calabria. the landes of the Larineans, Venutians, and Asculans, inuaded the Podiceans, whome he wanne in two dayes. Cecilius Metellus became his successor to his army, who went against the Iapigi­ans, and ouerthrew them by battayle, in the which Pompedius one Pōpedius killed. of the Generalles of the reuolted people was killed, the rest fled by heapes to Caecilius. This was the sharpe contention in Italy, called the fellowes warre, till all the same were receyued into the ciuilitie of Rome. Except the Lucanes and Samnites, the whyche Italians receiued to the freedome of Rome. (as it should séeme) were after receyued also, and were appointed to their seuerall companies as the former, least beyng ioyned with the olde, they should, being more in number, haue the vpper [Page 33] hand in elections.

Now beganne the Usurers to contende one against an other Vsurie. in the Citie, bycause some had bought debtes with the interest, beyng forbidden to take vsurie vpon vsuries by an olde law, and a payne appoynted to him that so woulde vse his vsuries. It should seeme that the olde Romaines detested vsurie as muche as Romaines, Grecians, and Persians, hate Vsurie. the Greekes, as a matter intollerable to the poore, and cause of de­bate and euill will. The Persians also by like reason did accompte it full of fraude and leasing, but vsurie being confirmed by cu­stome and time, they required it accordingly. The other allead­ged cause of delay through war and sedition, and some threatned the vsurers with the statute. Asellio a Judge, to whome that iu­risdiction Asellio. belonged, sought to agrée them, but coulde not, where­fore he gaue them leaue to trie the controuersie by lawe, putting the Judges in remembrance, as well of the custome, as of the law, as a thing doubtfull. When the Usurers hearde Asellius make mention of the olde law, they were gréeued, and kylled him after this manner: It was his turne to make oblation in the Sacrifice to Iupiters childrē. common place to Iupiters children, the multitude standing about the sacrifice, one of the former threw a stone at him, and hit him, wherefore he flong downe the vessell of sacrifice, and ranne to­ward Vesta the God­desse of Virgi­nitie. the Temple of Vesta, where being preuented and excluded, be fledde into a shoppe, and there they slew him. Many that went after him thinking he had bin fledde among the Virgines, ranne Disorder. into places where it was not lawfull for men to come. Thus Asellio a Judge, sacrificing and cladde with an holy vesture of Aselius killed. golde, as in such solemnities is wont, was killed the second houre among the Temples in the miost of the common place. The Se­nate made Proclamation, that who so euer woulde bewray the killer, if he were a fréemā, he should haue siluer: if he were bond, he shoulde haue fréedome: if he were priuie to it, he shoulde haue pardon: but no mā would do it, for the Usurers kept it secrete. These murthers and ciuill dissentions hapned yet now and then, but afterward Captaynes of sedition with great armies conten­ded togither by law of warre, their Countrey stāding as a pray to them that could catch it, the beginning & procéeding whereof [Page 34] after the followes warre was this.

When Mithridates King of Pontus, and other nations hadde inuaded Bithinia, Ph [...]gia, and Asia, confining to the same Beginning of Ciuill vvarres. (as I haue shewed in my Booke of that matter,) it was by lotte assigned to Sylla the Consull, béeyng yet in Rome, to go­uerne the armye in Asia, in that warre of Mithridates. But Marius, who thoughte thys warre woulde be easie to dispatch, Marius. and very muche worth, desirous also of the Generalles roome, attempted P. Sulpitius Tribune of the people, with manye promises, to be hys friende. And he putte the newe Citizens of Italy in good hope, that were inferioure in elections, to be di­stributed thorough all the Companies, not shewing that hée wente aboute any matter of his owne, that hée myghte vse them as faithfull ministers in all assayes. Sulpitius straight­way Sulpitius. propounded a law for it, which if it had taken place, Marius and Sulpitius should haue had their willes in all, bycause the new Citizens did so farre excéede the olde, which thing the auntients perceiuing, did stoutely resist the new, and both sides vsed stones and staues in their defence. This euill growing still greater, and the Consuls fearing the passing of the law that was at hād, did proclayme a vacation for many dayes, as in festiuall tymes Vacation▪ was wont to be done, that some intermission mighte be hadde of this lawe and inconuenience. Sulpitius coulde not abyde thys va­cation, and therefore willed hys faction to come to the common place with weapons hidde, and do as should fall out, not sparing the very Consuls if néede were. Thys done, he spake agaynste the vacation, as a thing contrarye to the lawe, and bad the Con­sulles, Sulpitius against the vacation. Sylla, and Q. Pompey forthwyth to reuoke it, that he mighte procéede to the approbation of the lawe. A tumulte began, and they béeyng prepared, drewe their daggers, and threatned to kyll the Consulles if they spake agaynste them: wherefore Pom­pey secretely fledde, and Sylla went asyde, as to take aduice: But Pompeys sonne, béeyng sonne in lawe to Sylla, was kylled of Sul­pitius faction, bycause hée spake somewhat liberally agaynste them. Then Sylla returned, and reuoked the vacation, and wente Vacation re­uoked. to Capua, to the army which was to passe into Asia, for the war [Page 35] of Mithridates, not knowing any thing yet what was meante agaynste hym. The vacation béeyng dissolued, and Sylla gone Capua the chiefe Citie of Cam­pania. The vvarre of Mithridates appoynted to Marius. Sylla to hys Souldyers. out of the Citie, Sulpitius propounded the lawe, and to C. Marius for whome he had done all this, he assigned the rule of the warre agaynste Mithridates in Sylla hys place. Sylla hearing of [...], and determining to trye it by fight, called hys Souldyoures togy­ther, whyche were desirous to goe thys iourney for the gayne thereof, and knewe that Marius woulde vse other Souldyoures in it, and declared vnto them what spyghte Sulpitius and Marius hadde done hym, not shewyng playnely hys meaning, for hée durst not yet make mention of any suche warre, but only exhor­ted them to bée readye, as occasion shoulde requyre. They vn­derstanding hys intente, and afrayde to be preuented of thys warfare, opened Syllas cogitation, and badde hym boldly leade Sylla re [...]ur [...]e [...] to Rome in Armes. them to Rome. Hée beyng gladde thereof, marched wyth syxe Legions. All the officers of hys Campe, but one Tresourer, posted to Rome, and coulde not abyde to goe agaynste theyr Officers of good cōscience. Countrey.

Embassadoures came to hym by the way, and asked hym why wyth armes hée dyd inuade hys Countrey: he aunswered, Aunsvvere of Sylla. to delyuer it from Tyrauntes. Hée made thys aunswere twice or thrice to seuerall Embassadors, and wythall required, that the Senate wyth Marius and Sulpitius myghte méete hym in the flelde of Mars, and there hée woulde doe, as by counsell should séeme good.

When hée was come nygh, Pompeyus hys fellowe resorted to hym, allowing and praysing hys doyngs, and ioynyng wyth hym in all thynges. Marius and Sulpitius not prepared for so shorte a distaunce, sente other Embassadoures, as di­rected from the Senate, wyllyng hym not to come nygh­er than fyue myles to the Citie, tyll they hadde consul­ted of the presente state. Sylla and Pompey well vnderstandyng theyr meaning, promised so to doe, yet followed as soone as they were gone. Then Sylla tooke the gate called Celi­montana, and the wall nexte it [...], with one Legion, and Pom­pey Celimontana Gate. Collina Gate. tooke Collina Gate wyth an other. The thyrde hée placed [Page 36] at the bridge of wodde, the fourth he left as a warde vnder the walles, with the rest he entred the Citie with enunies mind and déede: wherefore the dwellers aboute did stoppe him, by castyng [...] entreth the Citie vvith armes. vpon him from aboue. He threatned to burne their houses, and then they ceassed▪ Marius and Sulpitius came against him in the AFs [...]lie vvas the hill in Rome, vppon the vvhich T [...]llus Host [...]us kept his Souldioures. First fight of the armes in Rome. The boldnesse of Syl [...]. playne of Esquily, with as manye, as of the suddayne they coulde bring armed. This was the first fight that euer was in Rome of suche enimies, not nowe for anye pretence of dissention, but by playne force, with Trumpet and ensignes, as in lawe of warre. To such inconueniences were they now come by nourishing or dissentious. Sylla hys souldyoures gaue backe, wherefore he tooke the standerd, and stoode to it with daunger, so as the reuerenc [...] of their Generall, and the feare of dishonor that come to them that forsake their ensigne, did stay them straighte from fléeyng. Sylla called freshe Souldyers from the Campe without, and sente o­thers Saburra, in the old vvriting Succurra, a streete in Rome, vvhere Soul­dyers vvere placed, to re­leeue them of Esquilia. to the streete called Saburra, to compasse the enimies on the backehalfe. Marius company made but faint resistāce against these new men, and fearing to be compassed on euery side, called to the Citizens that fought yet in their houses, and proclaymed libertie to seruauntes if they would come to help: but none com­ming forthe, and they in vtter despayre, fledde out of the Citie, and so did euery noble man that was of their faction▪ Sylla passed Marius fleeth. to the way called Holy, and such as made any spoyle, he punished Holy vvay in Rome so named of the peace that Romulus made vvith [...]. in the sight of all men. He also set garrisons in the Citie, and both he and Pompey watched, going aboute euery where, that no hurt should be done, eyther of them that had lost, or of them that had wonne. Day being come, they called the people to a counsel, they lamented that the state was betrayed of certayne trouble­some men, and that they were constreyned by necessitie to doe that they had done. Further thoy affirmed, that nothing of im­portance should be propounded to the people, but that were be­fore debated of the Senate, renuing an auntient lawe, nowe of Sylla renueth olde lavves. Comicia Cēturiata vvhere the best men gaue voyces. King Tullus. long time out of vse, and that the elections shoulde not be of the ordinarie companies of wardes, but of the generall assemblie by the rate of substance, according to the institution of Kyng Tullus, supposing by these two things, that if no lawe were pro­pounded [Page 37] to the people before the Senate, and that electiōs should not con [...]st in the poore and bolde sorte, in stéede of the wise and substantiall men, there shoulde not be suche occasion of sedition. Many other things they spake of the Tribunes, in writing a­gainste that power as Tyrannicall, whereby the Senate was growen into contempt by so vnfyt men: therefore they chose to­gither▪ three hundred of the vest sorte, and whatsoeuer had bin done by Sulpitius after the vacation of the Consuls, they reuoked it as vnlawfull. Thus sedition from strife and contention, dyd growe to murther, and from murthers to very warre, and thys was the first army of Citizens that inuaded the Countrey as e­nimies. Yet sedition ceassed not by this trial of armes, for conti­nuall inuasions were made against Rome, the walles were bea­ten downe, and all other extremities of warre done, no reuerence eyther of lawe, common wealthe, or Countrey, being able to re­frayne the violent mindes. Then was banished Sulpitius the Marius &c. pro­claymed Tray­tors. Tribune, and with him Marius, sixe times Consul, and his sonne P. Cethegus, [...]umus Brutus, C. & Q▪ Granius, P. Albinouanus, M. Lecto­rius, and other, to the number of twelue Senators, as stirrers of tumult, rebellious to the Consuls, prouokers of slaues to re­uolt, by offering them libertie, for the whiche they were proclay­med enimies to the Romaine state, and that it should be lawfull to kil them without punishment, or bring th [...] to the Consuls. Their goodes were confiscate, and serchers ranne aboute to catch thē, who founde Sulpitius, and slew him. Marius alone with­out Sulpitius slayne. seruant or fellow fledde to Minturna, the rulers of that Citie for feare of the Proclamation, kéeping him in a close house, that Mynturna in Campania be­tvvene Formiae and Sinness [...]. Marius fleeth to Minturna. hadde bin sixe times Consull, and done so many notable feates, would not be authours of his death, but sente a Frenchman that was there by chance, with a sword to kill him. The Frenchman (as they say) wente in to him lying on the strawe in the darke A Frenchman appointed to [...] Marius, can not do it. house, and was afrayde, for he thoughte that his eyes dyd cast forthe beames and flames of fire, and that he did rise from hys couch, and cryed with a loude voyce, darest thou kil C [...]s Marius. The Frenchman fledde as fast as he could out of the house like Marius escapeth. a madde man, crying, I can not kyl Marius, whereby the Rulers [Page 38] that doubtfully hadde determined this, were stricken with a di­uine feare, and a fame spoken from his childhoode, that the man shoulde be seauen times Consull, for they say, when he was a childe, seuen yong Eagles fell into his lappe, whiche the South­sayers Token of Ma­rius honor. did shewe, that he shoulde seauen times haue the greatest honor. The Magistrates of Minturna remembring this, and thinking the Frenchman was feared by Gods operation, they conueyd Marius out of their Citie, to saue himselfe as well as he could. He knowing that he was sought for of Sylla, and follo­wed of the Horsemen, went toward the Sea by vnbeatē wayes, and chansing vpon a Cotage, stayed there, and couered hys body with leaues, he hearde a noyse, and lay still couered wyth hys leaues, but hearing it more and more, he lept into an old Fisher­mans bote, and tooke it away spight of his téeth: a tempest arose, Hard happe of Marius in es­caping. and he cutte the Cable, and hoysted the saile, and committed him­selfe to fortune, and so he came to an Iland, where he founde a Shippe of his friendes, with whome he sayled into Lybia, but bée­ing reiected from thence by Sextus the Presidente, as an enimie, he liued all that Winter in the Sea, vnder the Mountaynes of Numidia. Being thus againe a seaborde and knowen, of hys friends, there sayled to him C [...]egus, Granius, Alben [...]uanus, Lecto­rius, and others, and his sonne, all the whiche being valiant men, fledde from Rome▪ to a Numidian Prince, and being afrayde of Treason, departed from thence. These had good will to set vpon Sylla, whome they thought violently to vse their Countrey, but lacking army, they tarried till occasion might serue. Sylla béeyng the first that euer entred the Citie with armes, and able to haue made himselfe in Rome equall with a Monarch, after he was a [...]enged of his enimie, he did willingly refrayne from violēce. He sent his army to Capua, and ruled agayne as a Consull. The faction of the banished, chiefly the riche menne and women that were full of money, being deliuered of feare of the army, were earnest for the returne of their men, and omitted neyther care nor cost, laying wayte for the Consulles bodyes, bycause if they were well, their matter were dashed. Nowe when Sylla▪ shoulde [...]eaue his office, the army that was appoynted him against Mi­thridates [Page 39] should be his defence. Pompey the other Consull, the peo­ple pitying his case, appoynted him the gouernemente of Italy, with the army that was vnder C. Pompeius▪ When Cneus heard of this, he tooke it euill, yet he receyued Quintus into the Campe, Pompey the Consull killed. who the next day doing his office, Cneus wente aside as a priuate man, till a number pretending to heare the Consull, enclosed him and killed him, other fleeing away. Cneus returned as though he had bin maruellous angry that the Consul should be so vnlaw­fully slayne, but angry as he was, he straight tooke the rule vp­pon him agayne. When the newes of the Consuls deathe was brought to the Citie, Sylla was afrayd of himselfe, and strayght carried his friendes with him wheresoeuer he wente, and in the night had them about him also, and so not tarrying lōg, he went to Capua to his army, and frō thence sayled into Asia. The friēds of the fledde men had great confidence in Cinna that was Consul C [...] after Sylla, and stirred the new Citizens to the deuises of Mari­us, and thought it méete that they shoulde be mixt with the olde companies, least being last of all, their roomes shoulde be lost. This was the plat, for Marius and his friends returne. The olde Citizens stoode stiffely against it. Cinna stoode with the newe Ci­tizens, corrupted (as it is thought) with thrée hundred Talentes. Octauius the other Consull defended the olde. Cinna his companie, Octauius. closely armed, tooke the cōmon place, & cryed to be mixed with y cōpanies. The other inultitude better minded, resorted to Octaui­us with their weapons also, to whome tarrying at home to take aduisement, w [...]e was brought, y the most part of y Tribunes did resist these doings, & that there was a tumult of the new Ci­tizēs, with weapons drawne in the way againste the Tribunes of y contrary side, rushing into the cōmon place. When Octanius heard of this, he wēt the way called Holy, with a great cōpany, & VVay Holy. thrōging through y middest of y cōtrary side, gote y cōmonplace & stayed thē. Whē he had thus afraide thē, he went into y Tēple of Iupiters childrē to auoide Cinna, but they that were with him, Tu [...] in the vvhich the nev [...] Citizens are killed. without any commaundement, ranne vppon the newe Citizens, and killed manye of them, and chaced the other fléeyng to the Gates. Cinna hauyng hys trust in the newe Citizens, [Page 38] [...] [Page 39] [...] [Page 40] and thinking to haue done all by force, and now contrarie to his opinion, séeing the boldnesse of a few to haue ouercome, he went aboute the Citie, and called slaues to libertie, but when none came, he ranne to the nexte Cities, whiche not long before were made frée of Rome, that is, [...]ibur, Preneste, and other as farre as [...]ur novve T [...] ­ [...] sixteene miles from Rome. Preneste novve P [...]lastr [...] in Champa [...]ne of Rome. Nola nine miles from Naples. Cinna deposed. Nola, and stirred them to sedition, and gathered money for the warre. Cinna being thus occupyed and deuising, some Senators of his minde fledde vnto him, as C. Melonius, Quintus Sertorius, and the other C. Marius. The Senate did decrée, that Cinna should no more be taken as Consull nor Citizen, bycause being Con­sull, he left the Citie in tumulte, and called bondmen to libertie, and in his place they appoynted Lucius Merula, Iupiters Prieste. They saye that this holye Prieste only mighte euer weare the The thing vvas called. Apex, vvhich vvas a vvand vvound about vvith vvooll in the heigth of his hatte. Iupiters Priest. C [...] to the Souldiers. wand of his hatte alway, where as other might not do it, but in sacrifices only. Cinna went to Capua, where was an other armye of the Romaines. He did make sute to the Rulers of it, and to as many Senators as were there. He went in the middest as Con­sull. He threwe away his maces, and like a priuate man wepte and sayde. Of you (O Citizens) receyued I this dignitie, the people gaue it me, and the Senate haue taken it from me with­out you, and as I suffer in mine owne cause, so am I gréeued for your sakes: why should we now desire fauoure at the com­panies in our elections? What néede haue we of you? how shal you be any longer Lords of elections, of assemblies, or of chiefe officers, if you can not mainteyne that you haue giuen, and take away when you sée cause? When he had spoken thus to stirre them, and lamenting muche his owne cause, he rente his garment, and ranne from the Chaire, and fell flatte among thē, and still lay downe, till they for pities sake tooke him vp, and set him againe in his Chaire, and tooke him the bundelles of autho­ritie, Cinna restored to his dignitie▪ and bade him hope well, as became a Consull, and to vse them as occasion should require. The officers of the Campe by this meane did relent, and sware to Cinna the oth of a Souldiour, and so did all the rest. This done, he wente boldly to the confede­rate▪ Cities, and stirred them, as for whose sakes he suffered this calamitie. They reléeued him with money, & many of the other [Page 41] great men of the Citie came vnto him, whiche did not like the quiet state of the common wealth. Thus Cinna did. Octauius and Merula the Consuls, fortifyed the Citie with rampiers, and pre­paration The Con [...] prepare for defence. of engines of warre. They sente for Souldyers to the Cities that remayned obediente, and into Fraunce their next neyghboure. They also called home Cneus Pompeius the Procon­sull, leading an armye at the coast of the Ionian Sea, to come with all spéede to serue hys Countrey. He so dyd, and planted Collina a gate in Rome, novve Salaria. hys host at the Gate called Collina. Cinna came also, and encam­ped by him.

Caius Marius hearing of thys, passed the Sea to Hetruria with Marius retur­neth. his fellowes banished, and Seruauntes, and there came to him aboute fyue hundred of hys friendes of Rome: he with vile ap­parell and long heare to moue pitie wente to the Cities, she­wing his victories and honoures agaynste the Germanes, and The Germanes vvere cal'ed Cimbrianes, novv thought to be D [...]es. hys syxe tymes Consulshippe, and (that whyche pleased them best) promised to doe for them in the lawe of elections: and so hée gathered syxe thousande Toscanes, and came wyth them to Cinna, who gladly receyued hym into the societie of his do­yngs. Ostia spoyled, being at the mouth of Tiber, about tvvelue miles from Rome. Arimino is in that part that novv is called Romania, next [...] [...]omberdie, and vvas [...] diui­sion of o [...]de Italy at the floud Rubicon. Cee [...]lius Metellus is too precise, and giueth oc­casion of ad­uantage to his enimie. Marius entreth Rome. Appius Claudius [...]eceyueth Ma­rius into the Citie.

Beyng mette togyther, they ordered theyr army at the floude Tiber, and deuided it into thrée partes, Cinna and Carbo ouer a­gaynste the Citie, Sertorius aboue it, and Marius towarde the Sea.

They made Bridges ouer the Riuer, that they myghte kéepe victuals from the Citie. Marius tooke Ostia and spoyled it. Cinna sente to take Arimeno, that no army shoulde come out of nyghe Fraunce. The Consuls were afrayde, hauyng néede of an other army, and bycause they coulde not call home Sylla bée­yng entred into Asia, they commaunded Cecilius Metellus that was aboute the remnaunt of the fellowes warre againste the Samnites, that he shoulde dispatche it as honestly as he coulde, and come to helpe hys Countrey that was inuaded. He stoode too muche vpon termes wyth the Samnites, whyche when Mari­us hearde, he graunted them all theyr demaundes, and so the Samnites ioyned with Marius. Appius Claudius a Captayne, and [Page 42] kéeper of the hyll Ianiculo, and the walles there, hauing receyued a good turne, and myndfull of the benefyte, opened the gate by breake of day, and so Marius entred, and Cinna followed, but they were soone repulsed by Octauius and Pompey, that came agaynste Marius repul­sed. them.

It chaunced so, that there was greate lyghtnings that Pompey de­stroyed by lightning. fell vpon Pompeys armye, whereby he and manye noble menne were destroyed. Marius kepte all victuals from the Citie that came from the Sea, or aboue from the freshe water, and hée rode to the nigh Cities, where anye Corne was layde for the Antium, novv [...]. Aritia tenn [...] mile from Rome. Lanuuis [...]m novv Indouina. Marius keepeth victuals from Rome. The vvay cal­led Appia vvent from Porta Ca­pena to Br [...] ­dase, paued vvith foure­square stone. Mount Albano nigh Rome, vvith a lake, of the vvhich a propliecie vvent of the [...]m [...]unes vi­ctorie. Romayne store, and by suddayne comming to Antio, Aritia, and Lanuuio, hée tooke them all, and some other Cities by Treason. And thus kéeping awaye victuals by lande also, hée approched towarde Rome boldly, by the way called Appia, be­fore any victualles coulde bée broughte from anye other place, and wyth Cinna, Carbo, and Sertorius, Camped twelue myles from Rome, Octauius, Crassus, and Metellus dyd lye agaynste them at Mount Albano, and considering for the tyme to come, al­though they were superioure in strength and number, yet hadde they a compassion to putte theyr Countrey in hazarde by one battayle.

Cinna sente Trumpettes aboute the Citie, proclayming li­bertie to Seruauntes, whereby a multitude of fugitiues came vnto hym. The Senate was afrayde thereby, and doubtyng of the people, bycause of the want of thyngs in the Citie, chaun­ged theyr mynde, and sente Embassadoures to Cinna for recon­ciliation. Hée asked them firste, whether they came to hym as a Consull, or as a priuate person. They doubted what to an­swere, and returned to Rome.

Nowe many of the fréemen came vnto him, some for faction, and some for feare of famine, and to sée the sequeale of it: and Resort [...] to [...]. nowe proudely he approched the walles, and Camped within an arrowe shotte. They that were with Octauius were in feare and doubte, and slowe to fighte, bycause of the runnawayes, and ofte sendyng betwéene, the Senate was greately ama­zed.

[Page 43]They thoughte it vniust to depose Lucius Merula, Iupiters Prieste, that was chosen in Cinnas place, and hadde not offen­ded, but béeyng oppressed wyth the greate myseries, they sente to Cinna as Consull, and as they looked for no greate The Senate sendeth to Cinna as Consull. Doubriull aunsvvere. good thereby, so they requyred Cinna to sweare, that hée woulde commytte no murther. Hée resused to sweare, but promi­sed that willinglye hée woulde bee no cause of manslaughter. Hée wylled also, that Octauius that came in at the other gates, shoulde gette hym away, least some displeasure mighte be done hym agaynste hys wyll. Thys he aunswered from an hygh Throne as Consull, to the Embassadoures of the Citie. Ma­rius Marius. standyng nexte the Senate, was silente, but by hys cruell countenaunce, it was perceyued that he was bente to mur­ther.

The Senate accepted thys, and willed Cinna and Marius to enter, well knowyng that Marius dyd all, and Cinna as­sented to it. Marius spake in iestyng wyse, that it was not Marius scorne [...] lawfull for a banished manne to enter, wherefore the Tri­bunes dyd reuoke the banishmente, and dissolue the decrée The banish­ment of Marius reuoked. Marius and Cin­na giue their oth for Octauius. He is counselled to flee. made againste hym by Sylla. Then they entred the Citie wyth the feare of all that receyued them. They made spoyle of the contrarye parte, wythoute stoppe. Cinna and Marius sente theyr othes to Octauius, but the Southsayers and Diuiners badde hym not trust them, and hys friendes counselled hym to flée, but hée protesting neuer to leaue the Citie, whyles hée The constancie of Octauius. was Consull, wente among them to Ianiculo, with the noble men, and parte of the armye, where hée remayned, and sate downe in the seate, cladde with his robe of rule, being wayted vpon wyth the roddes and axes, as Consulles were wont. Cen­sorinus Censorinus com­met [...] to kill Octauius con­trary to the oth. came agaynste hym with certayne Horsemenne, hys friendes perswadyng hym to flée with hys armye, and brin­ging hym an Horse, he woulde not allowe of it, nor once ryse, but abode the deathe. Censorinus cutte off hys heade, and Octauius Con­sull headed. broughte it to Cinna, and was the fyrste Consulles head that was sette vppe in the common place: but after him, the heads of the other that were slayne were set vp also, and this mischiefe [Page 44] beginning with Octauius, continued still in such murthers of them that were counted enimies. Searchers ranne straighte aboute for to fynde their foes, and there was no regarde of Senator or Gentleman, nor no difference made. All the heads of the Sena­tors were put vp in the common place. There was neyther re­uerence of the Gods, nor respect of men, or anye matter made of [...]. murther, but all bent to cruell actes, and from actes to horible fightes, killing, crueltie, and cuttyng off the heads of them that were kylled, to the feare & astonishmēt of the beholders, making thereof most miserable shewe. C. & Lucius, Iulius, Bréethren, A­tilius, Eranius, P. Lentulus, G. Numitorius, and M. Bebius were Noble men killed. Crassus killed. slayne, béeyng mette in the way. Crassus fledde wyth his sonne, and preuented them in killing him, then himselfe was killed of the pursuers. Marcus Antonius an orator fledde into a Forme M. Antonius O­rator, bevvrayd by a Vintner. house, the kéeper whereof receyued him gentlye, and hydde hym, and sendyng a Seruaunte for Wyne to a Tauerne oft­ner than hée was wonte, the Tauerner asked hym why hée boughte Wyne so ofte, he tolde hym secretely in his eare, then the Vintner sente one straighte to Marius, and opened the mat­ter, whereof hée was so glad, as he mynded to haue gone and Marius glad to haue Antonius killed. kylled hym hymselfe, but béeyng stayed of his friendes, a Cap­tayne of a bande was appoynted to it, who sente hys Souldy­oures into the house, whome Antonius, béeyng so singulare an Orator, dyd deteyne wyth swéete spéeches, dyuers wayes mo­uyng Eloquence. them to pitie. The Captayne maruellyng at the mat­ter, wente into the house, and founde them attentiuely hearke­nyng to hys tale, wherefore hymselfe kylled hym, as he was yet eloquente in speakyng, and sente hys head to Marius. Cor­nutus lying hydde in a Cotage, hys menne carefullye kepte Cornutus saued by his Ser­uauntes. hym. They founde a dead bodye, whyche they threwe into a fyre that they hadde made, and when the searchers came, they sayde it was theyr maisters bodye, whome they hadde fyrste strangled. Thus was hée saued by hys Seruauntes.

Q. Ancharius wayted when Marius shoulde make Sacri­fice in the Capitoll, trustyng in the tyme of Sacrifice to fynde hym the more mercifull. When he hadde begunne the Sa­crifice, [Page 45] and sawe Ancharius commyng vnto him, he commaun­ded hym to be killed there, so hys head, Antonius, and other Ancharius killed in the Temple. Consulles and Senatours were sette vp in the common place. None of theyr bodies thus slayne, were thoughte worthye to bée buried, but the carcasses of so many noble men, were throwne downe to be deuoured of Dogges and Foule. Many o­ther horrible actes were done vpon them, expulsion from their possessions, publication of their goodes, depriuatiō of their digni­ties, & reuocation of all things that Sylla had done, whose friends and kinsfolke were killed, his house pulled downe, his goods con­flscate, and he proclaymed enemie to his countrie, his wife and Sylla proclay­med rebell. his daughter with great daunger escayed: finally, there was all sortes of mi [...]eries and mischiefe that could be inuented, and for a shewe of law and authoritie, after so many murders without law, accusings were broughte in againste Merula Iupiters priest, Accusers. Merula. for anger of his office, whiche he tooke without any displeasure to Cinna, and against Catulus Luctatius who was felow with Ma­rius, Catulus Luctatius▪ in the warre agaynst the Gimbrians, and once saued by Ma­rius, but now thought vnthankfull, for that he was sore agaynst him after he was banished. They were kept in close pryson till the court day, and then called to iudgement, & where they must be foure times cited by certen distaunce of houres, Merula in the meane time cut hys vaynes, and by a wryting made by him, did testifie, that he had layde of his priestly attyre when he cut his Merula dieth. vaynes, for it was not lawfull for a Priest to die with that vpon him. Catulus choked himself in a chamber new made and moysty Catulus dieth. with a smoke, and thus they two died. The bondmen that came to Cinna by proclamation were al made frée, and seruyng him as Soldiours they did not onely runne aboute and spoyle euery house, but also slew whome soeuer they mette, not sparyng their olde maysters. Cinna many times did monishe thē, but they were Cinna killeth the free made. neuer the better, wherefore in the night when they were at rest, he sent y e French bandes, and killed them euery one. Thus these flaues receyued worthy punishment, for theyr vnfaithfulnesse a­gaynst their maysters. The yeare folowyng. Cinna, the seconde tyme, and Marius the vij. tyme were chosen Consuls, to whom [Page 46] after his banishment, and proclamation that any man might kill him, the token of seuen Egles appeared agayne vnto him. He being bent to all extremitie agaynst Sylla, died the firste ikoneth Marius dyeth. of his seuēth Cōsulship. Cinna tooke Valerius Flaccus in hys place, and sente him into Asia, who beyng dead also, he chose Carbo to [...] in Marius place, dyeth in Asia. be his felow in office.

Sylla thynkyng long to returne agaynst hys enimies, made shorte ende with Mithridates, and, as wée haue sayde before, in Actes of Sylla in Asia. thrée yeares, and them not complete, he destroyed one hundred and thréescore thousande menne. He restored to the Romaine Empyre, Graecia, Macedonia, Asia and Ionia, with other nations that Mithridates had oppressed. Hée tooke from hym hys nauie, & shutte hym within the compasse of his Fathers kyngdome: hée returned with an arinie mightie, obedient, experte, and cora­gi [...]us in theyr doyngs paste, he brought also a multitude of shippes, money and furniture of all thyngs fitte, whereby hée was feared of hys enimies. Cinna and Carbo beyng perplexed, sente diuerse ouer all Ital [...] to prouide money, menne and vi­ctuall, the ryche menus with theyr substaunce they made sure, the Citties they styrred, especially the newe made Citizens, as for whose sake they were now in daunger. They prepared a na­uy with great spéede, they called home the shippes of Cicelie, they kepte the coaste sure, & omitted nothing that might be done, with spéedy care and diligence. Sylla with haughty harte wrote to the Senate of himselfe, shewyng what hée had done in Lybia, when he was Treasourer, agaynst Iugurth kyng of Numidia, what a­gaynst the Cimbrians, what in Cicelie, when he was Admirall, and what in the felowes warre, when he was Consull: but the late affayres done agaynst Mithridates, he chiefly extolled, re­hearsing at large the infinite sorte of nations that he had taken from hym and made subiecte to the Romaynes, notwithstandyng Sylla vvrighteth to the Senate. all the whiche, bycause hée had receyued certayne afficted Gentlemen of Rome banished by Cinna, and comforted them in calamitie, hée was of hys enimies proclaymed rebell to hys countrey, hys house was pulled downe, hys friendes were slayne, his wyfe and chyldren coulde scarcely saue themselues [Page 47] and flée vnto hym. But nowe he woulde come and be au [...]nged of them and the whole Cittie for theyr doyngs, as for the other Citizens, and them that were newe made he woulde not blame any of them. These letters being redde, euery man was afrayd, they sent Embassadours, to treate of attenement with his ad­uersaries, and if he requyred any assuraunce, that the Senate woulde fulfill it, and commaunded Cinnas his officers to leaue gathering of mē, till Syllas aunswere were heard. They promised so to do, but when the Embassadors were gone, they made them­selues Consuls for the nexte yeare, bycause they woulde not re­turne of the suddayne, for the elections, and wente aboute Italy, gathering men, whiche they sente into Lyburnia, as they were ready, there intending to sette vpon Sylla. The firste that wente Dalmatis is novv part of Slauonia. had prosperous iourney, the nexte were beaten with tempest, so as when they came to lande, they returned euery man to theyr Countrey, as though they woulde not willingly serue agaynste The Souldyers refused to goe against their Countreymen. the Citizens. The other hearing of thys, refused to sayle into Lyburnia. Cinna was displeased, and warned them to assemble, mynding to compell them: they with anger wente, thynking to be reuenged. One of the Sergeantes makyng way for Cinna, and hitting one of the Souldyers ouer the legges, an other of the army stroke the Sergeant agayne. Cinna commaunding him to be taken, they all made a great shoute, and fell to throwing of stones. They that were next him drew their swordes, and kylled him. Thus Cinna being Consul, was murthered. Carbo called frō Cinna killed. Carbo afrayde to goe to Rome. Lyburnia them y t sayled thither, and being afraid of these doings, woulde not returne to Rome, albeit y Tribunes did earnestly re­quire him to come to y election of a new fellow in office, at lēgth threatning him y they would make him priuate, he came & pro­pounded y e electiō of a new Consul. The day being vnlucky, hée appointed an other. That daye also lightnings falling vpon the Temple of the Mone, & Goddesse of Corne, y maisters of Cere­monies Lightnings vpon the Tēple of the Moone and Ceres. did differre y election, till after y standing high of y e Som­mer Sunne, & so Carbo was Cōsul alone. In the meane tune Sylla made this answere to thē that came to him frō the Senate, that The aunsvvere of Sylla. he could not be friend to them, that had dealte so outragiously [Page 48] by him, but with the Citie, that desired his preseruation, he had no quarrell: yet he said they should be most sure, that would trust to him, whome to defend, he had a welwilling armye. By thys wo [...]de it was chiefly vnderstanded, that he woulde not dissolue his army, but intended to play the Tyrante. He requyred hys dignitie, hys substance, his Priesthode, and anye other office he had, to be restored vnto him without exception, and with the Embassadoures he sente certayne of his, to require the same, [...]he whiche hearing that Cinna was slayne, and the Citie trou­bled, returned from Brunduse to Sylla, doing nothing: then Sylla with fiue Legiones of Italyans, syxe thousand Horse, and certaine other of Pelop [...]neso and Macedonia, marched, hauing in the whole Pelop [...]neso novv M [...]. Pireo vvas the porte of Athens novv Porto [...]ne. Para in Achaia. Sylla giueth pri­uileges to Brun­duse. fortie thousande, from Pireo to Patra, and from Patra to Brunduse, with xvj. hundreth Shippes. The Brundusianes receyued him wil­lingly, wherfore he gaue them priuiledges which they yet holde. From thence he remoued his army and went forward. Mesellus surnamed the duetifull, that was lefte to finishe the fellowes warre, and for Cinna and Marius came not into the citie, but re­mayned in Liguria to sée what would happe, came vnto him [...]n­called, as fellow in the warre, and he accepted his societie as yet Metellus the due­tifull c [...]uneth to Sylla. Procon [...]ull, for they that be once chosen, do continue till they re­turne to Rome. After Metellus, C [...]. Pompeius, that not long after Pompeius com­ [...]ieth. was called greate, sonne to him that was killed with the light­nyng, as we sayde before, came vnto him with a legion of the Picenes, who for the glory of his father, mighte doe muche with that people, and to auoyde suspition▪ not thought to be Syllas friende, and shortly after brought twoo legions more, and was the moste forwarde man in the a [...]auncement of Sylla, wherfore Pompey honored of Sylla. Sylla had him in greate honour, and as they say, would onely rise to him when he came, though he was but very yong: and this warre ceasing, he sente him into Lybia to breake Carbos friendes there, and to restore Hiempsall, whome the Numidians had expul­sed, Hiempsall resto­red by Pompey. for the whiche Sylla graunted him to triumph of the Numi­dians beyng yet yong, and but a gentleman. By this meane, Pompey growyng greate, he was sente into Spayne agaynste Ser­torius, and after into P [...]ntus agaynst Methridates. Cethegus also [Page 49] came to Sylla, that was his most earnest enimie, with Cinna and Marius, and with them put out of the Citie. He humbled himselfe vnto him, and promised to do what seruice he woulde haue hym. Thus hauing a very greate army, and many noble friendes, hée vsed them as Lieutenants, but he and Metellus were yet Procon­suls, and had the highest place: for it was thought that Sylla being Proconsul in the warre against Mithridates, was not yet dischar­ged of it, though he were iudged a Rebell of Marius. The ha [...]e he bare to his enimies, was gréeuous and close, who being in the Citie, and well coniecturing of his nature by his last inuasion thereof, hauing the taking of the same yet in their eyes, and their decrées made against him still in memorie, his house ouerthrowē in their sight, his goodes con [...]cated, his friends killed, and his fa­milie The preparation of Syllas enemies. hardly escaped, were in maruellous feare, and thinking no meane to be betwéene victorie and vtter destruction, did with feare conspire with the Consuls against him. They sente aboute Italy, they gathered men and money, leauing off nothing in thys extremitie, eyther of fore [...]ight or diligence. Caius Norbanus, Lucius C. Norbanus. L. Scipio. Carbo. Scipio, both Consuls, and with them Carbo, who the yeare before was in authoritie, hauing all like hate againste Sylla with feare & conscience of y t they had done, against him more than other, ga­thered in the Citie as great an army as they could, and an other out of Italy, and went seuerally againste Sylla with two hundred The Consuss against Sylla. Tvventy thou­sand men. bands of fiftie men at the firste, but after with more than these, for the fauor of most men enclyned towarde the Consuls: for the doings of Sylla comming againste his countrey, had the shewe of an enimie, but that the Consuls and their friends dyd, had a pre­tence Sylla seemeth as an enimie to his Countrey. Consuls cary authoritie. of the state. The common sorte knowing their former of­fences, ioyned with them, as partakers of their dread, for they perceiued certainly that Sylla did not minde the correction, afray­ing, or punishment of a fewe, but the destruction, slaughter, and vtter vndoing generally of all, whiche opinion was not vayne, for this warre consumed all in the which, tenne thousand, & twē ­tie thousand did many times fall in one fight, and about the Ci­tie fiftie thousande of both sides was slayne, and to the rest Sylla lefte no kinde of crueltie vndone, neyther to priuate men, nor to [Page 50] whole Cities, till he had made himselfe a Monarke of the Ro­maine Empire, and brought all to his will and pleasure. All this was (as it were) by inspiration shewed before vnto them, for fearefull things againste reason did vexe all men priuately and publikely ouer all Italy, and the olde prophestes most fearefull Prophecies. were called to memorie, and menye Monsters were dayly séene. A M [...]le did bring forthe. A Woman deliuered a Uiper for a Monstrons tokens. child. God with earthquakes shaked the Citie, and ouerthrewe many Temples: and that that most gréeued y e Romaines, the Ca­pitoll Capitoll tur­ned. that before from the Kings had continued foure hundred yeares, was sette a fyre, and no man coulde tell the cause, all the which did foreshew the multitude of men to be killed, the ouer­throwe of Italy, the Captiuitie of Rome and hir Citizens, and the change of the common wealth. This warre beganne when Sylla arriued at Brunduse the CLXXIIII. Olympiad. The length of it The sharpnesse of this vvarre. is not so great, as the sharpnesse of the extremities, euerye man his priuate meanes was followed, bycause the vehemencie of their affections caused in short time the more and sharper effects to followe. Thrée yeares it continued in Italy, till Sylla gote the Three yeares lasted this vvarre. principalitie. In Spayne it continued longer, but the battayles, the skirmishes, the expugation of fortes, the séeges, and all the formes of warres in Italy, both of the whole armies, and of part of them, by their seuerall Captaynes were many, and al notable. The greatest and most worthy of the whiche to speake brieflie were these. The first was at Canutium by the Proconsuls against The battayle at Ca [...]sio. This is the place called C [...], vvhere A [...]l gaue the Romaines their great ouerthrovve. Another of that name Ca­ [...]ssa. Th [...] in A­p [...]. Norbanum, where Norbanus lost vj. M. men, and Sylla lxx. but many moe were wounded. Norbanus fledde to Capua. Sylla and Metellus being at Theano, Lucius Scipio came with an other armye verye faintly, and desired peace might be made. They that were wyth Sylla sent to Scipio to agrée vpon articles, not so much hoping so to do any good, as bycause they thought his army woulde rather re­uolt, by reason of their discouragemēt: yet they met, & Scipio tooke hostages for the agréemēts, & went, & came into the field. Thrée of eyther side did conferre, so as it was not knowen what they dyd. Scipio thought good to send Sertorius to Norbanus his felow, to signi­fie what was spoken of, both armies remaining in quiet loking [Page 51] for answere. Sertorius in his iourney tooke Swessa, that was a towne S [...]ssa taken in the time of treatie by Ser­torius, a Citie in Campania nigh Mon [...] Massico. of Syllas. Sylla sent a messenger to complaine with Scipio. He either priuie to the fact, or doubting of the answere, as a thing not fitte for Sertorius, sent the hostages againe to Sylla. His army being of­fended at this déede of Sertorius in a time of treaty, and at the sen­ding againe of y e hostages, not being required, layde al the blame Scipio the Con­ [...]ull betrayd of his army. vpon the Consuls, & priuily cōpacted to reuolt to Sylla if he would draw néere, which he doing, they al wēt vnto him, leauing Scipio the Consull, & Lucius his sonne in the tente, & were taken of Sylla. Me thinke it is a strange thing, farre vnfitte for a Captayne, to be ignorāt of such a practise of his whole army. Whē Sylla could not persuade Scipio, he did let him & his sonne goe without hurte, & sent other mē to Norbanus to treate of conditions, eyther bycause he was afraid of y e force of Italy y conspired with the Consuls, or y he went about to deceiue him as he had done Scipio, but no man cōming with answer (bycause it séemeth Norbanus feared the like blame of his army) Sylla marched toward him, wasting al things as an enimie. Norbanus did the like, but toke other wayes. Carbo made hast to the Citie, & proclaimed Metellus, & other that were gone to Sylla, Rebels. At this time y e Capitoll was on fire, & some Iupiters Temple in the Capitoll on fire. say it was Carboes worke or the Consuls, some say Sylla sente to do it, but the certētie is vnknowen, & I could neuer learne which way it came. Sertorius being before chosē Pretor of Iberia, after he Sertorius fleeth into Spayno. had deteined Swess [...], he fled into his prouince, and the former Pre­fors not receiuing him, it caused the Romaines to haue much to do. The army of y Consuls encreased euery day frō the more part of Italy, & from the hither side of France, aboute Eridanus the Riuer. Riuer of Po [...]. Sylla was not idle, but sente some of his into euery place of Italy. He gote many for loue, some for feare, some for money, and some for hope, and thus was the rest of that Sommer consumed. The yeare folowing, Paptrius, Carbo agayne, and Marius, nephew to the AEsis novve Fiemesino be­tvveene Spoleto and Ancons. The fight be­tvvene Me­tellus and Ca­rinna. mighty Marius, being xxvij. yeares old, were chosen Consuls, the Winter & the cold continuing long, did deuide thē asunder. At the beginning of the Spring, about the floud Aesis, frō morning tyl midday, was a greate battaile fought, betwixt Metellus and Ca­rinna, one of Carbos Pretors, at the which Carinna losing manye, [Page 52] fled away, all y e Countrey yéelded to Metellus, & forse [...]ke the Con­suls. Carbo came vpō Metellus & beseged him, til he heard y Marius the other Consull had a great ouerthrow at Preneste. Then he re­moued his Cāp toward Arimino, y rereward wherof was set on [...]neste not farre from Rome. [...] novv in Roman [...]. Se [...] not farre from [...]. The battayle betvveene Sylla and yong Marius. of Pompeius, and greately distressed. Sylla tooke Sett [...], & Marius who was lodged nigh him, withdrew by little & little, til he was come to the place called Holy Port, there he set his mē in order, and gaue Sylla a battel, in y which he fought very fearcely, til his left wing began to giue backe, of the which fiue bāds of footemen, & two of Horsemē, not loking for any other turne, threw downe their en­signes, & fled to Sylla, & this was the cause of Marius ruine, for af­ter many were slayne, y rest fled to Preneste, whom Sylla followed in chace. The Prenestines did receyue them y t came first, but when Part of yong Marius Souldi­ers reuolt to Sylla. Sa [...]ites killed. they saw Sylla at hand, they shut the gates, & tooke in Marius with ropes. The other about y e walles were al slayne & taken, wherof many being Samnites, Sylla cōmanded to be killed, as antient eni­mies to the Romaines. At this time also, the residue of Carbes army was ouercome of Metellus fiue bands, whiles they fought, reuol­ting vnto him. Pompeius ouerthrewe Marcius at Sena, & sacked the Sena a Citie in Tuscane, an hun­dreth miles on this side Rome. Citie. Sylla hauing Marius shut in Preneste, made a trēch about the Citie, & a great wall a good way off, appointing Lucretius Offella to y charge, not otherwise meaning to deale with Marius, but with famine. Marius not loking for any help, would néedes kill his pri­uate enimies, and sent to Brutus, the Pretor of y Citie to assemble thē for another purpose, & to kil Pub. Ant stius, & the other Papirius Crueltie of yong Marius agai [...] some Citizens. P. Anti [...], Pap. Carbo, I. Domitius, and I. Sccuol [...] slayne. Carbo, Lucius Domitius, & Lucius Sceuola, the great Bishop of the Ro­maines. These two were slayne in coūsell, as Marius commanded, Domitius fléeing, was strickē at his going out, & Sceuola was slaine a little before y e Senate house. Their bodies were cast into y e Ri­uer, for now it was out of vse to burie thē that were killed. Sylla sent his army seuerally by diuers wayes to Rome, & willed thē to take the gates of the Citie, & if they were repulsed, to retyre to Ostia. The Cities receiued thē as they came, with great feare, and opened their Gates whē they would come in, and whē they came to the Citie it selfe, they opened the Gates, for being pined wyth hunger, and oppressed with desperation of presente euils, they [Page 53] were in vre to suffer the mightier power, whiche Sylla when hée knew, came forward with his Camp, and planted it in the fielde Sylla entreth Rome. of Mars before the gates, and entred. All the contrarye faction fléeing out of the Citie, their goodes he made common, or caused them to be sold by Trumpet. He called the people to a Counsell, and lamenting the present time, badde them be of a good chéere, Sylla to the people. for he woulde set all in quiet, and bring the common wealthe to better estate, and whatsoeuer he should ordeyne, all should be for Clusio is vnder the dominion of Sena, vvhere Porsena the king of Tuscane helde his Court. Spanish Horse­men. Clani [...], Clanius not farre frō Naples, at the Citie of Acerra. the best. Hauing thus disposed his matters, leauing certayne of his friends to garde the Citie, he went to Clusio, where the rem­nant of the warre was. In the meane time, certayne Spanishe Horsemen sente from the Captaynes of Iberia, came to the Con­suls, with whome Sylla making a fight on Horsebacke, he kylled fiftie of them at the floud Clan [...], and two hundred and 70. fledde vnto him, the residue Carbo destroyed, eyther hating the suddaine reuolting of that natiō, or fearing the like losse by them. At that time with the other part of his armyes, Sylla ouercame his eni­mies Saturnia in Campania. Vritanes not farre from Otranto, but farre from Ra­uenna. Naples. The battell be­tvveene Carbo and Sylla. Fight at Clusio. Fight at Spoleto an auntient Citie, the vvhi­che valiantly droue avvay Anniball after his victorie at the lake of Perugia, and stucke continu­ally to the Ro [...] ­maines. Carinna fleeth. Martius goeth to rel [...]u [...] Marius. about Saturnia, and Metellus comming to Rauenna by shippe, did winne the region of the Vritanes, abundante with grasse and Corne. Certayne other of Syllas people entring Naples by treason in the nighte, slewe all that were there, sauing a few that fledde, and tooke away the Gallies of the Citie. Betwéene Carbo & Sylla was a sore fight at Clusium, till the Sunne wente downe, & when they had fought with like courage on both sides, nighte did ende the fight. In the field of Spoleto, Pompeius and Crassas, both Lieute­nants to Sylla, did kil thrée thousand of Carbos Souldiers, and be­séeged Carinna that was Camped ouer against them. Carbo min­ded to reléeue Carinna with his other host, which Sylla vnderstan­ding, placed an embushment, and as they were passing, destroyed two thousand of them. Carinna in the darke nighte, full of rayne and showers, although his enimies perceyued, but cared not for it, for the foule tempest he fiedde away. Carbo vnderstanding that Marius his fellowe was distressed with hunger at Preneste, com­maunded Martius to goe thither with eyght Legions, agaynste whome Pompeius lying in awayte in a straighte, put them from their iourney, and hauing killed many, held the other as beséeged [Page 54] vpon an hill, where vppon Martius without any companion, the fiers being still kept, fledde away. The army laying the blame of the deceyte vpon him, fell to diuision, and one whole legion vn­der The [...]my re­ [...]olte li from Martius. their ensignes without anye commaundement, marched to Ariminum, the other wente euery man to his Countrey, so as there remayned but seauen bandes with the Capsayne. Martius with this infelicitie came to Carbo, Marcus Lamponius from Luca­nia, M. Lamponius, Pom. Telisius, Gutta Capu mus come to relceue Marius. Pontius Tilisius from the Samnites, and Capuanus Gutta leading seauenty thousande men, came to deliuer Marius from the séege. Sylla vnderstanding of it, kepte them backe at a streight where they must néedes passe. Marius being vtterly voyde of all helpe withoute, made a forte in the playne that was large betwéene Marius issueth vpon Lucretius. both hostes, into the which he brought his army and ensignes to force Lucretius, with the whiche attempting manye warres in vayne, he retyred againe into Preneste. At this time, Carbo and Norbanus in Placentia came on the suddayne in the euening to the Placentia is in Lombardy, vvher Auniball ouer­threvv the Ro­maines. A fight of Carbo and Norbanus against Metellus. place where Metellus lay, and being within one houre of y e night amōg the Uineyards, fondly and suriously set vpō him, thinking by their suddaine assault to ouerthrow Metellus, but being ouer­come by the iniquitie of the time and place, entangled among the vines, tenne thousand were slayne, vj. thousand yéelded to the enim [...]e, the rest ranne away, and but one thousande departed in order to Arretio. Another Legion of Lucanes, led by Albinouanus, Airetio one of the tvvelue Ci­ties of Tuseme, about thirtie miles from Flo­rence. Albinouanus. hearing of this losse, fledde to Metellus for aughte he coulde doe. Albinouanus in greate rage came to Norbanus, but shortlye after making a secret compact with Sylla to be assured as he should do a notable seruice, he inuited Norbanus and his chiefe Captaynes to a bāquet, as Gaius Antipestris, Flauius Fimbria his brother y in Fimbria killed himselfe in Asia, not to be taken of Sylla. Albinouanus kil­leth his friends, and fleeth to Sylla. Asia had killed himself, & al other his officers presēt of y Camp. All the whiche being come (except Norbanus) who onely was ab­sent, he slew them in his tent, and fledde to Sylla. Norbanus hearing of the losse at Arimi [...], and that diuers of their armyes were fledde to Sylla, supposing nowe no more trust to be in friendship (as in aduersitie it hapneth) tooke a priuate little boate, and say­led The ende of Norbinus at Ebodes. to y Rhodes, in the which place, being required after of Syl­la, and y Rhodianes doubting what to do, he killed himselfe in the [Page 55] middest of their common place. Carbo commauuded Damasippo at Preneste to take two Legions, and to deliuer Marius frō the seege, but the could not do it, bycause the streyghtes were kepte of Sylla. France on this side the Alpes. Iucullus. Placentia novve Pazenca in Lom­bardy. All the Frenchmen that from Rauenna [...]welte to the Alpes, dyd reuolte to Metellus. Lucullus did ouercome another part of Carbo his host at Placentia, whiche when Carbo heard, hauing yet thirtie thousande Souldyers at Clusie, two Legions of Damasippus, and many other with Carinna, and Martio, and a greate number of Samnites, who refused no payne in passing the streightes, béeyng Carbo quayleth. out of al hope, cowardly sayled into Lybia with his friends, being yet in opinion to turne Lybia against Italy. They that remayned at Clusie, came to a fighte with Pompey before that Citie, and lost The battayle at Clusio. aboute twenty thousand of their men, whiche losse had, the rest returned to their owne Countreys.

Carinna, Martius, and Damasippus, with the Samnites, met at the streightes, to passe by very force, which when they could not do, they marched toward Rome, thinking (as voide of men & strēgth, and for lacke of victual) to take it. They encamped at Albano, tenne m [...]les off. Sylla, fearing that their comming myghte mo­lest the Citie, sente his Horsemenne with all diligence to en­counter them by the way, and himselfe with his mighty army came at midday, and lay at Porte Collina, a little from Venus Temple.

The enimies encamping also at the Gates of the Citie, a great fight beganne a little before the Sunne set. In the ryght wing Sylla had the better, the left wing hauing the worse, fledde A fight before Nome. Part of Syllas army fleeth. The Portculice let dovvne, cause of slaugh­ter. to the Gates. The olde men that were there, séeing the enimie also comming among the other, let downe the Portculice, and killed many, whereof some were Senatoures, and some Gentle­men. The other of force and necessitie turned to their enimyes, and fought all night with a great slaughter.

In this battell was slayne Telesinus and Albinus, both Pre­tors, and theyr Campes taken, Lamponius, Lucanus, Martius, Ca­rinna, and other Captaynes of Carbos faction fledde. Greate Fiftie thousande slayne before the gates of Rome. was the slaughter at this fighte, for it is saide, there was slayne about fiftie thousand, and aboue eyght thousand, takē prisoners, [Page 56] and bycause the greater part of them were Samnites, Sylla caused them all to be shotte to death. The next day Martius and Carinna were brought captiue vnto him, whome he did not pardon after [...] cr [...]eitie againste the [...]ites. Martius and Ca [...]n: put to death. the Romaine manner, but put them to death, and sent their heads to Lucretio, to nayle them on the wall at Preneste, which when the Prenestines saw, and hearing that al Carbos armies were destroyd, and Norbanus fledde out of Italy, and that the rest of Italy with the Citie of Rome, were for Sylla, they did yéelde the Citie to Lucreti [...]. Marius hidde himselfe in a Caue, and shortly after killed hym­selfe. Marius killeth himselfe. Lucretius cutte off his head, and sente it to Sylla, who hanged it vp in the common place, giuing him this taunt for his yong yeares to be a Consull, A man must firste be a Mariner before he Sylla taunteth. can be a Maister. When Lucretius had receyued Preneste, he kylled part of the Senatoures that were for Marius, and part he putte in prison, all the which, Sylla at his comming put to deathe, and The taking of Preneste, and cruell handling of it. commaunding all the Prenestines to come without armour into his Campe, he chose of them suche as he thoughte had done hym seruice, whiche were but few. The other he deuided into thrée partes, Romaines, Samnites, and Prenestines. He pardoned the Re­maines, Prenestines plaged. although as he tolde them, they had deserued death. Both the other he commaunded to be done to death with dartes. The women and the children he suffered to goe away frée. The Citie he sacked, whiche was very riche, and thus was Preneste taken. Norba an other Citie did still stoutely resist him, till A Emilius Norba. Lepidus gote into the Citie by policie in the night, whiche thyng the Citizens perceyuing, and being in desperation, part killed one an other, part killed themselues, part hung themselues, part The miserable end of the Ci­tizens of Norba. There is ano­ther Citi [...] of this name in Spayne called Norba Augusta, novv Alcan ara. shut their dores, and part set their houses a fire, whiche by the winde grew so great, as the Citie was burned, and no man had the spoyle. Thus they manfully died.

Italy béeyng thus afflicted with fire, famine, and slaughter, the Captaynes of Sylla went to euery place, setting garrisons where suspect was, and Pompeius went into Lybia and Sicilia against Nor­banus and his partakers. Sylla called the Romaines to a Counsell, speaking verye magnifically of himselfe, and verye horribly for Sylla to the [...]. them, making this conclusion, that he would reduce the Romaine [Page 57] people to better state if they obeyed him, but he purposed not to Sylla to the [...]. spare one of his enimies, but extreamely to punishe them, were they Pretors, Questors, Tribunes, or any other that had conspi­red with his foes, since the daye that Scipio brake promise wyth him: which being sayd, he proscribed to death fortie Senatoures, Proscoption is condemnation of death vvith­out Iudgement. and a thousand sixe hundred Gentlemen of the Romaines: he is the first that we finde, did proscribe men to dye. He appointed re­wards for the killers, and the bewrayers of the offendoures, and Horrible cru­eltie of Sylla. penalties for them that did hide any of them. Shortly after he added more Senators to the first, which suddaynely were kylled where they were founde: some in the stréetes: some in their hou­ses, and some in the Temples: some were brought vnto him on high, & throwen before his féete: some were dragged, & some were beaten, no mā daring speake one word at the pitiful sight héereof, for feare of the smart: some were banished, and their goodes gyuē to other: some were sought for that were fledde, who being scour­ged euery where, were miserably done to death. Against the It­lians also were many murthers, many banishmēts, & many pub­licaties of their goodes, that had any way obeyed Carbo, Norbanus, or Marius, or any of their officers, for the which, sharp iudgemēt was giuen ouer all Italy. Many and diuers accusations also were made vpon Captaines and armyes, and them that lente any mo­ney, or shewed other seruice or counsell against Sylla. Hospitality also and curtesie done by the way in iourneys, or any other lyke friendship, as lending or borrowing of money, or kéeping com­pany, Extremiti [...]. was punished. The rich men were most sharply handled in all these things, & when accusatiōs failed in particular men, Sylla turned to whole Cities, some he punished by pulling downe their forts, some their walles he made equal with the ground, to some, he put a publike payne, or else a yearely taxe, some he gaue in ha­bitation to them that had serued him, among whome also he de­ [...]ided the houses and landes of the Citizens, whiche thing made them sure to him all his life, and as men that were certen of no­thing but by his weale and safetie, they mainteyned his quarell after he was dead. This was now the state of Italy. Pompey had intercepted Carbo, and such noble men as were with him, flying [Page 58] from Lybia to Sicilia, and from Sicilia to Cosyra, commaunding all Cosyra an Hand in the coast of [...]. Car [...] put to death. to be killed, before they come in his sight, except Carbo, who was brought bound vnto him, and layde before his féete, hauing bin thesce Consull. After a long rebuke, he condemned hym to death, and sente his head to Sylla, who hauing all thinges as he would against his enimies, sauing Sertorius, who was farre off, and the only enimie remaining. He sente Metellus to ouerthrowe him in Iberia. All ciuill matters he vsed as he listed, lawes, creati­ons by voyces, elections by lottes, was no more spoken of, euery man fearing, eyther hiding themselues, or holding their peace, or confirming by decrée, as sure and irreuocable, whatsoeuer he had done, eyther as Consull, or Proconsull. They set vp his Image of golde on Horsebacke, in the common Palace with this Title,

‘Cornelius Sylla the happy Captayne.’

For so did Flatterers vse to call him in his fortunate fightes a­gainste his foes, whiche name beginning of flattery, remayned firme and stable. I haue séene in some writings, that he was cal­led by decrée Sylla the gratious, whiche thing is not incredible t [...] [...]. Faustus. me, bycause he was after named the Fortunate, which be names very nigh to lucky and gratious. There is also an Oracle of Oracle. continuance when he searched for things to come:

Credite me (O Romaine) Venus hath giuen great power,
VVhen he vvrote to the Grecianes he na­med himselfe Epaphroditus, that is, accep­table to Venus.
Vnto Aeneas lasting line But thou, honour
Each of the Gods yearely, and do them not forget.
Thy giftes to Delphos send, and one, the Mount so great,
Of cloudy Taure, shall climbe, where Venus auntient race
At Cares Citie dwell, and doth surname the place,
And offering there thine axe, shalt take the royall mace.

The Romaines wrote the same vpon his image, whiche as I thinke, they did to taunt him, or to mollifie him: he sent a crowne of golde, and an are with this inscription.

To thee (Venus): these giftes the Monarch Sylla sends,
According to his dreame that all to battell tends,
To Mar, and martiall se [...]tes, his whole intente he bends.

Being nowe a King or Tirante, not chosen but by force and violence, wanting an apparance to séeme to be chosen, he inuen­ted [Page 59] this craft. In old time, kings for their vertue did rule Rome, & A [...] Dictator. when any of thē did die, one Senator after an other did rule fiue dayes, til the people had chosen an other to be kyng, & him y ru­led those fiue days, they called a king betwene, for in that meane time, he was a king. The electiōs of y e Cōsuls was euer done by Interr [...]g [...]. them y t ended their office, but if by chace there was no Cōsul pre­sent, thē was there also a king betwéene made, til y e Cōsuls were A King for the meane time. elected. Sylla following this custome, no mā being Consull after y e death of Carbo in Sicilia, & Marius in Preneste, he wēt out of y e Ci­tie, Interea. & cōmanded the Senate y e a King betwéene should be chosen, & so by thē Valerius Flaccus was chosen, thinking he woulde haue Valerius Flaccus procéeded to y e Consuls electiō: but Sylla seuerally by his letters, willed Flaccus y t he should propoūd to y e people, that Sylla thought it expediēt y t one should be created the ruler in she Citie, y t was named Dictator, now not vsed four C. yeares since, & whomesoe­uer Dictator. they chose, they should perswade him not to giue it ouer at a time, but to cōtinue it, til he had appesed Rome, Italy, & other king­domes, now afflicted with seditiō. Euery mā in his mind thought this was meant of Sylla, & he did not much dissēble it, for in y e end of his letters, he signified y t he it was, if it should so seeme to thē, y t should be so profitable to the cōmō wealth. Thus he wrote. The Rumaines y t now could do nothing in lawful electiōs, nor had now any authoritie, embracing a shew of electiō, as an Image & pre­tence of a libertie, in wante of al things did create Sylla a Tyrāt to rule as he woulde. The office of Dictator hauing some simili­tude of a Tirāt, in old time, was sone ended, but now y t first time, The office of a Dictator did ende in tvvo monethes. Kings. Cons [...]ls. Kings. Olimpias a kinde of shevves v­sed in Greece e­uery fyue yea [...] accor­ding to the vvhich they made the [...]r ac­comptes of yeare [...]. without any limitatiō, it was made very tyrannie in déede. Only for the names sake of election, they chose him Dictator to make lawes, & vse the cōmon wealth as he thought good. Thus the Re­maines hauing kings first, in the hundred Olimpias, & after being a populare state, with yearely Cōsuls, another hundred Gréeke O­limps being passed, they had kings agayne, after the Clxx. Olimp [...]. In Greece, ther was now no more actiuitie vsed in the Olimps, but renning of the race, for y e Champions & other sightes, Sylla had remoued to Rome, as some recreatiō to the people after the warre with Mithridates, & the troubles of Italy, for he pretended that he [Page 60] would refresh and cōfort y people after their long laboures, & to shew a figure of a cōmon wealth, he willed thē to choose Cōsuls, so first were chosen Marcus Silius, & Oratilius Dolabella, and he lyke Some [...] a King ouerlooked them. Being Dictator, foure and twents ares were borne before him, as was wont before she old kings. He had also a great gard aboute his body. Some lawes he made, and some he reuoked. He woulde haue none to be Pretor before he were Questor, nor none Consull, before he were Pretor, and forbadde any man to haue that office twice, before tenne yeares [...]tion of [...]. distance. The Tribune ship of the people he so defaced and demi­nished, that no man cared greatly for it, for he ordeyned that hée [...]. that was once Tribune, should haue none other authority: wher­fore all they that were renoumed or noble, vtterly refused that office, and I can not affirme whether Sylla did translate it to the Senate, as it nowe is, or no: and bycause the Senate was consu­med by warre and ciuill discord, he chose thrée hundred of the or­der of Gentlemen to be Senatoures, and haue voyce by compa­nies [...]cre [...]e of Senatoures. in elections. The Seruants of them that were slayne, being yong and lustie, he made frée, to the number of tenne thousande, and declared them Citizēs of Rome, and named them of himselfe, Cornelians: and by this meane he had of the commons tenne thou­sand Servants made free, and named Cornelians. to do his commaundemente. He prouided the same through­out Italy, and to the xxiii. Legions that serued vnder him, he gaue much lands in diuers Cities (as I haue said) whereof parte was Lands giuen. neuer deuided, and part was forfeyte by penaltie. He was to bée feared in al things, and so ready to anger, as he slew in the midst of the Pallace, Lucretius Offell [...], by whome he beséeged Marius in Lucretius killed. Preneste, and wonne that Citie, and obteyned his great victorie, bycause he desired to be Consull before he hadde bin Questor or Pretor, being of the Gentlemens order. And after he had denyed him, he not leauing his sute, bycause he trusted in the greate ser­uice he had done, but made request to the Citizens, he called the people to a Counsel, and thus said. ‘Friends, know you, and giue care to me, I haue killed Lucretius, bycause he was disobediente vnto me, so thē he shewed a reason, A certaine Ploughmā was [...] to the [...]. bitten with Lyce, and stayed his Plough twice to picke them [Page 61] out of his cote, but when they bit him the third time, he threw his cote in the fire. So doc I aduise all, as subdued, that they doe not proue the fire at the third time. Thus he astonished all men, v­sing his authoritie at his pleasure, & triumphed of the warre a­gainst Mithridates. Some in a test, called his rule, a negatiue Denied King­dome. kingdome, bycause only the name of a King was denied: out o­ther, turning it to the contrary in déedes, named it a playne Ty­rannie. To so great inconuenience had this warre brought both the Romaines, Italians, and all other nations, partly with Pirates, partly with Mithridates, and partly Sylla his inuasions, partly with consuming their treasure in sedition, and oppression of ex­treame exactions: all the nations and Kingdomes, all confede­rates and Cities, as wel tributaries as other, that by league and All nations pla­ged by Sylla. oth had ioyned themselues to the Romaine Empire, & for theyr societie in warre, and other seruice, liued with their owne lawes and were frée: he caused all to pay and to obey him, and frō some, portes & prouinces granted by league, were takē away. Sylla re­ceiued to his protection Alexander sonne of Alexander Kyng of King of Egipt. Thus Alexander vv [...]s left in Coo of his Grand­mother Cl [...]o [...]a­tra vvith great riches. Aegipt, brought vp in the Ile of Coo, and of thē deliuered to Mi­thridates, and from him sledde to Sylla, and by decrée made hym king of Alexandria, being now destitute of a man King, bycause the women that were of the royall bloud, wanted a man of their kinne, thinking to get great gayne of this rich Countrey, but the Alexandrines whē he had raigned ninetéene dayes, sharply bea­ring himselfe of Silla, brought him from the Court into the com­mō Alexandrianes kill their king. schole, and there killed him. So they for the greatnes of their proper kingdome, and not féeling the smart that other had done, cared not for others power. The yeare following, Silla vsing stil Sylla being Di­ctator, is chosen Consull. Metellus Piu [...]. The Empe­roures vvere Consuls. Sylla refuseth the Consulship▪ Scruilius called Isauricus, for Isauria a coūtrey in little Asia. the authoritie of Dictator, yet to shewe it a forme of populare state, was chosen Consull, and with him Metellus, surnamed duti­full, and by this example peraduenture, they that be now kyngs of Rome, do admit Consuls, & they them selues be Consuls some­time also, thinking it no dishonor to haue that office with a gre­ter authoritie. The yeare following, the people desired Silla to be Consul againe, but he refused it, & appointed Seruilius Isauricus, & Claudius Pulcher to that office, and he withoute any compulsion, [Page 62] gaue ouer the office of Dictatorship fréely, being the highest di­gnitie [...]eth [...]e. of all other, and surely I maruell, that he, who was nowe chiefe of all other, and alone in authoritie, woulde giue ouer so noble a dignitie, not to his children, as Ptolomeus in Aegipt, Ari­ob [...]rzanes [...]us, [...]s, [...]- [...]s in Cappadocia, and Seleucus in Syria, but to them that had suffered by his tirannic. It séemeth beyōd reason, that he, who by violence, passing so many perils, hadde made himselfe a Prince, The rare [...] of Sillas [...]. should so freely leaue it, & beyond al mēs opinions, haue no feare of the alteration. After he had killed more than a hundred M. mē in warre, slaine so many ciuill enimies, aboue nine C. Senators, xv. Consuls, and 2600. Gentlemen, and banished a great number more, some of the whiche he spoyled of their goodes, some their liues, not suffering them to be buryed, that he was neither afraid of them at home nor abroade, nor of the Cities, of some of the which, he had bet downe their forts and walles, from some, takē away their goodes and landes, and put tributes vpon them, but would néedes become a priuate man. So great a confidence and Confidence of Sylla. fortune had this man, that in the middest of the common place he burst say, y t therefore he gaue ouer his authoritie, that he mighte render an accompt of it if he were required. The roddes and the axes he layd away. The gard of his person he remoued, and wēt alone with his friends in the middest of the people, the multitude beholding and amazed at the thing. Only once as he went home, Sylla suffereth a yong man to [...] him. a yong man reuiled him, and bycause no man did forbid him, hée tooke courage to giue him euill lāguage, til he came to his house, so as he that before was so furious against the greatest men and Cities, could now patiently suffer this yong man: only thus hée said, entring his house, either by natural reason, or by a diuinatiō of things to come: This yong man will be the let that an other The aunsvvere of Sylla. man hauing such authoritie, wil not so giue it ouer, which thing shortly after happened to y t Romaines, for Caius Caesar would not so leaue his power. Surely Sylla appeareth to be in al things vehe­ment, C [...]sar follo­vveth not the example of Sylla. Cuma is a plea­sant place, not farre from [...]. from a priuate man to make himselfe a Tyrant, and from that to be a priuate man againe. This done, he gaue himselfe to quietnesse of y Countrey, & went to Cuma, a Citie of Italy, to hys owne lands, leading a quiet life at the sea side, and sometime hū ­ting [Page 63] in the field, not for any misliking of the priuate life in the ci­tie, nor for want of power to enterprise any thing that he would, for, for his age, he was in good strength, and of body very [...]ound. About Italy he had an hundred and twenty thousande men, that lately warred vnder him, which had receiued great gifts, & much The povver of Sylla. land of him, and in the citie there were tenne thousand of Corneli­ans, and other multitudes of his factiōs, al friēds faithful to him, and feareful to other, all the which had their whole trust in him, of that they had done, & in him reposed the suretie of all they had. Notwithstāding all this (as I thinke) he was wéery of war, wée­ry of dominion, & wéery of the Citie, & therfore sought a vacation as it were, and quietnesse in the Countrey. After this, the Ro­maines being deliuered of tirannie, fel again to sedition: for whē they had created Caius Catulus one of Syllas faction, and Lepidus E­milius, of the contrary, Consuls, enimies one to another, and rea­die Nevv occasion of sedition by the Consuls, C▪ Catulus, and Lapid. [...]. Vision of Sylla. to contend by and by, it was certaine that a new inconueni­ence would take beginning of these▪ They saye, that whiles Sylla lay in the Countrey, he had a vision that a God called him, the which in the morning he told to his friends, & with greate spéede made his testament, which being signed that day, in the euening a fitte tooke him, and in the night he dyed, of the age of lx. yeares, Death of Sylla. Age of Sylla. Happy. a mā, in all things most happy to his end, & as he was surnamed, so was he fortunate in déede, if he be happy that can do what hée li [...]t. And there was a contention in Rome about him, some would Contention for the buriall of Sylla. haue his body brought with great pomp through Italy to Rome, & ther in the common place to be honored with publike funeral. Lepidus and his friendes were against it, but Catulus and other of Syllas side preuailed. So his body was brought through Italy in a litter of gold in royal maner, numbers of musitians, horsemē, and Syllas corpse in a [...]tter of gold. other armed multitude followed. Al his Captaines & Lieutenāts that had serued vnder him, came to this po [...]p, frō euery place in armour, and as they came, so were they set in order. Other mul­titudes also repaired, as neuer had bin seene at any businesse. The Funerall of Sylla. ensignes and axes that he vsed in his dignitie, were borne before, and when he was broughte into the Citie, greate honor, and ex­céeding shewe didde encrease. Two thousande Crownes of Golde and more, were of purpose made, and presented. [Page 64] The gifts of Cities, of Legions that had serued him, and of e­uery priuate friend, were deliuered, other ornamēts were added to his funeral, the sumptuousnesse whereof, no man can expresse. His body being brought in with the army, the religious people, The receiuing of his body. both holy men, and sacred Virgines, did receyue and beare by course: the Senate and Magistrates, with all their tokens of of­fice, did the like: the troupes of Horsemen, the bands of footemen, deuided in order, did attende: seuerall beneuolence was shewed, bringing banners of golde, wearing harnesse of siluer, which yet be vsed in triumphes. There was a great nūber of Trumpets, Prayses of Sylla. which in order did sound an heauie noyse. The Senate praysed him first, then the Gentlemen, after the army, and all the people, whereof some desired his life, some that feared him and his ar­my, did now no lesse maruell about his dead body: for remēbring Affections of men. in their minds the noble [...]ates he had done, and the maner of his death, they could not but be astonished, confessing him to be of al other, though their enimie, the most happie man, so as being dead, he was dreadfull vnto them. Being brought into the com­mon place before the Tribunall, where Orations were wonte to be made, the most eloquente man that then was aliue, made the funerall Oration, bycause Faustus his sonne was yet vnder Funerall Ora­tion. Faustus his sonne vnder age. In the field of Mars▪ none bu­ryed but kings. age. The noblest of the Senate did take the litter, and beare it into the fielde of Mars, where none was wonte to be buryed but Kings. The Horsemen and the army marched aboute the fyre whiles his body was consumed. This was the end of Silla.

The Consuls going from the funerall, did contende wyth wordes and spitefull spéeche, intending betwéene them to make diuision of the rule that belonged to the Citie.

Lepidus to flatter the Italians, required they might be restored Contention. to the lands that Silla had taken from them. The Senate fearing The Consuls bound by oth. this falling out, did bind them both by oth, that they shoulde not contende by armes. Lepidus being appointed by lotte to the pro­uince of France beyond the Alpes, did not returne to the election, Lepidus refuseth to returne to the election. bycause he intended the next yeare to make warre vpon Sillas fa­ction, without respect of his oth, for it séemed he had fulfilled hys promise, in kéeping of it during his office.

[Page 65]This his purpose not being secreate, the Senate sent for him: Lepidus maketh vvarre. He, not ignorant why he was called, came with al hys army as though he would haue entred Rome therewith, but beyng forbid­den, he proclaymed warre by a Trumpet.

Catulus of the other side did the like: Not long after making a A Battel be­tvvene the Con­suls. Lepidus ouer­come and dyeth in Sardinia in the sea of Li­bya, called Sanda liotis, bycause it is like the [...]ole of a foote. Sertorius. battel in the field of Mars, Lepidus was ouercome, and without a­ny great chace he fled into Sardinia, where beeyng vexed wyth a consuming disease, he dyed. Hys armye disturbed in sundry par­tes, was dissolued the greatest part of it, Perpenna led into Spaine to Sertorius.

The laste worke left to Sylla was thys warre of Sertorius, con­tinuyng eyght yeares with difficultie, not as Romaines agaynste Spaniardes, but as one with another againste Sertorius, who ruled Sertorius occasiō of nevv vvarre. in Iberia. He, when Carbo and Sylla were at warre, tooke the Ci­tie of Suessa by composition, as we haue said, and fled from thence to his office, leading wyth hym an armye of Italians, and gathe­red more of the Celtiberians, wyth whome hee expulsed the offi­cers that were there for Sylla, who woulde not admit hym, and fought very valiantly with Metellus, that was sent against hym of Sylla, and being couragious to anye feate, elected a Senate of thrée hundred of his present friends, which he called the Romaine Sertorius maketh a Senate in Spayne. Senate, in dispight whereof hee named it, the Choice Counsell. Sylla being dead, and after hym Lepidus. Sertorius hauing another ar­my of Italians, which Perpenna brought vnto him as a Pretor of Perpenna. Lepidus, he had an opinion to be able to make warre vppon Italy: which the Senate fearing, sente another armye and another Pretor, whiche was Pompey, to the army that was before in Ibe­ria, Pompey into Spayne. who being but a yong Gentleman, was renowmed for the seruice he had done vnder Sylla in Libya and in Italy. He passed the Alpes very boldly, not that way that Anniball did so notablye, Rodanus Rosne in Fraunce. Eridanus Poo in Italy. but brake another way by the fountaines of Rodanus and Erida­nus, both the whiche floudes, haue theyr springs not far asunder from the high Alpes. Rodanus runneth by the Frenchemen that he beyond the Alpes, into the Tirr [...]ne sea: the other within the Alpes flowing to Ionia and in stéede of Eridanus is called Padus. Being come into Iberia, Sertorius straight did ouerthrowe one le­gion [Page 66] goyng a foraging with their baggage and slaues. The Ci­tie Iustice. A vv [...] [...]t [...]. of Lau [...]one in Pompeius sighte he spoiled and ouerthrew.

At this siege a woman being missused of a souldior, with cou­rage beyonde nature of hir kinde, pulled out hys eies. Sertorius A vvhole bande put to deathe. hauing vnderstanding of the chaunce, putte to death the whole bād, being counted corrupted in like things, though it were al of the Romaines: then winter comming on, they rested. The Spring Pirenei moun­taines diuide Spaine frō Irāce▪ Lusitania, Por­tugall. Battel at Sura novve Sucrone. approching, they came forth, Metellus and Pompey frō the mount Pirinei, and Sertorius with Perpenna from Lusitania. They met at a Citie called Sura, where giuing battell, though an horrible thun­der, in y clere aire, which is maruellous, & lightnings out of rea­son did flash vpon thē, yet they as expert souldiors without fear [...] kept y fight, & made great murder one of another, til Metellus had Metellus ouer­throvveth Per­penna. Sertorius ouer­cōmeth Pompey. ouerthrown Perpenna, and scattered his men, & Sertorius ouercome Pompey, who was hurt in y thigh with a darte, and escaped wyth much dāger This was the end of the first battel. Sertorius had a white Harte tame, & to him very louing, the which being loste, A vvhite Harte. Some thinke this battel vvas fought at Sego­brida a tovvne in that part of Spaine also. Segunti [...] novve called Muruidero he tooke it for an euill token, & woulde not come forth for griefe, thinking his Hart had bin takē of his enimies, who scorned him for it: but when y Hart was séene again, & came running to him, by & by, as by y prouoked, he set vpō his enimies, & made diuers light fightes. Shortly after they fought a great battel about Sa­gūtia, frō noone till night, in y which he ouercame Pompey in the battel of horsmē, & flew .vj. M. of his enimies, & lost halfe so many of his own. Metellus of y t other side, killed .v. M. of Perpēnas camp.

The nexte day Sertorius with an huge nūber of Barbarians, a lit­tle Pompey looseth, Metellus gay­neth. before night set vpō Metellus, & had brokē his campe, if Pompey had not approched, & made him leaue his bold enterprise. These thinges being done in sōmer, they retired to their winter harbo­row. The yere folowing, being y . Clxvj. Olimp. 2. of y cōfedered [...]thy [...]ia is the [...]te Region [...]o Troy, ouer▪ against Thracia. Tvvo regions fell to the Ro­maines by Te­stament. nations did fal to the Romaines. Bythinia giuen by Nicomedes, & Cy­rene by Tolomeus Lagus, called Appion, leauing it to thē by Testa­ment. On the other side, great enimies discouered against them, Sertorius in Spain, Mithridates in y East, rouers ouer al y t sea, a stir in Creta, & a tumult of the Fēce-players of Italy, very sodain and sharp. The Romains diuiding their power for this purpose, set .ij. Trouble. legions into Iberia, which being come, Metellus & Pompey remoued [Page 67] frō their wintrings at y mount Pirenei into Iberia. Sertorius & Per­penna came frō Lu [...]itania, at the which time, many fled frō Sertorius to Metellus, with the which Sertorius being grieued, he hādled ma­ny Sertorius remo­ueth the Romains from the guard of his person. Sertorius cruell. cruelly & barbarously, wherby he grew into hate of the army & the rather for y t he remoued the Romains frō the custody of hys body, & put the Celtiberians in their place. They could not abide to be reproued of vnfaithfulnesse, though they serued an ennimy to Rome, but this thing chiefly grieued thē, that they were counted Griefe of the Romains. rebels to their coūtry, for his sake, & yet suspected of him, & that with him ther was no difference betwene a fugitiue & a faithful. The Celtiberians also vsed thē dispitefully, & taunted them as vn­faithful: notwithstāding the Romains did not vtterly forsake him, Aragon. bycause of their commodities: for there was not a more valiāt nor fortunate captaine than hee, in somuche as the Celtiberians woulde call hym Anniball for hys promptnesse, who was the moste politicke and forwarde Capitayne that they coulde re­hearse. Sertorius compa­red to Anniball. After this sort stoode the army with Sertorius. Metellus peo­ple did daily molest the Cities, & cōpell many to yéelde vnto thē.

Pompeius besieged Palantia, and wyth tymber had made waye to scale the wall. Sertorius came to the reliefe, and remoued the siege▪ Pompey burned hys timber worke, destroyed the walles, and retyred to Metellus. Sertorius repaired the Citie, and spéedilye wēt toward Calagyrus, where, encoūtring with thē y t lay there, he killed. 3000. of them. And these were y e doings in Iberia this yere.

The yere following, the Romaine capitaines with greater cou­rage set vpō the Cities y t held with Sertorius, & tooke some of thē, & other they sought to get by pollicie, as they did, not vsing theyr whole force at euery attēpt. But y e yere folowing came stronger to the field, & did their things with more confidēce. Nowe Sertori­us Sertorius decay­eth. began to decay, God being against hym, and hee omitting the laws & trauailes of a captain, gaue himselfe to delicatenesse, and womē, feasting & drinking: for these causes he was many times ouercome, falling into furies & rages for euery trifle, & suspected euery man. Wherefore Perpēna, y from the faction of Aemilius, Perpe [...]a, Conspiracie. came vnto him w t a gret army, begā to doubt of him, & conspired against him wyth tenne other, the which béeyng discouered, some were hanged, and some escaped, but Perpenna not beeyng named, [Page 68] as was his maruellous good hap, perseuered the rather in hys Death of Sertorius. purpose, he desired Sertorius to a banquet, and although he neuer wente withoute hys Guarde, yet at the seaste, little respect being had, and hee and all they ouerladen with Wine, Perpenna cut off his heade in the place where he feasted. The armye wyth great ire and tumulte rose againste Perpenna, chaunging theyr hate into loue of the Capitaine, for though before they hadde us greate lykyng of hym, now that hee was deade, remembraunce of his vertue tourned their mindes to pitie. And in thys pre­sent Miserie causeth pitie. case, they contemned Perpenna as a priuate man: and thin­king their only weale did consist in Sertorius, they could not abide Portugales. Perpenna, & not only they, but the Lusitanes and other Barbarians thought as much, whome Sertorius chiefly vsed in the warre, and when the tables of his Testament were vnsealed, and Perpenna founde to be his heyre, euerye man hated hym the more, bicause hee was not onely a Traytour to hys Capitayne, but to hys friende and benefactour, and then hadde they not helde theyr handes, but that Perpenna hydde hymselfe, and pleased some with Perpenna founde to be heyre to Sertorius. gifts, and some with promise, some he made afrayde with feare, and some he sharpely vsed with the terror of other. To the com­mon sorte he humbled himselfe, and suche as were in pryson by Sertorius he deliuered, and to the Lusitanes restored their pledges, Perpenna cruel. wherfore they were content to take him as their Captain. This honor had he after Sertorius, yet not without great difficultie, for being cruell, he soone fel to sharpe punishing, and of the Romaines that came with hym, he killed thrée of the noblest sorte, and hys own Nephew. Now was Metellus gone to the other side of Iberia, thinkyng Pompey to be sufficient to ouerthrowe Perpenna, who a while spent the tyme in makyng skirmishes, not bringing for the Fight betvvene Pompey and Perpenna. their whole power. The tenth day, with all their battailes they came into y field, thinking with that one worke, to make an end, Pompey passed little of Perpennas experience. Perpenna distrustfull of his armies cōtinuance in obedience, was y rather willing to try all at once. Pompey giuing the onset the more [...]ercely, & Per­penna Ouerthrovv of Perpenna. not abiding as a Captain, and the army voide of goodwil, was soone ouercome, & euery man flying, Perpenna hid him vnder [Page 69] a tuffte of bushes, fearing more his own, than his enimies, & bée­ing taken of certaine horsemen, they dragged him to Pompey, & of his owne people hee was euil spoken of, for his offence againste Sertorius: he made great ado to be brought aliue to Pompey, to re­ueale vnto him gret matter of y Romaine factiō, eyther to tel the Death of Per­penna. truth or to saue himselfe, but Pompey sent to haue hym kylled be­fore he came in his sight, fearing leaste hee might haue vttered some strange matter, y might haue bin y beginning of a new stir VVisedome of Pompey. in Rome, wherin Pompey séemed to do very well & wisely, & wan a great opinion therby. This was the end of the war in Iberia, and of Sertorius life, which if he had not bin dead, would not haue bin finished, neyther so soone, nor so easyly.

‘The warre of Spartaco.

In this time in Italy, a Sword-player that kepte in Capua for Spartacus. shews, called Spartacus a Thracian borne, had serued in war wyth the Romaines, & now was as a slaue in custodie for to shew his cū ­ning in plaies: he persuaded .lxx. more of his fellows, to aduēture for their libertie rather thā to be slaues for shews, & with thē for­cing y kéepers, he ran away, & arming such as hemet with staues Mount de Soma. & swordes he fled to the Mount Vesuuius, whither many slaues, & some fréemen, flying to him frō the Countries, he receiued thē, Aenomaus, Crissus, o [...] & robbed the plaines adioyning, he appointed two officers, Aeno­maus and Crissus other two Sword-players, & making equall di­uision Varinius Glaber▪ P. Valerius vvere ouercome of Spartacus. of his pray among them, in short tyme great multitudes came vnto hym. Whom to ouercome Varinius Glabrius was first sent, & after hym Publius Valerius, not w t an army of any regard, but such as for hast they could gather by y way. For y Romaines did not think it shold néed any other, nor looked for such effect at a Firste the battel betvvene Spar­tacus and the Romaines. Sword-players hand. But when it came to the battell, the Ro­maines were ouercome: Spartacus killed Varinius horse, & it lacked but little, that y Romaine Captain was not takē of a vile Sword player, after this fight, more & more resorted to Spartacus, and he had now an army of .lxx. M. for whom, he made armor & al other prouision. The Romaines sent the Consuls with twoo legions, a­gainst Mount Gargano in Appulia novve called Mount S. Angelo. whome Crissus came wyth .xxx. M. and was ouercome at Mount Garinus, loosing two partes of his army and his life also.

[Page 70] Spartacus passed ouer mount Apennine to go into France be­yond the Alpes: but one of the Consuls laye in the waye and Spartacus ouer­cometh the Consuls. stopped his passage, and the other followed him: he fought with them both and ouercame them in seuerall fightes: so as the Cō ­suls retyred with tumuit. Spartacus did sacrifice thrée hundered Romaines to his felowe Cressus, and with twentie thousand Re­maine Sacrifice of mē footemen, he wente to Rome, burning all vnprofitable birdes, and killed all Captiues and the beastes of cariage, to march the faster. Many fugitiues comming vnto him, he would admitte none.

The Consuls encoūtred him at Picene, where was a notable fight, and many of the Romaines slayne, and loste the day. Yet durst he not go directly to Rome, bycause he did not thinke hym­selfe equai with the Citizens in feates of warre, nor had an ar­my throughly instructed, for neuer a Citie toke his part, but on­ly slaues and fugitiues, and a confused multitude folowing him: Th [...]r [...]s in Apulia vvhich the Ro­maines made a colonie and called it Copia. he turned to the mountaines at Thurus, & besieged the towne: hée forhad any merchāt to bring gold or siluer into his campe, or to be vsed: but brasse & yron he admitted, paying wel for it, & did not hurt thē that brought it. Wherby hauing matter abeūdant, hée made verye fayre armour, and vsed to séeke pray in the coun­trey, and fought with the Romaines againe, and had the victorie & went away with a great spoyle. Now were thrée yeares past, Three yeares vvarre. and this warre remayned horrible to the Romaines, which at the first they contemned, as a play of Fence. The election of y new Consuls being come, such a terror was of him, as no mā desired the office▪ till Licinius Crassus, notable in Rome for his house and Zicin us Crassus. riches, toke it vpon him, and with sixe other legions wente a­gainst Spartacus: and being come nigh, he receyued the armies of Crassus doth execution. the two Cōsuls, of the which he put to death euery tenth mā, as bapt by lot, bycause they had bin so oft ouercome. Some thinke Crassus ouercom­ [...]c [...] otherwise, that they al fought and were ouercome, and thē he so punished them by the tenth, & kylled foure thousande, hauing no doubt of the multitude. But whither so euer he dyd, it auayled much to the ouerthrow of his enemies, for by and by he set vpō them ten thousand of Spartacus men that camped by thē, wherof [Page 71] he killed two partes, and then with like courage so fiercely en­coūtryng with Spartacus, he ouercame him with a notable fight, The thu [...] [...]t­tel. Spartacus [...] yet [...] tovvard [...]. and chased him to the sea, wher he thought to escape by ship in­to Sicilie, but he ouertoke him, and enclosed him in a trench, and when he had forced him to [...]lée to the Samnites, Crasses killed sixe thousand of them at the sunne rise, and as manye at the sunne The fourth bat­tel. Samnites, novv Abr [...]zo. set, thrée only of the Romaines beyng killed, and seauen hurt, so great an alteration was there of victorie, after the executiō of that punishmente. Spartacus loking for horsemen to come vnto him, did not nowe come forth with all his men, but by tymes Spartacus holden in. did much annoy the besiegers, sodaynely issuing vppon them & throwing firebrandes into their campe, burned their wall, and put them to much difficulties and trouble. A Romaine Captiue he hung vp in the middest of his campe, shewing to his souldi­ours what they should suffer if they did not ouercome. The Ro­maines in the Citie seing of this siege, and thinking it a dishonor to be so long holden with a sword-player, appointed Pompey, who was returned frō Iberia with his army, (waying the difficultie of the thing) to take the charge therof. Crassus séeing the glory of Pompey appoin­ted to this vva [...]. this war shold be taken from him by Pompey, made hast to trie it with Spartacus, and Spartacus thinking to preuent Pompey, would haue made agréemēt with Crassus, but being reiected he thought to proue the vttermost, and with his horsemen that were come, he issued out of the campe, with al his bands, and fled as fast as he coulde to Brunduse, Crassus following him: but when he heard that Lucullus was come to Brunduse with his army from the warre of Mithridates, then in desperation of all things he encoū ­tred with Crassus. The fight being long and difficulte, as among so many souldiours driuen by desperation, Spartacus was hurte The last battel vvherin Sparta­cus vvas [...]aint. in y thygh with a dart, by y which wounde falling on his knée, he defended himselfe with his shield, & foughte with thē that came vpō him, many of the which he ouerthrew, till he & the cō ­panies about him were discomfited, the other multitude with­out order fled, and were killed wythout number: of the Romaines a thousand were slayne.

[Page 72] Spartacus being dead was neuer founde, a great multitude frō the battaile went to the Mountaines, agaynste whome Crassus followed. They diuiding themselues into fortye partes, fought it oute, till they were all slaine, saue sixe thousande, which being taken, were hanged in the way betwéene Rome and Capua. [...] the ch [...]e [...] Citie of C [...]ip [...]. Contention be­tvvene Crassus and Pompey. Crassus seketh to be Consul▪ after Syllas appoynt­ment. Pompey, after the auntient maner. Both chosen Consels.

Thys dyd Crassus in sixe moneths, contending with Pompey for glorie, and would not leaue his armye, bycause Pompey woulde not leaue his, and both of them sought to be Consull.

Crassus hauing bene Pretor according to Syllas law, Pompey neither hauing bin Questor nor Pretor, being yet xxxiij. yeares of age, promised the Tribunes to reduce their office to y antiēt aucthoritie: and being both chosen Consuls, neyther of them would leaue their army. Pompey sayde he would stay for Metellus to make his triumph of Iberia.

Crassus affirmed that Pompey ought first to giue ouer.

The people peceyuing that discorde was readye to ryse, and The people re­quire reconcili­ation. two armies at hand, requested y Consuls sitting in their places to come to recōcilation, which at the first they both denyed: but the southsayers declaring great and grieuous calamites to fol­low, vnlesse they were agréede, the people agayne with lamen­tation did desire them, recording the miserable time of Sylla and Crassus relenteth first. Marius: with the which things, Crassus beyng moued, rose firste from his seate, and came to take Pompey by the hand and to be re­conciled. Pompey rose also in hast and came fast to hym, and one embraced another, gret thankes with showtes, was gyuē vnto them, and the people would not let them depart, til they had de­termined the dissolution of their armies.

This contention, that by al mens opinions seemed, woulde haue grown very great, was happily ended: the lx. yeare of the Ciuil warre from the death of Tiberius Gracchus.

The end of the first booke of Ciuil dissentions.

The second Booke of Appi­an of Alexandria touching the ciuill discorde of the Romaines.

AFter the Monarchie of Sylla, and all that Sertorius & Perpenna did in Spaine, other like Ciuil businesse [...]l among he Romaines, til Caius Caesar and Po [...]pe [...] he great, warred one vpon another. Casar slue Pompey, and certaine in the [...]enate killed Caesar▪ How this was [...]one, and how both Pompey and Casar were destroyed, thys second Booke of Ciuil cau [...]s shal declare.

Pompey had lately scoured the seas of Rouers whiche robbed Pompey. in euery place beyond all reason: and after them subdued Me­thridates king of Pontus: and set order in his kingdome, and al y nations as farre as the Easte. Caesar was yet a yong man, for­warde in worde and déede, bolde to any thing, and hoping of e­uery Pretor had the chai [...] of the lavv. A [...]dd [...]s of houses and pro­ [...]ion. thing, inclined to ambition sobeyond al measure, as beyng Pretor and Fdilis, he grewe in great dette, to gette the good wyl of the people, which is euer wont to embrace them that be beū ­tiful.

Caius Catilina was also notable, for his great fame and noble Cat [...]ime. Cat [...]ime [...]ileth his soune. bloude, a very rashe man. thinking it once good to kill his owne sonne for the loue of Aurelia Orestilla, bycause she woulde not graunt to marry with him, hauing a child aliue. He was friend to Sylla, of his faction, and a very great follower of him: through hys ambition he was in much want, & by the enticing of some greate men and women, laboured to be C [...]nsull, that by that meane, he mighte make hys waye to Tyrannye, and being in good hope to haue the election, he was repulsed, and Cicero [Page 74] chosen, a man most eloquent and swéete in speach. Cateline, did Cateline repulsed and Cr [...]er [...] cho­sen confull. skorne him, and in despight of them that had chosen him, for the basenesse of his kinne, called him a New man, (for so doe they terme them, that grow noble of themselues, and not of their Nevv man. auncestours) and for that he was a straunger in the Cittie, he named hym a Fermer, by the which worde they call them that dwell in other mens houses. And for this, he refused to deale in publique matter, wherein was plenty of strife and contention, VViues vveary of their hus­bandes. and no great nor present further aunce to a Monarchie. Yet he gathered much money of many wiues which hoped to be rid of theyr husbands by this hu [...]ley burley. He cōfecred with some of Senatours Gen­tlemen. the Senatours & them that be called Gentlemē, and some of the Commons, straungers and seruaunts he also allured. But his chiefe Counsellours were, Cornelius, Lentulus, & Cethegus, which were then officers in the cittie. He sent about Italie to the that had spent their gaines got by the violence of Sylla, and were de­sirous of the like enterprises again. To Fesule in Tuscane, he sent Caius Manlius, & other into Ancona and Appulia, the which pre­sently did gather men for him. All these practises did Fuluia, a [...] vttereth the consp [...]ac [...]e. Q Carius. noble woman, bewray vnto Cicero, whose louer Q. Spurius, a man for his lewde life remoued from the Senate, and admit­ted to Catelines conuentions, ambitious and very light did boast with his woman, that shortly he shoulde be made a great man. Rumors were now raysed of their doings in Italie, and Cicero set gardes indiuers places of the cittie, and sent some noble men [...] chiefe minister or Cate­ [...]. to haue an eye to the suspected places. Cateline, although no man durst lay hands on him, yet, bicause the truth was not tried out, perceyuing the time to be suspitious, and putting al his hope in spreding, sent his money afore to Fesule: and giuing order with his confederates to kill Cicero▪ and in one night to set the citie a [...] sixe in sundrie places, he posted to C. Manlius, to make an other army of the sodaine, to inuade the cittie after the burnyng. He caused the axes & roddes, to be borne before him like a Procon­sull very fondly, & went to Manlius, taking vp souldiours by the way. Now was it thought good to Lentulus & his cōpanions, as The maner of the practise. soone as they heard Cateline to be at Fesule, that Lentulus himself & Cethegus should beset Ciceros house early in the morning w t wea­pons [Page 75] hid, & that they being let in, bicause of their dignities, should speake with him, & by talke draw him a good way off, and when they had him from other cōpany, to kil him. Then should Lucius Sextius a Tribune, by & by cal an assemblie by the ordinarie offi­cers, Cicero to be lis­ted, the c [...]t [...] to be burned. & accuse Cicero as a mā feareful, troublesome, & a disturber of the citie, when there was no such cause: and the night after this Oration of Sextius, to set y e citie a fire in other .xij. places, to spoyle it, & kil the best me. This was y opiniō of Lentulus, Cethe­gus, Statilius, & Sextius, chiefe of y cōspiracie, & wayted for y e time.

There were embassadours of Sau [...] to cōplain of their gouer­nours, which by Lentulus were admitted to [...] conspiracie, y they should stirre their coūtrie against the Romanes. L [...]u [...]us sent Vui­turtius of Cro [...]one with thē to Cateline, carying letters without a­ny name. The Embassadours being afraide, did cōmunicate w t Fabrus Sanga, who was their patrone, as euery other citie had in Cities had pa­ [...]ones in Rome [...]. Rome. Cicero vnderstāding this by Sanga, appreheded both them & Vulturtius as they were goyng away a brought them to the Se­nate, to whom they cōfessed al they had learned of Lentulus, and with much [...]o bewrayed, that Cornelius Lentulus had oft sayde, y by dest [...]te. [...]. Cornelius should be Monarches of Rome, whereof Cornelius▪ a great surname in Rome. [...]. were past, Cinn. & Sylla. When these things were declared, the Senate put Lentulus out of his office. Cicero cōmitted euery of the to the houses of the pretors, & straight returned & called ter sentece. There was much ado about y e counsell house, for y truth was not yet knowne▪ & the conspiratours were afraide of them­selues. The seruaunts, & fréemade mē of Lentulus & C [...]t [...]gus, got many artificers with thē, and wēt to the backe sides of the Pre­tors houses to haue taken away their maisters, whiche, when Cicero heard, he ran out of the counsell house, & hauing set garde Priuilege of Cō ­sul elect. Syllanus. in euery place, came againe, and hastned the iudgement. Syllanus spake first as he that was elected to be Consull next: for it was the Romaines maner to haue him speake first, that should folow in y e Consuls office, bicause (as I think he should com [...]nly crecute the decrées, & therby, cōsider the more ripely & morely of euery of Disagrement, [...] the cō ­spiracie. them. Syllmus was of opinion y these men should haue extreme punishment: and many other consented to his iudgement, till Nero muste say his minde, who thought it good to kéepe them [Page 76] in prison til Cateline were ouerthrowen, and the thing throughly [...] vvith vvhom Cicero du [...]ste not contende. knowne. C. Caeser, who was not without suspition to be priuie to this cōspiracie, with whom Cicero durst not contend, bycause he was so accepted to the people, added more, that Cicero shoulde place them in such Cities of Italie as he thought good, til Cateline were dispatched, and then to be brought to iudgemente, that no e [...]tremitye shoulde be vsed againste so noble men, that myghte [...]. seeme voyde of cight or reason. This sentence seming indisterēt, man [...] allowed of it, and rashly consented to it, til Cato plainely had discouered the suspitiō against Caesar: and Cicero fearing that this night some trouble would folowe, & that the multitude that were acquainted with the matter, and then remayned doubtful in the common place, would do mischiefe: and for some inconue­nience, as wel of the one as of the other, determined to execute the without iudgement, as apparant offenders: Cicero brought euery one of them, (the Senate yet sitting) to the cōmon prison, [...]. and without knowledge of the people, put them to death. Then he went to thē that were in the common place, and told thē, they haue liued: wherat they dispersed with feare, were glad to hide [...]. thēselues as wel as they could: & so the citie, that at that present was in great feare▪ receyued a little comfort. Cateline had nowe gathered xx. M. and armed the fourth part of them, & was going into [...] for more preparation: but Antonie the other Consul, encountred him in the Alpes, and without great ado, ouerthrew him, as one that suriously had taken so horrible a thing in hand, whiche when it came to the triall, without order, erecuted the [...]Spane [...]yne. s [...]ne, although neither he nor none other of the nobles y t were of that conspiracie, would agrée to flée: but running among the e­nimies, were sl [...]in in the middest of them. Thus the rebellion of [...]ey. Cateline, which had almost brought the Cittie to vtter destructi­on, was dissolued: & Cicero y before was only notable for his elo­quence, nowe also both for worde and deede was extolled and playnly appeared the preseruer of his perishing countrie: wher­fore thankes were giuen him in the whole assembly, and diuerse sholutes of prayse made vnto him: & wheras Cato thought hym worthy the name of father of the country, the people confirmed [Page 77] it with a cry. This honorable name being giuē first to Cicero, is nowe attributed also to such Emperors as be worthy: For this title is not giuē to euery king with the rest of his other stile, but in tyme with great ado is decreede vnto him, as a perfecte [...] mony of hys excellent vertue.

Caesar was chosen Liuetenant for Spaine, and of hys cred [...] [...]. was staide in Rome: for so much did he owe more than h [...] [...] worth (as they report) he saide hee had neede of twoo [...] and fiue hundred millions, to haue nothing: yet agreeing [...] [...]. hys creditours as well as he could, he went into Sp [...]e, where he did not deale wyth Citie matters, or by sessions take order for their causes, thinking that nothing serued hys purpose, b [...] thered men, and in tyme subdued all the rest of Spa [...], til hee had brought it subiect and tributarie to the Romaines. He sent muche money to the common treasure of Rome, wheresore the Senate [...]. graunted him a triumphe: he made preparation of a great shew in the suburbs of Rome. The tyme of election of newe Consulls [...]. was come, and he that stode for the office must be present, and if he were once entred, he could not returne agayne to make tri­umphs. He being very desirous of the Consulship, and not yet ready for the triumph, sente to the Senate and desired he might aske the office by his friends in his absence, although it were a­gainst the Lawe: But Cato spake againste it, so as the las [...]e day of the election was spent in reasoning. Wherefore Caesar set aside [...]. the triūph and came running to the election & desired the office.

At thys time Pompey was in great power and glory for his vi­ctory Pompey. againste Methridates: he required that many things which be had graunted to Kings, Princes and other estates, might hee confirmed by acte of Parliament. The which request many [...]n­uied, specially Lucullus, who made warre agaynst Methridates be­fore, Lucuilus againste Pompey. and broughte him so weake, that it was an easie matter to ouercome him, so as indede the seate against Methridates was Crassus vvith Lucullus. properly hys, and Crassus tooke parte wyth Lucullus. Whereat Pompey being grieued, he ioyned with Caesar and promised by oth Pompey vvith Caesar. to make hym Consull, and Caesar reconciled Crassus to Pompey.

And these three hauing greatest power of al, did serue one an­others [Page 78] turne, insomuche as one Va [...]ro a writer, in one of hys bookes, did cal this agreement, a triple salling headlong.

The Senate hauing them in suspition, did choose Lucius Bibu [...] [...] the other Consul, to withstande Caesar, and they straighte fell to conte [...], and made priuate preparation of armour one a­gainste another.

Caesar was a deepe dissembler, & in the Senate house vsed spea­ches [...]yueth [...]. of reconcil [...]ation w [...]th [...], that by their dissention, the cō non [...] a [...]th [...]ught take no [...]athe. Hee giuing creotie to this prete [...]ce being vn [...]sed and vnprepared, and ignorant of Cae­ [...] meaning, sonne that hee hadde made greate promsion in s [...]cr [...]te, and de [...]i [...]d lawes for the poore agaynste the Senate, d [...]d [...]ng landes vnto them: the beste that was aboute [...], he appointed as of the common treasure, to be bestowed vppon them that had bin fathers of three children, and by thys meane he [...] the harts of the multitude. For twenty thousande were a compted only to take the benefite of three children.

Many of the Senate were againste this purpose. Wherfore [...] with a famed anger that they would not admitte so [...]ste a thing, [...]n ou [...]e, and would not call the Senate tog [...]her al the yeare after. But in the common place hee woulde speake to the people, [...] enquired of P [...]mp [...]y and Cras [...], how they liked of the la [...], [...] their c [...]seate, he willed the people to come to the [...]obation of them, with their weapons hid.

The Senate (bycause it was not lawfull to assemble, vnlesse The [...]. truth Consuls were present) went to [...] house bycause they had not foresome to make resistāce to C [...]s [...], & exhorted [...] to [...]hst [...]de the lawes, that it might not s [...]me hee was ouer [...]ru­ [...] by negligence, but of necessitie. [...] was persuaded, and [...] the Common place, w [...]iles C [...]s [...]r was yet speaking [...] by [...]. to the people. Then was there much s [...]ise and disorder, and some hurte, for they wyth h [...] weapons, brake the roddes and [...]es of [...], and wounded the Tribunes that were about h [...]m.

[...] not abashed, offred his throat, and wyth a loude voice, called Caes [...]rs row [...]e to y déede, saying: If I cannot per [...]uade Cae­sar [Page 79] to Justice by my death, I throwe vppon hym all thys blame and mischiefe. Notwythstandyng, hys friendes, thoughe a­gainste hys will, conueyed hym into the nexte Temple of Iu­ [...]er possessour.

Cato was sente for, and lyke a young man, thruste in among them, and beganne to speake: but being ouerpreste with [...]s men, he was putte out againe: yet pri [...]ly comming in another way, he ranne vppe to the place of speache, and determining to speake nothing else, he sharpely cried out againste C [...]sar, [...] was pulled downe.

Then Caesar pronounced the lawes, and caused the people so sweate vnto them, as euer to continue in effect▪ He cō [...]nded the Senat to sweare also. Whereof [...]nye, and Ca [...] not agree­ing, Caesar threatned death vnlesse they sware, and the people con­firmed it, so that for feare they sware, and so did the Tribunes The [...] co [...] ­ [...]ed by [...]n [...]he. also, bycause it auatled no more to resist, the lawe being pron [...] ­ced by other.

Vetius, a manne of the common sorte, came running among them with a naked sworde, saying he was sent of Bib [...]lus, [...]o & Cato, to kill Caesar and Pompey, and that the sworde was delyue­red hym of [...] one of Bib [...]lus Sargeants. And although euerye man suspected this deuise, yet Caesar stirred the people, and appointed the nexte daye to examine Vetiu [...]. He was cō [...]ted to prison, and was deade that nighte.

Thys chaunce also being diuersly construed, Caesar didde not omitte to worke it for hys purpose, affirm [...]ng, that they that were afraide, had done it. Where upon, the people did graunte Vetiu [...] deade. reuenge to be had of his en [...]mies.

Then Bib [...]lus lettyng all goe oute of hys handes, as a priuate manne, came not oure of his house all the reste of Bib [...]lus gyueth ouer. the yeare of hys office. Nowe Caesar made no more inquisi­tion of Vetius, but hauing all the power of the common wealth alone, made more lawes to allure the people, and to confyrme all that Pompey hadde doone, accordyng to his pro­myse.

[Page 80]There were that had the name of Gentlemen in the citie, and were in the midde place betweene the Senate and the people, These men might do much both for their own substance, & for y gathering of tributes & tol [...]cs, which the people did pay, wherof a number attended vppon them moste assu [...]edly. They made suit [...] the Senate to be discharged of parte of the rent. The Senate made some sticking at it, but Caesar not regarding that, only vsing the people did re [...]tte the thirde parte of the rent vnto them.

They hauing beyond their expectation obtayned suche bene­ [...] by hys goodnesse did extoll hym like a God, and so Caesar by [...]e, had another companie stronger vnto hym than the people was. Then Caesar made shewes and huntings vnto them, [...] s [...]ding vpon [...]u [...]r [...] thing more than he was able, exceeding all y had bin before tyme in s [...]ptuous preparation, & bountifull re­wardes. [...] Wherfore they made him ruler of France, bothe on thys [...] and beyonde the Alpes for fyue yeares, and for his office he had some legions appointed.

He considering that his absence should be long, and that enuy would be greater than the greatest fauour, be [...]lowed his daugh­ter [...] to [...]. in mariage vpon Pompey, although Scipio were yet aliue, fea­ring that Popey (though he were his friend) might [...] the great­nesse of his felici [...]e: he made the moste seditious men officers for [...] the next yere, & Aulus Gabi [...] he declared Consull, who was his chiefe s [...]end, and marryed Calphu [...] daughter to L [...]us Piss, that should be Consull with him.

[...] [...]ing oute, that rule was rated by makyng of wanton mariages: Tribunes he appointed Va [...]tu [...] and Cl [...] called the [...]. Faire, who was s [...]l [...] diss [...]med for a suspition wyth Iul [...]a, Ca­ [...] wise, in the sacrifice that belonged [...]nelye to women.

For the whiche, althoughe C [...]r didde putte awaye hys wise, yet he made nothing ad [...]e with hym, bycause he was accepted to the people: yet other did accuse hym for disparaging the holye [...] [...]. sacrifice, and [...]c [...]r [...] did speake against hym. Caesar was called to gyue witnesse, but he said nothing, and rather made hym Tribune of the people to [...]ntrap C [...]er [...], who spake againste the alli­aunce of the three men, as a thing tending to tyra [...]ny.

[Page 81]Thus did griefe giue place to gaine, and one [...] benefi­ted, that another mighte bée hindred: and it shoulde séeme that Clodius had gratifyed Caesar before in the getting of hys office in Fraunce. These thinges didde Caesar, beyng Consull, and when hee hadde gyuen ouer one office, hee strayghte coueted ano­ther.

Clodius accused Cicero, that hée hadde contrarie to lawe putte [...] by [...] to death Lentulus and Cethegus before the Senate had giuen sen­tence: Cicero that in that matter had vsed moste noble courage, nowe being called to answere, was verye fainte harted. Hee put on a mourning vesture, and ful of wéeping and sorrowe, he hum­bled himselfe to all that he met in the streates, not beeing asha­med to trouble them, whom he neuer knew, so that his behauior was so vnséemely, y t they which should haue pitied him, laughed him to scorne: to so great fearfulnesse for one cause of his owne was he fallen, y t all his life had done most gloriously for others, euen (as they say) Demosthenes of Athes, was not able to answere Demosthenes. in his own cause, but before he was condēned, fled away. Clodius, with spite did mock his lowlinesse to mē abroad, whereby being brought to desperatiō, he also tooke a volūtary banishmēt, many of his friends going forth with him, and the Senate recommen­ding him to Cities, Kings, & Princes. Clodius pulled downe hys Clodius pulleth dovvn [...] [...] houses both in the Citie and Country, & pleased hymself so well with thys act, as he would néeds compare with Pompey, who had then the greatest auctoritie in the Citie. Wherfore he called Mi­lo that was fellow to Clodie, and a bolder man than hee, putting hym in hope of the Consulship, to be againste his fellow, and to make a decrée for Ciceros returne, supposing that Cicero woulde nowe deale with matters and actions against Clodie, & no more busy hymself in speaking against the presente auctoritie.

Thus Cicero that by Pompey was caste oute, by the same was called home the sixteenth moneth after his banishment, and hys house & fermes were builded of the common coste. He was re­ceyued [...] with great glory, euerye man wayting for hym at the gate, spending one whole daye in embracements and welcom [...], euen as hapned to Demosthenes at his returne from [...]r [...].

[Page 82]In this meane tyme, Caesar had done greate feates among the Frenchmen and Britains, as I haue shewed in my booke of the Frenche matters, and being full of riches, he came to that part [...]h [...]. of Fraunce that consineth with Italy at soe sloude Eridanus, to recreate his army a while after their continuall warfare. From whence, he sent to diuerse men, greate summes of money. The yearely officers by turne came to visite hym, and so did the Pre­sidents of Prouinces, the Generals of armies, and other noble men, so as sometime there were a hundred and twenty Mace [...] [...] Cae [...]r. about hym, and more than twoo hundred Senatours, some, to thanke him for their offices, some, to seeke money, and some for one thing, and some for another. For nowe he tooke vppon hym all thynges by the greatnesse of hys armye, the abundaunce of riches, and by friendeship, that he had wonne of al sortes.

Both Pompey and Crassus, sellowes of his power, came to him. They agréede that Pompey and Crassus should be Consulls againe, and that Crassus shoulde haue the rule of the nations he had, for o­ther siue yeares, and so they departed.

Donutius A [...] barbus stoode agaynste Pompey for the Consul­ship, [...]. and when the day was come, bothe came in he night into the fielde to the election. And such was the strife, as it came to st [...]es, till one with a sworde stroke hym that bare Aenobarb [...] t [...]r [...]h, and then euery man fled from hym. He had much adoe to A [...] the [...] be conueyed home in sasety: Pompeys gowne was found bloudy and borne home: So nigh peril were both parts. Thus Pompeyus and Crassus being chosen Consulles, they decréede to Caesar, other fiue yeres, as they had determined, the Prouinces and armies they di [...]ided betwen them. Pompey tooke Spaine and Barbarie, to the Di [...]sion of Prouinces which he sent his friends, and he remained in Rome. Crassus chose Syria, and the nations next vnto it, for desire he had to make war vpon the Parth [...]ns, which he thoughte would be bothe easie and profitable, & to his renowme. But as before he wēt out of the ci­tie, al tokens séemed vnlucky, so the Tribunes did forbid hym to molest the Parthians, that had made no fault. And bycause hée woulde not regarde, they made publique execration vpon hym, whiche he contemning, was in the same warre, with hys sonne [Page 83] of that name destroyed, and scarcely .x. M of an. C. M. did escape The calamitie of Crassus. by flight into Syria. But this calamitie of Crassus is declared in the booke of the Parthian warres. The Romaines being molesied with dearth, made Pompey General Prouider of vi [...]als and as they were wont in Pyrats war, ioyned .xx. Senators with hym as assistants vnto him. He sent them to euery country, and made suche spéede, as Rome was by & by fulfilled with plentye of v [...] ­all, whereby he grew into greater glory and auctoritie, than he The death of Caesars daughter. was before. At this time Caesars daughter that was marryed to Pompey, dyed, wherfore euery man was afraide that this affinity being broken, they two would contende with greate force. The state of the citie was in trouble and disorder, for the rulers did Rome disorde­red. al for gaine and ambition, & with force & weapons moued sediti­on. They were not ashamed of briberie nor corruption so they might be made rich. The people woulde not giue their voyces, vnlesse they were hyred. There was séene .viij. C. tallents putte in pawne for the nomination to an office. The yearely Consuls were reiect from armies and prouinces, being taken away by y power of these thrée men. They that were of worst behauiour, Fyrst three men▪ sought their gaine by armies and publike matters of the Citie, & by the electiōs of their priuate successors, by reason wherof the honest sort did vtterly leaue to rule, insomuche as in this disor­der, Rome eig [...]te Moneths vv [...] out a Magi­strate. Dictator. the Citie was .viij. moneths without a Magistrate. Pompey of purpose did winke at all this geare, that the necessitie of tyme might make hym a ruler alone: and now it was spoken in euery place, that the only remedy to these mischiefs, was the auctority of one, whom it behoued to choose, being mighty of power, and gentle of nature, signifying that Pompey had a sufficient army, & counted a louer of the people, & for his honor, did leade y Senat, in lyfe sober and sincere, and in conuersation. affable, either in déede, or apparaunce. He in worde séemed to bée angrye at this expectation, but in effect he wrought it secreatelye all that euer he coulde, and willingly looked awry at the disorder of the com­mon wealth, and the lacke of officers in the same confusion. And whereas [...] Milo did serue his tourne against Clodie, and was well beloued of the people, for the returne of Cicero, looked for the [Page 84] Consulship, at due time required for that office, he did kéepe hym M [...] [...]yned by Pompey. backe, by delaying the election. Wherefore Milo taking it vn­kindly, that hee shoulde finde Pompey vnfaithfull, wente into the Countrey to Lau [...]to, which Citie they saye Aencas commyng from [...]oy, did first builde in Italy, being from Rome aboute eigh­téene The Authour [...] myles. Clodie came ryding from hys house, and met hym at [...], and passed the one by the other, onely in countenance shewing their e [...]tie. A seruaunte of Milos ranne to Clodie, (whither beyng commaunded, or to dispatch his maysters eni­mye,) and stroke hym with his sworde on the hinder part of the heade. Clodie beyng wounded and full of bloude, hys horse-kée­per [...] caried hym to the nexte Inne. Milo stayed with his seruants, and comming vnto hym betwéene breathing and dying, dispat­ched [...] of [...] the [...] of Clodie. hym, pretending that neyther he desired, nor deuised thys murder, but being sure he shoulde alwayes bee in daunger, hee purposed not to leaue the thing vnperfect.

This chaunce being tolde at Rome, the people were displeased, [...] bodye [...] brought to [...]. and watched all night in the common place. Some broughte Clodies body the nexte day and laide it in the Palaice: the which certayne Tribunes, friendes to Clodie, accompanied wyth the multitude, tooke away, and bare it to the Senate, eyther for honor, bycause hee was of that order, or for reproch to them for suffering such vnlawful factes.

The rather sort of this route brake down y seates & chaires [...] for the Senate house on fire. of the Senate house, and made a fire, with the whiche the Se­nate house and many other nighe, did burne at Clodies fune­rall. Milo was so lustie, that he was not so muche afraide for the feate done, as hee was angry that suche honor of buriall shoulde be shewed to Clody. He gathered a number of seruants & cuntry­men, he sent mony to the people, & corrupted Marcus Cecilius, one M. Cecilius. of the Tribunes, and with a bold courage came to Rome. Cecilius straight receiued him at his cōming, & brought him to the cōmon place among thē that had taken mony, as to an assembly. He pre­tended to be sory, that any delay should be had in iudgement, tru­sting that if he myght by these that were present, be acquitte, he [...]geth [...] should auoid the sharper sentence. He shewed he did not minde [Page 85] the matter, (for he would not haue brought his wife and famy­lie to such a feate) he spent the rest of the r [...]e against Clodie, as an impudent man, whose friendes as impudent as he, had burnt the Senate house for his sake. Whyles he was thus talking, y other Tribunes and the multitude slenderly armed, rushed into the common place. Cecilius and Milo, in seruantes clothing fled Mylo [...] away: much murder was committed vpon the other, not asking who were Milos friendes, but without respect killed both Citi­zen His friends killed. Great hurt done in Rome. and straunger, and chiefly them that differed from the rest, eyther in gay garments, or golde Kings: for in such a disordered state, tumulte growing by rage of this pretence, the moste parte beyng seruauntes and armed, against the other not armed, they fel to spoyle, they left nothing vndone, they entred houses, they ranne about to sée in déede what they might easily catch, and in word to séeke out Milos friendes: and Milo was their pretence The name of Milo, pretence of mischiefe. many dayes, to doe all mischiefe with fire and force.

The Senate for feare assembled, and were bent vpon Pompei, whom some would haue had Dictator by and by, bycause the present time apeared to haue néed of that remedy: but by Catos By Catos perswasion, Pompey Cō sull alone. perswasion, they chose him Consull without a felowe, that he should haue the authoritye of Dictator by ruling alone, and yet be answerable bicause he was but Consul. He was y first Con­sul that had two great prouinces with armye and money, and the Monarchie of the Citie, being Consull alone. Cato was ap­pointed by decrée to go into Ciprus, that he shoulde not trouble Pompey at home, and to put Pto [...]lomie out of his kingdome, by a former lawe made by Clodie: who being once taken with Py­rates, Pto [...]lomie for nigardise, sent him two talents for his ran­some. Pto [...]lomie when he heard of thys decrée, threw his money into the sea, and kylled hymself. Cato set the Country in order.

Pompey did giue punishments for many offences, and specially Pompeys lavves against briberie. for bribery & corruption: for he thought y all common infection of the Citie rose of thys, and therefore had néede of present me­dicine. He also decréed, that any man that would, might cal men to account from his first Consulship to this time, and that was about twentie yeares, in the which Caesar was Consul. Caesars [Page 86] friendes suspecting this to be done in despite or calui [...] ­tion of him that so long a time was comprehended, exhorte [...] him to deale with present matters, rather than to looke back­ward, and trouble men that were honorable. And among o­ther naming Casar, he was offended, as one voide of all susp [...] ­tion, [...]con̄t and so appoynted the time from his seconde Consulship: he saide it was very necessarie so to begin, to make a perfite redresse of the common, almost wasted with euill men: which when he had saide, he pronounced the lawe, whereof folowed by and by a number of sundry actions: and that the iudges shoulde not be afrayde, he with an army ouersawe their do­yngs. Firste, being absente, Milo was condemned for Clodi [...] [...]tion of Milo, &c. [...], Memmius, Hipseus, [...] cond [...]ed. death, and Gabinius, of disobedience and mischiefe, for going into Egipt with an army without decrée, the bookes of Sybill for­biddyng it. Memmius, Hipseus, Sextuis, & many other were con­dēned, eyther of bribery or corrupting the people. Scaurus was called by Pompey to make answere, notwithstanding y the peo­ple did intreate for him. And when the second time the people Scaurus bani­shed. did resist his accusers, a violence was made by Pompeis souldi­ours, wherby the people ceassed, & Scaurus was also banished, & al their eriles recorded, & Gabinius was confiscate after his ba­nishment. The Senate giuing open prayse to Pompey appoyn­ted two legions more vnto him, & continuāce in his prouinces Pompey [...] father in lavv accused. Memmius being condemned of briberie, and Pompeius lawe gi­uing release to them that accused an other, he called L. Scipio fa­ther Pompey putteth on mo [...]ning vv [...]d [...]. in lawe to Pompey, into the like iudgement of corruption. Wherefore Pompey, putting on the garment of the condemned sort, many of the iudges did the like: but Memmius in contempt Pompey taketh a selovve. of the state, gaue ouer y accusation. Then Pompey, hauing as it were, made that direction that belonged to his Monarchi [...], toke Scipio for his selowe the rest of the yeare: and after hym, though others were receiued into office, neuerthelesse he ouer­loked & ruled all, and then was all in all in Rome. For the good Senate estemeth Pompey. wil of the Senate was much enclined to him in despite of Cae­sar, who in his Consulship séeking his priuate pleasure, séemed to make none accompt of thē: and for that Pompey had quickly [Page 87] recouered the sicke cōmon wealth, without molesting or h [...] ­dring any man, furder than his office. But the banished men Ban [...] [...] flye to Caesar. fledde still to Caesar, and bad him beware of Pompey, and that his law of corruption, was most made against him Caesar did com­forte them, and yet sayde well of Pompey. He only laboured [...]o Tribunes to make a lawe, that it might be lawfull for Caesar to aske the seconde Consulship in hys absence: the which, Pom­pey beyng yet in office and not resistyng, was graunted, yet vnderstandyng that the Senate did worke against him, & fea­ryng that his enemies would make him a pryuate man, he de­uised to kéepe his strength still, till he should be declared Con­sul, and requested of the Senate a little longer tyme for hys office in Fraunce, or at the least for parte of it. But Marcellus Marcellus. that was Consull after Pompey, was agaynst it, the whiche when it was tolde Caesar, be layde hys hande vpon the hilte of his sworde (as they say) and answeared, Then thus shall gyue it Ansvvere of Caesar. me. Hes buylded newe Como night vnto the Alpes, with the priuiledges of Italie, whiche is, that so many as be officers a yéere, shall be Cittizens of Rome, whiche was a greate prero­gatiue to Italie.

One of newe Como, that had thus borne office, and thereby thought to be frée at Rome, Marcellus in despight of Caesar did Dispight of Marcellus. beate with roddes, whiche the Romaines doe not suffer formo cause: and in rage he bewraying his harte, bad him take this token of hospitalitie and goe shewe it to Caesar. This spight vsed Marcellus, and perswaded to sende successours to his pro­uinces Marcellus. before the time expyred. But Pompey was agaynst that, vnder a shewe of conueniencie and beneuolence: that it Pompey preten­deth regarde to Caesar. was not méete that so noble a man, so many wayes profita­ble to hys Countrey, shoulde be thus maligned for so shorte a tyme, and decréed, that with tyme, Caesar shoulde gyue ouer hys rule: After this, Caesars chiefe enimies were cho­sen Consuls Aemilius Paulus and Calidius Marcellus cousin Paulus and C [...]no vvon by money to the former Marcellus. Curio an other greate enimie of Cae­sar was elected Tribune, well beloued of the people & a great speaker.

[Page 88] Caesar coulde not winne Claudius for no money, but Paulus he made hys friende with an hundered and fiftye talentes, that he shoulde neyther doe wyth hym nor against hym: it coste him more to win Curio bycause he was so muche in debt. Wyth this money, Paulus builded a publique place, called Paulus Palaice, one of the fayre workes of Rome. Curio, that he shoulde not be [...] discouered by change of the sodaine, required the office of ma­king and pauing of many and long high wayes, and to be ouer­séer of the same fiue yeares togither, knowing he should obtaine none of these, and trusting that Pompeys friends would speake a­gainst him, & so haue some pretence against Pōpey, which things cōming to passe indéed as he thought, he had an occasiō of offēce, Claudius propounded to send successours to Caesars prouinces, for the time was now at hand. Paulus said nothing. Curio seeming to Calidius [...] Question for Caesar propoūded dissēt frō both, praised Claudius opinion, & as agréeing to it, said it was meete that Pompey shoulde giue ouer both prouince and armye as well as Caesar, for so should the state of the Citie bée cleare and out of feare on bothe sides. Many being against this, as not right, bicause Pompeys time was not yet expired, Curio thē shewed himselfe plainely and sharply, that it was not reason to sende successours to Caesar, vnlesse Pompey did giue ouer: for be­ing suspitious the one of the other, the Citie shoulde neuer haue sure peace vnlesse all men were priuate. Thus he spake; bicause he knewe that Pompey would not leaue his power, and bycause he saw them offended with him for hys iudgementes of cor­ruption.

Thys opinion beyng honest, the people praysed Curio, as the The people prayseth Curio. only man that for the common weale, cared for neyther of their displeasure: and they brought him home, casting floures, as vp­on a champion of a great and difficult cause. For at that tyme nothyng séemed more daungerous, than to dissent from Pompey, [...] to the Senate. who passing about Italy somewhat sickely, subtitlye sente vnto the Senate, praysing Caesars actes, and rehearsing his owne frō the beginning: and that the thirde Consulshippe being giuen hym, and prouinces with an army accordingly, he did not séeke it, but was called to it, beyng thought méete for the redresse of [Page 89] the common wealth, and that I (quoth he) receiued vnwillingly, I doe willingly giue ouer to them that will haue it, before my time prefixed. The manner of this writing wrought a good ly­king to Pompey, and a misliking to Caesar, that woulde not giue o­uer when his time was ended. When Pompey was come to the Citie, he spake as muche in effect, and then promised to giue it o­uer, and as a friend and welwiller to Caesar, toke in hand that hée also would leaue with glad mind. For now being in yeares, and hauing taken greate paines in the armies againste most fierce nations, and wonne great honor to his Countrey, he would séeke rest, with the offices and sacrifices of the Citie. Thus he spake, that successours might be straight sent to Caesar, and he standing vpon his promise only. But Curio correcting his sutteltie, sayd, it Curio againste Pompey. was not ynough to promise, but to giue ouer in déede, nor that Caesar shoulde be put from his armye, before he were in priuate state, neyther shoulde it be commodious for him to mainteyne priuate e [...]mitie, neyther for the Romaines, that suche a power shoulde be with one, rather than with the other, that if eyther of them woulde hurt the Citie, the other shoulde haue to resist: and nowe holding in no longer, he openly reprooued Pompey, as a sée­ker of tyrannie, and if it were not nowe, that he gaue ouer hys army for feare of Caesar, he would not giue it ouer at all, therfore he thought good, that if they disobeyed, they should both be decla­red enimies, and an army gathered against them: & by this talke be couered, that he was corrupted by Caesar. Pompey being gréeued, Pompey depar­teth angry. and threatning, went angerly away into the suburbes. The Se­nate now had them both suspected, but thought Pompey the more tractable. Caesar they misliked, bycause of their suspition in his Senate better liketh of Pom­pey. Consulship, and therefore did not thinke it safe to dissolue Pom­peys power, vnlesse Caesar did resigne, being abroade, and of a more aspiring mind: but Curio was against it, and that it was ex­pedient, that after Pompey, Caesar also should giue ouer all, which, when he could not obteyne, he brake vp the counsell, leauyng all The authoritie of a Tribune. vnperfite, for so might a Tribune do. Wherfore Pompey repented him that he had restored the Tribuneship to the auntient power, which Sylla had made very slēder. Only this was decréed at their [Page 90] departure, that Caesar and Pompey shoulde be sente into Siria to [...]e the Countrey, bycause of Cross [...] misfortune. And Pompey [...] policie, required his legion againe, that he had lente Caesar, [...]. [...]r the lo [...]se of [...] and C [...]tta hys Captaynes.

[...] gaue euery man two hundred Drammes, and sent them to [...] and with them sente another of hys owne, but beeyng vnderstanded y there was no danger in Syria, they went to win­ter at Capua. They that were sente of Pompey for them to Caesar, tolde many hard tales againste Caesar, and made Pompey beléeue, that Caesars army being wasted with wéer [...]nesse, and long payne, was desirous to come home, and when they were come on thys syde the Alpes, they would reuolte to Pompey. Thus they talked eyther of ignorance, or being corrupted, but euery man was sure The Souldyers of Casar [...]o him. to Caesar in promptnesse and painefulnesse, both for the continu­ance of seruice for the gaynes that grewe by victories in the warre, and for the greate liberalitie of Caesar himselfe, for hée gaue them fréely to serue as he would haue them, which they all knowing, did likewise abide it.

Pompey giuing credite to these tales, neyther gathered armye, nor prouided for so greate a businesse. The Senate did requyre euery mans opinion. Claudius crastely propounded, and dyd aske disioyntly, whether they woulde sende successors to Caesar, and whether they would Pompeys power shoulde be taken from him. [...]tation to Caesar and Pompey. To this many made denyall, but to Caesar they decréed successors. Curio asking agayne if they would haue both leaue their po­wers, x [...]i [...]. denyed it, but CCClxx. leauyng contention for com­moditie, enclined to Curios sentence: then did Claudius dismisse the counsell, crying, VVinne you, that will haue Caesar your Lord.

A rumor being raysed, that Caesar suddaynely was past the Al [...], and commyng to the Citie, there was greate seare and t [...]m [...]te of all sydes. Claudius commaunded the armye at Copu [...] [...] to he se [...]te againste Caesar, as an enimy, and when as Curio re­proued it as a lye, Claudius sayde, If I may not followe that is s [...]ce by common decrée of my selfe as Consull, I will doo it. And when he had sayde thus, he ranne out of the Senate house [...] [...]to the suburbes with his fellow, and offered a Sworde to Pom­pey [Page 91] Euen I (quoth he) and this man, commaunded thée to goe a­gainst Caesar for thy Countrey, and we giue thée, eyther the army that is nowe at Capua, or any other that is in Italie, and that thou mayest gather togither what thou wil [...]. He obeyed, as com­maunded of the Consuls, onely adding, vnlesse somewhat m [...]e be better, dissembling, or euen then pretending a shewe of ho [...] ­nie. [...]. Curio now had no more authoritie ouer the Citie, for it was not lawfull for the Tribunes to goe out of the walles, yet hée complayned to the people of these doings, and required the Con­suls to proclayme, that no man should obey Pompey in gathering of men: but not preuayling, and the time of his Tribune shyppe drawing to an ende, being afrayde of himselfe, and doubting to be no more able to help Caesar, with diligence went vnto him, who had nowe sayled the Oceane Sea from Britiayne, and passed Caesar out of [...] deuided France and Germany. The old diu [...] ­sion of Italy vvas [...] [...], and the [...] R [...]b [...]con, and thereaboute. from the French, that be néere the floud Rhene, to the Mountaines of the Alpes, with fiue thousande footemen, and three hundred Horsemē. He came down to Rauenna, which was cōfine to Italy, and the end of his prouince, receiuing Curio with great curtesie, and thanking him for his trauayles, he consulted with him of the present state. Curio thought good to sende for all his army, and to march to Rome. Caesar thought it better yet to treate of reconcili­ation, and willed his friends to compound for him, that giuing o­uer Request of Caesar. all other prouinces and armies, he might onely reteyne two legions, and Ill [...]ria with France within the Alpes, till he were de­clared Consull. Pompey thought it sufficient, but bycause the Cō ­suls did resist it, he wrote to the Senate, and Curio running in thrée dayes thrée thousande and three hundred furlongs, he gaue After this ac­compt, it should be three hun­dred myles. Caesars letters to the Senate. the letter to the newe Consuls, entryng the Senate house the fyrste daye of the newe yeare. It dyd conteyne a solemne re­hearsall of all Caesars doyngs from the begynnyng, and a pro­testation to leaue hys armye, if Pompey dyd the lyke, and béeyng yet in authoritie, if Pompey woulde not gyue vppe, no more woulde he, but forthwith come to reuenge hys Countrey, and wyth spéede to seeke for hymselfe, at the whyche, euer [...]e man cryed out, and that Lucius Domitius shoulde bée hys succes­sour, L. Domitius. as in a warre proclaymed. Domitius went on with foure M. [Page 92] lately gathered. Antonius and Cassius being Tribunes after Cu­rio, Determination against Caesar. Antonitus, Cas [...]s, Tribunes. and liking well of his determination, the Senate the more earnestly did affirme the army of Pompey to be theyr safetie, and Caesars, their destruction. And Marcellus and Lentulus the Consuls, commaunded Antony and Cassius, to go from the assemblie, least by vsing the office of Tribunes, they mighte happily haue some displeasure. Then Antonie cryed aloude, and ranne frō his seate in a rage, and lamēted y t they should deface the office sacred, and Antenie lamen­teth. a Sanctuary, and reiect them with a despighte, that had gyuen their counsell for the common weale, not hauing committed any offence or crime against any man. This being sayde, he lept out as a man by inspiration, forespeaking warres, murders, atten­dures, Antonie prophe­cieth. banishments, spoyles, and all other mischiefe to come vp­pon them, protesting greate execrations to them that were the cause of it. Curio and Cassius went out with him, for now parte of Pompeys army was séene to come, and besette the Senate house. They by and by, secretely in y night, putting on seruants appa­rell, went to Caesar in an hired wagon. Caesar shewed them as soone Caesar shevveth the Tribun [...]s to his army. as they were come vnto the army, in that apparell, and to stirre them the more, said these men for doing well, are made enimies, and being persons of suche degrée, speaking somewhat for them, were thus villanously banished. Nowe was the warre open on both sides, and proclaymed euidently. The Senate thinking that Caesar would not suddainely come with his army frō the Frē [...]h, and that he woulde not enterprise so great a feate with so fewe, appointed to Pompey to gather a great number of Thessalians, old Preparation for Pompey againste Caesar. Thessalia vvas a Countrey of Gre [...]. practised Souldiers in the warre, and to take vp new, of the nigh nations that were fitte to serue. All the common treasure they decréed to him for this warre, offering also their priuate sub­stance if néede were, to be ready for this seruice: and they sent to the Cities for moe, with great hast and vehemencie, leauing no­thing vndone, that might be with spéedy consideration. Caesar sen­ding Speedlinesse of Caesar. for his owne army, putting more confidence in amazing his enimies with suddaine approche and terror of boldnesse, than in mighty preparation. With fiue thousande began he this greate Caesar manner [...] [...]. warre, which he sent to take the cōmodious places of Italy. And [Page 93] certayne of his Captaynes, accompanyed with the boldest sorte, in peaceable manner, he willed to goe to Arimeno, and of the suddaine, to surprise the Citie, whiche is the firste of Italy out of France. He in the euening, as though he had not bin well, wente Then France ex­tended to [...] ­mino, vvhich i [...] novve in that part of Italy that is called Rom [...]g [...]a, one of the 18. Colo­nies, that ayded the Romaines a­gainst Annihall. Rubicon deui­deth Italy, ouer the vvhich he that passed in armes, vvas a Rebell. Caesar stayd at the Riuer of Rubicon. The saying of Caesar. Caesar entreth Italy. Caesar taketh Arimeno. Feare of Caesar. from the Table, leauing his friendes sitting still, and takyng a Coach, he ranne to Arimeno, his Horsemen following a certaine distāce off. And posting thus as farre as the floud Rubicon, which deuideth Italie, he stayed his course, and behelde the Riuer. He déepely waying in his mind all the mischiefe that might followe, if he passed the water in armes, turned to his friends, and sayde, The refrayning from this passage, shall be the beginnyng of troubles to my selfe, but the going on with it, shall vexe all the world. When he had thus said, as a man rapte with a furie, hée flong ouer, speaking the common word, The Die is cast. Then he hasted to Arimeno, and tooke it earely in the morning, and so wēt forward, leauing garrison in conuenient places, and the other by the way he wanne, eyther by violence, or by gentlenesse. There was [...]éeing and renning away from euery place with muche feare, and remouing without reason, and lamente, not yet kno­wing what the truth was, supposing that Caesar was come to inuade with all his might and power. Which when the Consuls The Consuls suffer not Pom­pey to take the right course of vvarre. heard, not suffering Pompey to take the stayed way of warre ac­cording to his skilfulnesse in the same, forced him to go [...] a­bout Italie, and make men, as the Citie should by and by haue bin taken. The other Senatoures hearing of Caesars suddaine ap­proche beyonde all opinion, were afraide, bycause they were not yet prepared, and with griefe repented they had not accepted Caesars offers, which then they thoughte reasonable. Many Mon­sters, and tokens from heauen did afray them. God sente downe Tokens. rayne of bloud, Images did sweate, lightnings fell vpon manye Temples, a Bule broughte forthe, many other fearefull tokens did foreshew the ouerthrow and mutation of the common state. Supplications were commaunded, as in common calamities. The people remembring the times of Si [...]la and Marius, cr [...]ed cut, that Caesar and Pompey should giue ouer their powers, as the only way to ceasse warre. Cice [...] sent to Caesar for reconciliation, but [Page 94] the Consuls were againste euery thing, and Fauonius iested at [...] Pompey for a word he once spake, that at his call he woulde strike the earthe with his foote, and fetche forthe an army. You shall haue it (quoth he) if you wyll followe [...], and thinke it no griefe to leaue Rome, and after Rome, Italie to, if néede be: for places and [...] to the [...]. houses be not strength and libertie, but men (wheresoeuer they be) beare these with them, and when you haue reuenged youre selues, you shall haue houses ynough.’ This spake Pompey, as it were threatning them that would tarry and sticke to leaue their [...] forsaketh [...]. lands for the leue of their Countrey. And streyght hée wente out of the Senate house and Citie too, and tooke hys iourney to Ca­pua to the armye there, and the Consuls followed him. Other tarried wyth greate doubte, and kepte that nyghte togyther in the Senate house, but when daye was come, the most parte went out, and followed Pompey. [...]r [...]io is novv [...].

Caesar followed Domitius at Corfinio, who was sent to be his su [...] ­ [...]essoure, hauyng not aboue foure thousande, and beséeged him. And they of the Citie, perceyuing that Domitius woulde flée a­way, kepte the gates, and tooke hym, and broughte him to Caesas. He curteously receyued the army, yéeldyng vnto hym, that other myghte bée encouraged to the same, and suffered Domitius vntou­ched, Caesar taketh [...], and [...]eth h [...]m [...]ie to goe vvhere he [...]t. wyth all hys money and substance, to goe where he would, thynkyng for that gentlenesse he woulde haue tarryed wyth hym, and was not againste hym to goe to Pompey.

These thyngs béeyng thus done of the suddayne, Pompey wente from Capua to Brunduse, to passe the Ionian Seas to Epi­rus, Novv Al [...]ia. to make hys prouision for warre there: he wrote to all nati­ons, Lieutenants, Princes, Kyngs, and Cities, euerye one with all the spéede they coulde, to contribute to thys warre. These were dispatched with spéede.

Pompeys owne army was in Spaine, béeyng ready for the march when occasion shoulde call them.

Of the Legions that Pompey had himselfe, he deliuered to the Consuls, to leade from Brunduse to Epirus, and they streyght say­led [...] not in [...]he Ita [...]. safe to Dirrachium, whiche Towne some men, of this igno­rance, thynketh to be Epid [...]nus. A Barbarian Kyng called Epi­damnus [Page 95] buylded a Citie at this Sea, and of hi [...]selfe called it E­pidamnus: hys nephewe by hys daughter, supposed to bée Nep­t [...]es sonne, buylded a porte to that Citie, and called [...]. Dirr [...] chium. The bréethren of Dirrach [...]s made warre vpon h [...]m, and [...] [...]o [...] [...] Hercules commyng from the Ile Erithea, ioyned with him for parte of the lande, wherevppon the Durachians, as coper [...]one [...] of theyr Countrey, accompte hym the founder of it, not denying Dirrachos, but more desirous of Hercules, bycause he was a God.

They saye further, that in thys fyghte, Ionius, sonne to Dirra­chos, was slayne of Hercules by chance, and that Hercules buryed hys body, and threwe it into the Sea, that it myghte beare the Ioni [...] S [...]a. Phrg [...] o [...] Asia the [...]e. name of him. In processe of time, certaine Phrigians gote the Ci­tie and Countrey, and after them, a people of Illiria, called Ta [...] ­lantines, after whome, another people of Illiria, called Liburnians, T [...]lantines. [...] Na [...]. wyth their swift Shyppes, dyd spoyle theyr néerest neighboures, and of thys it is thought the Romaines did call theyr swift Ships Liburnius, wherewyth they gyue their fyrste onset in fighte by Sea.

They that were driuen from Dirrachio by the Liburnians, Cor [...]yri [...] be of the [...]e Co [...]. gote helpe of the Co [...]cireanes, valiante men by sea, and expulsed the Liburnians, and so the Corcirianes makyng a mixt inhabitance, it is taken to be a Greeke porte, and they changyng the name as vnlucky, called it Epid [...]mus, by the name of the old Citie. Thucidides doth name it so, yet this name hath preuayled, and it T [...]dides. is called Dirrachium. The Consuls and their company came to thys Citie. Pompey abode at Brunduse, and gathered togither the Consuls [...] [...]ed at D [...]rizzo. rest of the army. He tarried for the Shippes that carried the Consuls. He made the Towne strong, to kéepe Caesar from the walles, and in the euening tyde, sayled with hys company, lea­uyng the bo [...]est Souldyers to defende the Towne, the whyche [...]. also in the nyghte sayled ouer wyth g [...] winde. Thus Pompey with all his armye lefte Italy, and sayled into [...]piro. Casar stoode in doubt whyche way to turne him, & where to begyn the warre, seeyng well that all the force on euery syde flowed to Pompey. He feared the army that Pompey had in Spaine very great and expert, [Page 96] least whiles he followed his fléeing enimie, they should beset him on the backehalfe, therefore he thoughte it best to trye the fielde first with these in Iberia. He deuided his power in fyue partes, some he lefte at Brunduse, some at Hidrunto, and some at Taren­to, [...]run luse. Hydrunto novve O [...]r [...]to. Tarentum. Sardinia. [...]in [...] Pollio. Cato guieth place to Asinius Pollio. as garrisons for Italy. Other he sente with Quintus Valerius to get Sardinia, an Ile plentiful of Corne, and he gote it. Asinius Pol­lio he sente into Cicelie, where Cato was Lieutenant, who asked hym whether he had authoritie from the Senate, or the people, to enter violently into another mans prouince: he aunswered, that he that was Lord of Italy had sente him. Cato aunswered a­gayne, that bycause he would spare the inhabitance, he woulde deferre the reuenge till another time, and so sayled into Corcyra to Pompey.

Caesar came to Rome, and comforted the people with hope and Caesar to Rome. promises, being stricken with the feare and memorie of Sylla and Marius euill times. He said further, that he woulde vse curtesie to his enimies. As when he had taken Lucius Domitius, he let him go with all his money vnhurt. He brake the lockes of the common treasure, and threatned death to Metellus the Tribune that would Caesar taketh the treasure. haue resisted him, and tooke away the money that no man dur [...] touch, being layd vp there, against the inuasions of France, with publike execratiō to them that did stirre or remoue it, vnlesse for the warre of Celtica: Caesar sayd, I haue ouercome those Frenche Cel [...]es, and haue deliuered the Citie of that execration. Hée made Emilius Lepidus Gouernoure of the Citie, and Marcus Antonius, [...]. Antonius. the Tribune of Italy, and the confederate army in it. Abroade hée sent into Sicilie, Curio to succéede Cato, Quintus to Sardinia, & Cneus Antonius to Illiria, and to France within the Alpes, he appoynted Licinius Crassus. He commaunded two legions of yong souldyers to be ready with spéede, and to lye at the coastes, both of the Tus­cane, and Venetian seas, to whome, for Captaines by the sea, hée sent Hortensius, and Dolabella. Hortensius. Dolabella. Caesar into Spain, Afranius, and Petreius. Herda a Citie in Aragon, at the floud [...]ycor [...].

Caesar hauing thus made Italy too strong for Pompey to enter, he went into Spayne, and at his firste encountring with Afranius and Petreius, Lieutenantes to Pompey, he séemed too weake. Then they ioyned togyther more at hande aboute the Citie [...]erda. [Page 97] Caesar lay in barraine rockey places, and was fayne to fetch hys Caesar in distresse. victuals by the passage of the riuer Sypris: a sodayne floud came and bare away the bridge, whereby a great number lest in the straytes, were slayne of Petreyus, and Caesar himselfe with hys o­ther army, was much molested, with the harde place, with hun­ger, sharpe season, and with his enimies, so as he was little bet­ter than besieged there til the sommer came. Afranius & Petreyus went into the furder parte of Spaine to gather another armye. Caesar preuented them, stopping their passage, and compelled thē to retyre from whence they came. In doing of thys, he compas­sed a parte of their army that came to take vp grounde for their A token of yelding. campe. They helde their shieldes to their heades, which is a to­ken of yelding. Caesar neyther toke them, nor hurt them, but suf­fered Caesars gentle­nesse them vntouched to goe to Afranius, and by such meane, he wanne his enimyes harts in all places.

Hereof was manye conuenticles among the souldiers, and talke of reconciliation by the whole multitude. Wherevppon it séemed good to Afranius and some other, to leaue Spaine to Caesar, and to depart safe to Pompey: but Petreius was agaynste it, and ranne among the souldiours, and killed them that made those Petreius furious. metings for Caesar, and were come from him, and killed one of hys owne Captaines also that would haue stayed his furye. Wherfore they were the more in their mindes inclined to Cae­sar so gentle, and offended with Petreius that was so passionate. After that Caesar kept water from them: and Petreius being in ne­cessitie, came with Afranius to a parlée with Caesar, both armies beholdyng them. They agréede to leaue Spayne to Caesar, and that he shoulde conuey them safe to the floud Varus, and from thence to suffer them to goe to Pompey. When Caesar was come to that floude, he called all the Romaine and Italian souldiours, & thus spake vnto them.

‘Enemyes (for vsing that name to you, I shall the better de­clare my minde) neyther dyd I dyspatche you, when you were sente to gette ground for your Campe, and yelded your selues to me, neyther dyd I hurt an other parte of your army, whō I helde from water, although Petreius did distray myne, whom [Page 98] he toke at the floud Sic [...]rie: If I haue any thankes of you for the same, shewe it then to al them, that serue in Pompeys campe. When he had thus sayd, he sent them fréely away, and appoin­ted Caesar hath Spayne. Quintus Cassius to the gouernement of Iberia. Thus Caesar began.

In Lybia Actius Varus was Lieuetenant for Pompey, and Iu­ba Actius Varus. Iuba taketh Pom­peys parte. king of Mauritania did assist him. Curio sayled against them out of Sicelie with two whole Legions, twelue Galleyes, and many shippes of burden, landing at Vtica. He skyrmished wyth certayne Numidian horsemen, and put them to flight. He would néedes be called generall Captaine, his army beyng yet but Imperator vvas the terme in Latine for such a generall. entring into armes. This honor is giuen to Captaines, and the name commeth from the Souldiours, as witnesies to them to be worthy to be such generals: and thys honour, the Captaines in olde tyme obtained after all and many great aftayres. Now as I heare, the limitation to thys title, is to ouerthrowe tenne thousande men. Whiles Curio was comming by shippe from Sicelie, they that were in Lybia, thinking that he, for the glorye of the name, would encampe at a place called Scipios tentes, as Scipios tent [...]es. VVater poyso­ned. one that had emulatiō of his renoune, they poysoned the water, and were not deceyued of their hope, for Curio lodged there, and by and by the army was sicke. They that drunk, had their fight daseled as in a cloude, and heuynesse of sléepe in the head, many Curios armie in­fected. vomites of theyr meate, and a shrincking ouer all their body. Wherefore Curio remoued to Vtica it selfe, leading his army féeble for sickenesse by a great and strong marish grounde: but when they heard of Caesars victory in Spaine, they toke courage agayne, and placed themselues nigh the sea in a steyght waye, they foughte fiercely there. Curio loosing but one man, and Var [...] sixe hūdred. and many moe wounded. King Iuba cōming forth, [...]. a false rumour was raysed, that at the floude Bagrada not farre off, he returned backe bycause hys Kyngdome was in­uaded of hys neyghbours, leauing hys Licuetenaunt Saburra wyth a fewe at the floude. Curio gyuing credite to thys tal [...] in the seruente heate, at the thirde houre of the day, led the vest [Page 99] parte of his armye against Saburras, through sandy and deserte drye places. For if there were any winter brooke, it was dryed The distresse of Curio. vp by the heate of the sunne, and the floud was kept of Saburra, and the king himselfe yet still present there. Curio ranne vp to the hill toppes, choked with thirst, & heate. When the enimies sawe him so euill bestadde, they passed the riuer boldely with a readinesse to fyght. Curio, very vnwisely and vnskilfully wyth his weake army being compassed with the Numidian horsemē, came downe, and for a time gyuing place, broughte his menne within a little compasse: but beyng ouercharged, hée fledde agayne to the hyll toppes. Asinius Pollio at the beginnyng of thys businesse, with a fewe, fledde to the campe at Vtica, least Varrus shoulde attempte any thyng by the noyse of this euill fortune. Curio made a desperate fighte, and was kil­led Curio killed with all that were with him, so as there was not one left to goe to Pollio to Vtica. This was the ende of the fighte at the floudde Bagrada. Curios head was cutte off, and brought to Iu­ba. When this mischaunce was knowne to the army at Vti­ca, Flamma the Admirall fledde, with hys nauie, before hée re­ceyued Flamma [...]lieth. any man from the lande. Asinius tooke a boate and wente to the Merchauntes that were at the porte, and prayed them to receyue hys armie, and conuey them away. Some of them in the nighte came for warde for thys purpose, and the Souldiours wente on with suche number, as some botes were drowned, and they that were vppon the Sea and had money, the Merchauntes threwe them into the same for couetous­nesse Couetise of Merchants. thereof. This was their happe vppon the Sea, whiche was littell better by lande to them that were lefte all that nyght, who in the mornyng yéelded to Var [...]. But Iuba came and sette them all at the wall, and shotte them to death, as the rem­naunt Romaine Soul­diours shotte to death. of hys victorie, nothyng regarding though Varo prayde hym to the contrarie. Thus the Romaines loste twoo legions, that sayled with Curio into Libia, and all the horse, ministers, and venturers of the Campe. Iuba returned home, makyng boaste hee had done so greate a feate for hys friende Pom­pey.

[Page 100]At thys tyme Antonius in Illyria was ouercome of Octauius Dalabella Pompeyus Lieuetenant: and another armye of Caesars at Placentia, did reuolte againste their Captaines, crying that they were holden in long war, and not payed the fiue poundes which Caesar promised them at Brunduse. Caesar hearing of it, came poste from Massilia, and thus spake to the souldiours that yet were in a mutenie: What spéede I vse in euery thing, you can witnesse wyth me: this warre is holden long, not by vs, but by our eny­mies that flyeth vs: you that in Fraunce, by mine autoritye haue gayned wel, and haue bounde your selues to me, for al this [...] to the se­ditious Souldiours. warre, not for a parte, nowe in the myddest of the matter, you forsake me, you doe doe disobey your Captaines, and goe about to commaunde them, of whome you ought to receyue commaū ­dement: wherfore being a sufficiente witnesse to my selfe of my former affection vnto you, I will nowe vse Petreius Law, and of the nineth Legion, from whence tumulte chieflye arose, I wil put to death the tenth man.

Greate lamentation was made throughout the whole Le­gion: wherefore these Captaines on their knées prayed hym of pardon. He hardly and at length graūted, and came to this only, that anye 120. that were moste busie, shoulde bee taken by lotte, and twelue of their Captaines of bandes, be put to death: for one of the twelue, whiche was not presente, nor a medler in thys Mutenye, he caused hys accuser to suffer for hym.

After this sorte was the sedition at Placentia appeased. Caesar went to Rome, and the people for feare chose hym Dictator, ney­ther the Senate allowing it, nor none officer pronoūcing it: but hee, refusing that dignitye, eyther as odious, or superfluous, ru­ling onely eleuen dayes (as some say) appointed Consuls for the reste of the tyme, hymselfe, and Seruilius Isauricus.

The presidents of prouinces eyther he appoynted or altered at hys pleasure. Marcus Lepidus into Spayne, Aulus Albinus into Sicelie, into Sardania Sextus Peduceus, into newe France Deci­mus Brutus, to the people opprest with famine, he gaue victualls, and at their requeste, pardoned al fugitiues, except Milo. The [Page 101] people desiring also a cutting off of debte, bycause thynges bare no price, by reason of the wars and seditions, he denyed it them, but he appointed Purueyors of victualls, whiche in stéede of the debte, shoulde take order betwene the creditours and y e debtore. When he had done this, he sente all hys army to Brunduse in the Caesar maketh vvinter vvarre. deade of the winter, and himselfe went forth in December, not tarying for the election of newe officers, tyll the newe yeare that was at hand. The people followed him, and prayed hym to be at one with Pompey, for now it was very euident, that he that ouercame woulde be a ruler alone, but he went on, and lefte no­thing that was to be done with power and spéede.

Pompey al this tyme made Ships, and still gathered greater armies, and more money. He tooke fortie of Caesars shippes, in the Ionian sea, and wayted for his cōming. He exercised his people, ryding and running among them, and doing euery labor beyond his olde yeares, whereby he got much loue, and euery man came to sée Pompeys exercises, as to a spectacle.

Caesar had tenne legions of footemen, and ten thousand French Caesars army. horsemen. Pompey hadde fiue legions, with which hée [...]alled oute Pompeys army. of Italy, and as many horsemen, as with them were appointed: two out of Parthia, the remnant of them that serued with Crassus, & another part that with Gabinius inuaded Egipt. So had he of Italians in all eleuen legions and seauen thousande horsemen. His confederates were of Ionia, of Macedonia, of Poloponeso, and Boeotia, wyth archers of Creta, slingers of Thracia, and all other that vse artillerie aboute Pontus. Some horsemen of the weaste French, some of the east, of the Sirians sent by Antiochus, Cilici­ans and Capadocians, and some of Armenia the lesse, Pamphilia and Pisida, not al for the sight, but for garrisons, munitions, and o­ther seruices of y e Italian army. Thus he thoughte good to vse thē that none of the Italians shoulde be drawne from the daye of battell. This was his army by land.

By Sea hée hadde syxe hundred Gallies surnished at the ful, whereof one hundred were of Romaines conduct, whyche hée appoynted to leade the other, and many hulkes and other ships of burden, wyth dyuers Admiralls, whereof Marcus Bibulus [Page 102] was chiefe.

‘When al these thyngs were prepared, he assembled as many Senatours and Romaine Gentlemen, as were present, and all Pompey [...] Ora [...]i [...]. the army, into a place where he might be harde, & thus said vnto them. The Athenienses also (O friends) dydde leaue their Citie The Atheniens. s [...]e their Citie [...]y the pe [...]siō of [...]. to fighte for their libertye, agaynste them that spoyled it, they thinkyng, not houses, but men to be their Citie. In doyng of the whyche, they recouered it againe, and shortly made it mor [...] glorious. Our progenitors likewise, when the Frenche Cel [...] inuaded, forsooke the Cittie, which Cami [...]us comming from Ar­dea Ardea i [...] [...]. did restore agayne. All wyse men thynke their Countrey to be, where their liberty is: whyche wée consideryng, haue sayled hither, not leauyng oure Countrey, but preparyng for it, and mn [...]lye to defend it, againste him that doeth violently [...] inuade it, and by corruption, and taketh Italy desolated, whom you haue declared an enimy, he now sends presidents into your Prouinces, appoynteth some Gouernors in the Citie, and som [...] in the Countrey. By thys insolencie hée hathe taken from the people their authoritie, and if he doth this, being yet in contri­tion, and with feare, and as one, that with Gods helpe, shal bee punished for it, what crueltie and violence thinke ye, wyll hée leaue vndone that thus vseth his country, if he get the victorye▪ Some there be that take his parte for mony, which he gathered in Fraunce that belongeth to you, who chose rather to bée slaue [...] to him, than to liue frée with vs. I do not refuse the fight with you and for you, but do offer my selfe a souldior or a Captaine, as you wyl vse mée, & if I haue any experience in the war, or a­ny felicitie vnspotted hitherto, I pray the Gods to graunte mée al at this present, & to be such a defender vnto my country in dan­ger, as I haue bin in aduancing the same. Wée oughte to putte oure trust in God, and in our cause, which hath an honest & iust desire of war for the common wealth of our Countrey, & in the abundance of our prouision, both by sea and land, whiche we al­ready haue, & more, in that we shal haue when we take the thing in hand: For al the nations (as a man may say, frō y East to y Ruxine sea) al y Greciās & Barbarians be with vs, al kings y be [Page 103] friends to [...] Romains & to me, haue sente armies, weapons, vit­tails, & al other necessaries.’ Therfore go to it chéerefully, as to a thing worthy your countrey, your selues, & me, & being mind [...]ul of G [...]sar: dispitefulnesse, with spéede fulfil that shal be appointed you. This he said. Al the army, and as many Senators & Gen­tlemen as were there, which was a greate and a goodly c [...]an [...], with one voice did praise hym, & praied hym to leade them as he thought good. Then he set some ships to kéepe the sea, and sente his army to winter at Macedonia, thinking Caesar woulde deser [...] p [...] is dece [...] ­ [...]d in C [...] [...]. sayling ouer till after winter, the tyme being harde, and the seas rough, and haue remayned at Rome, bycause he was Consull, and settle hys rule there: so far amisse did he coniecture of that that was to come. For Caesar, as I sayd before, in the midst of winter did go to Brunduse, supposing he should most amaze his enimies, by commyng on the sodayn. Therfore neither hauing victuall, nor prouision, nor all his army there, he called thē that were pre­sent to an assembly, and thus said vnto them: [...] to hys sould [...]ours.

‘Neither the hardenesse of the tyme, (O friends) that ioyne wyth mée in this moste noble enterprise, neyther the delay of others, nor the want of conuenient preparation, doe wythdraw Expedition. me from my purpose: for surely I thinke that expedition is the best way for me, and we that be firste here, to go first on with the matter. As for seruants, carriage and baggage, I thinke it beste to leaue behynde vs, that the shippes that bee nowe here, may receiue vs only as passengers, and we deceiue oure enni­mies, and sette good fortune againste euil tyme, bold courage, a­gaynste our smal number, and our ennimies plenty, against our penury, all the which shall be in oure power, if wée thinke no­thing to be our own, but that we shall winne by force. Let vs go therfore againste their slaues, their prouision and victualles, whiles they be in houses for feare of winter weather. Lette vs goe whiles Pompey trusts that I spende the winter in shewes and sacrifices of a Consull. You knowe that I take the chiefeste Attempts [...] day [...]. point in w [...]rres, to be attempts of the sodayne. It is honoura­ble to preuent the first opinion [...]f thyngs to come, and to foresee [...]re receyt there, for thē y folow vs next. I haue thoughte thys [Page 104] time méeter to hast, than to stay: that Pompey, who thinks I am yet at Rome, aboute my Consulship, may sée me at hys cam [...] and thoughe that I am wel assured of youre good willes, yet ꝭ tarry for your answere.’

All the army cryed with great vehemencie, that hee should▪ leade them forth. Then he came from hys seate, and had them to the sea, being fiue legions of footemen, and sixe hundred horse men chosen, lying at anker, bycause of the roughe seas.

The winter Sunne was at the lowest▪ and the winde kepte [...] [...] s [...]ved by vveather. hym backe agaynste hys will and euill content, who tarryed [...] Brunduse till the first day of the newe yeare. Then came there [...] hym two legions more, whome he conueyed ouer that winter [...] hulkes, for he hadde but fewe Gallies, and they were lefte for the custody of Sicelie and Sardinia. He was by tempest driuen to y mount Cer [...]uno, from whence he sent hys nauy backe to fe [...] the reste of hys army. He in the night went to the Citie of Ori [...] Ori [...]. and for the hard, straighte, and rocky way, was compelled to di­uide his army into many partes, as the sharpenesse of the coun­trey myghte serue, so as if hys commyng had béene knowne, hee might easily haue bin kept backe. Aboute the breake of the day▪ with muche ad [...], he gathered his army togither.

The people of the Citie saide vnto the Gouernor, that it was [...]s [...] hath [...] a Citie of [...] in the ma [...]ches of [...]. not lawfull to kéepe oute the Romaine Consull when he came, therfore the Gouernour delyuered the keyes to Caesar, and conti­nued wyth hym in place of honor.

Lucretius and Minu [...]ius on the other side of Orico, wyth eightéen Gal [...]is to guarde the victuall that came by shippe to Pompey, drowned their ships, that Caesar shoulde not take them, and fled [...] it is [...] [...]s in the Greeke [...] to Durazzo. From Orier Caesar went to Appolonia, where he was receyued of the Citizens, and Stamerius the Gouernour left the Citie.

There Caesar calling hys souldiors togyther, putte them in [...] membraunce, what they had done by good fortune in the harde Durazzo hathe [...] long in the Turkes [...] [...], but lately [...]t vvas gotten by the [...]. winter: they were Lords of the sea without shippes, they hadde wonne Orico and Valona, without fight: ‘they had gotten their e­nimies things, Pompey being yet ignorant. Nowe (sayeth he) if [Page 105] wée can catch Durazzo, whiche is the Baron of Pompeys proui­sion, al [...] is in our handes, that they haue bin labouring for an whole Sommer.’ When he had sayd thus, he ledde them wyth speede to Durazzo a long way, resting neyther day ne [...] nyg [...]te▪ Pompey hearyng this, came with great hast from Macedonia, cut­ting [...] h [...]th [...]. downe the trees as he went, to stoppe the way to Caesar Hee pulled downe bridges, and burnt all prouision by the way, thyn­king it (as it was in deede) to be a good deuice, for to haue onely that preparation that mighte serue himselfe. If any dust, fyre, or smoke were seene to eyther of them a farre off, thinking it had bin of the contrary part, they stroue who shoulde runne fastest, sparing no time, neyther from meate nor sleepe. Hast there was [...] and spéede, with crying out vpon them that ledde thē with torche­lightes, whereof grew disorder and feare, as the en [...]mies had b [...]n at their héeles: some for wéerinesse threw downe their burthens, or withdrew themselues aside into some corners, thinking it better to be lefte behinde with present rest, than to goe on to it, withoute feare of the enimie. Both sides taking these paynes, Pompey came firste to Durazzo, and encamped at the walles. By Pompey [...] [...] to Durazzo be­fore Caesar▪ and getteth agayne Ori [...]o. Alore floude. his Nauie he gote Orico agayne and gaue, better guard for the Sea. Caesar lay ouer against Pompey, the floud Alore slowing be­twéene them. There were diuers skirmishes by them that passed the floud▪ but they neuer broughte forthe their whole power, for Pompey did trayne his yong Souldyers, and Caesar looked for the rest from Brunduse. He thoughte, that if they came forthe in the Spring in greate Shippes, they could not escape the Galleys of Pompey, that scowred the Seas, and wayted for them: but if they did come forthe in Winter, when the enimie must many tymes take the Ilands for their harborough, they might escape them, or by the winde or their waighte, mighte passe through them, where vpon he sente for them with great hast, and bycause they came not when he looked, he purposed himselfe to goe to them, for that they woulde not so soone come with an other, and kepte his determination secrete. He sente thrée of his seruants to the floud▪ twelue furlongs off, to hire a swifte vessell of good proofe, as for one that should be dispatched from Caesar. He rose from the [Page 106] table as not well at c [...]st, and [...]ad his friends sitte still. He put on a [...]tuate gar [...]el, & in a Co [...]ch came to the Ship, as he that was f [...] of Ca [...] in the rest he [...]eth his seruantes to call on, he being Caes [...] to [...] wrapt, and for the night altogither vnknowen. The wind was very rough, & the seruaunts exhorted the maister to make hast, y they might escape their enimies which were at hand. The mai­ster passed the [...]u [...] ve [...]y speedily, with the strength of oares, but whē he came to the mouth of y floud, the waues of y e sea beating against it with boisterous billowes, and he, as though the enim [...] had folowed, labouring to y e vtter most, & nothing preuailed, gaue, it quite ouer. Thē Caesar b [...]wraid himself, & said alowd, Be bold,, [...] himselfe. stand against the storme, thou caryest Caesar, and Caesar, fortune. The Marriners amazed at y e voyce, receiued courage againe, and by very force gote the Ship out of the floudes mouth, but by the rage of y e sea, and y billowes y were bigge, the Ship was driuen to y e shore. Day drawing néere, the marriners were afrayd to be spyed of the enimies, but Caesar cursed his enuious fortune, & bade the shipmaister turne home againe, which was quickly done, the wind seruing through the floud. Some blamed Caesar for his bold­desse, some accused him, as taking a thing in hād scarcely fitte for [...]asor is bla­med. Caesar sendeth for his men. a souldiour, much lesse for a generall. Nowe he perceiuing he could be no more vnknowen, sent Posthumus to sayle in his place, and bid Gabinius bring the army by Sea, and if they refused him, to come with Antonio, or with Caleno, and if all these fayled, hée Antonio. had letters to the rest, that they should folow Posthumus, and take land where they could g [...]t it, and not care for the ships, for he had néede of men, & not of ships. Thus did Caesar trust in fortune, con­trary to reason. Pompey intēding to take y e aduantage, brought One of Caesars, killeth tvvo of Pompeys. forth his people to fight, and two of his souldiers passing y e floud where it was lowest, one of Caesars came againste them, & kylled thē both, wherfore Pompey retired, not liking that lucke, feyning Pompey retireth. to al other to lose a very good oportunitie. Posthumus sayled safe to Brunduse, but Gabinius, not obeying y e cōmandement, would néedes Gabinius loseth men in Slauonia. leade as many as followed him through Slauonia, withoute anye rest, all the which were almost slayne by the [...]rians, which Caesar suffered, for the necessitie of time. Antonius by shippe brought the [Page 107] other toward Valona, with good and full winde, but about midday Caesar [...] shippes [...]. N [...] nesse. the winde waxing c [...], twenty of Pompeys Ships that scoured the seas es [...]yed him, & came vpon them, who in that calme were in great feare, least the ste [...]nes of the Gadyes should bore the or drowne them, and vsing the best way, made ready their darts & sings to keepe the off, when suddainely, a greater wind than the first arose, whiche they tooke, and with their mame sayle passed through beyond their hope. The other being tossed with y e storme & the w [...]d, [...]g raging seas, were scattered and driuen to the rocky [...], [...] o [...] Caesars were taken falling vpon y e flats. [...] b [...]ought y rest to a place called Nymphey. Now had Caesar al his [...], [...] Pompey. They encamped the one agaynst the other vpon [...]ppes, m [...]i [...]ing fort [...] and mountes, about the which there was [...]y assaults and skirmishes, the one seking to [...] the other, and at one of these skirmishes, where Caesars [...] y worse [...] a [...] h [...]s Souldier as Caesar vv [...]n­teth of him, re­ceyued 1 2 [...]. [...] on [...]hys S [...]d, and 2, [...]. prickes, and 7. vvounds on n [...] bodye at thys tyme, and o [...] a­nother [...] [...]ce, vvhen his head­peece vvas bro­ken, and [...]e h [...]rt in the rac [...], and in the thigh, hys shielde st [...]icken dovvne, hys svvord broken, he lept into the Sea, armed as he vvas, and ca [...]e safe to Caesar, crying parce Im­perator, bycause it vvas a fault to bee vnarmed. Plutarch telleth of such another, vvhē Caesar vvas in Englande, and hee nameth one [...]cil [...]us, but no­thing is sayde of M [...]nuti [...]. The [...] ­ [...]alian tr [...] [...] addeth o [...]e, [...] Te [...] should [...] of [...] Caesar [...] The [...] ca [...]. Captayne, very notable for his valiant­tie [...]se, was stru [...]n in the eye with a dar [...], which done, he lept be­fore the rank [...], making tokē of [...], as though he would haue saide somewhat. Then he called to a Captaine of Pompeys, who was esteemed noble, and sayd vnto him, [...] one lyke thee, saue thy friende, send some that may leade me away by hād, bycause I am hurt, two men came running to him as a fugitiue, of whome the one he killed right out, the other he cut off his shoulder. This hee did, being in doubt both of himselfe, and of the fort. The other be­ing ashamed of their faulte, came againe lustely, and recouered their fort. The great valiantnesse also of M [...]nuti [...] a trench kéeper did help much, for in his Target they say was foūd Cxx. darts, & he wounded in vj places beside the losse of one eye also, [...]th the which, Caesar did honor with great gif [...]s, appert [...]ining [...]n soul­diers. He thought to haue had [...] by treason, & [...] in the night to the gates with a fewe at the Temple of Diana. Thys Winter, Pompeys father in law did bring another army from Sy­ria with whome Caius Cal [...]itius did encoūter, and was [...] me, losing a legion of eyght hundred. Now Caesar had nothing by sea, all being kepte by Pompeys Naues, wherefore h [...]s armye was in great want, and eate bread made of grasse and wéedes which [Page 108] certayne fugitiues shewed to Pompey as a good token, but hée [...] vv [...] of [...]. ioyed nothing at it, but sayde, with what beastes doe [...]e sigh [...]? Caesar being driuen by necessitie, broughte forthe all his ar [...], to force Pompey to fighte, but he, though many of his [...] Ca [...], [...] refuseth [...] [...]ight. were thereby abandoned, yet would not stirre, whe [...] being maruellously greeued, tooke in hand an enterprise, both dif­ficult and strange, and that was, to enuiron Pompeys Ca [...] from Sea to Sea, which as it was a great thing to do, so if it [...]ke not The enterprise of Caesar. place, yet should it carrie a fame of glory for the noble enterprise, for it was a thousande and two hundred furlongs, and yet he [...]ight furlongs waketh a myle. tooke it in hand. Pompey made Contreworkes and walles. And thus both busied themselues to defeate the other, and at the last there was a great fight betwéene them, in the which Pompey his A fight. very valiantly euerthrow Caesars Souldioures, and followed thē fléeyng to their Campe. He tooke many of their ensignes, and the Eagle, which is the chiefe Standerd to the Romaines with much ado was saued by the bearers regarde, and throwne into them Caesar repulsed. Trench. This fléeyng being so notorious, Caesar came on with a­nother company, whiche was no lesse afrayde, for though Pompey were a good way off, yet could they not abide his sighte, nor stay, Feare of Caesars m [...]n. though they were hard at their Camp, neyther goe in order, nor obey Caesars commaundements, but euery one fledde whether hée could, neuer looking backe, without shame, without commaunde­mente, or reason. Caesar ranne about, and with rebuke did shewe them, that Pompey was farre off, and beheld them how they threw downe their ensignes, and fledde. Some with muche adoe stoode still as men amazed, looking on the ground for shame, such a con­fusion fall vpon them. There was one that turned his ensigne, and thrust the poynt againste the Generall, who was killed of Caesars gard. They y t went into the Camp, did not returne to their places, but left all forsaken, and the Trenche vnkepte. It was then thoughte, if Pompey had come forth with his power, he had made an end of all the warre, with y e one feate: but Lauinius (God so working it) persuaded him rather to pursue them that fledde, Pompeys victory [...] follovved. and he somewhat slow of himselfe, or peraduenture distrustyng that some traynes hadde bin layde in the Campe for him, or by­cause [Page 109] he condemned to do it, as though the warre were nowe en­ded. He set vpon them that were yet abroade, whereof he kylled many, and that daye in two sightes he tooke eyght and twenty Banners, leaning the other occasion, that mighte haue made an ende of a [...], which Caesar could not denye, but that that day had en­ded the warre, [...] his enimies could haue vsed the victory.

Pompey [...] of this victory, sente letters of it to Kings and Cities, [...]ughte that Caesars Souldioures would haue reuol­ted vnto [...], [...]essed with famine, and ouerthrowe in fighte, and [...] Captaynes for feare of their offence, but they (God [...]entan [...]e in them) lamented their faulte, and wh [...]d them gently, and gaue them pardon, they were [...] with themselues, and with a mutation be­yond [...], after their Countrey manner, to take Repentance of Caesars Souldy­ers. [...] and to kill euery tenth man. But when Caesar w [...]hat, they were the more gréeued, and con­ [...] insured by them, and cryed, that the [...] be punished, as though they shoulde not haue [...], if the it [...]ders had not turned. Caesar would not grant to this [...], but punished a fewe for a fashion, whereby so Caesars mildnesse in punishmente. great a [...]ge through this moderation entred into them, as they de [...]red him he woulde forthwith set vpon his enimies, and very earnestly they exhorted and encouraged him to it, promising to amend their fault with a notable victory, and they resorted to­gyther in heapes, and sware in Caesars syghte neuer to returne from the fielde, vnlesse they gette the fyghte. His friendes wy­shed hym to vse thys repentance and promptnesse of the armye, but hée sayde vnto the multitude, that he woulde at a better o­portunitie leade them againste their enimies, and badde them then remember thys forwardnesse. But to hys friends he sayde, that before he dyd that, he must take out of theyr heartes the feare that was in them for the late losse, and to tarrie, tyll the fiercenesse of the enimie were abated: then dyd he confesse, that he had erred, in placing his Campe at Dirrachio, where all Pom­peys preparation was, and that it behoued hym to séeke other Caesar remo­ueth. places, and draw Pompey where he myghte haue the lyke wante, [Page 110] which when he had sayd, he wente straighte to Ve [...]ona, and from thence to Th [...]ss [...]y secretely by night. G [...]m [...]e a little [...]e that G [...]phie giuen in spoyle, the firste City [...] Th [...]ssily, going frō [...]piro. woulde not receyue him, he tooke in his rage, and g [...]ue it to his souldyers to spoyle. The Souldyers that had bin long [...], fil­led themselues of all things excessiuely, and were [...]r [...]e [...] of Germanes in Cae­sars time, a drunkē people. measure, especiallyth. Germanes were [...]ted atfor their dr [...] ­nesse. And now againe it was thought, that Pompey [...]g [...]e haue come on, and done some notable fea [...]e, but he by negligence, [...]i­terly om [...]te [...] to stirre, till Caesar had marched seaue [...]ay [...]s, [...]d camped at Pharsalia. In Gomphie they say was seene a notable Caesar encāpeth at Pharsalia, be­fore Pompey ar­riueth from D [...]razzo. The vvilling death o [...] diuers at Gomphie. chance, dead bodyes of noble old men, did [...]e openly in a [...]hrs [...]t [...] ­ans shoppe, with cuppes in their hands, without wound [...] [...] ▪ he number of twenty, as though they hadde bin mu [...]ed to [...] [...] king, lying all vpon the ground and one [...]g in a chayre as a Phisition, that gaue them the po [...]on of execration.

Pompey made a counsell concerning Caesar▪ [...]ing. A [...] ­nius A [...]nius. was in opinion, that the Na [...]y which was great, should be sent against Caesar, they being Lords of the Sea, he [...]ghte [...] off things from hym, being in want, and in a wandring iourney, and that Pompey hymselfe should leade the army [...] the lande [...]to Italy, whiche was yet enclyned vnto him, and voy [...]e of enimyes, and so being Lorde of it, France and Spaine, he mighte deale with Caesar at home from the principall parte. But he neglecting [...]s Diuersitie of [...]ion. that had bin best to haue bin done, followed them that said, that Caesars army by and by would forsake him for famine, or not long lyke to hold out, for the victory wonne at [...]urazzo, whereas [...] ­trarywise, it should be a great shame to leaue Caesar fleeyng, and that he that had ouercome, should seme to flée, as hough he were ouercome. He giuing place to these reasons, and for the regarde that he had of the nations of the East, that depended vpon hym, and fearing least Luci [...] Scipio should receyue any harme in M [...] ­cedoni [...], and before all, hauing a mind to vse his army, that was so couragious to fight, he remoued, and set his Camp against Cae­sar Both Caesar and Pompey encamp at Pharsalo. at Pharsalo, about foure miles asunder.

To Pompey victual was brought frō euery place, for the wars, the portes, and storehouses, were so open vnto him, that by land [Page 111] he lacked nothing, and by sea, whatsoeuer winde blewe, it serued Abundance vvith Pompey. his turne.

Caesar [...]adde onely suche foode as he [...]ulde get by dayly force, VVant vvith Caesar. Courage of Cae­sars So [...]ldiours. and yet n [...] di [...] forsake him, but by a diuine instinct, re­quired they [...]g [...]te gyue [...]a [...]tell thinking themselues to be farre better than the [...]th [...] yo [...]g Souldyoures, bycause they had ser­ue [...] in the w [...]es t [...]u [...]e yeares togither. But now to spende the tyme in making of mountes and treaches, and cariage of victu­all, The request of Caesars Souldi­oures. they were the weaker, bycause of theyr age, therefore it was better to trye all at once with la [...]oure, then by idlenesse to punishe with famine. When Pompey vnderstoode this, he thought it daungerous to deal [...] wyth suche experse men, that cared not for themselues, and to aduenture all at one worke againste Cae­sars [...]ob [...]e fortune. He thought ii sur [...]r, and lesse dāgerous, to cō ­sume them wtth wante, hauyng no power to be reléeued by land, nor no vse of the Sea, nor not a Shyppe to conuey them­selues Pompeys confi­deration good, but not follo­vved. away at a neede. Thus hée determined by very good rea­son to delay the warre, and to drawe them from famine to fa­mine: but the greater number of Senatoures, and of them cal­le [...] Gentlemen that were most honored, the Kyngs and Prin­ces that were with him▪ some for lacke of experience, some for foolishe hardynesse for theyr victory at Durazzo, some, bycause they were greater in number, and some, bycause they woulde r [...]ther haue a short conclusion, than an honorable ende, and some, bycause they were wéery of the warre, all exhorted him to the fyghte, shewyng that Caesar dyd alwayes prouoke hym, and in­uite hym to it: but he dyd vse that reason against themselues, for to Caesar it was necessary so to doe, but to them, delay, til occa­sion, was muche better, for néede droue Caesar to doe as hée dyd. But beeyng styll incensed by all the armye, that was waxed proude for the victorye at Durazzo, and by the best sorte that obiected ambition vnto hym, and therefore of purpose was so slowe, that hée myghte beare rule ouer so many as good as Pompey called Agamemnon▪ hymselfe, and therevppon called him Kyng, and Agamem­non▪ bycause hée commaunded Kynges in the warre: hée left hys owne consideration, and gaue place to theires, [Page 112] (God striking him now) and all the rest of that warre. He grew Pompeys altera­tion. sickly and slowe, contrary to his nature in all things, vnwilling­ly he prepared for the fighte, to his owne destruction, and them that gaue hym counsell. Caesar that nyghte, hadde sente three le­gions to gette victuals, thanking Pompey for his delay, and thyn­king he would not haue changed hys minde. He had also sente aboute for more foode, but when he hearde that Pompey prepared for the battell, he knewe he dyd it of necessitie, and that he was dryuen to it by force of his armye, hée called hys armye forth wyth, and dyd prepare lykewyse. He at midnight made Sacri­fice to Mars and to Venus hys auncessors, for from Iulius, A [...] ­as Petigree of Caesar from Venus. sonne, it shoulde séeme by the name, that the house of Iuli [...] came. He vowed to dedicate a Temple vnto hir in Rome, if she fauoured hym, and broughte hym victorie.

A lightning came from Heauen, and wente from Caesars Cam [...] A lightning. to Pompeys, and there was extinct. Pompeys syde thoughte some notable thyng shoulde come from their enimies to them, but Caesar dyd expounde it, that he shoulde quenche Pompeys glorye. That same nyghte when Pompey did Sacrifice, the host fledde a­way, and coulde no more be found. And a swarme of Bées ligh­ted Tokens. vpon the Aulter, whyche is a little and a stinging flye. An [...] before daye, there came a straunge feare in the Campe, th [...] whyche Pompey came to searche, and after fell into a déepe sléept, and béeyng awaked of his friendes, hée tolde them he dream [...] he had dedicate a Temple at Rome to Venus the Victorice, no [...] Pompeys dreame knowyng that Caesar hadde vowed the same.

His friendes and all the host put trust in these thinges, and were glad of them, and as they vsed all thinges with too muche contempte and fiercenesse, so wente they to thys battayle, as though all had bin theyr owne. Many dyd decke their Tentes with Bayes, as token of victorie, and their seruauntes prepa­red good chéere for them, and some dyd contende for Caesars office The securitie of Pompeys army. of hygh Priest, all the which, Pompey, as a man experte in warre, dyd mislike, and though he were troubled, yet did he dissemble it, and helde his peace with doubt and feare, as he that nowe dyd no more rule, but was commaunded of other, bycause of force, [Page 113] and againste hys wyll, he did al things. ‘So great a discourage­ment to so noble a man, that til that day, had alwayes had pros­perous hap, séemed on the sodaine to fall vppon hym, eyther for that he was not followed when hée gaue good counsell, but was Pompeys [...]l [...] ­tion. driuen to put the liues of so many in hazarde, and his owne glo­ry, which he had kepte till that day vnspotted, or for that he had some diuination of the euil, wyth feare that was at hande, that that day he shoulde fall from so great a Lordship, onelye to hys friends thus he sayde: That whosoeuer had the victorye that day, shoulde be cause of great calamitie to y Romains for euer.’ He set order for the battell, and by hys wordes that hée spake in that feare, many dyd gather that if he had wonne that day, he would not haue gyuen ouer the rule.

Of the number that they had, whereof manye speake vncer­tainely, Caesars number. I will followe the Romaine Authours that write most Pompeys nūber. reasonably of the Italians, in whome was the chiefe truste, not regardyng or speakyng much of the confederates, in whom they had little affiaunce.

Caesar had two and twentye thousande, and in them aboute a thousand horse. Pompey had double as many, and seauen thousand horse: so they that speake likely, say there was at thys battel .lxx. M. Italians: they that write lesse, thréescore thousand: they that make moste, foure hundred thousande, whereof some saye, that Pompey had thrée parts, and some, that of thrée parts he had two.

Thus doubtfully haue they left the matter: but how many so­euer they had, their chiefe trust was in the Italians.

Of Straungers Caesar had French horsemen and also French men beyond the Alpes, of Grecians, Dolopians, Acarnians, & Aetolians. These helpes had Caesar.

Pompey had al the nations of the Easte, in heaps both of horse Confederates of Pompey. and footemen, of Grecians, he hadde the Lacedomonians distri­buted vnder their owne Kyngs, the reste were Peloponesians, and with them the Boetians. The Athenienses also came to [...]an [...]a [...] [...] thys warre, althoughe both sides proclaymed they shoulde no [...] be hurte, as the sacred men of the lawe makers, drawn thither by the glory of this battayle, wherein they should fyghte for the [Page 114] Empire of the Romaines.

After the Greeks, there were but fewe of all the sea towarde the East, but the inhabitours came to Pompey, Thracians, Helles­pontians, Bithinians, Phrygians, Jonians, Lydians, Pam­philians, Pysidianes, Paphlagonians, Cilicians, Syrians, Pheniteans, and a nation of Hebrewes, Arabians also mgh vnto these, Cyprians, Rhodians, stingers of Creta and other Ilanders. Kyngs and Princes also came to ayde hym. De [...]ota [...]us the Te­trarche [...]. Ariarathes. [...]. of the Easte Galatians, Ariarathes King of Capadocia, the Armenians wythin Euphrates. Taxiles did leade the Armeni­ans beyonde Euphrates, Magabates lieutenaunte to Artapa the [...]. Kyng. Other inferiour Lordes resorted to thys trauayle, beside thréescore shippes of Egipt, sente of the Princes of the same, Cleopatra and hir brother, being yet a childe. But these were not Cleopatra. vsed in the warres, nor anye of the other shippes, but all laye ydely at Corcyra, wherein it séemeth that Pompey did euill, to neg­lect [...]. so great a nauy, wherewyth hée myghte haue [...]feated hys enimies of al thynges: but he trusted vpon hys armye by land, and woulde trye it wyth them that for theyr continuaunce wyth long experience were full of courage, and as sauage people gréedy of the fight. But to beware of them, the mishap, by Gods workyng, at Durazzo séemeth to bée the impediment, which to Caesar was the fitteste opportunitie of all other. For by that Pompeys army waxed insolent, and made little accompte of their Capitayne, and tooke in hande thys matter verye vnskil­fully. But God hadde so appoynted it, that it shoulde come to suche a state, as it is nowe ouer all. Then eyther of them assemblyng theyr armyes, exhorted them, and firste Pompey said thus:

‘You (my fellow Souldioures) do now commaunde as Cap­taynes, [...] [...]. and not obey as Souldiours: For wheras I would haue consumed Caesar, you wyl néedes call vpon the fyghte: therfore as appoynters of the battayle, vse it, as the more, may do the lesse, and as vanquishers contemne them that be vanquished, and as the yong despise the olde, and as the lusty may the féeble. You haue of youre syde power, prepara­tion, [Page 115] and conscience of the cause, for you trauaile for libertye & your country, with law and good opinion, with such men as bée Senatours and Gentlemen, agaynste one man that woulde v­surpe a gouernment. Go to therfore as becommeth, with good hope, and haue in your sight the fléeing away they made at Du­razzo, and howe many of their ensignes we tooke that day. This saide Pompey, but Caesar to hys men spake thus.’

‘The hardest (my friends) we haue ouercome, for in steade of Caesars Oratic [...]. hunger and wante, we fight wyth men. This day determineth all, remember your promise at Durazzo, and what you sware one to another in my presence, that you woulde not returne, but vi­ctors. These be they (my Souldioures) whome wée haue fol­lowed from the pillers of Hercules. These bée they that fledde from vs Italy. These be they that after oure tenne yeares ser­uice, after so many enimies and victories as harde to bée tolde wonne of vs, after Spayne, Fraunce, and Britaine, broughte by vs to oure Countrey, and well nighe fourtye Realmes, doth oppresse vs without rewarde, triumphe, or recempence. These be they whome I coulde not perswade, desiring but ryghte, to be wel thought of for my well doing. You knowe whome I dely­uered vnhurte, hoping that we might haue had some iustice at their handes. Of all these, be all you togither with me reuen­gers thys day, euen as you knowe my carefulnesse, my faithful­nesse, and my frée liberalitie, it is no harde matter for yong soul­diours vnexperte to be ouercome of them that paines haue past, and well bin tried by proofe. Se the youthfull contempte and dys [...]ayne of the armye agaynste the Capitayne, so the di­struste of hymselfe, whome I certainlye knowe to goe to thys feate with vnwilling minde, and ful of feare, fallyng from hys conditions, is giuen to case and slouthfulnesse, and nowe not a ruler, but ouer-ruled of other. And thus much thinke, that I haue spoken vnto you of his Italians, for as for his cōfeder [...]ts, care not for them, nor make any accempte of them, nor offer a­nye earneste fyghte to them. that be slaues of Syria, Phrygia, and Lydia, are euer ready to run away, and be kept vnder, whom I [Page 116] certayn [...]ye knowe, and you shall euidently sée, that Pompey wyll not vse in ordered place osbatta [...]le. O [...]ye haue [...]i [...] of the Ita­lians, and if the confederates ru [...]e vppon you like r [...]d [...]d [...]ggs: downe with them, and spare the other as youre [...]men, and vse your confederats, for to afray them. But before al things, remember I maye▪ sée you persourme that you haue promi­sed▪ and that you maye choose eyther victorye or [...]eathe, pull downe youre Campe, and all the trenches, that wee may haue nothing, vnlesse wée wynne it, lette oure enimies see that we be without Campe, and that of necessitie, wee muste encampe in theyrs.’

When he had thus saide, hée sente oute two thousande ve­rye olde Souldiors, that had the charge of the Campe, who wit forthe and digged downe the trenche wyth a déepe silence, and filled the ditches.

When Pompey sawe that, and some thoughte they made way to flée, he perceyued the bolde determination, and with a syghe Pompey sigheth. sayde vnto hymselfe, that thys fyght should be with wild beasts oppressed with famin, a fit medicine for thē. But now there was no more dallying, the thing being come to the swordes pointe, therefore he set aboute foure thousande to kéepe the campe, and pla [...]ed the reste betwéene the towne of Pharsalo and the floude Pharsalo the tovvne vvhere the battel [...] [...] of Thesi­saiy and [...] [...]. Italians the [...]h [...]c [...]c strength of both sides. Enipeo. Caesar also arayd hymselfe ouer agaynste hym, eyther of them placed the Italians diuided into thrée partes, distaunt a little a sunder, they sette the horsemen on the sydes of them by portiōs, Archers and Slingers were intermedled with them all.

Thus were the Italians ordered, in whome eche of them had their chiefe confidence, as for their confederats, they vs [...] them rather for a shew.

Pompey had a greate number of dyuerse language: of them he placed the Macedonians, the Peloponesians, the Boetians, and the Athenienses, nexte the Italians battayle, bycause of theyr good order and silence.

The other, euen as Caesar coniectured, he commaunded euerye [...]rder of [...] [...] [...]. natiō by it selfe, as warders out of the ray of battel, to compasse [Page 117] the enimie when the fight began, and to pursue them with as much hurte as they coulde, and to put Caesars campe to spoyle whiche was voyde of defence. Scip [...]o Pompe [...]s father in lawe, Scipi [...]. [...] ▪ Aphranius▪ Pompey. did leade the maine batayle in the middest, Dom [...] the lefte wing, & Lentulus the right, Aphranius and Pompey kept the cāpe.

The leaders of Caesars h [...]ste, were Sylla, Antonius, and Deci­mus. Caesar, as he was wonte, ledde the tenth legion, whiche the Caesars order▪ Sylla. Antonius. Decimu [...] ▪ Caesar. enimies seyng, brought agaynst them the beste horsemen, that beyng more in number, they shoulde, if they might, encompasse them. When Caesar perceyued that, he layd thrée thousand of the boldest footemen in abushment, whome he willed, that when they sawe the enimie goyng aboute to enclose, they shoulde leape forth, and with their pikes driue as harde as they could, at the faces of them, for he knew that they being yong and vn­expert, would not abyde the peril of the face. Thus did they de­nise on bothe sides, and went about in euery place, and when they had gyuen the order, and exhorted them to good hart, then gaue their wordes of knowledge.

Caesar. Venus the Conqueresse.
Pompey. Hercules vnconquered.

When all was ready, they stoode a good whyle in a great silēce, stirred not, but looked one vpō an other, as amazed men which shoulde beginne the fight. The multitude that hytherto had no compassion at all, now pitied that so greate an armie of Italians should at once be hazarded, and that their vertue shoulde bée tried only vpon themselues, and the chiefe hurte be of Italians The astonish­ment of bothe armies. aga [...]nst Italians, and now at the very pynche of the mischiefe at hande, the desire of glory that had in [...]sed and blinded them, was quenched, and conuerted into feare: for when reason dyd throughly way the affection of fame, and measured also the daunger present, they sawe the cause consisted in the contentiō of two men, for whose superioritie all their liues was ventu­red, so as whither were euercome, coulde not be safe in the fur­dest place, nor a great multitude of noble men for theyr sakes: they remembred their auncient friendship and affinitie, howe many things they had done to their owne honour and aduance­ment, [Page 118] which now did weare their weapōs against thēselues, & brought all that did serue them, to the like mischiefe, being of one nation, Citizens, kin [...]cmen and allies, yea and some bre­thren. For so it hapned in this warre, as among so many thou­sands as were togither of one nation, diuerse and straunge ef­fectes The strange a­bashment of both sides. must happe, whiche, eyther of them nowe considering, were striken presently with a great repentaunce, as though in that day, they should be eyther first or last vpon the earth, and were loth to beginne so doubtful a déede, and fell a wéeping on both sides. Standing thus and beholding one another, the daye passed: the Italians standing in due order with silence continued: but Pompey perceyuing his straungers to be troubled with this stay, and doubting least confusion might follow therof, at the beginning, first gaue the token of battayle, and Caesar did the like. Then the trumpets stroke the sounde of battayle as was required in such a number: beside, in sundry parts, the Heralds and the Captaines, were at hand to giue encouragement: they marched stately with astonishment and silence, as men that had ben in many like pastimes: Being at hand, the first charge was The [...]nset giuē. giuen with Archers, and Artillery, and soden onsets of horse­men to enclose the footemen. There was too and fro, til Pompeys horsemen hauing the better, did enuiron the tenth legion. Then Caesar, giuing his token to them that lay in a wayte, they step­ped forth against the horsemen, and with theyr pykes put vp, did lay them on the faces: they could not abyde that boldnesse, nor the blowes made at theyr mouthes and eyes, but confused­ly fled away, & then did Caesars horsemen enclose the other foote­men, being naked, whiche feared to haue bene enclosed them­selues. Whē Pompey percepued thys, he commaunded the foote­men not to moue or stirre from the battaile, nor to throw light weapons, but to stand distante in the forefront, and with their pykes at han [...]e to resist the enemy comming on them. Some [...] of [...] [...] not [...] prayse this pollicie, as the best, against compassing: but Caesar in his Epistles doth disprayse it, bycause the strokes that are giuen with a mouing vehemence, are mightier, and men by forcing foreward, be the bolder, and they y e remayne stil, ware fearefull, and easie to be bitte, as standing markes that are [Page 119] shotte at, as then it proued in déed. The tenth legion with him, fiercely folowing, did beat the bodies of Pompeis leaft battayle, voyde of horsemen, and standing still till they put them out of order▪ and by very force made them to turne, which was the beginning of y e victorie in the other multitude. Although there was diuerse and sundrye wayes of slaughter and hurting, yet was there not a voyce hearde in suche a maine battayle, but sighes only and grones of them that fell valiauntlye in theyr places appointed. The confederates, as though they had come to see them fight a pryse, did maruel at their goedly order, but had no harte (for wondering at them) neyther to enter Caesars campe which was kept of a fewe, and they very olde men, nor to do any other thing, but stande and gaze. But when the lefte wing of Pompeis host did retire by little & little, yet fighting stil, Pompeys conse­derates flec▪ the confederates foully fled away, and cryed, we be ouercome. They ranne vpon their owne tentes and campes, as thoughe they had bene the others, whiche when they had spoyled, they went their ways as fast as they could. The other Italian army perceyuing they had the worse, gaue backe first in order, defen­ding themselues as they might, but the enemye still comming vpon them, as now hauing the victorie, they also turned & fle [...]. Caesar then vsed great policie, y they should not gather togither Caesars poli [...]e. again, that this labor might not only make an end of one fight, but of al the war. He sent trūpets about y battels, cōmaunding thē to refrayn frō killing of their countreymen, and continue only agaynst the strangers, & that they should go among thē y A vvord [...] to stay. Stay vvithout feare. wer ouercome, & byd thē stay w tout feare. This declaratiō of y crier was lerned frō one mā to another, & was [...] warning word for Pōpeis host to stay w tout fear: so passing by y other [...]s Italiās of one lāguage & order, they beat down the strangers not able to resist, & ther was gret slaughter made. After Pōpey saw this Pompey ama [...]ed and speachlesse. A [...]ax Telamonius fell into asto­nishment for the iudgement giuē against [...]. alteratiō, he was astonyed & went softly into his cāpe, & being come to his tent, he sat down spéechlesse, as they say Aiax Tela­monius did for y grief he suffered in y losse amōg his enimies at y battayle of Troy: of the other, very few came into y cāpe, for Caesars Heralds had made thē stay w tout feare, & being ouerpas­sed of their enemies, they might disperse thē selues here & there. [Page 120] The day was almost at an ende, and Caesar roade aboute with maruelous payne, praying them that they woulde take yet a [...] exhorting [...] make [...] [...]nd. little more labour, til they had gotten Pompeis campe, shew­yng them that if the emmies returned, they should be winners but o [...] one day, but if they got his campe too, the warre shoulde be ended for cuer. He held vp his handes to them, and was the first that ranne towarde it. This did stirre the mindes of them that had weary bodies to sée their generall go before them: the victorie of things past; and the hope to gette the campe, with al that was in it, did stic, to that againe, and when men be in hope and felicitie, they féele the lesse of labour and extremitie. They went on with great courage, and beate away the warders of the same, whiche when Pompey sawe, he onely brake into thys Pompey fleeth. speache after hys long silence, What, oures tentes too, when hée had thus spoken, he chaunged hys garment, and leapt on horse with feure fréendes, and neuer lefte runnyng till by breake of day he came to Larissa▪ Caesar (as he threatened) at the giuing of [...]ar [...]ss [...] in [...], and in other places. the onset, did lodge in Pompeis pauilion, and supped with his pro­uision, and the rest of hys army did the lyke.

There were slayne in this battell of bothe partes of Ita­lians (for the strangers bicause of their multitude and contempt be not numbred) of Caesars arraye thirtie captaynes of bandes, The losse of [...]. & CC. souldiours, or as some say, two thousand and ij. hūdred. Of Pompeys tenne Senatours, of the whiche was Lucius Domi­tius Pompeys lo [...]e. [...] [...] [...] P [...]m [...] [...] [...]x [...]. M. [...]y death, and xxv. M. by ta­king, [...]e r [...]ite [...]. [...]. once appoynted Caesars successour in Fraunce, and of them that be called Gentlemen▪ about fourtie of the beste: of the rest of the army, they that make moste, say .xxv. M. But Asinius Pol [...]o that was at that fight with Caesar, wryteth that onely fire thousande of Pompeys was slayne at that battayle. This was the ende of that great fight at [...]ha [...]sa [...]o.

Euery man [...]cusessed that Caesar had deserued the firste and seconde honours, and with him the [...]enth Legion. Crastinius a [...] of [...]. leader of a bande, was thought worthy the thi [...]de, who goyng to y fight, being asked of Caesar what he thought, an [...]vered cou­ragiou [...], [...] of [...] we shall winne D Caesar, and then shalte finde me here [...]yther aliue [...]r [...]ea [...]. The a [...]y did [...], that he going [Page 121] from band to bande like a man in a furie, did as much as a mā might do. When he was sought for, and found amōg the dead, Pompey taketh the [...]ea. Mi [...]ilena, in [...]esb [...] novv Metelin. Caesar did bury him with the ornaments due vnto him, & erected him a Tumbe nygh y cōmon Sepulchre. Pōpey frō Larissa wyth lyke spéede went to the sea side, where he toke a little boate, & by chaunce met a shippe a floate, and sayled to Mitilena, where he receyued his wife Cornelia, and passed with foure Gallyes, Pompey [...] deter­mination of recouery. which the Rodians and Tirians had brought to him. He refused to sayle to Corcyra and Libya, where he had an other great army, & a mighty nauy by sea. He made his course to Parthia, thinking to recouer al againe, keping his purpose close frō his friends, tyll he came with much ado to Ciluia. There they prayed hym Cornelia Pompeis vvife Crassus daughter to beware of the Parthians, whiche had lately ouercome Crassus, whereby they were the more insolent, and that it was not fit to bring Cornelia, so fayre a woman, among so vntemperate people, especially being Crassus daughter. Thē he deuised whi­ther he should go, into Egipt, or to Iuba king of Barbarie. They thought no good to be had with Iuba, therfore they counselled him to go to Egipt, a nation nygh, of great dominion, fertyl and aboundant of grayne, money, and nauye, whose kings though they were children, yet friends to him for his fathers sake: and so for this cause he sayled into Egipt.

At this time Cleopatra being eiected out of the kingdome by hir brother, w t whom she shoulde ioyntly haue raigned, prepa­red an army in Syria againste him. Ptolomeus Cleopatras brother Crassus an hil [...] the end of Nilus. Ptolomeus against Cleopatra. was at a place in Egipt called Cassium, and did lye in campe to resist his sisters forces, and as fortune wold, Pompey was driuē thither. When he perceiued an army aland, he stayed his ship, and thought, (as it was in déede) that the king was there: hée sent vnto him, to shewe of the amity betwéene hys father and him. The king was thirtéene yeare olde: one Achillas did go­uerne his army, and Photinus and Cnuch was his Treasurer. They beganne to consulte what was beste to be done wyth Achille [...] Photinus▪ Theodo [...]us▪ Pompey: There was [...]also Theodotus of Samos, an Drator and Scholema [...]ster to the king, who dyd perswade the wicked acte to deceyue and ky [...] Pompey, to gratifye Caesar. This counsel pre­uayled, [Page 122] they sent a simple boate as though the roughnesse of y Sea would not suffer a greater. Some of the kings seruauntes wente into the beate, and with them Semprouius a Romayne, [...]. who had serued vnder Pompey, and was nowe wyth the kyng. He offered his hande in the kings name to Pompey, and wylled hym to come as to his son and friende. As this was done, the army was set in order, and drewe neare the sea as to honoure Pompey, and the king was set in the midst in a purple vesture to be séene of all

Pompey suspected all, both the ordering of the army, and the meanes of the vessel: chiefly bycause the king came not toward him, nor sent any of his noble men, he spake a verse of Soph [...] ­cles:

VVho to a Tiranne goes,
A verse of [...]ophocles▪
His slaue he is, though free he rose.

And then he entred y t boate. Euery man being silent in y pas­sage, he rather suspected, and chiefly Sempronius, eyther bycause he knew him to be a Romaine, and hauing serued vnder hym, or bycause he did coniecture it, séeing him only stāding, according to souldiours discipline, who doe not set, when the chiefe is by. Then he turned to him and sayd, surely I should know thée, O Souldier. He nodded at hym agayn, and as he turned, was the first that stroke him, then the other. His wife and friends sée­ing this a farre off, cried, and held vp their handes to the gods Sempronius [...] Romaine first stryketh Pompey reuengers of friendshippe broken, and sayled away streyght as from enimies lande. They that were about Photino cut of Pom­peis heade, and kept it for Caesar as a great gratification: but he Pompey cruelly [...] killed. worthily reuenged this wicked déed vpon them. The rest of his body was buryed at the sea bancke, and a silly Sepulchre was made, to the which one wrote this Epitaph:

Lo here he lyeth in simple graue.
Epitaph of Pōpey
A Temple that deservde to haue.

In processe of tyme the graue was couered with sand: and [Page 123] certaine Images of Brasse which the inhabitants did after­warde set vp to Pompey vnder the Hil Cassius, were taken away and layde vppe in a secrete place of a Temple. In my tyme Adrianus the Romaine Emperour in hys iourney that way, Adrianus the Emperour rest [...] reth the graue of Pompey. did cause it to be sought and found out, and made the graue to be amended, so as euery man might see it, and erected the Ima­ges that were dedicated to Pompey.

This was the end of Pompey, by whom so many great bat­tayles had bene fought, and the Romaine Empire so increased, Pompey the great. as he had the surname of Great, neuer being ouercome before, but from his youth still inuincible and happy: and frō thrée and twenty to eight and fiftie yeares, he ruled like a king, but in opinion supposed to gouerne like a populare man, for the emu­lation of Caesar.

Lucius Scipio, Pompeis father in Lawe, and all the other noble men that did escape the battayle, fledde to Cato to Corcyra, who Corcyra an Iland in the Io [...]ian sea. The care of Pompeys friends. was generall of another army, and thrée hundred Gallies, be­ing left there as a prudent Counsellour. The noblest of Pom­peis friendes deuided the Nauye. Cassius sayled to Pontus to Pharnaces, to stirre him against Caesar. Scipio and Cato wente into Libya trusting vppon Varus and his army, and Iuba king of Nu­midia his confederate. Pompey, Pompeis eldest sonne, and Labie­nus Pompeys sonne Labienus Scapula. wyth him and Scapula, hauing a part, wente into Spaine to make it against Caesar, and they got him another army of Iberi­ans and Celtiberians and slaues to haue the preparation greater: so mighty a power of Pompeis army was yet left, which he, by his infelicitie did abandon when he fled away▪ They that were Cato chosen ge­neral in Lybia, refuseth. in Lybia did chose Cato for the general Captaine, who for y pre­sence of suche men as had bene Consuls, and others that had bene Lieuetenaunts, and he only a Pretor in Rome, refused the same. So L. Scipio was made general and a great army was ga­thered and trayned, and these were the chiefest preparations in Libya and Iberia gathered against Caesar.

After the victorie, Caesar aboade two dayes in Pharsalo, sacri­ficing Thessalians made free of Caesar vvho had serued him. and recreatyng hys wearye armye, and there made the Thessalians frée that had serued him, and pardoned the [Page 124] Athenians at their sute, vsing these wordes: Howe often hath the glorie of your auncestours saued you, whē you haue deser­ued destruction?

The third day he remoued towarde the East, following the fame of Pompeis flighte, and for wante of Gallies sayled ouer Hellespont in little boates. [...] novve [...] of [...]. These [...] Europe and [...] a co­vvarde.

Cassius with his number of Gallies met him as he was go­ing to Pharnaces, and although he might with his Gallies haue had the aduantage of those little boates, yet for feare of Caesars felicitie and valiantnesse, he was amazed, and suspecting that Caesar had come of purpose to finde him, he helde vp his handes and came from his Gallies into the boates to aske hym pardō, and deliuer him all his Gallies. So much force had the glorye of Caesars felicitie, for I sée none other reason, nor can iudge any other meane in so great difficultie of time, to haue such fortune that he should so afray Cassius a valiaunt man, comming vppon him with scauent [...]e Gallies vtterly vnprouided, that he durste not medle with him. For as cowardly as he did now yéeld vnto him vpō the Sea, so after did he as cruelly kyl him whē he was [...]. Lord of all at Rome. Wherefore it is euident that he was then ouerborne with the feare of his felicitie. Caesar thus being sa­ued against all hope, and past Hellespont, he pardoned the Ionians, [...]ores. Aetolians, and other nations that inhabite greate Cherroneso, which by one name is called Asia y lower. He forgaue them Caesar say [...]e [...]h in­to Egipt. that sent embassadours to craue it. Understanding that Pompey was gone to Egipt he went to the Rhodes, where he would not tarry for the reste of his armye that was comming to him by parts, but with the Gallies of Cassius and the Rhodes, and such men as he presently hadde, he toke shippe at night, and sayled forth, not shewing whether, only commaunding the captaines in the night to follow the light of his shippe, and in the day, the flag of the same: to the maister whereof he commaunded, after he had sayled a good way, to set his course toward Alexandria: and so being thrée days vpon the sea, he came thither. In thys place he was wel receiued of the kings officers, the king being yet at mount Gassius.

[Page 125] Caesar at his comming pretended to haue nothing ado, bycause of his fewe men, but went about the Citie, to beholde the beau­ty therof, & stood and heard the Philosophers disputations, wher­by [...]. he wanne muche loue and good fauour of the Alexand [...]s being among them as one hauing nothing to do. But when his army was come, hée layde handes vppon Photinus and [...], and put them to death, for the wickednesse done to Pompey, Ther­dotus [...] fled into Asia, whome Cassius founde there, and caused to be hanged.

The Alexandrians were offended herewith, and sette vppon him with the kings army that was there, and made many fights with hym about the kings Palaice, and at the sea banke, where [...] [...] by [...]. Caesar was driuen to take the sea, and to swimme a good way.

The Alexandrians tooke hys cloake and bare it vp as a to­ken of victory. His last battell was wyth the Kyng hymselfe at the floude Nilus, where he ouercame him, and restored the king­dome Caesar ouercom­meth the Kyng of Aegipt. [...] [...]. This booke is not extant. Caesar vve [...] vvhen he did see Pompeys heade. to Cleopatra, after he had bin nine moneths there. Then he sayled vppon Nilus with foure hundred shippes, in company of Cleopatra, for whose pleasure he did many things, all the whiche be particularly tolde in my booke of Egiptian matters.

He could not abide to behold Pompeys heade that was brought vnto him, but commanded it to be buryed: he also builded a little Temple before the Citie, which was called the Temple of Re­uengement, Temple of Re­uengement▪ Traiane. the which in my tyme when Traiane the Emperoure did make warre against the Jewes, was pulled downe of them, to serue some turne in the warre.

When Caesar had done these things in Alexandria, he wente wyth hys army thoroughe Syrta againste Pharnace, who had bin Caesar againste Pharnace. Domitius ouer▪ throvvne in [...]y­r [...]a. Amysso a Citie in the confines of Paphlagoma & Capadocia. very busy and taken diuerse of the Romaine Prouinces, and gotten one victory of Domitius lieutenante to Caesar, by the which growing stoute he tooke Amyso a Citie of Pontus allied to the Romaines, all the people whereof he solde as slaues and made their children Enuchs, but when Caesar came, he fled as farre as he coulde, and sent to Caesar for peace by hys Ambassadors, who brought him a crowne of golde, and offered foolishlye the Kyngs daughter in marryage to hym.

[Page 126]He perceyuing their presentes and messages, wente on wyth his army, entertayning the Kings Ambassadors with ordinary talke, till they came nighe where he was encamped, and then he said: shall not this murtherer of his father bée yet killed? & then he leaped on horse. And at the first charge Pharnace fled awaye, and Caesar ouerthrewe the moste parte, with a thousand horse­men, that with the firste, did kéepe in chase with hym. At thys Caesar saide with a loude voice. O happy Pompey, that haddest to do with such mē of war as Mithridates, & this mans father was, therby both to be thought and called Great. Of this fight hée [...]i, vid [...], vici. [...]sp [...]or [...]s part of the kingdome of P [...]t [...]s. sent thus to Rome, I came, I sawe, I conquered. Pharnace was content to go to the kingdome of Bosphorus, which Caesar appoynted him.

Caesar spent no time in trifles, so many battels yet remayning behinde, he went into Asia, and by the waye gathered money of the Cities that were troubled wyth them that tooke paymentes of the Tributes, as we haue shewed in our booke of Asia. Now word was brought hym that there was sedition raysed in Rome, [...]editiō in Rome. and that Antony his lieutenāt did kéep the common place wyth an army. Therefore setting all thinges aside, hée made haste to Rome. Whither, when he was come, all ciuill discorde ceassed, Sedition in Cae­sars army. but another began among his souldiours, bycause they had not yet, neyther receiued the promise made for theyr seruice at Phar­salo, nor that it was reasō that they shoulde be still kept in war, & therfore they cried euery man to go home. He had promised thē rewards at Pharsalo, and other rewardes when the war of Libya Drac [...]ma is a p [...]e of coyne, vvaying as muche as a ster­l [...]ng groat, after eight groates to an ovvnce. Salustius in dan­ger. should be ended. Therfore he sent them a thousand drammes apéece, with a promise of more. They bad him promise no more, but pay al out of hand. And it lacked but little that they had not killed Crispus Salustius, had he not shifted away.

When Caesar hearde this, he commanded the legion that An­tony had for the guarde of the Citie, to kéepe aboute his house, & the entry of the Citie, fearing spoile, and hée, verye boldly (all men fearing and diswading him from the rage of the souldiors) went among them as they were in mutinie in the field of Mars, Caesar among his seditious souldi­oures. and not being perceyued, was set in the high seate. They confu­sedly, and with tumulte came running vnarmed, & as the maner [Page 127] is to salute the Generall when he commeth firste among them, he commaunded thē, that if they had any thing to say there, tou­ching the gifts, they shoulde speake it before his face, whiles hee was present: they durste not speake a word for feare, but taking Caesar vvs [...]do [...] a [...]n [...] his [...] o [...] ting Sould [...]o [...]s. a meane way, cryed to be released of the war, hoping bycause [...]e had néede of men to finish the rest of his wars, he would haue saide somewhat of the giftes. But he contrarie to all opinion, without any stay answered: I discharge you. They being ast [...]med hereat, and standing in a great silence, he saide againe: And I wil giue you all that I haue promised you, when I shall triumphe [...] the rest. This word vnlooked for, & appearing so curteous, did strike in them suche a consideratiō with an emulation, that they thou­ghte it a shame to forsake their Capitaine in the middes of his enimies, and that others shoulde triumph in their places. They Souldioures re­pent them. remembred what losse they should haue by leauing the warre in Libya, and be thought enimies aswell to Caesar as to hys aduersa­ries: for this doubt they remained silent in feare, hoping yet that Caesar woulde haue giuen them rewarde, and forgyuen them the faulte for hys present néede, but he sate as silent as they. There­fore hys friends wished him to say somwhat vnto them, & not to leaue them, that so oft had serued hym, with so shorte & seuere a spéech. He began to speake & call thē Citizens in stead of souldi­ers, which was a token they were discharged of y war, & become in their former priuate case. This they could not suffer, but cry­ed that they did repent, and prayed they mighte be taken to the war, Caesar refused it, and came from the seate. Then they made greater instaunce, beséeching hym that if they hadde done a­misse to punishe them: he stayed a while, neither going forward nor backewarde, séeming to doubt what to do, yet hée returned and sayde hée woulde punishe none of them, but that it grieued him that the tenth legion, whiche he had alwaies loued and ho­nored, shoulde giue cause of suche tumulte, and onely thys saide.

‘I do release them of their seruice, and yet wyll gyue them all I haue promised them, when I come from Libya, and I will giue lande to all, when the warres shall be ended, not as Sylla dydde, spoyling it from other that hadde it, and causing both the taker and the loser, to liue togither, to main­tayne [Page 128] perpetuall enmitye, but I wyll diuide bothe the com­mon and mine own, and the lacke I wyl buy with my mony.’

Showte and reioyce was made of all, sauing of the tenthe legion, against the whiche Caesar seemed to be inexorable. There­fore The tenth legiō desireth to bee punished. they desired hym they might bée punished by death, as the lotte shoulde fall out. But he hauing no néede of further furye of them, and perceyuing they were throughlye penitent, forgaue Reggio, is the f [...]r­the [...] tovvne in Italy tovvardes [...] fore­ [...]ande of [...]. Caesar sayleth in­to [...]. [...] Cittye in [...], [...] my [...]es from Car­thage. A Senate in Ly­bia of three [...]ā ­dred Romaines. Adrumeto a City in Affrica, farie from Carthage. Labienus. Petreius putteth Caesar backe. Petreius folo­vveth not the vnstorye. them all, and streyght went to the war in Barbarie, passing from the narrowe Sea at Reggio, hée wente to Messina and to L [...]lybee, where he vnderstoode that Cato kept part of the army bothe by sea and lande at V [...]ca, wyth thrée hundred whiche lyke chiefe counsellers were greatest doers of the war, and called the Se­nate, and that the Generall Lucius Scipio, and the best laye in A­drumeto, therfore he sayled against Scipio who was gone to [...]uba, & gaue order for the fight with his campe, taking the oportunity againste hys enimyes that were without the Generall. Labienus and Petreius chief vnder Scipio, did not refuse the fyght, & had far the better of Caesar, putting him to flight, & fiercely with contēpt followyng hym, til Labienus horse was thrus [...]e throughe the bel­ly and killed, and he saued by the guarde of hys person. Petreius, as he that had taken sufficient triall of his army, & might winne when he woulde, lefte the thing vnfinished, saying to them that were by him: Leaft we should take the victory from Scipio our Generall. Caesars fortune. This was also another token of Caesars fortune, that his enimies in apparaunce hauing the victory, woulde so sodainly breake the fight, when they had the day. They say that Caesar at this fighte, was fa [...]ne to stande againste his men, and to take the Egle frō him that bare it, being the chiefe standerd, and to goe to the for­most The d [...]ger of Caesar. to stay thē frō flying, till Petreius retired, and Caesar had time to depart with leysure. This end had the first fight y he made in [...] [...]. Barbarie. Not long after, Scipio came forth with .8. legions, xx. M. h [...]smē wherof the most part were Affricanes, many target mē, [...] rrr Elephants, which [...]uba the Kyng, who had other footemen, about. rrr. M. and Numidiā horsmē almost .xx. M. many darters, and thréescore other Elephants.

Caesars army was dismayed, and troubled among themselues [Page 129] as well for their former losse, as for the fame of their aduersa­ries, both in number and vertue, specially the Numidian Horse­men, beside the terror that they had to make a straunge fighte [...]occhus King of the Moores, that deliuered [...]u­gurtha to Sylla. Ci [...]tha a Citie of Numidia, novve Constana, vvhere Iugurth kylled Adher [...]all. The fifth Le­gion giueth the Elephant in a [...] en [...]gne. Caesars Victory. with the Elephantes. But Bocchus, another king of the Moores, hauing takē Cirta, the chiefe Citie of Iuba, he vpon the newes of his owne losse, returned home with his armye, leauing onely thirty Elephants with Scipio. Caesars army by this, tooke such cou­rage, as the fifth Legion desired the fight against the Elephāts, of whome, hauing a noble victory, they geue an Elephante in their ensigne at this day. The battell being long and difficulte on euerye side, and full of vncertainetie, aboute the euening Caesar hardly gote the victory, and ouerthrew Scipios Camp, not leauing the victory in the night, till all was brought to passe, the enimies by sinal parts as they could, fled: and Scipio with Afranio, leauing all, fledde to the Sea with twelue Ships vnarmed. Thus an ar­mye of fourescore thousante Souldyers, well trayned in the warre, and encamped by the former victory, was in this seconde fight vtterly vanquished. Caesars glory, through his felicitie, was comp [...]ed of all mē vnconquerable, and they that were ouercome, woulde attribute nothing to his manhoode, but excuse all theyr Caesars felicitie. faultes by his felicitie. It séemeth that this warre had this vn­fortunate end, by the vnskilfulnesse of the Captaynes, that they did not endure, till Caesar mighte haue bin put to his shiftes, nor Vnskilfulnesse. bring the first victory to perfection, but woulde néedes leaue it, when they were in the middest of it. This being told at V [...]ica the The noblemen of Rome flee. thyrde day, and Caesar comming forward, euery man beganne to flée, of whome Cat [...] stayed none, but gaue Shippes to the noble men that desired them, yet himselfe tarryed like a constant man, and where they of V [...]ica promised, that they woulde make inter­cession to Caesar for him, before themselues, Cato smiled and aun­swered, Cato to the V [...]i­censes. there néeded no reconciliation betwéene Caesar and hym, and that Caesar knew well ynough. Then he sealed vp al the trea­sure, and the assurances and writings of euery man, and deliue­red them to the Magistrates of V [...]ica, and in the euening vsing his bath and his supper, sitting at his meate as he was wonte to do, since the death of Pompey, nothing changing from his wonted [Page 130] in inner, neyther [...]ahing more nor lesse. He talked familiarly with them that were present, of them that were sayled, and if the wind were good for them, and how farre they might passe before the morning that Caesar came. And when he wente to bedde, hée change [...] nothing of his vsage, but only embraced his sonne more straightly than he was wont: but bicause he found not his sword in the place at his bed where it was wont to stande, he cryed, hée was betrayed to his enimies of his owne folke. What should I [...] vse (quoth he) if they set vpon me in the night? They desired him he would be content, and to worke nothing against himselfe, but to rest without his sworde. Might I not (quoth he) if I woulde, cheke my selfe with my cloke, or crush my head against the wal, or fall & breake my necke, or stoppe my breath and kill my selfe? When they heard him speake after this sort, they broughte him his sword. Then he called for Plat [...]s booke of the Immortalitie of [...] of the Soule. Cato strike [...] [...]. the Soule, which whē he had redde, and thinking them that kept the dores to be at rest, he stroke himselfe with the sworde vnder the brest, where at his bowels fell out, at the whiche noyse, they without came in & the Phisitions put in his bowels againe vn­perished. When he came againe to himselfe, he was sory he had giuē no déeper wound, thāking them that they had saued his life, & made thē beléeue he would rest: then they tooke away y sworde, and shut y dore, that he might sléepe: he séeming to be asléepe, tare asunder with his hands (like a wilde beast) the sowing vp of hys The death of Cato. wound, rente his belly asunder, and flong the entrayles into the store, and so dyed at fiftie yeares of his age. By doing this, he cō ­firmed the opinion that he held of all men, most singulare by na­ture, iudging vertue, honestie, & goodnesse, not by mens maners, The singularitie of Cato. but by high cogitations of the minde: Martia, Philips daughter he married a mayde, and loued hir full déerely, and after he had chil­dren by hir, he gaue hir to his friend Hortensio, that was desirous [...]. of children, and could not get a fruitefull wife, and when she was with child by him, he receyued hir home again, as with interest. This was Catos behauiour. The Vticenses buryed him verye ho­norably. Caesar fayde, that Cato enuyed his glorious procéedings: Cicero made a booke in the praise of him, and called it Cato. Caesar [Page 131] made another in the disprayse of him, and called it Anticato, Iuba Anticato. and Petreius hearing what was done, and thinking no saferie nor escape to be left for them, with their swordes killed one another Iuba and Petreius killed them­selues one ano­ther. Crispus Salustius. Lieutenant. Yong Pompey. Caesar putteth to death. Scipio drovvned in their house. Caesar made Iubas Kingdome tributarie to Rome, and appointed Crispus Salustius to be Lieutenant of it. He pardo­ned the Vticenses: and Catos sonne, and a daughter of Pompey, wyth two little childrē whome he tooke at Vtica, he sent safe to Pompey. Of the thrée hundred, as many as he found he put to death. Lucius Scipio the Generall, kéeping the seas all Winter, till he fell amōg the enimies, behaued himselfe very valiantly, till he was ouer­come, and then stroke himselfe, and lept into the Sea. This was the end of Caesars warre in Libya. Then he went to Rome, and made Triumph of Cae­sar foure triumphes of the Frēch, of the which he had ouerthrowne many and greate nations, and the other reuolting, he brought to order, of Pharnace at Pontus, of Libya, and the confederates of Scipio, Iuba. where Iuba, the sonne of Iuba, the wrighter of Histories, béeyng yet an infant, was brought. He shewed also a certaine triumph of Aegipt, with a fighte by water at Nilus, whiche was done be­twéene the French, and the Pharnatian triumph: but he refrayned Lamentable shevves. Affectiōs of the people. A talent of the least varne, vvas one hundred poundes, vvhich is colled the lesse talēt of [...]. The greater ta­lent o [...] [...], vvas aboute 23 [...]. pounde. There vvere o­ther talentes, vvhereof soule vvere 400. pound. A [...]me of [...] contey­ned sixe [...], vv [...] vvas much [...]ke oure halfe [...]eny, and one hundred drammes made an [...] pound. from triumphing of the Romaines, as ciuil matter not fit for him, & lothsome and vnlucky to y Romaines, to be shewed in triumph: yet all the chances, and y men in pictures, & diuers images, ( Pom­pey except) he brought in: him only he forbad to be shewed, bicause he was so wel beloued of all sorts. The people (though they were afrayd) sighed at this sighte, especially when they saw Lucius Sci­pis the generall strike himselfe to the heart, & fall into the Sea, & Petreius in his tent so to kill himselfe, and Cato tearing his bowels like a brute beast, but at the death of Achillas and Photinus, they reioyced, and at the flight of Pharnaces they laughed. The mo­ney that was brought in the triumphes, is said to be 70. Talents and an halfe, and two thousande eyght hundred two and twenty Crownes of gold, the waight whereof did excéede twenty thou­sand foure hundred fouretéene pound waight, by the which after y triumphes were ended, he performed al that he had promised to his army, & more to. To euery souldier he gaue fiue M. drammes of Athens, to a leader of a bande twice so much, to a Captayne [Page 132] of a thousande, and a Lieutenante of Horsemen twice so muche more, and to euery one of the people, one pounde of Athens. Hée exhibited manye shewes of horse and musicke, and fighting on foote, one thousand against an other, and of horsemen two thou­sand against so many, and other of footemen and Horsemen min­gled Shevves by Caesar. togither, and of Elephantes, twentye agaynste twentye, and a fight by Sea of foure hundred Galleys, and a thousande of eyther side. He erected a Temple to Venus hys auncester, as hée Venus Temple: vowed at Pharsalo, and about the temple a goodly court, which he would should be called the Romaines court, not for bying and sel­ling, The Romaines Court like to our Exchange. Place of confe­rence. Image of Cleo­patra. but for conference, as among the Persians, there is for them that will haue any doubt discussed touching iustice. The Image of Cleopatra was set vp by the Goddesse very faire, whiche is yet séene there. A view of the people was made, and they foūd scarce­ly halfe so many men aliue, as were before the beginning of the Decay of people. warre, so much had contention wasted the Citie.

Now was he made Consull the fourth time, and went into I­beria Caesar made Consull. against yong Pompey, as to the leauings of the ciuill warre, not to be neglected, for all the best men that fledde out of Libya re­sorted to him, and all the remnant of the armies at Pharsalo, and other places, repaired thither. Of y Iberianes and Celtiberianes, ve­ry Povver in Spayne. valiant natiōs, vsed to the warres, and of slaues a multitude, dyd serue Pompey, and hauing bin exercised foure yeares, were ready to fight with desperate minde. Pompey putting great trust in this, refused not to fighte, but woulde néedes trye it out wyth Yong Pompey refuseth aunti­ent counsell. Caesar as soone as he came. But the auntient and wise mē in expe­rience that were come from Pharsalo and Lybia, did rather aduise him to consume Caesar in time, and to distresse him with want, as in those strange places he might. Caesar came from Rome in seauē Caesar into Spayn. Feare of his Souldyoures. Rashnesse of yong Pompey. Corduba, a Citie in Spayne, the countrey of both Seneca and In [...]ane the Poet, novve Cor­d [...]. and twenty dayes, passing a long way with a greate army, and suche a feare fell among them that he broughte, as neuer did be­fore, bycause of the multitude, experience, and desperation of the enimies: wherefore Caesar came the flowlyer forth, and by­cause he vsed some foresight, Pompey came lustily vpon him, and vpbrayded him of fearefulnes, which rebuke Caesar could not suf­fer, but made order for the battell at Corduba: his worde was, [Page 133] Venus and Pompeys Pietie. When they shoulde goe to it, a feare Feare in Caesars army. Some vvrighte, that this fight vvas giuen at Monda, vvhich is novv Mundesa­ra: the places not being farre asunder, some name the one, and some the other. and dreadfull slouthfulnesse tooke Caesars army, wherefore he be­sought all the Goddes, and held vp his hands to Heauen, that he might not lose all his noble actes by this one Battell, and there­fore went about the army, and exhorted them to be bold. He pul­led his headpeece from his head, that they might sée his face, and so receyue good heart: but they for all that could not put awaye their feare, till Caesar tooke a Target from one of them, and to the Captaynes about him thus sayde: Shall this be the ende to mée of life, and to you of seruice? and ranne from the army so farre, as Danger of Caesar. he was but tenne foote from his enimies, who threwe two hun­dred dartes at him, of the which he shunned part, and part he re­ceyued on the Target. Then his Captaynes ranne aboute him, euery man, and the whole army set forward with great violēce, and foughte all daye, sometime with aduantage, and sometyme with disaduantage, sometime winning, and sometime losing, tyll at night he gote the victory with muche adoe, so as he sayde, at o­ther times, he had fought for victory, but now, he fought for life. There was great slaughter of Pompeys part, which fledde to Cor­duba. Caesars saying of this fight. And Caesar, that they shoulde not gather agayne to a news fight, commaunded his army to compasse the Citie. They being wéery of the former payne, tooke the bodyes, and the armure of A trench made of dead bodyes. them that were slayne, and bare them betwéene them, and ma­king them fast to the earth with their speares, vsed them for a Corduba taken. Trench. The next morning the Citie was taken of Pompeys cap­taynes. Scapula made a fire, and threwe himselfe into the flame. Scapula, Varus, and Labienus, kille [...]. Pompey fleeth. Carteia is a Citie in Granado, novv Tarifa. The heads of Varus, Labienus, and other noble men, were brought to Caesar. Pompey at the beginning of the losse, fledde with a hun­dred and fiftie horse into the Carteia, where he hadde a Nauie of Shippes, he came secretely to the Shippes carried in a litter, and when he perceyued them there to be in feare of themselues, he was in dread to be betrayed, & therfore tooke a boate agayne, and by the way, his foote hong in one of the ropes, whiche one minding to cut, missed the rope, and hurte him in the foote, but hée Pompey hu [...]. went on to the next village, and was cured, where being sought for, he fledde among the bushes and desert pathes, in the whyche [Page 134] the [...] d [...] pr [...]ke his wounde so, as for very wéerinesse hée s [...] him downe vnder a trée, whether the searchers pursued him, and he valiantly defending himselfe was slayne, his head being Pompey the elder [...]onne, slayne. carried to Casar, and by his commaundemente buryed: so thys warre at one brunte, contrary to all opinion, was ended. A yon­ger brother of this Pompey, called Sextus, did gather the remnant Pompey the yon­ger brother. of the leauings of this warre, and in close maner, conueyed him­selfe hither and thither, robbing for their liuing. Nowe Caesar ha­uing finished all ciuill dissention, wente to Rome, with suche feare and opinion, as neuer man before. All honors that aboue mans Caesar honored [...]. reach could be deuised, were done vnto him: Sacrifices, Playes, and giftes, as well in Temples and publike places by the com­panies of the Citie, as by all nations and Kings confederate to the people of Rome. Many diuers formes were set vpon his ima­ges, The great [...] of the [...] [...] [...]ut [...] g [...]e Crovvnes or garlandes to them that had [...]on [...] vvorthy [...]. [...]her of the [...]trey. [...]tator per­ [...]. Honoures giuen [...] Casar. Holy dayes. of the which some had crownes of oke, as to the sauioure of the countrey, with the which in olde time they were honored that saued their Countrey. He was named father of the Countrey, and chosen Dictator perpetuall, and Consull for terme yeares, and touching his bodye, accompted sacred and inuiolable, to giue audience in a chaire of gol [...]e and yuorie, and continuallye make Sacrifices, elad with triumphant garments. They ordei­ned the Citie to be holy those dayes that he wan anye victories. They appoynted Sacrifices and Priestes for fyue yeares, and publike vowes for his preseruation, and orders were made, by the which all his actes were confirmed by oth. And in the honor of his house, the Moneth Quintilis, was called Iulius. Manye Quintilis, Iulius. Temples [...]ed [...] ­ca [...]ed to Caesar. Temples were dedicated to him alone, as to a God, and one ioyntly to him and Clementie holding hande in hande. Thus dyd they feare hym as a Lorde, and honor him as a mercifull Mini­ster. There were that laboured to haue called him King, till hée heard of it, and forbad it with threats, that no man shoulde once Caesar refuset [...] the name of [...]yng. name it, as detestable, and vnlawfull from his auncesters. Hée discharged the bands of his gard, by whome he had bin defended from his enimies, and wente abroade with the officers of the Citie onely. He béeyng in the common place, and giuing audi­ence, the Senate with the Consule going before in goodly order, [Page 135] brought him a decrée of all▪ these honors, whiche [...]e receyued Caesars statelines. gently, not rising to them, neyther comming nor going▪ whyche gaue occasion of matter to them that meant to accuse him of a­spiring Occasion of hate. to a Kingdome. He accepted all the dignities, sauing the Consulship for tenne yeares, therefore willed himselfe to be de­clared Consull, and Antonius with him, that was Captayne of [...] Caesar and Anto­nius C [...]nsul [...]. his Horsemen, whiche office he appoynted to Lepidus, to exercise the rule of Horsemen▪ by deputies, bycause he was Gouernoure in Iberia. He reuoked all banishments, except such as were fledde for wicked offences. He pardoned his enimies, and to suche as had foughte against him, he gaue yearely offices, and sente them The clemen [...] of Caesar. to charges of prouinces and armies, whiche ma [...] the people to thinke, that he woulde haue lefte them in a common wealthe, as Sy [...]la did when he had the like authoritie: but they were deceiued. Caes [...]r deceyueth the peoples opi­nion. One of them that would haue had the name of a King sette for­warde, did put vppon his image a Crowne of Laurell, wyth a A Crovvne vpō Cas [...]s Image, by one that vvas apprehended of the Tribunes Marullus, and Siti [...]s. wreath of a white riband. Marullus and Sesetius being Tribunes, apprehended him, and threwe him in p [...]son, thinking so to haue pleased Caesar, a [...]one that abhorred the name of King. This hée suffered patiently, and where others called him King as he went out at the gates, and the people sighed at it, he aunswered co­uertly▪ I am not King, but Caesar, as though they had bin decey­ued Caesar accepteth not the name of a King. in the name. Marullus caused him to be apprehended, that fyrste of them beganne this matter, and w [...]lled hym to be broughte to aunswere in hys Courte. Then Caesar coulde no longer suffer, but accused Marullus and hys fellowes before the Senate, as one that craftily wroughte agaynste hym Caesar angrye vvith the Tri­bunes, causeth [...]sp [...]on of Kingdome. by a calumniation of Tyrannie, and whereas they deserued [...]eathe, yet he thoughte it sufficiente for them to lose theyr of­fice, and be putte out of the Senate. Thys dyd most of all con­firme, that he coueted thys litle, and that he bente all his pra­ [...]ise to that ende, and was vtterly become a Tyrante, for as there was good authoritie to punish them that named any man king, so was the Tribunes office holy, inuiolate by lawe, and auntient oth, and it made the anger the sha [...]per, that he woulde not tarrie the time of the office whiche when he vnderstoode, hée [Page 136] did re [...]ent him, and first perceyued, that it was an harde thing to deale rigorously▪ in peace, withoute authoritie of warre. Hys friends gaue him counsel to beware, and that he had giuen great Caesar vvarred. occasion to his aduersaries to get matter agaynst him: therefore when they moued him y he would be content to haue a garde of Spanish bande [...] ▪ he sayd, there was nothing more vnhappy, thā Ansvvere of Caesar touching a gard of his per­son. [...] vvere shevves of na­ked Priestes in the honoure of [...]a [...]. Antony setteth a Crovvne on [...] head. a continual gard, for it is of one that is euer afrayd. Yet the pra­ctises to be a King, ceassed not, for sitting one day in the commō place in a chayr [...] of golde to see the playes of Panne, Antony his fellowe in office, naked and annoynted, as the manner was for the Ministers of that solemnitie, ranne vpto Caesars seate, and set a crowne on his head, at the which sight few reioicing, and more lamenting, Caesar threw it off. Antony set it on againe, but Caesar reiected it. The people stoode silent, looking what end this woulde haue, and when they saw Caesar vtterly refuse it, they reioyced, and highly commended him therefore. Now eyther bycause he de­spayred, or in vayne attempted, or woulde auoyde the practise of so od [...]ous a thing, or for that he woulde leaue the Citie bycause of some enimies, or that he had regard to his health, being trou­bled with a falling sicknesse, which in rest many times came vp­ [...]on Caesar hath the falling sicknesse. him, he determined a greate voyage againste the Getes and Parthianes▪ against the Getes, bycause they were insolente people, and quarrelling, [...]uer troubling the Romaine state. Againste the [...]ete, S [...]ithi [...]s in Europa. [...] Voyag [...] into Parthie. Parthianes, bycause he would re [...]nge Crassus deathe whome they had slayne, contrary to oth and promise, and so hauing an armye of sixtéene Legions, and tenne thousand Horse, he sent them afore to passe the Ionian Sea. There was out of Sybils bookes an olde saying, that the Parthians shoulde not be ouercome, till a Kyng Prophecie. went against them: wherefore some there were so bold to saye, that as it was expedient for the Romaines to call him Dictator, or Imperator, or anye other name in stead of a King; so that all na­tions subiect to the Romaine Empire, should call hym King. Hée refused this also, and made hast to his iourney, bycause he sawe he was enuyed in the Citie: but whereas be tarried till the ap­poynted time, his enimies killed him foure dayes before in [...] Senate house, eyther for enuie, which commonly accompanyeth Enuie. [Page 137] such felicitie & auctoritie, or as they said, for the loue of their coū ­treys libertie. For now they knew well that thoughe hée did not ouercome those nations, without doubte he woulde be a King. And for this cause (I thinke) they tooke the enterprise agaynste him, vnder the pretence of that name: for thoughe hée was but Dictator in degrée, it was as much as a Kyng in déede. There Conspiratours M. [...]rutus. Ca. Cassius. D. Brutus. were two chiefe in that conspiracy, Marcus Brutus Cepio, sonne to Brutus that was killed of Sylla, whiche fled to Caesar after the ca­lamitie of Pharsalo field, and Caius Cassius that delyuered hys gal­leis into Caesars hand at Hellespont. These two were afore of Pom­peys part, and now much honoured of Caesar. Decimus, Brutus, Al­binus, alwayes thoughte worthy of Caesar to be vsed in honor and credite, and had great affaires committed to them, and in the wars in Lybia, trusted them wyth armies, and made them Go­uernours of Prouinces. Decimus of France beyond the Alpes, & Brutus of the same, on thys side the Alpes.

Brutus and Cassius béeyng Pretors, contended for the superi­oritie Cloaked con­tention. of the place, eyther indéede who shoulde be higher, or else for a pretence, that they shoulde séeme to be no friendes. Cae­sar setting order betwixte them, said to hys friendes: Cassius de­sireth right, but Brutus muste be pleased, With so great loue and honour did Caesar vse hym, that of some he was compted hys son, bicause he loued very wel Seruilia, Catos sister, and Brutus mother.

Therfore when he got the victory at Pharsalo, hée gaue greate Caesars care of Brutus. charge to hys Captayns, that in any wise they should saue Bru­tus. But Brutus either as an ingrate man, or ignorant of his mo­thers faulte, or distrustfull, or ashamed, or very desirous of his coūtrys libertie, preferring it before all other things, or that he was descended of the auntient Brutus, that droue out the Kings: or that he was incensed and rebuked of the people, for manye things were written vppon the Images of olde Brutus, and in Brutus. the Courte hall of this Brutus secretly set vp: Brutus thou takest rewardes, Brutus thou arte dead, O Brutus I woulde thou were aliue nowe, Brutus, what vnworthy posterity hast thou? Brutus thou arte not come of hym.

These and many other lyke, did inflame the yong mans mind [Page 138] to take the worke in hande as from his progenitor: The same of making him King did still encrease, and that there woulde be a Counsell for it, a little before the which, Cassius tooke Brutus by the hand and sayd:

Brutus what shall we do in that counsell? shall we, as Casars [...]. slatterers agrée to make hym Kyng? Brutus answered, I would not be at that Counsell Cassius being cheared with those wordes, [...]. said: what if they call vs as Officers, what shall we do (good Bru­tus?) I wyll (quoth he) defend my Countrey euen to the death. Then Cassius embraced hym, saying: Whom wil [...]e thou take of the best being of this opinion? doest thou thinke that artificers and light people do set those writings vpon thy Judgemēt place, rather thā the best Citizens of Rome, which of other Pretors do looke for shews, and pastunes of horse and wilde beasts, but of thée they require liberty, as a worke worthy thine auncestors.’

After they had thus firste opened what they had long kept in their minds before, they then dealte plamely, and eche of them More Cōspira­ [...]o [...]es. proued his own friends, and some of Caesars, whome they knewe to be méete for a bolde enterprise, and they got of their friendes two brethren, Cecilius and Buc [...]l [...]us, thē R [...]brius Riga, Q. L [...]ga [...]iw, Marcus Spurius, Seruilius Galba, Sextius Naso, and [...]o [...]us Aquila, all these of their trusty friends, and of Caesars familiars. Decimus, of whome we spake, Caius Casca, Trebonius Tu [...]us Cymbrus, Mi­nutius, and Basillus. These béeyng thoughte sufficient, and not iudging it fit to haue anye moe, they agréed together wythout othe or sacrifice, and yet was there not one that changed or dis­closed, but only sought tyme and place.

The tyme was shorte, bycause Caesar muste goe away the fourth daye to hys armyes, and then shoulde straighte haue a guarde of Souldioures aboute hym: The place, they appoin­ted the Senate house: thinking though the Senatoures were not priuie, yet when they sawe the [...]éede, they woulde helpe to it, as they saye happened to Romulus, who of a Kyng became a Tyranne. Romulus vvas thoughte to be corne a peeces of the Se [...]te.

And that thys acte euen as that, béeyng doone in the place of Counsel, shoulde not be thoughte a treason, but a deede of the [Page 139] Citie, voyde of dreade of Caesars army, bycause it was a com­mon consent, and that honour shoulde remaine to them also, as not ignorant of the whole entent. Concluding vppon this, they thought the Senate house the fittest place. Of the maner, they differed: some thought good to kill Antonie also, being Consull with Caesar, and his greatest friend▪ and most accepted to the ar­mye. Consultation of Caesars death. But Brutus [...]yde▪ if we dispatche Caesar alone, wée shall be named killers of a Tyranne, bicause we deliuer vs of a king, and thereof muste haue oure prayse: but if we kill anye of hys friendes, we shall be though [...] [...] against Pompeys enimies. Being all persuaded by this▪ they looked for the next méeting of the Senate.

The daye before that Caesar shoulde goe to the Senate, he had Caesar at a ban­quct. bin at a banquet with Lepidus Capitayne of the horsemen, whi­ther he carryed Decimus Brutus Albinus, and talkyng merilye what death was beste for a man, some saying one, and some another, he of all, praised the sodaine death. Sodayne deathe beste.

Thus he prophecied of hymselfe, and spake in selfe of that whiche shoulde come to passe in earnest the next day. After the Caesars vvife a fearefull dream. banquet, in the night, his body was sickely, and hys wife Cal­phurnia dreamed she sawe hym all to be goared with bloude, and therefore stopped hys going forth. In making sacrifices, manye Sacrifices vn­prosperous. fearefull tokens appeared, wherfore he determined to haue sent Antony, to dissolue the Senate.

Decimus being present, perswaded him not to take that ca­lumniation of the suspition, but himselfe to goe and dissolue it, Impediments to the conspiracie. and so he was carryed thither in a Litter.

That daye certaine playes were exhibited in Pompeys Thea­tre, Theatre of Pompey. therefore the Senate shoulde be kept in the place nexte to it: vsing also to sée the fights.

Brutus and Cassius early in the morning, did sit as Pretors, gi­uing audience to suitors very quietly in a courte nighe the thea­tre of Pompey, and hearing of Caesars sacrifices, and the differing of the Senate, were in greate doubte: and one that was there, tooke Casca by the hande, and sayde vnto hym: woulde you kéepe it from me that am your friende? Brutus tolde me Casca Disclosing. [Page 140] was in a sodayne passion, that he knewe it: then he saite more [...] [...]d the [...] ­uer [...]ht of ho [...] ­se [...] [...]ple [...], a [...] [...] Prayer. to hym simlyng, where wyl you haue money for your office of Edilis? and Casca tolde him. Brutus and Cassius beyng togither, and in talke, one of the Senators Publius Laenas, sayde, hée wi­shed well to that they had in their mindes, and exhorted them to dispatch it. They being much amazed, helde their peace for an­guishe.

As Caesar came forth, one of hys familiars vnderstanding of [...]ition of dis­ [...]ing. the conspiracie, and vsing to tel what hée hearte, wente to Cal­phurnia, and saide onelye thys, bycause the matter touched Caesar much, he would tarry til he came from the Senate, for he knew not al that was wrought against him.

And one Artemidorus that was his hoste in Guido, ranne vn­to the Counsell house and found hym newe slaine. Of another A booke of the Conspiracie. a booke of the Conspiracie was deliuered, as he made haste into the Senate, whiche was founde againe in hys hande when hée was dead. And came out of his Litter Laen [...], that had wished wel before to Cassius, came vnto hym, and talked verye earnestlye wyth him, the sight wherof did trouble thē, and the length of the Feare to the cō ­spiratoures. talke made them winke one at another, to dispatche themselues, before they should be taken.

But perceyuing by the manner, that Laena was liker to speake for himselfe and make supplication, than to bewray them, they stayed, and in the ende, when they saw hym giue humble than­kes, they were encouraged againe.

It was the custome that Rulers of the Citie shoulde sacri­fice, Sacrifices. when they went to the Senate: And agayne in Caesars firste sacrifice, there was no harte, or as some say, no heade of the entrailes, and whē the Diuinor said it was a signe of death, Caesar contem▪ neth the sacrifi­ [...]es of [...]il luck. hée smiled and sayde, so it was in Spaine, when I ouerthrewe Pompey: and the Diuinor aunswering that then he was in perill indéede, and nowe the token was more manifest: Caesar bad hym sacrifice againe, & nothing appearing better than it was, & being ashamed y he made y Senate tarry for hym & being hastned of his enmies, as though they had bin fri [...]ds, in dispight of his eni­mies, he went in, For it must needes come that was determined.

[Page 141]They left Trebonius to entertaine Antony without the dores, and when Caesar was s [...] hys seate, they stoode aboute him as hys friends, with weapons hid, and first Attilius Cymber stood T [...]us. before him, & made sute for hys brothers returne that was ba­nished: Caesar being against it, & vtterly denying it, hée tooke hym by the purple robe, as he would haue made more sute, he rufded The [...] the garment, and pulled it ouer his necke, crying: Why staye you (O friēds?) Casca came ouer his head, & first thrust his dag­ger at his throat, which missing, hit him on y breast. Caesar twit­ching his gown frō Cimbro, & catching Casca by y hand, flung frō his seate, & with great violēce layd hold vpon Casca. Whiles he was doing this, wrestling with him, another stroke him on Caesar giue [...] ouer vvhe [...] Brutus had [...] ­ken [...]m, and some vvrite that he sayd, vvhat thou a [...] sonne. the side that laye open, and Cassius hurte him in the face, and Brutus on the thyghe, and Bucolinus betwéene the shoulders: yet Caesar with rage and reare like a wilde beaste, stepped to euery of thē: but after Brutus had hurt him, as thoughe then hée had dispaired, he wrapte himself in his gowne, and fell comely before the picture of Pompey: and they, (when he was downe) v­sed such despite, as they gaue him three and twentie woundes, and many were so hastie, that they hurte one another.

When this act was done by these murderers in a sacred place, vpon a sacred and inuiolate man, by and by there was fléeing from the Senate house, and about all the Citie: and in Confusion. the tumulte, some Senatours were hurt, and other men were killed: and there was muche slaughter done both of Citizens and straugers, not of purpose, but as happeneth in such a Ciuill stir, when one commeth vpō another ignorauntly. The sworde players that had bene in armour from the morning, for the shewe of certaine playes, ranne from the game place, to the barres of the Senate house: the people that came to the playes driuen into a feare, fledde away: shoppes were spoyled: al dores were shutte, and preparation made for defence from the house Antony. toppes. Antony went to his owne house, entending to take ad­uice for this case of Caesars.

Lepidus the Captaine of horsemen, being in the cōmon place Lepidu [...]. and hearing what was done, ranne to the Ile within the Cy­tie, [Page 142] where he had a legion, and brought them abroade to be rea­dy at Antonies commaundement. For he did cleaue to Antony [...] as Caesars friende, and chiefly as Consull. Being mette togy­ther, they had greate desire to reuenge Caesars death that thus was handled. They feared the Senate woulde take the killers parte, therfore they would stay to consider of it. There were no souldiours about Caesar, for he delighted not in a garde, but on­ly [...] in the [...]. vsed the Sergeants of his aucthoritye, and when he wente from his house to the Senate, he was wayted on with manye of the magistrates, and great number of people, as wel Citi­zens as straungers, and of seruauntes and frée men in great multitude: all the which fléeing away by heapes, only thrée ser­uauntes taried, which layd his body in the litter. Thus thrée men not suteable, did carie him home, that a little before was Lorde of sea and lande. The murderers woulde haue sayde Three men only ca [...]e vvith Caesar. somewhat in y e Senate house, but no mā wold tarry to heare. They wrapt their gowns about their left armes as Targets, and hauyng their daggers bloudy, cryed they had kylled a king and a Tyranne, and one bare an hatte vpon a speare, in to­ken of Libertie. Then they exhorted them to the common Liberty. wealth of their countrey: and remembred, olde Brutus and the oth made againste the old Kings. Some went among them, shewing their daggers, who though they were not at the fact, yet woulde they haue parte of the prayse, as Lentulus, Spintor, Fauorinus, Aquinus, Dolobella, Murcus, and Peticus, who wer not They that sought prayse found payne. then partakers of the glorie, but afterwarde tasted of the pu­nishment with the offenders.

The common people came not to them, which made them the more doubtful and in feare. As for the Senate, although for ignoraunce and tumult, they were fled, yet they had good truste in thē, as in their kinsefolkes and friends, and such as could as euil beare Tirannie as they: but the people they suspected, and The [...]e of [...] as many as had serued Caesar in warre, whereof there were not a fewe then present in the Citie, some discharged of the war­fare were appointed to habitations, and some that had bin at their dwelling places, were now come again to go the iourney [Page 143] wyth Caesar. They were afrayde also of Lepidus and his army in the Citie, and of Antony the Consull, leaste he would vse the people only, leauing the Senate, and worke them some displea­sure, being thus bestad, they wente to the Capitoll with the swordeplayers, where consulting what was best to be done, it seemed good to giue a largesse to the people, hoping that if some beganne to prayse their act, the other wold folow, for loue of liberty, and the desire of common wealth: for they thoughte y people of Rome to be as sincere now, as they had heard it was when olde Brutus expelled the Kings, not vnderstanding that [...] they loked for two things contrarye in themselues, that they that loue libertie and would be corrupted, should be profitable to them at this present, wherof y e one was more easie to be had, as in a state for y e most part corrupted: for now the people was Causes of cor­ruption as Rome. mirt with strangers, & a libertyne was equal with a Citizen, & the fashion of a seruant, like to the maisters: for y Senate er­cept, the rest was indifferēt to the seruantes. Further, y distri­bution of corne, which was vsed only in Rome to be giuen to y Distribution of Corne. poore, had brought y t idle & néedie vacabonds of Italy to Rome. Again, a nūber of olde worne souldiers out of wages, were not deuided into their coūtries as they wer wont seuerally, bicause some had serued in vniust wars, but would go into cōmon ha­bitations, Maisterle [...] ­men. & take other mens land & houses, remayning togither in tēples & cōmon places, vnder one bāner, & one chiefe, y t might apoint thē a prouince, & selling away their own, to be the more redy to go, they were sone bought for reward. Therfore it was not hard for Cassius to gather a nūber of such men, & bring them into y e cōmon place: & albeit they were hired, yet durst they not prayse y t was done, for feare of Caesars glory & others deuotion, but for y e cōmon welth sake, they cried for peace, & earnestly ex­horted the rulers vnto it, for thys was the deuise of the kyllers, to worke theyr owne safetye. And there coulde bée no peace vnlesse there were a forgetting, standyng in these termes.

Cynna a Pretor and a kinsemanne by maryage to Caesar, Cynna accuseth Caesar [...] beyonde all opinion, came among them, hauing on hys [Page 144] vesture of office, which he threw of, as giuen him of a Tiran, and called Caesar the Tiranne, and them that kylled hym, kil­lers of a Tiranne, and praysed the facte, as moste like to their progenitours, and that those men were to be called from the Capitoll, and to be honoured with dew rewardes. This Cinna sayde: but they, séeing the vncorrupted people was not myxte wyth them, did not call them from the Capitol, nor did anye thing else, but onely exhorted to peace. Then Dolabella a yong Dolabella man and a noble, appointed to be Consull, after Caesar had ben gone, for the reste of the yeare, hauing on the garment of a Consul, and the Maces of his office, was the second that spake euill, and pretended he was priuie to the deuise, and only sorte that his hand was not at the doing of it: and as some saye, hee decréed that that daye shoulde be honoured as the byrth day of the Citie. Then the hyred men toke harte, when they saw both a Pretor and a Consul to forgiue them, & they called Cassius and the rest out of the Temple, who were glad of Dola­bella a yong noble man & a Consul being most méete to match [...] and Cas­sius to the people. with Antony: only there came downe Cassius and Marcus Brutus with his bloudy hand, for they had striuē who should giue Cae­s [...]r moste woundes, and when they were amiddest the people, they spake nothing humbly, but as in noble and euident things one praysed another, calling the Citie now blessed, attributing muche to Decimus, that in so fitte a time bad serued them with swordplayers. Then they stirred the people, that they woulde do things worthy their auncestours, whiche had expelled kings, not reigning by violence as Caesar did, but being chosen lawfully: they also propoūded that Sextus Pompey, sonne to Pom­pey the greate, that hadde made warre agaynste Caesar for the common wealth, myght be called home, beyng yet in armes in Spayne againste Caesars Captaines, and lykewyse C [...]setius and Marul [...]s that were depriued and banished by Caesar, being Tribunes of the people. When they hadde thus sayde, they wente vppe againe to the Capitoll, for they dyd not truste verye muche in that multitude. Then their friendes and kins­folke might repaire vnto them into the Temple, of whom, they [Page 145] chose the most auntient to send to Lepidus and Antony for recon­ciliation, [...]. and regarde of libertie, and to saue the Countrey from the euils that might growe, vnlesse they be foreseene. This much did the messengers require, not praysing y e thing that was done, (for they durst not to Caesars friends) but desired to haue it borne with, for the worthynesse of the doers, not for hate to him, but for the loue of their countrey, and pitie of the Citie, nowe consu­med with continuall sedition, of whiche one more would vtterly destroy all good men of the same, and that it was not right that for any hate amongst a few, they shoulde worke the publike de­struction, but rather that for publike commodities, priuate enmi­ties mighte be wiped away. Antonius and Lepidus (as I sayde) minded to reuenge Caesars deathe, eyther for friendships sake, or The deuice of Antony and Le­pidus. for a practise betwéene them, or for desire of rule, and thynkyng all things would be the easier to them, if such notable men might be ridde out of the way, yet they feared their friendes and theyr kinsfolkes, and the Senate that enclined to them, and most of all Decimus, whome Caesar hadde appoynted to gouerne France theyr neyghboure, whereby he hadde a mighty armye. Therfore they thought it best to tarry for a better occasion, and deuise to gette Decimus army that was so valiant and expert, with laboures ne­uer left. ‘Hauing this fetch, Antony thus aunswered the messen­gers. For priuate displeasure we will worke nothing, but for Antonyes aun­svvere. offence and matter, wherein we are all sworne to Caesar to bée kéepers of his body, and defend it against violence, it is requisite by our oth to follow the fact that is done, and the rather to lyue with a few pure, than all to be in daunger of those execrations, yet for their honor that be of that opinion, we will debate with you in the Senate house, and take the way for the Citie, that by common consent shall séeme good.’ Thus Antony aunswered, safelye. They gaue thankes and departed with sure hope that al should haue gone well, and that the Senate woulde haue fauou­red their cause throughly▪ Antony in the meane time caused the officers to make watche for the Citie all nighte, and by turne to kéepe their seates as was wante in the daye, and to haue fires o­uer all the Citie, by meane whereof, the friends of y e offendoures [Page 146] went to euery Senatoures house, and requested them for them­selues, and for the Countreys common wealth. There ranne a­broade also the Captaynes of suche as should haue habitations, threatning mischiefe, vnlesse some did performe the lāds & places that was giuen and promised. The sincere sort of the Citie tooke good hearte, perceiuing the smal number of these doers. They en­clyned to the memorie of Caesar, and were of diuers opinions. Cae­sars money, and the bookes of his doings, were carryed to Anto­nie, Casars money and vv [...]itings sent to Antony. eyther bycause Calphurnie for the danger of hir house did send them to Antony, as more surer, or that Antony did so commaund it. This done, a decrée was made by Antony that nighte, to call the Senate before daye at the Temple of the Goddesse of the earth, not farre from his owne house, for neyther durst he goe to The Senate in the Temple of the Gods of the earth. the Senate house in the Capitoll, bycause of the sworde players gathered there, nor bring the armye into the Towne for trou­bling of it: notwithstanding Lepidus brought them in. Day dra­wing nigh, other Senatoures came to y Temple of y Goddesse of the earth, and Cinna the Pretor hauing on agayne his garmēt, which the day before he had throwen off, as giuen him of a Ty­rant, made hast thither, whome, when parte of the vncorrupted people, and parte of Caesars Souldioures sawe, béeyng in a rage, bycause the daye before, he was the firste that openly spake euill of Caesar, béeyng hys kinsman, they threwe stones at hym, and A Tault against [...]. droue hym into an house, and gote woodde to haue burned it, had not Lepidus come with the army and forbydden them. This was the firste token whereby Caesars friendes hadde confidence, that the conspiratoures and the hyred fellowes were afrayde.

In the Senate house there were fewe that were pure from violence and contention. The most parte with diuers deuice fa­uoured the manquellers, and thoughte them most worthye of trust to be there for common consultation, and of offenders to make them Judges, the whiche Antony dyd not lette, bycause he knewe they woulde not come, as they dyd not indéede. Then [...] of [...]ing the [...]. in tryall of the Senate, some very earnestly and playnely pray­sed the facte, namyng them Tyrant-kyllers, and wylled they shoulde be rewarded. Other denyed the reward, themselues not [Page 147] desiring it, nor hauyng done it for that intente, but thoughte it iust they should only be commēded as welldoers. Some would not allow that commendation, but onely thoughte it ynough if they were forgyuen. Thus did they deuise and forecast at the firste, to what the Senate woulde encline, that after by little and little, they myghte the easier obteyne the rest. The vncorrupted company did abhorre the acte as wicked, yet for the reuerence of their great houses, were not againste, but that they shoulde be saued: yet that they should be honored as well doers, they coulde not abide. Other spake againste this, that it was not conueni­ent so to haue them, as the rest, that belōged to their safety, shuld bée enuyed. And when one sayde, that theyr honour shoulde bée Caesars dishonoure, they aunswered, that it was not fytte a dead man shoulde bée preferred to the quicke. Another vehemently saying, that of two things one must be chosen, eyther to declar [...] Caesar a Tyrante, or to forgiue these by mercy, they tooke hold of this only, and required that voyces mighte be tryed of Caesar by oth, and that the decrées made of necessitie, shoulde not preiudice them, for whyles he ruled, they dyd nothyng fréely, but all for feare of themselues Pompey béeyng slayne, and wyth hym manye a thousande more. Antony markyng all thyngs de­ceytefully, perceyuing that ample and euidente matter of spée­ches was offered, determined to turne theyr cogitation wyth Antony▪ [...]tte [...]. a priuate care and feare of themselues, and vnderstandyng that a greate parte of these Senatoures, were appoynted to offices and Priestehoodes in the Citie, and to gouernements of armyes and prouinces by Caesar, for the tyme to come, (for hée shoulde bée long foorthe wyth hys armye, the space of fyue yeares) commaundyng silence as Consull, thus sayde.

‘They that woulde haue boyces tryed vpon Caesar, must know Antony [...]s [...] ­t [...]on. afore, that if he ruled as an officer lawfully chosen, then all hys actes and decrées must stande in force, but if by violence wée thinke he playd the Tyrant, then must his body be cast out of y Citie vnburyed, and all his actes be reuoked: wherfore (as I sée) we must medle w t all y world both by sea & land, & many be such, [Page 148] as though we would, will not obey vs, as I shall declare héere­after. Now what apperteyneth to vs alone (for this matter, tou­cheth only vs) I will put all things before you, that as in an ea­s [...]e platte you may see a shew of harder things. All we in man­ner haue borne office vnder Caesar, and yet doe beare, chosen, and made by him, and some are, to haue offices in time to come, as the lotte fals out, for you know he appoynted for fiue yeares the yearely offices of the Citie to you, and the regimentes of Coun­treys and armies. If you will willingly forgoe them (for that is in your power to do) this would I haue you first determine, and then procéede to other. Thus Antony did kindle a fire, not for Caesar, but for themselues, and helde his peace.’ Then they by and by in throngs with shoutes, starte vp, and denyed that any other triall shoulde be made by the voyces of the people, but that the things appoynted, should be assuredly holden. There were some vnder age, and other that mighte finde resistance in election, whome he chiefly stirred, of whome Dolabella the Consull was one, to whome it was not lawful to be consul by election, bycause he was not fiue and twenty yeares of age, wherefore he shewed a suddayne mutation of that he pretended the daye before, rebu­king Dolabella chan­ged. as many of them, as thought the conspiratours worthy of honor, that they that were in office, should be dishonored, by ma­king their securitie to haue the better shew. Other put Dolabella and the [...]est in hope, that they shoulde rece [...]ue thankes of the people, and straight resume their dignities, without any altera­tion of the officers, but to shewe a lawfuller way by common e­lection, and that it shoulde be an ornament to them to be aduan­ced, as well by the authoritie of the people, as by the appoynt­mente of one ruler: and this was no sooner spoken, but some of the officers, to deceyue the other, put off their robes, as to re­ce [...]e the same agayne more lawfully. Some perceyued the craft, and did not thinke to get by election, that they already had. The matter standing thus, Antony and Lepidus wente out of the Senate house, for certaine that came running from the multi­tude did call them, and as they were séene from aboue, and silēce hardly put to them that made much noyse, one cryed vnto them, [Page 149] whether of his owne minde, or that he was suborned, and bade them take héed, least they suffered the like. Then Antony losing A nevv st [...]rr [...] by Antony. his gowne, shewed his curet, incensing the lookers on, as though now no man coulde be safe, vnlesse he ware armoure, no not the Consull. ‘There was some cryed that the fact might be punished, and more made request for peace, to whom he thus sayd: Of that we will consider, as shall be fitte to be, and what it is, that it may auayle, but the suretie of it is hard to be found, since neyther oth nor execration could profit Caesar, and to them that called for re­uenge, he turned and commended them, as more carefull of their othes and honestie.’ ‘I would be (quoth he) youre Captayne, and crye as you do, but that I am a Consul, to whome belongeth ra­ther to speake for profite, than for iustice, for so doe they within persuade vs, and so Caesar himselfe, for the profite of the Citie, sparing them that he hadde taken in warre, was of the same de­stroyed. Thus wrought Antony artificially, & they that thoughte the fact to be punished, required Lepidus that he would punishe it.’ Lepidus intending to speake, they that stoode farre off, prayed hym to goe into the common place, that all might heare him indiffe­rently. ‘He wente straight forth, with opinion that the peoples minds were new turned, and when he was come to the place of spéech, he lamented wéeping, and thus sayd. Heere I was yester­day Lepidus to the people. with Caesar, and now am I héere to enquire of Caesars deathe, what will you haue done many cryed that they should reuenge Caesar. The hyred men cryed for peace in the Citie, to whome hée sayd, we will so, but what peace speake you of? with what othes can it be sure? for all our Countrey othes we ha [...]e sworne to Cae­sar, and we that are compted the least of them that did sweare, haue troden all vnder the foote. Then he turned to them that cry­ed for reuenge▪ Caesar sayd he, is gone from vs, an holy and hono­red man in déede, and we be afrayd to hurte the Citie, and them that be left. This do the Senate treate of, and manye thinkes it good: then they cryed, that he alone should take it in hand, I wyll (sayd he) for it is a iust oth to me alone, but it is not ynough that I and you alone doe will it, or that we alone can fulfill it.’ [...]an­dling the matter thus craft [...]ly, the hyred men, knowing that he [Page 150] was ambitioue, praysed him, and exhorted him to take the office of Caesars Priesthode, of the which he being very glad, sayde: ‘You shall remember me of this héereafter, if I shall be worthy of it,’ Caesars Priest­oode offered to Lepidue. ‘They that were hired, were the more instant for peace, bycause of the liberall spéech of the Priesthoode. Then sayde he, although it be vniust and wicked, yet will I doe it, bycause you will me.’ This said, he returned into the Senate house, where Dolabella all that time had bin importune for the continuance of his office. Antony gathering the peoples humor, looked ouer hym wyth a smiling countenance, and finding them to dissent among them­selues, and the people to doe nothing earnestly, hauing beholden all sufficiently, he determined to saue the mē, hiding one necessi­tie with another, that both they shuld be saued by especial grace, and that Caesars actes should be cōfirmed by decrée, & the Senates orders take effect: therfore silence being cōmanded, he sayd thus.

‘Of the Citizens offendoures (you men of equall honor) in this your consultation, I haue sayd nothing, but to them that contra­rywise A [...]t [...]ny to the Senate. desired a tryall of Caesar, I put forthe onely one of his de­crées, which hath not withoute cause kept you in contention tyll this time: for if we doe refuse those offices, we shall confesse so many worthy men, vnworthily to haue receyued them. Then cō ­sider that is not easie to be hard, and number in your mindes the Cities, the nations, the kingdomes, the regions, and (as I maye say) all things frō the East to the Weast, y Caesar had by his ver­tue vanquished for vs, and all that by his power subdued, the same by law, clemencie, and curtesie he made assured vnto hym. Which of these do you thinke wil beare to be depriued y things they haue enioyed, vnlesse you wil fyll all with warres, that are desirous to heale youre countrey that is nowe most féeble wyth disease. Those that be farre off, and kepte downe with feare and fight, I wil omitte to touch: but those that be not at hād only, and as I may say, euen at home through out all Italy, some haue re­ceyued rewards of victory, and by multitudes, with the armies, wherewith they serued, be of Caesar appoynted habitations by the same institution, whereof many a thousand be within this citie: what do you thinke they wil do, if you take from them that they [Page 151] had, or that they looked to haue of Cities and Countreys? Thys last night did shew vs an Image of this matter, for whē you did intreate for the offendoures, they on the contrary ranne aboute with threatnings. Do you thinke they can abide to sée Caesars bo­dy violated, torne & vnburyed (for these things by law are wente to be done againste Tyrants) whiche haue serued in the warres with him, and to haue the gayne gotten by the victories of France and England confirmed vnto them, when he that was the gyuer of them, is so despightfully handled? what thinke you the people of Rome will do? what thinke you the Italians? what hate shal you haue both of God and man, if you do so defile your empire, enlar­ged from the Oceane sea, to the people vnknowen: for you shall not lacke reproufe and blame for this youre inconstancie, more than they that thinke you worthy honor, that killed a Consull in the Counsell house, an holye man in an holy place, Senatoures being the doers in the sighte of the Gods, and dishonor him, that of his enimies is most honored: from these things as vnlawfull and not in your power, I do warne you to refrayne. Then thys sentence I giue, that Caesars actes and decrées doe remayne firme and stable, that the offenders be praysed in no wise, for it is not godly, iust, not consonant, Caesars actes being ratified, that of mer­cye onely you will pardon them for their friends and kinsfolkes sake, so as they do so accept it, and will of thē confesse it in thāke­ful part. When Antony had said this, with great contention and vehemency the decrée was made, all other being silent and con­tent:’ That there should be no action for Caesars death: That all his actes and decrées should be confirmed, so as they were commodi­ous for the citie. And this, with much adoe, did the friends of the Decrees. offendoures cause to be added for their safetie, that they were not more kepte for iustice sake, than for profite. Antony gaue place vnto it. These being decrées, they that were heads of men to be set in habitations, desired a priuate decrée by common authori­tie, that their places of inhabitance myghte bée made sure vn­to A decree for habitations. them, and Antony was not agaynste it, shewing some feare with the Senate. This decrée was made, and another like for them that went to their inhabitations.

[Page 152]The Counsell being thus broken vp, there were some that pers [...]oded Lucius Piso, to whome Caesar had lest his Testamente, [...] that it should neyther be brought forthe, nor his body buryed o­penly, [...] T [...]ment. least it mighte breede some newe tumult in the Citie. He being otherwise minded, was threatned to be called to aunswer, for that he defrauded the people of such substance due to the com­mon treasure, once agayne making signification of Tyrannie. ‘Then Piso cryed as lowde as he could, praying the Consuls that were yet present, to goe to counsell againe, and sayde. They that haue affirmed that one Tyrant is taken away, they in steede of [...] to the people. that one, be all Tyrants vnto vs, forbidding me to bury an holy Priest, & threaten me, if I bring forth his last will. They make confiscation of his goodes, as of a Tirant. His actes that maketh for them they ratifie, but those that he hath left for himselfe they reuoke, not Brutus and Cassius, but they that did incense them to this mischiefe. Of his Sepulture be you Lordes, of his Testa­ment, I will be, and shall not suffer him to be dectyued in my trust of faith, before some man taketh away my breath.’

Much stirre and businesse did rise of this among them all, and specially by them that supposed to get somewhat by his Testa­ment: therefore it was thought conuenient that his Testament should be brought abroade, and that his body shoulde be buryed Caesars Testa­ment. openly, and so the Counsell rose. Brutus and Cassius vnderstanding of this, did send to the multitude to call them to the Capitoll, and when many came running thither with greate hast, Brutus sayd thus. Nowe O Citizens, we be héere with you, that yester­day were in the common court, not as m [...] fleeyng to the Temple [...] to the people. that haue done amisse, nor as to a fort, hauing committed all wée haue to you, but the sharpe & strāge mishap of Cinna, haue cōpel­led vs thus to do. We haue herd what hath bin obiected against vs of oure enimies, touching the oth, and touching cause of doubt, y in peace can be no suretie. What we haue to say herein with you O Citizens, we will conferre, with whome we haue to do concerning other common matters.’ ‘When Caius Caesar frō France inuaded his Countrey with enimies armes, and Pompey, a singulare fauourer of the people, had suffered, as euery man [Page 153] knoweth: after hym a nūber of good Citizens wente into Iberia & Libya, & were destroyed. We at his desire gaue him security, and as it should séeme, afrayde of himselfe, seking to make his Tyrāny sure, we sware vnto it. If he had required vs to swere not only to confirme the things past, but also to haue bene hys slaues in time to come, what woulde they then haue done that nowe lie in wayte for our liues? I suppose verye Romaines in­déede, wyll rather choose certaine death, as they haue oft done, than by an othe to abyde willing seruitude. If Caesar hitherto haue gone aboute nothing to make vs seruile, we confesse we haue broken our othe: but if neyther offices in the Citie, nor prouinces in y country, nor armies, nor dignities of the church, nor assigning of inhabitance, nor other honours be left to vs, or had the cōsent of the Senate, or the allowance of the people, but did all by his owne commaundement: if his ambition was neuer satiate, as Syllas was, who, when he had ouerthrown his enemies, restored to vs the common wealth: if he making an­other armye for a long time, toke awaye our election for fiue yeares, what libertie was this, when no hope coulde appeare? what should we say of the peoples chiefe officers, Sesetius and Marullus, were they not with contumely thrust frō the sacred & inuiolate offices? and where the lawe and othe of our aunce­stours do not suffer any actiō to be made against y Tribunes, yet Caesar banished them and shewed no cause: whither thē haue offēded against the holy Tribunes, we, or Caesar? being a sacred and inniolate man, to whom, not willingly, but of necessitie, we graunted these things, nor before he came agaynst his country in armour, and had killed so many noble Citizens. The office of the Tribunes can not be holy nor inniolated, to the whiche our fathers in time of common welth dyd sweare without cō ­pulsion, with intent to haue it euerlasting. The reuenewe and accompt of the Empire, where became it? who brake open the Treasure house against our wills? who caught the money vn­touched and vnremouable? who thretned death to the Tribune that resisted him? but what oth (saye they) shall be sufficient to preserne peace? if there be no Tyranne, there needes no oth: our [Page 154] forefathers neuer had néede of anye. But if any other wil as­pire to tyrannie, there is no fayth, no not with an othe, between the Romames and a Tiranne. Thus we speake now in perill, and will euer speake it for our country. For being in honoure and safety with Caesar, we preferred the honour of our countrey before our owne: wel they vse calumniation againste vs and stirre you for the habitations. If here be any present, eyther y hath, or shalbe appointed to those inhabitance, I pray you do so much at my request as giue a token of your selues. Many dyd so: then sayde he: Oh well done (good men) that you be come to do as other do, and it is conuenient that you which indifferent­lye doe trauayle and laboure for youre countrey, shoulde receyue equal reward of the same. The people of Rome did ap­point you to Caesar againste the English and French men: it is therefore reason, that hauing done good seruice, you receyue as good rewards. But he bound you with oths and vnwillingly led you against the Citie: he led you likewise against the beste Citizens in Libya: likewise against your wils. If your trauayle had ben only in this, paraduenture you would haue bin asha­med to ashe recompence: but the seruice that you did in France and England, no enuie, no time, no obliuion of man, can put out of memorie: and for these, the beste recompence which the people was wont to giue to the old souldiers, not taking away mens landes or houses that had not offended, nor giuing to one that was an others, nor thinking they ought to recompence with iniustice, nor when they had conquered their enimies, to take away all their land, but made a particion, and appointed some of their souldiers to dwel there, as a garrison for the cō ­quered places, and many times when the Land that was won wold not suffise, they eyther diuided of the common, or bought more of newe: So did the people place you, without any others displeasure. But Sylla and Caesar who inuaded their countrey as enimyes, hauing néed of garde & garison vpon theyr countrey, dyd neyther send you to liue in any of your owne countryes, nor bought any land for you, nor bestowed that vpon you that they had got from other, nor vpon composition restored the ho­nours [Page 155] on them, from whome they were taken, althoughe they had the treasure and conquered lande, but toke from Italy that had not offended, nor done any thing amisse, by lawe of warre. or rather of robbery, lands, houses, Sepulchres and Temples, which we would not take from our greatest strange enimyes, only setting a ta [...]e of the tenth part vpon them: but they haue made diuition to you of that which was your owne countrey­mens, and them that sente you to serue Caesar in the Frenche wars, and made many vowes for your victories, and appoin­ted you by companies to conuenient dwelling places, with en­signes and discipline of Souldiours: So as you can neyther enioye peace, nor be sure of them that be thrust out, for who so euer is put out and spoyled of hys owne, he will remaine to spie a tune for to be euen with you. This was the cause why the Tirannes would not let you haue any land, which mighte haue bene giuen you by other meanes, that hauing euer eni­mies that laye in wayte, you shoulde be sure kepers of their power, whiche by iniustice did contine we yours. For, the good will that Tirans haue of their garde, is that they he as far in doing wrong, and feare, as themselues. And this they (O▪ God) d [...] cal a cohabitation, wherby lament of countreymen mighte be made, and insurrection, of them that haue done no wrong, & then for this purpose haue made vs enimies to our own coun­trey [...]olk [...], for the [...] singular profit [...] & we, whō now y chiefe offi­cers of y countrey, do say they saue vs for mercies sake, do con­firme pres [...]tly, & herafter wil confirme, y same to be bond to you for euer, of the which we take god to witnesse, that ye haue & shal haue al you haue had, & that none shall take it frō you: not Brutus, not Cassius, not they y for your liberties haue put al their selues in peril, & we y [...]e only accused in this matter, will saue our selues, & be to you & to your allied friends, a special cōfort, & y that is most pleasant to you to heare. At the first occasiō that shal be offered, we wil giue you the price for the land y is takē frō other, of the cōmon reuenew, that you shall not onely haue your setting setled, but also voyde of al e [...]combraunce.’

Whi [...]es Brutus thus spake, al the hearers cōsidering with thē selues that he spake nothing but right, did like them wel, & as [Page 156] men of courage and louers of the people, had them in great ad­miration, and were turned into their fauour, and determined to doe them good the next day▪ whiche being come, the Consuls called the people to an assembly, and repeated the opinions.

Then Cicero did speake very much in the prayse of forgetting Cicero. This forgetful­nesse vvas cal­led Amn [...]ftis af­ter the maner of the Gr [...] ans. Prutus and Cas­sius reconsiled vvith the Con­sulles. of iniuries, of the which they reioiced, and called Brutus and Cas­sius from the Temple. They desired pledges, to whom Lepidus & Antonies sonnes were sente. When Brutus & Cassius were séene, there was such a noyse, as the Consuls that would haue sayde somwhat, could not be suffered, but wer first required to shake hands and be at one, which they dyd. And the Consuls mindes were troubled with feare or enuye, that these men and their friends should preuayle in that common cause. Then was Ca­sars testament with the writings for the dispositiō of his goods, Casars testamēt. brought forth, which the people commaunded to be red. There Octauius. was Octauius his nephew by his sisters daughter, foūd to be his sonne by adoption: His gardings were giuen the people for so­lace, and to euerye Citizen of Rome that was present, seauentie fiue drāmes of Athens. Now was the people streyght turned This dramme vvas the value of a grote. to anger, being abused by the name of a Tyranne, that in hys testament had shewed most loue to his country. And one thing séemed most to be pitied, that Decimus Brutus, one of the killers Decimus Brutus heyre to Caesar in remaynder. was made his sonne among his second heyres: for the R [...]maines maner was, to their first heyres to adde the second, y if the first The people turned. take not, the fe [...]ōd may. With this they were much troubled, thinking it a wicked and abhominable an, that Decimus should conspire againste Caesar, whome hée had made one of his chil­dren.

Piso brought forth Caesars body, to the which, infinit numbers in armes ran, to kepe it, & with much noyse & pōpe, brought it to the place of spéech. There was much lamētation & weeping, ther was rushing of harnesse togither, with repentaunce of the forgetting of reuēgeance. Antony marking how they were af­fected, did not let it slippe, but toke vpon him to make Caesars [...]n­neral sermon, as Consul, of a Consul, friend, of a friend, & knif­man, of a kinsman (for Antony was partly his kinsman) and to [Page 157] vse craft againe. And thus he said:

‘I do not thinke it méete (O Citizens) that the buriall praise Antony of Caesa [...] of suche a man, should rather be done by me, than by the whole country. For what you haue altogither for the loue of hys ver­tue giuen him by decrée, aswell the Senate as the people, I thinke your voice, and not Antonies, oughte to expresse it.’

This he vttered with sad and heauy cheare, and wyth a fra­med voice, declared euerything, chiefly vpon the decrée, where­by he was made a God, holy & inuiolate, father of the country, benefactor and gouernor, and suche a one, as neuer in al things they entituled other man to y like. At euery of these words An­tonie directed his countenance & hands to Caesars body, and with vehemencie of words opened the fact. At euery title he gaue an addition, with briefe speach, mixte with pitie and indignation. And when the decrée named him father of the Country, then he saide: This is the testimony of our duety.

‘And at these wordes, holy, inuiolate and vntouched, and the re­fuge of all other, he said: None other made refuge of hym. But, he, this holy and vntouched, is kylled, not takyng honoure by violences whiche he neuer desired, and then be we verye thrall that bestowe them on the vnworthy, neuer suing for them. But you doe purge your selues (O Citizens) of this vnkindnesse, in y you nowe do vse suche honoure towarde hym being dead.’

Then rehearsing the othe, that all shoulde kéepe Caesar and Caesars body, and if any one wente about to betraye hym, that they were accursed that would not defende him: at this he extol­led hys voice, and helde vp his handes to the Capitoll, saying:

‘O Iupiter Countries defendour, and you other Gods, I am ready to reuenge, as I sware and made execration, and when it séemes good to my companions to allowe the decrées, I desire them to aide me. At these plaine spéeches spoken agaynst the Senate, an vpr [...]are being made, Antony waxed colde, and re­canted hys wordes. It séemeth (O Citizens) (saide hée) that the things done haue not bin the worke of men▪ but of Gods, and that we ought to haue more consideration of the present, than of the past, bycause the thyngs to come▪ maye bring vs to greater [Page 158] danger, than these we haue, if we shall returne to oure olde, and waste the reste of the noble men that be in the Cittie. Therfore let vs send thys holy one to the number of the blessed, and sing to him his due hymne and mourning verse.’

When he had saide thus, he pulled vp his gowne lyke a man Antoni [...] gesture in the time of the tunerall of Caesar. beside hymselfe, and gyrded it, that he might the better stirre his handes: he stoode ouer the Litter, as from a Tabernacle, looking into it, and epening it, and firste sang his Himne, as to a God in heauen. And to confirme he was a God, he held vp his hands, and with a swift voice, he rehearsed the warres, the fights, the victories, the nations that he had subdued to his Countrey, and the great [...]ooties that he had sent, making euery one to be a mar­uell Then with a continuall crie,

This is the only vnconquered of all that euer came to han [...]s with hym. Thou (quoth he) alone diddest reuenge thy countrey being iniured. 300. years, & those fierce nations that onely inua­ded Rome, & only burned it, thou broughtest them on their knées.

And when he had made these and many other inuocations, he tourned hys voice from triumphe to mourning matter, and began to lament and mone him as a friend that had bin vniustly vsed, & did desire that be might giue hys soule for Caesars. Then falling into moste vehement affections, vncouered Caesars body, holding vp his vesture with a speare, cut with the woundes, and redde with the bloude of the chiefe Ruler, by the which the peo­ple lyke a Quire, did sing lamētation vnto him, and by this pas­sion were againe repleate with ire. And after these spéeches, o­ther lamentations wyth voice after the Country custome, were sung of the Quires, and they rehearsed again his acts & his hap.

Then made he Caesar hymselfe to speake as it were in a lamē ­table sort, to howe many of his enimies he hadde done good by name, & of the killers themselues to say as in an admiratiō. Did I saue them that haue killed me? This the people could not abide, cal­ling to remembraunce, that all the kyllers (only Decimus except) were of Pompeys faction, and subdued by hym, to whom, in stead of punishment, he had giuen promotion of offices, gouernments of prouinces & armies, & thought Decimus worthy to be made his [Page 159] heyre & son by adoption, and yet cōspired hys death. While the matter was thus handled, and like to haue come to a fray, one Caesars shape shevved in vvaxe. shewed out of the Litter the Image of Caesar, made of ware, for hys vody it selfe lying flat in the Litter, could not be séene Hys picture was by a deuise turned about, & .xxiij. woūds wer shewed ouer al his body, & his face horrible to behold. The people séeing this pittifull picture, coulde beare the dolour no longer, but Change of peo­ples [...]des. The Senate house set a fire vvherein Caesar, vvas killed. One Cynna k [...] ­led an other. thronged togyther, and beset the Senate house, wherein Caesar was kylled, and set it a fyre, and the kyllers that fledde for their liues, they ranne and sought in euery place, and that so outragi­ouslye both in anger and dolour, as they kylled Cynna the Tri­bune being in name lyke to Cynna the Pretor that spake euill of Caesar, and wold not tarry to heare the declaration of his name, but cruelly tore him a peeces, and lefte not one parte to be put in graue. They caried fire against other mens houses, who manlye T [...]uite and rage of people▪ defending themselues,, and the neighbours entreating them, they refrayned from fyre, but threatned to be in armes the next day. Wherefore the strikers hid themselues, and fled out of the Citie. The people returned to the Litter, & caried it as an holye thing, to be buried in an holy place among the Gods, but bicause the Priests did deny it, they brought hym againe into the com­mon place, where the Pallaice of the old Kings were, and there, with al the bourds & tymber, which they could find in the place, which was muche, beside that euery man broughte of himselfe, with garlandes and other gifts of priuate persons, makyng a so­lemne Caesars f [...]uera [...] shew, they buryed the body, and abode al night about the fyre. In the whiche place, at the first was made an Altare, but nowe there is a temple of Caesar, where he is thought worthy di­uine A Temple to Caesar. honors. For his son by electiō, Octauius, taking the name of Caesar, & disposing the state after his example, which then takyng the beginning, & he excéedingly aduancing to the degrée it is now did thinke his father to deserue honors equall with the Gods, The Romaines vsed to giue di­uine honours [...] their princes. the which at this time hauing their originall, y Romaines now vse to giue the same to hym that ruleth the estate, vnlesse he be a Tyranne, or diffamed at his death, that in olde tyme could not suffer the name of a Kyng alyue.

[Page 160]Thus Caesar was killed, on the day which they cal the Ides of Marche, whiche daye of the Moneth, the Soothsayer sarde hée [...] in Marche she. 9. dayes fol­lovving the first 7. daies. shoulde not passe, at the whiche, he, in the morning mocked him, saying, the Ides be come: to whome he aunswered boldlye againe, but they be not yet gone. Caesar scorneth the Soothsaiers.

Thus hée despising as well the foresayings of this constāt Soothsayer, as all other tokens spoken of before, went abroad, & was killed y , lvj. yere of his age. A man most happy & fortunate in al his noble actions, and most like vnto Alexander the great, A comparison betvvene Alex­ander and Caesar. for they both were very ambitions, and valiant and swifte to execute their enterpryses, in perils moste bolde, of their bodies most carelesse, and did not more trust in Soldiours seruice, than in courage and fortune, of the which the one, in the heate of som­mer through places voide of water, went to Ammon, and ranne Ammon in the dserts o [...] [...] ­ [...]t, vvhere [...] ­p [...]ter gaue o [...] [...]les. In India at the pl [...]e called [...]. Pamphilia in Asia the lesse. ouer the gulfe of Pamphilia, of the crosse surgyng Sea, fortune staying the ragyng waues whiles he passed, and sendyyg hym rayne when he wente by lande, he assayde the Indian Sea that was not Nauigable. He was the firste that scaled a town, and alone mounted the enimies wall, & alone receyued .xiij. woūdes on his body, euer inuincible, and alwayes getting victory at the first or the second Battayle. He subdued manye barbarous na­tions Alexanders a [...]. in Europe, and ouercame the Grecians, a valiant people, and louing libertie, and before him, obeying none, but Philip, & that a litle whyle, for an honour to appeare in his feates of warre. Asia, (as a man may say) he ranged all ouer, and briefely for to tell his fortune and Empire, as much land as he saw, he gotte. And conceyuing and determining a Conquest of the rest in his mind, he was destroyed.

To Caesar the Ionian sea gane place in the middest of winter, and shewed it selfe cauline to his nauigation. He also sayled the Bryttaine Ocean, not attempted before, and fallyng vpon the C [...]s [...]s a [...]. rockes of Englande, he had the shipmayster runne a shore and [...]itte their shippes. In an other sea, striuing with the streame alone in the night in a little boate, he badde the Mayster let the sayles go to the winde, and trust more in Caesars fortune, than in the Sea. Against his enimses alone he hath lepte many tymes. [Page 161] and all the reste haue bin afraide. He alone did fighte with the Frenche thirtie times, til he had subdued fourtie nations of thē, whiche were so terrible to the Romaines, as olde and holy men, Al ages and de­grees must striue against the frēch. by lawe were priuiledged from warre, except when the French enimie came, for then both horse and olde men muste go foorth. At Alexandria, being left alone to fight on the bridge, and beset on euery side, he threwe off his purple, and leapte into the sea, and being sought of hys enmmies, he diued in the bottome a greate while, and only sometime rose to take breath, til a friend­ly shippe came nighe hym, to whome he helde vp his hands, she­wed himselfe, and was saued.

Falling into the ciuill wars, eyther for feare, (as he did say) or for desire of rule, hée didde matche wyth the valiauntest Cap­taines in his tyme, in many and great battailes, not Barbari­ans onelye, but also Romaines, whiche in manhoode and fortune dydde excel, and ouercame them all, eyther at the firste or at the seconde battatle. Hys armye not being inuincible, as Alex­anders, Caesar had los [...]e sometymes. for in France, C [...]tta and Titurus hys lieutenants were eui­dently ouercome with a greate losse, and in Spaine, Petreius and Aff [...]anius helde hym besieged. In Dyrrachio and Libya, they fled fowly awaye, and in Spaine they were afraide of young Pompey. But Caesar himselse was euer voide of feare, and in the ende of euerye warre, had the victorie.

The Romaine Empire from the weaste to the floude Euphra­tes, Euphrates [...] floud of Macedonia, running into the redde Sea by Babylon. by force, or by fayre meanes he obtayned, muche surer and stronger than Sylla.

He shewed hymselfe to be a King in spight of them al though he woulde not receiue the name. And he also hauing made deter­mination of other warre, was taken away. Besyde forth, their armies were alike: prompte to them bothe with a beneuolente minde: and in sighte, of lyke fiercenesse: disobedient many times to them both, and ful of sedition for their long laboures. Neuer­thelesse, when they were deade, bothe after one sorte did lament and mone, and thought them worthy diuine honors. They were both in body of good complexion and fayre: bothe of them hadde [Page 162] their petigrée from Iupiter, Alexander from Aeacide and Her­cules, Caesar and Alex­ander lyke. and Caesar from Anchises and Venus. As both were desirous to conquere with whome they contended, so easy to be entreated and to forgiue them whom they had subdued, and beside forgiue­nesse, woulde do them good also, séeking nothing else but victory.

Thus farre they were alyke, but in rising to their rule, they were not of lyke power: for the one rose from a Kingdome en­creased Alexander and Caesar vnlyke. by hys father Phillip, the other from a priuate estate, yet noble and renoumed, and very néedy of mony. Of tokens, whiche to them both were great, they were alyke contemners, yet ney­ther of them angrye wyth the Diuiners, that didde foreshewe their death. The tokens were like many times to them both, & to like effect. Twice to them bothe were vnluckye signes, in the whiche the first shewed to them both doubtfull danger. Alexan­der These people be of India and called Malli of Plu [...]a [...]th. among the Oxidi [...]nes, scaling the wall before the Macedonians, being vtterly destitute by breaking of the ladders, leapte boldly among hys enimies within, where he was sore hurt in y e breast, & in the necke, & beaten down with a mighty mace, so as he was Perill of Alex­ander. hardely saued by the Macedonians, that for very shame burste o­pen the gates. Caesar in Spaine, when his army was very feareful Perill of Caesar. of Pompey the young, and refused to go to the fight, can betwéene them both, & receyued .ij. C. dartes vpon his Target, his armye ran in for feare and shame, and saued hym. So the firste vnluc­ky sacrifices didde signifie perill of death to them both, and the seconde, death it selfe indéede.

Pythagoras a Soothsayer, tolde Apollodorus that was afraide of Alexander and Ephestion, that he shoulde not néede to feare, for by the sacrifice, he founde that both of them shoulde shortely bée dead. And comming to passe, that Ephestion died by and by after, Apollodorus was afraide that some treason had bin wroughte a­gainste the King, and tolde hym what the Soothsaier had sayde: [...]e smiled, and asked of Pythagoras what the token did pretende, he aunswered the laste day, whereat he smyled agayne, and thanked Apollodorus of hys faithfulnesse, and the Soothsayer of his con­fidence. To Caesar (as we haue sayde) the laste tyme that hée [Page 163] wente into the Senate, the same tokens happened. Whereat he laughed, and saide: The like was séene in Spaine, and when the Diuinour aunswered, that then he was in daunger, but nowe the token signifieth more certaine death, then r [...]lenting some­what to this free spéeche, he sacrificed againe, till he tarryed so long aboute the sacrifices, that he was angry, and went in and was kylled.

The like happened to Alexander when he came from India to Babylon with his army, where being nigh, the Chaldeans exhor­ted hym to refraine at this presente, to whome hée rehearsed a verse.

‘The best Prophet is he, that coniectu [...]eth honestly.’

Then the Chaldeans warned hym the second tyme, not to go wyth his army on y weast side, but to compasse & take the City Alexander con­temneth tokens. on the Easte, and stay there: with that (they say) he was content, and beganne to go about, but being angry at the moory and fen­ny way, he contemned the seconde warning, and went in at the Euphrates▪ & Pallacotta, floudes. Weaste. Then he sayled vpon Euphrates to the floud Pallacotta, that receyueth Euphrates, and runneth into the Fennes, whereby Assyria is kept from ouer-flowing. He minded to haue defended thys floud with a wall, and whiles he was sayling vpon it, they say he scorned the Chaldeans, bycause he safely had entred Babylon, and was come forth againe to saile, but it was but deferred till he came againe, for then he dyed out of hande.

The lyke contempt Caesar séemed to vse, for the Soothsayers Caesar contem▪neth tokens. hadde appoynted the daye of hys death▪ and saide hée shoulde not passe the Ides of March: & when that day was come, he laughed at hym, and sayd, the Ides were come, but that very day he was kylled. Both they despised y Prophe [...]es alyke, but were not an­gry with the Prophets, yet they both dyed as they were tolde. They were both studious of learning and vertue, aswel of their own coūtry, as of Gréek & other strāgers. Alexāder delighted in [Page 164] the Brachmanes, whiche among the Indians be reputed moste lear­ned Prachm [...]es vver the vvise Philo­sopers of India, chosen to it by consent. and wise men, as the Magies among the Persians. Caesar dealte with the Aegiptians, when he putte Cleopatra in hys kyngdome, wherby he directed many ciuil things in Rome: & among other, he turned the order of the yeare, being without certaintie, bycause of the odde moneths (for they measured it by the Moone) to the course of the Sunne, as the Aegiptians doe. It was hys happe that none dydde escape that soughte hys death▪ but by hys heyre receyued worthye punishemente, as Alexander dydde them, that kylled Phil­lippe hys father. Howe that was done the bookes in order shall declare. (⸪)

The end of the second booke of Ciuill dissentions.

The thirde Booke of Ciuill Dissention.

THus C. Caesar, y t was most worthy of rule among y e Romaines, was slayn of his enimies, & buried of the people Of al his killers punishment, & how the best of them soonest receyued it, this Booke & the next shal declare, & likewise comprehende al the other Ciuill strifes, that the Romaines had among thēselues.

The Senate blamed Antony for the funerall of Caesar, by [...] [...] the [...] ­te [...]feyte [...]. the which the people was so stirred, as they did forthwith de­spise the law of Obliuion, and ranne with fire to the houses of the strykers. This vnkindnesse, with one inuention, he turned into beneuolence. Amatius, a coūterfaite Mariane, pretending to be Marius sonne, was for that name accepted of the people, & by this counterfaiting, being taken as a kinsman to Caesar, he made most mone for his death, and set vp an Aulter where he was buried. He had a rowte of R [...]ians about him, & was e­uer terrible to the killers, of the whiche some were fled out of the citie, and so many as had by Caesar, the gouernment of pro­uinces, were gone to their charges. Decimus Brutus was gone Lombardy. Asia the [...]esse. to Fraunce next Italie: Trebonius into Asia aboute Ionia: Tullius Cimber into Bythinia. But Cassius & Marcus Brutus with whome the Senate bare most, and were likewise chosen of Caesar to be Presidents for the yéere to come▪ as Cassius in Syria, & Brutus in Macedonia, being yet officers in Rome, of necessitie and law, (as Pretors) must attend vpon the dispatch of thē that should haue places appointed to liue in, & gaue audience to anye other that made su [...]e to sell the partes of their places, which by law was forbiddē to be done within .xx. yeres. With these Amatius did conspire, & only e [...]pected occasiō. At the talke of this cōspiracy. Antony, as Consul, came vpon them, & apprehended Am [...]io, & A [...]o put to death by Antony. without iudgemēt, put him to death very stoutly. The Senate marueled at this matter, as great & beside law, yet the commo­ditie of it, they embraced very ioyfully: for without such stout­nesse, they thought Brutus & Cassius could not be in safetie. The companions of Amatius and other people with them, for the [Page 166] loue of him, were much greued at this fact, chiefly that Antony should so dispatche one that was honoured of the people. They could not abide so to be despised, wherefore, with shoutes they went crying out of Antony, & commaunded the Magistrate to erect an aulter to Amatio, & there to make the firste sacrifice to Caesar. They were driuen out of the common place by the soul­diours The [...]o [...]ice [...] of Ama [...] pu­nished. that were sent of Antony, wherewith they were more greued and made greater noyse: some of them brought forth the settles of Caesars pictures pulled downe, and whereas one sayde he could bring them to a shop where his images were defaced, they straight way followed him, & when they saw it, they set al a fire, till other were sent of Antony which killed parte of thē that stoode to their defence, and parte they tooke, & as many as were bonde they hanged, and the frée men, they threw downe headlong: and thus, this tumult ceased. But extréeme hate of excéeding loue, was now wrought in the people, agaynst An­tony. The Senate was glad, as though there was none other feare to be had touchyng Brutus and Cassius.

And further, where Antony purposed to call home Sextus Antony preten­deth to call home yong Pompey. Pompey, sonne to Pompey the great, who yet was loued of al mē, out of Spayne, where still he made warre with Caesars Capi­taynes, and for his fathers goods confiscate, to giue him of the common, fiue thousand millions of Drammes of Athens, and Millions be here ten thou­sande. to make him admirall of the sea as his father was, and to vse the Romaine nauies, where so euer they were, to al occasions: The Senate not a litle marueled▪ & accepted his offer, spending an whole day in the prayse of Antony, for they knewe no man more accepted, nor better beloued of the people than Pompey.

Brutus and Cassius the most honorable of all other, & of Pom­peis faction, thought to holde their safetie with sure hande, and that the course that they had takē should preuayle, and the peo­ples authoritie be surely cōfirmed, and that their estate should Cicero prayseth Antony. The Senate gi­ueth a garde to Antony. stande. Cicero for this, made continuall prayse of Antony, and the Senate consideryng that the people euidently did meane euill to him, gaue him leaue to chose him a gard for his person of the olde Souldiours that resorted to him: he, eyther bycause [Page 167] he had done all to this ende, or for that he would embrace this occasion so fauourable, picked out at length a garde of .vj. M. Antony choseth a legion for his garde. not of the common Citizens, whom he knew he might haue at his pleasure at any other time, but of all the leaders and Cap­taynes of experience and estimation in Caesars army. Of these, hée chose chiefe officers in comely order, whome he vsed hono­rably, and made them partakers of ordinary Counsels. The The Senate in a ielousie of Antony. Senate dryuen into a iealousie for this number and choyse, counsayled hym to reduce this garde as enuious, to a conue­uient number: he promysed so to doe, when he had quieted the tumultes of the people.

Nowe where by decrée he had stablished all that Caesar had done and would doe, and had the wrytings of memoriall in his Phaberius▪ in the Greeke. Taberius in the Latten. custodie, and [...]aberius Caesars Secretary at his commaunde­ment, for Caesar goyng away, lefte all his determinations with Antony, he added many things to the behoofe of many men: he gaue graunts to Cities, Princes, and to his owne garde. And he made knowne to all them, that coulde clayme any thyng by Caesars assignation, that they takyng the benefite, might yéelde Antony abuset it Caesars testamēt. him the thankes, and by this meane he brought many into the Senate and degrée to himselfe, & the other, he wan with faire promise, that they did no more maligne agaynst his garde.

Brutus & Cassius perceiuing nothing, neither of the people, nor of the soldiours to appeare peaceable for thē, neither vnlikely but y cōspiracie of Amatio might be done against thē by some other, neither well abiding variable Antony, that bare himself so boldly of his army, nor seyng that the peoples rule could be cōfirmed by these doings, but suspecting that Antony wrought against it, they put their chiefe trust in Decimo, who had thrée Legions, lying in the sides of Italy. They wrote secretely to Trebonius in Asia, and to Tullius in [...]ythinia, to gather money closely, and loke aboute for an armye. They were desirous to take the prouinces that Caesar had appointed thē, but y time did not yet suffer them. They thought it not conuenient to leaue their office in the Citie, before the end of the same, and to run into suspition of desire of rule of nations. They chose rather for [Page 168] their necessitie, to spende the meane time, as priuate men, than to be officers in the Citie, where they could neyther be sure of themselues, nor do anye thing to their honour, in the seruice of their countrey. Being in this case, and the Senate perceyuing their minde, they thought good to make thē purueyers of grain [...] and Cas­sius made pur­ueyers. for the Citie, from euery countrey, til the time might serue thē to take the charge of their prouinces: and thus they did, that Brutus and Cassius shoulde not séeme to flée. So great a care and reuerence was there of them, that for them chiefly they mayn­tained the other killers. When Brutus and Cassius wer gone out of the Citie, and Antony nowe alone ruled all, he coueted the presidentship of some prouince, and the armye therof: he was chiefly desirous of Syria, but knowing he was alredy suspected, he thought he should be more, if he required any, for the Senat had secretly wrought Dolobella to be against him, who was the other Consul, and always at strife with Antony. Antony seing that Dolobella was a yong man and ambitious, perswaded him to aske Syria, in Cassius place, and their army that was made a­gainste the Parthians, but not to aske it of the Senate, (for that was not expedient) but of y people, by a law. He was perswa­ded by and by, and propounded the lawe. The Senate aleaged that he brake Caesars actes: he answered, that the war of Parthi [...], was appointed to no man by Caesar, and that Cassius, who was sent to Syria, was the first that had altered Caesars decrées, in gi­uing leaue to them that wer assigned dwellings in the coūtry, to sel their portions before twenty yeares determined by law: A de [...]ice to [...] [...]. & that he could not take it wel, being Dolobella, not to be thought worthy of Syria, before Cassius. The Senate persuaded Asprin [...] one of the Tribunes, to find a fault in the assebly by some tokē, hoping that Antony would haue allowed it, being Consul, and officer of the tokens, and stil (as they thought) at variance with Dolobella.

The electiō now being come, & Asprina affirming the tokē to be vnlucky, & then the maner was to send other into it, Antony was angry at the subtilty, & cōmaunded the cōpanies to make choyce for Dolobella. And so was Dolabella made president of Dolabella presi­dent of Syria. [Page 169] Syria, and generall of the army against the Parthians, and of the legions that Caesar had gathered for this purpose, and left in Ma­cedonia. This was the first time that Antony séemed to fauoure Dolabella. This being done of the people, Antony required Mace­donia Macedonia [...] to Antony. of the Senate, thinking they would be ashamed to denye it him, séeing Dolabella had Syria, and nowe voyde of an office. The Senate gaue it him vnwillingly, and maruelled that he woulde deliuer the armye that was there to Dolabella, whome yet they Cyrene a Citie and a prouince in Affrica, novv Corciria. Creta, an Ilande in the middest of the Sea, novv Candia. Syrene and Creta to Brutus and Cassius. Octauius Caesars nephevv, at Va­lona, vvhich is on the other side of the gulfe of Venice. were glad shoulde haue it before Antony. Nowe Brutus friendes thought good to aske Antony other prouinces for Brutus and Cas­sius, so Cyrene and Creta was giuen them, or as some saye, both Creta and Syrene to Cassius, and Bythinia to Brutus. And these were the doings at Rome.

Octauius, Caesars sisters nephew, was made of Caesar generall of the horsemen for one yeare, and this honor Caesar vsed to gyue to his friends from yeare to yeare. He being yet yong, was sent of Caesar to Velona to apply his booke, and to be trayned in feates of warre, there to remayne whilest he wente againste his enimies, and to exercise himselfe with the bands of Horsemen that came from Macedonia, with other great Captaynes of the armie that resorted thither to visit hym, as Caesars kinsman, whereby he was knowen to many, and wanne the loue of the army, for he recey­ued them that came to him with great curtesie. Hauing bin now sixe monethes in Velona, about the euening, it was told that Caesar was slayne in the Senate house, of them that he loued best, and might doe most with hym. Of further matter nothyng being yet tolde, he stoode in feare and doubt, whether it were the whole publike worke of the Senate, or some priuate practise, or whe­ther the doers were punished of the more parte, or whose acte it was, or whether the multitude did ioyne with them. After thys, his friendes sente to hym from Rome, wishing him to goe to the host of Macedonia for his suretie, in the which place, after it shuld be knowen, that it was no common fact, he might be a terror to his enimies, in reuenging of Caesar, and diuers of the Captaynes promised him, that if he woulde come to them, they woulde sée hym safe. His Mother, and Philip his Father in lawe wrote vn­to [Page 170] him, to take nothing vpon him, nor to be encouraged, re­membring that after Caesar hadde ouercome his enimies, he was thus vsed of his déerest friendes. The priuate life at this prosent Octauius sayleth into Italy. was further off from perill, and nowe rather to be chosen, and if he were with them at Rome, he should be well kept. Octauius by these persuaded, without further knowledge, what was done after Caesars deathe, embracing the Captaynes, sayled ouer the Ionian Sea, not taking land at Brunduse, bycause he did not trust the army that was there, and therefore was well ware: but at another Citie not farre off, called Lupio, where he stayed, and receyued Lupio Iezze, a port Tovvne. aduertisementes from his friends, of Caesars deathe, of the peoples tumult, of the publication of his testamente, and of the orders taken, and was aduised to beware of Caesars enimies, by­cause he was named his sonne and heire, & counselled him not to take the inheritance vpon him. But he thinking it a dishonor, as wel of this, as not to reuēge Caesars death, wēt to Brunduse, sēdyng afore to search, that there should be none of the strikers in anye awaite. The army of that place did méete him, and receyued him as Caesars sonne, where with good courage he made sacrifice, and The army at Brunduse recey­ueth Octauius. Adoption. straightway accepted the name of Caesar, for the Romaines vsed to giue their name to them whome they made their children by a­doption, which he did not only admitte, but changed his name frō Octauius, Octauius sonne, to Caesar, Caesars sonne, which continued till his ende. By and by was there great repaire of mē to him, some as Caesars friendes, some as his seruantes, and fréemade men, and Octauius recey­ued the name of Caesar. some souldioures with them, some bringing preparation & mo­ney toward Macedonia, and some other reuenues of other prouin­ces to Brunduse. He then trusting vpon the multitude that came vnto him, and in Caesars glory, and in the beneuolence of all mē to him, tooke his iourney toward Rome, accompanyed with a conue­nient number, which dayly like a streame did increase, being safe from open force, by the multitude of people, not without suspitiō of deceypt, bycause all that came with him almost were of newe acquaintāce, and euery citie did not fauour him. But Caesars soul­dioures, and such as were by his appoyntmēt placed, came from Resort to yong Caesar. the habitations to the fauour of this yong man. They lamented [Page 171] for Caesar, and complayned of Antony that woulde not reuenge so great a mischiefe, affirming that they, if any man woulde be their guide, would reuenge his death. Octauius Caesar gaue them great prayse, and willed thē to be quiet for the time, and came to Ter­racina, about fiftie miles from Rome, where it was told him, that [...]. Syria and Macedonia was taken from Brutus & Cassius by the Con­suls, and that to comforte them, Creta and Syrene were graunted them, and that certayne banished men were reuoked, and that Pompey was restored, and that many were made Senatoures by Caesars determination, and diuers other things. Being come to Rome, his mother, & Philip, and their friendes came vnto him, and againe prayed him, not to dissente from the Senate, bycause it was decréed, that there shoulde be no question of Caesars deathe. Further, they feared Antony and his power, who neyther came himselfe to méete Caesars sonne, nor sent any man to receyue hym, all the whiche Octauius tooke very temperately, and said, it was In desire of Octauius. méete that he should goe first to Antony as a yong man to an el­der, and a priuate man to a Consul, and that he would obserue y Senate as should be conuenient. ‘And though (quoth he) there be a decrée, that no man should persecute the killers, and yet if anye mā durst take it in hand, bath the people and the Senate by law, and the goods by iustice, yea and peraduenture Antony also wyll be helps to it, & if he did refuse the inheritāce & adoptiō, he should offend againste Caesar, & defraude the people of their distribution. In the end he knit vp his spéech, that it was not onely honest for him, to put himselfe in dāger for this matter, but also if néede be, to lose his life, otherwise he should séeme vnworthy the choyce y Caesar had made of him in so great matters, séeing he himself was wont to contemne all maner of perill. Then turning to his mo­ther, Octauius vvords to his mother. he rehearsed those words that Achilles spake to Thetis.

I do rather wish of my life an ende,
Than I should omitte reuengement of my friend.

This word (quoth he) did winne Achilles immortall fame, but much more the déede, and that he ought to reuenge Caesar, not as a friende, but as a father: not as a fellowe Souldiour, but as a Generall: not dying by lawe of warre, but murthered [Page 172] wickedly in the Senate house. For this spéeche, his mother, from feare, turned to you, embraced him, affirming he only was wor­thy for Caesar. This talke being ended, she prayed that all myghte haue lucky and prosperous successe with spéede, yet she perswa­ded him at the firste, rather to vse policie and sufferance, than playnenesse and boldnesse, when he commending hir, aunswered he would so do. In the nighte, he sent to his friendes, and prayed them the nexte morning to be with him in the cōmon place wyth the other multitude. In that place méeting with Caius Antonius, brother to Marcus Antonius, a Pretor of the Citie, he sayde vnto him, that he did accept the adoption of Caesar, for it was the man­ner Adoption. of Rome, that the adopted children should exhibite testimonie to the Pretors, which beyng registred, he straighte wente out of the common place to Antony the other Con [...]ull, who was then in Pompeys gardings, whiche Caesar had giuen him: and when hée had tarryed at the gate a long whyle, he entred into a suspition The meeting o [...] Octauius and Antony. of Antonies alteration. Being at length lette in, due salutations and intretaynmēts were betwéene them, and bycause they must talke of things that were expedient, Octauius Caesar sayd thus.

‘I (Father Antony) for the benefites that Caesar shewed to thée, Octauius Orati­on to Antony. and the thankes thou gauest to him, requiring thée to be a father to r [...]e, do prayse thée for the things thou hast done for him, and I will be thy debtor of thankes for them, but wherein I maye blame thée, I will speake it frankely, for dolor doth thereto driue me. When he was slayne, thou wast not present, the quellers holding thée withoute the dores, for eyther shouldest thou haue saued him, or haue bin in the like daunger thy selfe: of the whych if the latter must haue happened. It is well now that thou wast absente. When some decréed them to be honored as againste a Tyrant▪ thou denyedst it effectually, for the whych I know thou [...] as a succes­sour of his [...] is they [...]. deseruest cléere thankes: but if thou knowest that those men did conspire thy death, not as one that woulde reuenge Caesar (as we thinke) then were they not Tyrantkillers, and for that they fled to the Capitoll, as to a Sanctuary like offendors crauing mer­c [...]e, or into a sorte, as enimies for their strength, wherefore obli­uion and acquitall of the murther, was required for thē, though [Page 173] some of the Senate or the people were corrupted of them, and if thou hadst bin otherwise minded, thy office did require thee to punish so great a fault, and to correct them that did erre, yet did­dest thou send pledges of thine owne into the Capitoll, for the as­surance of the manquellers. Well, graunt the corrupted sort did force thée to it, but when Caesars Testament was redde, and thou madest his funerall Oration as righte was, and the people for the fresh memorie of Caesar, carryed a fire againste them, and for their neyghboures sake, spared them: and agayne, they were in armes twice the next day, why didst not thou help the people as their leader, with fire or armoure, to punishe the murtherers? if any punishment ought to be of them that are euident offendors, by thée, a friende to Caesar, a Consull, and Antony. Marius Ama­tius, by commaundement of thy great power, was put to deathe, but the quellers thou susferedst to slée, and to runne to certayne prouinces, which wrongfully they holde, hauing killed him that gaue them. Syria and Macedonia, thou and Dolabella, doyng well, when thinges were setled, tooke from them, for the whiche I would thanke thée, if thou hadst not straight appoynted them to Creta and Cyrene, and thought fugitiues worthy prouinces, euer to be as garrisons against me. Decimus hauyng France our ney­bour, you haue suffered, he also being made ruler of that, and o­ther by my father, but some will say, the Senate did determine it, yea and thou didst confirme it, and satest as chiefe in that Se­nate, the which thou chiefly of all others for thy selfe, oughtest to haue resisted. To giue them obliuion of their faul [...]o, was as a granting only of their liues, but to assigne prouinces and honor, was a contumelie of Caesar, and an ouerthrow of the iudgement. Therefore as passion dothe carrie me peraduenture beyonde the due respect of my yeares and reuerence to thée, I will speake it, both as to a sure friende of Caesar, and of him, though worthye much honor and power, and also, as to one, that mighte haue bin his heire, if he had knowen that thou hadst come of Aeneas, ra­ther than Hercules, for that did he muche consider, when he tooke order for his succession. But for the tyme to come, O Antony, for the Gods of friendship, and for the dutie to Caesar, if thou wilt [Page 174] change any of the things done, as thou must if thou wilt, if not, at the least help to further me, that minde to be reuenged of y e quel­lers, with the people, and such of my fathers friends as I haue: and if any respect of men, or of the Senate doth moue thée, be not angry with me. Thou knowest what a charge I and my house haue about these matters, for the performing of the distribution that my father gaue to the people, and for the care thereof, that by delaying of them, I might not séeme vnthankefull, nor they y t should receyue habitations in the countrey, shoulde be consumed by me, tarrying in the Citie. Of al that was to thée brought im­mediately after y e death of Caesar, to be in safetie for danger of his house, the iewels & apparel, I thinke good thou shalt haue, and al other things which thou wilt, but for the distributiō, giue me the coyned gold which he had gathered for his determinate warres, which shall suffice me to deuide amōg thrée hūdred thousand mē. The residue of the charges, if I may be so bold, I will eyther of thée, or by thy helpe, borowe it of publike money, and forthwith make sale of my priuate substance. Whilest Caesar spake thus, Antony was astonished at his courage and boldnesse, farre be­yond the opiniō of his yeares, and being gréeued with his spéech made without reuerence of him, & specially for that he required the money, he answered him sharply after this manner.’

‘If Caesar, togither with his inheritāce and name (O sonne) had Antonyes aun­svvere to [...]. left thée also the state, thou mightest well haue required an ac­compt of common things, and I must haue aunswered: but if the Romaines haue by oth decréed, that no man shall receyue rule by inheritance, nor no man be a successour to Kings, whome they did expell, whiche was chiefly obiected againste the father of the quellers, affirming they killed him as a King, and not as a Cap­tayne, I ought not to aunswere thée touching any of these pub­like causes, and by the same reason, I do deliuer thée of the gy­uing of thankes, whiche thou owest to me therefore, for it was done not for thy sake, but for the peoples, yet one of the grea­test actes that euer was done for Caesar, and for thée: for if I of mine owne boldnesse and hate to them, had ouerpast the honors [Page 175] for the strikers as killers of a Tyrante, Caesar had bin iudged a Tyrant, to whome, neyther glory, nor honor, nor establishmente of his actes had bin made, neyther Testament, sonne, or substāce had bin stayd, nor his bodye bin thought worthy buriall, no not as a priuate man, for the law doth commaund the bodyes of Ty­rants to be cast vnburied, their memorie to be raced, and theyr goodes to be made common, all the which I fearing, did contend for Caesars immortall glorye, and for his publike buriall, neyther without perill nor enuie of mine owne person, of men fierce and full of bloudshed, and as thou mayst know, conspiring agaynste me, and of the Senat that could euill beare thy fathers gouerne­ment: but I thought rather to offer my selfe to peril and trouble, than to suffer Caesar to be dishonored and vnburyed, the best of all other men, most fortunate in his affaires, and of all other vsing me most honorably. By these mine onely perils, thou hast pre­sently these singulare benefites of Caesar, his bloud▪ his name, hys dignitie, and his substance, for all the whyche, thou oughtest ra­ther to giue me thankes, than to reprehende me for anye thyng done for the appeasing of the Senate, for the recompence of such as had deserued, or for other commodities and considerations, séeyng thou art yong in respect to me: therefore this shall be suf­ficient, for that thou spakest héerein. Thou doest glance at mée, as though I were desirous of rule only, which I neuer coueted, and yet haue bin thought not altogither vnworthy of it. Thou sayest I am sory, for that I was not made heire by his testa­ment, yet by thine owne confession, I am content with the peti­grée of Hercules. For thy necessitie, that thou wouldest borrow of the common treasure, I thinke thou didst but dissemble, bycause thou canst not be ignorant, that all is cōsumed, & that thy father had y e receypt of all the reuenue, since he came to his authoritie, being brought to him in steade of y e treasure house, & to be found in his substance, whē we had determined to search for thē. This cā be no wrōg to Caesar being dead, nor be called vniust, though he wer aliue, y t being required, would yéeld thée accōpts: & whē thou shalt find y e many priuate men will cōtend w t thée for hys goodes, thou shalt wel perceiue thou c [...]st not obteine thē without great [Page 176] controuersie. As for the money which thou sayest was left wyth me, neyther was the summe so greate, nor nowe they be in my handes, for all were distributed to officers and magistrates, as Tyrants goodes, Dolabella and my bréethren onely excepted, and by me bestowed vpō such purposes, as Caesar had appointed: & whē thou shalt haue the rest, thou shalt bestow it rather vpon thē that may hinder thée, thā on the people, if thou béest wise, whome they will sende away (if they be wise) to their habitations. For the people as thou oughtst to know (being lately trayned in Gréeke letters) is vnstable, and euer mouing as waues in the Sea, now People vn­stable. comming, now going. After the which sorte, the people haue set alo [...]te oure ambitious men, and broughte them downe as lowe agayne.’

Octauius beyng gréeued with many of these things that tended to contumelie, wente his way, often calling vpon his fathers name. He put to sale his whole substance by and by that came Octauius selleth [...] substance. vnto him by inheritance, coueting to winne the people by thys liberalitie, bycause Antony appeared a manifest enimie vnto him. The Senate intending to make enquirie by decrée for the publike treasure, many of them were afrayde of yong Caesar, for the beneuolence of his father had with the Souldyers and the people, and for the present large [...]e in alluring of them, by consu­ming of his substance which was verye greate, many thinkyng that he woulde not liue in the rate of a priuate man, and chieflie for that Antony woulde agrée with him, bycause he was yong, famous, and rich, and would still vsurp Caesars former dominion. Some were ioyfull of these things, that these men shoulde be at variance, and by the inquisition of the moneys, Caesars ryches should wast, and they haue abundance of the common treasure, bycause muche of the publike store would be found among Cae­sars goodes. Manye of them called Caesar into the lawe for their lands, euery one clayming his owne, and for that muche was common, by reason of condemned, banished, and attaynted men. These controuersies they brought before Antony, or before Do­labella, the other Consul. If any matter were heard before other Judges▪ Caesar had euer the worst, bycause of Antonyes friend­ship, [Page 177] albeit he shewed by record what his father had purchased, & that al his acts were ratifyed by the last decrée of the Senate. Many other actions of iniurie were put vp againste him extra­ordinarily, and they grew infinit, in so much as Pedius and Pina­rius, to whom Caesar had giuen a portion of land, complayned of Antony for thēselues and for Caesar, as they that suffered wrōg by the Senates decrée, affirming he ought to reiect onely mat­ters of despight, and al other of Caesars doings he should confirm. He answered, that things done peraduēture, had some contra­rietie with the Senates decrée, and (quoth he) the decrée may be written contrary to the meaning. For where only obliuion of iniuries was graunted, there was no alteratiōs of the former procéedings, neyther for his sake, nor to be playne, for anye of their sakes, rather than a deuice to apea [...]e and stay the people which was in tumulte, and that it were more iuste to vse the meaning of the decrée, rather than the wordes: neyther was it méete to resist so many men, that by sedition were fallen from their owne, or their auncestours possessions, for one yong man that beyonde all hope had gotten so muche of other mens sub­staunce, and none of his owne, vsing fortune not for honoure, but for insolencie. Yet he sayd he would fauour them, whē they had diuided with Caesar. Thus did Antony answere Pinarius, who streight made diuision, least their partes shoulde be consumed in sutes, not for themselues but for Caesar, whom not long after they must gratify in all.

The time of playes drew nygh, which Caius Antonius, bro­ther to Antony, should exhibite for Brutus as Pretor, being ab­sent, Playes for Brutus. in as good sortas might be, bicause Brutus had made great preparation for the same, thinking by this liberality & pastime, the people would be wonne to cal him and Cassius home again. But now Caesar working y e multitude to the contrary, did giue among the ambitious sort (as euery man first came) al the mo­ney that he had got by his sale, to preuent the others whole purpose. He went into euery common market, commaunding to be proclamed, y t they should sel al his goods, thoughe that he had were neuer so good cheape, bycause of the doubtful and sus­pitious [Page 178] controuersie of the lawe and of his harte. Where­by hee turned all the people to beneuolence and pitie, as vn­worthye to suffer so muche. For whereas beside his owne he­ritage he had solde his priuate substaunce that ca [...]e to him by his father Octauius, or by any other waye, and all that his mo­ther and hir husband Philip hadde, and clayming a portion of more goods of Pedius and Pinarius, he determined to sell all, as though Caesars substaunce woulde not suffice, onely bycause of his v [...]ratiōs. The people thinking no lōger y to be Caesars gifte, but Octauius liberalitie, they had inwarde compassion of him, wondring at his great attemptes, and well perceyuing that he would not long passe for Antonies displeasure.

Now were the playes of Brutus shewed in most ample man­ner. The playes di­sturbed. When certaine hyred men, did cry that Brutus and Cassius might be called home, and the rest of the Theatre did agrée vn­to them for their pardon, the other rushed in by heapes, and marred all the playe, and quenched their instant request. Bru­tus and Cassius vnderstanding that Caesar had dashed their hope in the shewe, they determined to goe to Syria and Macedonia by force, as prouinces appointed to them before Antony and Do­lobella.

This being euident, Dolobella also went into Syria, and made hast by the way, to make money in Asia. Antony desired much to haue the army of Macedonia, as very fit for the maintenāce of his power, being in vertue best, and in power most, (for they were sire legions) beside other number of Archers, Darters, and light armed, with many horsemen and other greate furni­ture for the warre, al the whiche he feared should follow Dolo­bella into Syria, going against the Parthians, whether Caesar had appointed them. He minded to haue them himself, bycause they were nyghe to the sea of Ionia, frō whence he might soone bring The G [...]tas, [...]e a people of Sythia in Europe. The name novv [...] turned into the Thracians. them into Italie In the meane time a sodaine rumor came, that Geetes, knowing of Caesars death, did inuade Macedonia. Wher­fore Antony required his armie of the Senate, that he myght punish the Geetes, bycause they were first appointed against thē of Caesar, & so that all was nowe quiet wyth the Parthians. The [Page 179] Senate suspected this rumor, and sente to vnderstande the cer­tainty of it.

Antony, to deliuer them of feare and suspition hereof, decréed Antony deuiseth to stoppe the creation of a Dictator. that for no cause it should be lawfull to create a Dictator, nor that any man should take it, though it were giuen him: and if any man did perceyue anye to contemne this order, it shoulde be lawfull to kill him wheresoeuer he were mette. By this meanes he did temper the hearers, and practising with Dolo­bellas friend to giue him one legion, he was chosen captaine of the army, & Lieuetenant of Macedonia. Hauing now what hée would, he sent his brother Caius in al hast to cary the decrée to y army.

They that wente to vnderstande of the Geetes being re­turned, affirmed that they sawe no Geetes in Macedonia, but they added (either saying true, or being taught of Antony what they shold say:) It was to be feared, if the army were taken away, the Geetes would ouerrunne Macedonia.

Whiles this was doing in Rome, Cassius and Brutus did gather money and men, and Trebonius that was gouernour in Asia did Dolobella kept out. Ephesus, novv [...]ogli [...] i [...] Ion [...]. Dolobella taketh S [...]yr [...]s. make Cities strong for them, and woulde not admit Dolobella neither at Pergamo nor at Smirna, onlyhe appointed him a mar­ket place out of y wals as to a Consul. He therfore went about with anger to winne the walles: Trebonius not obtayning, pro­mised he should be receiued at Ephesus: he going thither, Trebo­nius sent certaine aloofe to sée his doings: who, when night was come, séeing him going on, not suspecting anye thing else, lefte a fewe to followe hym, and returned to Smirna. Dolobella ha­uyng layde wayte for thys matter, turned vppon these fewe, and slewe them, and streight in that nighte came to Smirna, whyche findyng without watche, he toke wyth a scale. Tre­bonius was founde in bedde, and desyred hée mighte bée broughte to Dolobella, and that hée woulde wyllinglye followe them. One of the Captaynes loked on hym, and sayd: Come on, giue vs thy heade, for thy heade, not thée, are we commaunded to bring: and when he had thus sayde, he stroke off hys heade streighte. When daye was come, Dolobella [Page 180] caused Trebonius heade to be set vp ouer the iudgemente place wher he was wōtto giue audiēce. The army (in fury) y folowed [...] killed and [...]p [...]ghtfully vsed. y cāpe, & the people (b [...]cause Trebonius was priuy to Caes [...]s deth, and helde Antony with a tale without, when the [...] killed Caesar in the Senate house) did vse his body very spightfully, & threw his head vpon a pauemēt of stone, like a balfrō one to another, Trebonius one of the cons [...]ita [...]ors vv [...] the first that vva [...] killed. which whē they had scornefully vsed, they crushed and brake it a pieces. And this was the first of Caesars strikers that receiued this punishment.

Antony intended to bring the army from Macedonia into I­talie, and wanting other pretence thervnto, desired the Senate, that in steade of Macedonia he might haue Fraunce within the Alpes, of the which De [...]us Brutus Albinus was ruler remem­bring that Caesar brought his army from thence, when he ouer­came [...] novv [...]. Pompey: but when it was perceyued, that he minded to bring that army not into Italy but into Fraunce, and the Senat considering that part of Fraunce to be as a strong sort for thē, was grieued, and now vnderstoode the deceytes of Antony, re­penting Senate vvor­keth [...]e [...]etly a­gainst Antony. they had giuen Macedonia vnto hym. Therefore they sent pri [...]e messengers to Decimus, to kepe his prouince strong­ly, and to gather other army and money, that he might resiste Antony. So muche were they troubled and in anger against Antony. And he, contrary to the Senats minde, entending to aske it of the people by lawe, as Caesar once obtayned it before, and as Dolabella had Syria, now of late. And to afra [...] y Senate, he commaunded his brother Caius to transport the army of [...] shevv [...] Macedonia by the Ionian Sea to Brunduse, and there to doe what Antony should require.

Nowe was there playes to be [...]hewed by [...]itonius the [...], & of hou [...]es as vvel pro [...]n [...] a [...] holy. ouers [...]r of victuals. At the whiche Caesar hadde prepared a crowne and a chayre of golde for his father, as in al shewes they had ordeyned, so to honour him.

C [...]i [...]s sayde he woulde not admitte Caesar to be honored in the charges y be should make. Wherefore Octa [...]i [...]n brought him before Antony the Consul: Antony sayd he would put it to the Senate. Whereat Octauian being offended, Doe [Page 181] so (quoth he) and I will set the Chaire till thou ha [...]e made the decree.

Antony was angry and forbad hym. He forbadde it also in o­ther [...]. playes after to be made, and that was somewhat vnreaso­nable, for Octauius hymselfe did exhibit it, being instituted of hys father, to Venus his parent, to whome in the common place, hee builded a Temple wyth a Cou [...]te.

Of thys did manifeste hate grewe agaynste Antony of all men, as thought he did not rather [...] Octauius Caesar now, th [...]n [...] contemne the former vnthankfully. Young Caesar with a mu [...] ­tude as a guarde wente among the people, and such as had bin benefited by hys father, or serued hym in the wars [...]u [...]ouslye, hée besoughte them, that they woulde not suffer hym thus, to [...] be so many waies despised, but both reuenge Caesar their chiefe­tayne and benefactour so dishonoured of Antony, and desen [...]e themselues, who should haue none assurance, vnlesse the things that he had decréed were established. He went vp to euery highe place of the Citie and cried vpon Antony:

‘Be not angry with Caesar for me, nor dishonor him that hath [...] Antony. moste honoured thée O Antony, and was moste affectionated to thée, do me what [...]n [...]ury thou wilt, but saue his substaunce from spoile, till the Citizens haue their parte, all the reste take vnto thée. It shal be sufficient for me, though I be poore, to be succes­sor to hys glorye, so thou wilte suffer the people [...]o haue their portion.’

After these wordes, there was euident and continuall excla­mation againste Antony, and although he sharpelye threatned Octauius, and that hys threats were openly known, yet did they the more s [...]irre at it. Wherfore the chiefe of the Capitains that serued in Antonies guard, in great estunation wyth hym, and The [...] of▪ Antony in [...] ­uour of Octaui­nus. had bin before with Caesar, desired him he woulde leaue his dis­pight, as well for their cause, as for his own, hauing serued vn­der Caesar, and receyued so many good turnes of him.

Which things Antony consideryng, and confessing them to be true, and halfe ashamed they shoulde be layde vpon hym, and nowe shoulde haue néede of Octauians helpe, for the prouince of [Page 182] France, he beganne at lengthe to bée quiet, and to shewe, that Antony re [...]eth some thyngs were doone againste hys wyll,

But bycause the young manne was so hawtie at those yeares, hée dydde reuoke certaine thynges, for that he hadde no regarde nor reuerence to the Capitaines and olde officers: yet for theyr sakes he woulde reframe hys anger, and returne to his olde conditions, if hée also woulde leaue hys insolent behauiour.

The Captaines being gladde of this, brought them togither, & when they had declared their griefs they set them at one. Now Reconciliation of Antony and Octaui [...]. was the law called vppon for France, the Senate being against it, and entending to prohibite it, if Antony woulde propounde it to them, and if hée didde not, but require it of the people, they woulde set the Tribunes to be againsteit, and some there were, that woulde haue it frée from al Lieutenants ouer that nation, so muche afraide were they of it.

Antony did obiect vnto them, that they would truste Decimus with it, that was one of Caesars killers, and distruste hym that did not kill hym that wanne that prouince, and made it fall to his knées, casting forth openly against them al, as though they had bin desirous of that was doone to Caesar.

The courte daye being come, the Senate willed the assem­bly The Senate ta­keth a [...]ard [...] of the companyes to be gathered, and in the night, they sette vppe Tentes in the common place, and called a bande of Souldioures to desende them from all happes.

The people being offended, laboured for Antony by the helpe of Octaui [...], that sate among the Tentes, who entreated [...] novve [...]eth for Antony. for hym: for hée was very much afraid, least Decimus shoulde be Gouernoure of a Prouince of suche importaunce, and an armye so greate, béeyng one that hadde kylled hys fa­ther: and for thys cause hée beganne to fauoure Antonie, wyth whome he was reconciled, trusting to gette some good at hys hande.

The Tribunes being corrupted of Antony, and keping si­lence, Tribunes cor­rupted. the lawe tooke place, and the armye being nowe at the sea, [Page 183] was for reasonable consideration assigned to Antonie.

One of the Tribunes being dead, Octauius much fauoured Fla­minius against the next election, and bycause the people thought [...] The people mindeth to make Octauius [...]. himselfe woulde haue the office, but refused to aske it, bycause of his yong yeares, they determined neuerthelesse at the election, to make him Tribune. The Senate had enuy at his encrease, & were afraide, if he were Tribune, he would accuse his fathers killers to the people. And Antonie not regarding to breake friendship with Octauius, whither it were to please the Senate, and to quiet their minds, for the late lawe made for hys Pro­uince, Antony againste Octauius, aga [...]. or for their sakes that shoulde go to inhabite as Consull, hée decréed that Caesar shoulde deale with no man but lawfullye, otherwise he woulde further by al means his auctoritie against hym.

Thys declaration beyng vnpleasaunte to Caesar, and con­tumelious bothe to hym and the people, they were angrye, and entended to make stirre at the election, and to affraye An­tonie, Sedition procu­red. and by the helpe of the other Tribunes, to reuoke the de­crée.

Octauius Casar, as one euidently deceyued, sente manye to the Citties that hys father made for to inhabite, to shew them how hée was vsed, and to knowe their minds therin.

He sent some also as cariers of victual into Antonies campe, to mingle among them, chiefelye to deale wyth the boldest of them, and among the reste to scatter libells: and thus hée dydde.

The Capitaines and chiefe men with Antony, finding time conuenient, saide thus vnto him:

‘Wée (O Antonie) that wyth thée haue serued Caesar, The oration of the Capitaynes to Antony. and gaue to hym chiefe aucthoritie, and till this daye haue remayned as assured seruauntes of it, haue knowne that hys killers and the Senate fauouring them, didde as muche hate and séeke to dispatch vs. But when the people did disturbe them, we were encouraged agayne, bycause wée sawe that Caesar [Page 184] was not forgotten lacked no friendes, nor destitute of fauoure: yet did wee put all our truste in thée, as in Caesars friende, and nexte him, most acquainted in the seruice of warre, and nowe our Generall and for al respects most sit for it. When our eni­mies did rise, and boldly force Syria and Macedonia, and prepared mony and men against vs, and the Senate maintainyng Deci­mus, and thou consuming the tyme in contention with Caesar Octauius, not without cause, we were afraide, that in tyme to come, thys dissention [...]etwéene you, woulde raise a greater warre than hathe beene, and gyue occasion to our ennimies to do what they woulde againste vs: all the whyche, seeyng thy selfe doest vnderstande, we beséeche thee, that for Casars sake, and for oure loue, whiche hath doone nothing to offend thée, and for the com­modities that may rise both to thée and vs, that whilest thou mayest, thou wouldest agrée with Octauius, whiche onlye is suf­ficient, entending to be reuenged of the strykers. The whiche thing, cleare of all care, shall stay thée in aucthoritie, and place vs in securitie, that now are in doubt both for thée, and for oure selues.’

The chiefetaynes hauyng sayde thus muche, Antony thus aunswered:

‘What beneuolence and loue I haue euer borne to Caesar, Antonius [...] to the Captaynes. in all hys causes, offeryng my selfe to moste perills of all o­ther, you that haue béene in Souldiour fare with me, and pre­sent to euery thing that hathe bin done, can well testifie. How muche loue and good will he shewed to me, euen till his last day, I shall not néede to repeate. For his quellers, waying both th [...]se, me [...]ut [...] to haue kylled me with him: as thoughe I be­ing a [...], they coulde not thinke their intentes to▪ consiste in safetye. And if anye manne dydde affraye them from that mynde, it was not doone for desire and care of my life, but for a respecte onelye that they woulde not séeme to persecute their ennimies, but to dispatche a Tyran. Who then can thinke that I doe forgette Caesar my benefactour, or haue more estéemed his enimies than him, or woulde willingly forgyue them his death, that haue sought mine, as this new Caesar [Page 185] thinketh? How then commeth the obliuion of his deathe, and their aduancemēt to prouinces: for this he obiecteth against me, and not the Senate? Heare you then how it hathe come to passe. Caesar being slayne in the Senate house, euery man was afrayd, and I most of all for Caesars friendship, and ignorance of the facte, for I neyther hearde of the comuration, nor vnderstoode howe manye were of the conspirancie. The people was in tumulte, and the strikers with the swordplayers tooke the Capitoll, and made themselues fast, and the Senate was of their side, whyche is nowe more euident, bycause they decréed honors to them, as to the killers of a Tyrant, and if Caesar were a Tyrant, then must we haue bin destroyed strayght, as friends to a Tyrante. So I béeyng troubled with tumult, with feare and sorrow, coulde not vse reason, nor bée without perplexitie, as you maye perceyue, if you will consider, for on the one side, was néede of boldnesse ve­hemente, and on the other dissimulation extreame. Firste thys was to be done (the residue easlie followyng) to take away the honor to be gyuen to the strikers, againste th [...] whiche I onely standyng, resisted both the Senate, and them, and broughte to passe with greate payne, vsing eindente courage, onely offering my selfe to that perill, supposing that wée, Caesars friendes, should be in suretie, if he [...] were not condemned as a Tyrant. The lyke feare troubled our enimies and the Senate, that if he were not iudged a Tyrant, they shoulde be accompted manquellers. And for thys contention, I thoughte it best to gyue place, and to al­low obliuion of hys death, in stead of honor to be giuen to them, that I mighte wynne of them, as muche as by necessitie I coulde. And this was the manner of my doings, that neyther I dyd suffer Caesars name to be abolished, nor his substance to bée confiscate, nor his adoption (in the whiche this man nowe most gloryeth) to be dissolued, nor his testament to be frustrated. Hys bodye I caused to be buryed princely, and honoures due vnto him before, to be consecrated as immortall, and all his actes and decrées to be kept firme and sure, and hys sonne and our friends the Captaynes and the Souldioures, to be in good safetie, and to liue in honor in stead of rebuke. Thinke you the obteyning of [Page 186] these thynges of the Senate for Obliuion, were but small and trifles? or doe you thynke wythout Ob [...]uion the Senate would haue graunted them? whyche for these causes (I thynke) is playnely to bee performed, for a true dealyng wyth the strikers, and for animmortall glory of Caesar, and all oure weale and sure­tie. The whyche I haue not done of that purpose, but to turne the course to the contrarye. For when I hadde brought the Se­nate to that that was profitable to vs, and allowed the killers to remayne in quiet, I did ouerthrowe the Obliuion, not by de­crée nor statute (for that I coulde not) but by an earnest iealou­sie of the people, bringing Caesars bodye to be buryed in the com­mon place, and causing hys woundes to bée séene of the multi­tude, shewyng his vesture bloudy and mangled, and declaring his vertue and beneuolence to the people, wéeping when I made the mourning Oration. I called hym by the name of a kylled God. These were my wordes and workes, whereby the people was so prouoked, as in stead of Obliuion, they tooke fire, and wente to the quellers houses, and in the ende drone them out of the Citie. Howe thys was contrarye to the Senate, they béeyng gréeued wyth it, it was euidently séene. For they accused me first of am­bition, and appoynted prouinces to Brutus and Cassius, Syria, and Macedonia, whyche were full of greate armyes. And least they shoulde séeme to make hast before theyr tyme, they gaue them pretence to prouide grayne for the Citie. Wherefore a greater feare dyd yet trouble me, for lacke of an appoynted armye, as menne naked to syghte wyth so manye well armed, my fel­lowe béeyng a man suspected, and disagréeyng from me, and one of the conspirators agaynste Caesar, and appoynted to bée héere at the daye of hys deathe. For these thyngs béeyng in great trouble, and séekyng with spéede to disarme oure enimies, and to arme oure selues, I kylled Amatius. I thoughte good to call home Pompey, that by thys meane I mighte ioyne the Senate a­gayne. Yet not much trustyng them, I persuaded Dolobelia to aske Syria, not of the Senate, but of the people, by a lawe to bée made: and in hys sute I furthered hym, of a friende to make hym an enimie to the strikers: and that it shoulde séeme verye [Page 187] vnfytte for the Senate to denye me Macedonia, séeyng they hadde graunted Syria to Dolobella, for otherwise woulde they not haue graunted mée that prouince, nor delyuered me that armye, excepte they hadde firste graunted to Dolabella the same, to goe agaynste the Parthians: nor they woulde not haue taken from Brutus and Cassius, Syria and Macedonia, vnlesse they hadde ap­poynted some other prouinces to them for theyr suretie. Néedes must they appoynte one for another, but what man­ner ones, Cyrene and Creta, voyde of armies, whyche they oure enimies, in contempte, haue lefte as vnprofitable, and by vio­lence, haue entred the other, whyche wée tooke from them. Thus was oure armye putte from oure enimies to Dolabella, by deuice and sleighte, and exchange of other prouinces: for where warre was not, there must thinges bée done by lawe. This béeyng thus broughte to passe, and oure enimies gathering a­nother armye, I hadde néede of the same my selfe, that was in Macedonia, yet wanted occasion to require it. When the fame came that the Getes woulde inuade Macedonia, whyche not bée­yng beléeued, espies were sente to vnderstande the truth, I de­creed, that no man ought to aske the Dictatorshippe, nor to take it though it were gyuen hym. By the whych thyng they béeyng chiefly allured, appoynted me the armye, and then dyd I thinke my selfe equall with mine enimies, not these that be euidente, as Octauius thynketh, but other moe in number, greater in po­wer, and not yet appearing. When I had done this, one of the strikers remayned still hard at our sides, Decimus Brutus. He bée­yng a gouernoure of a greate countrey, and a mighty armye verye bolde, I deuised to take hys prouince from hym, yet wyth a regarde of the Senate, promising to delyuer Mace­donia voyde of armye. The Senate takyng the thyng euill, and perceyuing some deuice to bée hadde, what and howe greate matter was written to Decimus, you knowe, and to stirre the Consulles agaynste mée, wherefore wyth the more boldenesse dyd I practise to wynne that prouince, not by the Senate, but by the people and lawe, and to haue the armye of Macedonia come to Brund [...]s [...], to [Page 188] vse at all oportunities▪ and with the Gods help, we will vse them as necessitie shall compell vs. Thus from muche feare, wherein we were at the first, we be turned into safetie of them that haue to doe wyth vs, and into boldnesse agaynste oure foes, whose courage beginnes to shrinke, and ours to increase. You sée what repentance they make of their decrées, and what payne it was to mée to take France, gyuen to another man. You knowe what they wrote to Decimus, and what they persuaded the Consuls a­gaynste me for that matter, but wyth the Gods of oure Coun­trey, wyth dutifull mynde, and wyth oure valiante actes, by the whyche Caesar was a conqueroure, wée wyll reuenge him, labou­ring with our bodyes, and counselling wyth oure mynds. These thyngs (O Souldioure fellowes) I woulde haue secrete, al­though howe I haue done them, I haue tolde you, with whome I will participate all thyngs both in worde and déede, the which you may shewe to any other that do not knowe it, onely Octauius except, who is most vnthankefull to vs.’

When Antony hadde thus saide, it séemed to the Captaynes that he had done all things with great art and policie, to deceiue the quellers whome he hated, and therefore they were desirous to reconcile them with Caesar once agayne, and persuaded them to méete in the Capitoll.

Not long after, Antony did cause some of his gard to be ap­prehended by his friendes, as entised by Octauius to destroy him, Nevv despight [...] of Antony a­gainst Caesar. eyther to discredite Octauius, or for that he thoughte it true, lear­ning it of such as were sente to hys Campe. He declared this to be done by all coniecture, to dispatche hys person, whiche mat­ter béeyng quietly heard, caused muche adoe and indignation a­mong the people. A fewe that were grounded vppon reason, were glad that Antony myghte doe Caesar good, and also hurte at hys pleasure, bycause hée was terrible to the strikers, and if hée were once dispatched, they myghte wyth the more securitie, doe theyr feates, bycause the Senate chiefly fauoured them. Thus the wyser sorte did thinke: but the multitude séeyng that despight and hynderance was dayly offered to Octauius, they thoughte it not vnlike to be a calumniation, and yet supposed it not good [Page 189] nor honest, that Antony beyng Consull, shoulde bée in daunger of hys person. Octauius Caesar with greate anger and furie wente among them that were of thys opinion, and cryed, that hée was circumuented of Antony, for the frendshyppe that he onely had with the people, and ranne to Antonyes house, and there he ex­claymed Caesar exclay­meth agaynste Antony. and called the Gods to witnesse, with all execrations and othes, prouoking hym to come to tryall: and bycause no bo­dye came to hym, he sayde to hys friendes, I am contente to bée iudged by hys owne people. And with that, he brake in at the dores, but béeyng kepte backe, he sware, and rebuked them that kepte the gates, bycause they stopped hym from making fur­ther tryall wyth Antony. He wente hys way, and protested to the people, that if any hurte came vnto hym, it shoulde come by Antonyes meanes.

Hauyng spoken this with greate vehemencie, it gréeued the people, and some of them repented of theyr former opinion. Some stoode in doubte, and [...]usted neyther of them. Some thoughte it a dissimulation betwéene them, the better to bryng to passe, that they had agréed vpon in the Temple againste their enimies: and some thought Antonie deuised it, to haue a greater garrison about him, and to turne mens good will from Octauius.

Nowe was there secrete intelligence gyuen to hym, that the Antonyes armye at Brunduse discontented. armye at Brunduse, and the ordinarie Souldioures, were angrye with Antonie, bycause he neglected Caesars death, and that they woulde reuenge it to their power, and that Antonie was gone in hast to Brunduse for this cause: Octauius was afrayde, least he re­turning Antonyes goyng to Brunduse, su­spected to Caesar. with his armye, shoulde finde hym vnprouided. He tooke mony, and wente to Campania, to winne the Cities that were inhabited by such▪ as had serued his father, and first he per­suaded Celatia and Silio, two Townes about Capua. He gaue eue­rie Octauius goeth to make men. Celatia in Latio. Silio, Cas [...]ilinum in Campania, not farre from Capua. Feare in the Citie. man fiue hundred drammes, and had tenne thousande menne, neyther armed, nor distributed into due bands and order, but on­ly as a gard of his person vnder one ensigne. They in the Citie were afrayde of Antonies commyng with his army, and when they heard that Octauius was comming with another, they were in a double feare, and some tooke it well, that they mighte vse [Page 190] Octauius against Antony. Some that sawe theyr reconciliation in the Capitoll, thought it but a dissimulation, and a recompence of the one to be in authoritie, and the other to persecute the quellers.

In thys disquietnesse, Carnutiw. the Tribune, enimie to An­tony, and friende to Octauius, wente to knowe the truth, whyche [...]. béeyng done, hée declared to the people that there was playne variance betwéene Antony and Octauius, and that it stoode them in hande to make Octauius theyr friende, séeyng they had none o­ther armye to resist Antonyes Tyrannie. When he had sayde [...] [...] Tri­bune▪ [...] yo [...] Casar against Antony. thus, he willed Octauius to enter, who lay a little withoute the Citie at the Temple of Mars. Hée dyd so, and came to the Temple of Iupiters chyldren, about the whyche the Souloioures stoode with theyr weapons openly. Carnutius spake firste against Antony. Then Octauius hymselfe reuiued the memorie of hys father, and shewed what iniurie Antony hadde done hym, Octauius to the people. whereby he was forced to gette an armye for hys suretie, wyth the whyche he woulde obey, and serue his Countrey in all thyngs, nowe readye agaynste Antonie. When he hadde thus sayde, the Counsell was broken vp.’

The armye that thoughte otherwyse, bycause of theyr re­conciliation, and that they were onely broughte to preserue Octauius person agaynste hys quellers, séemed to bée gréeued, that suche wordes shoulde bee spoken agaynste Antonie, then béeyng a Generall of an armye, and Consull of the Citie: and some desired to goe home, as to arme themselues, for they coulde abyde none other, but theyr owne armies: and some tolde the very truth. Octauius army goeth from him.

Octauius beganne to doubt agayne, séeyng it came otherwyse to passe than he thought, and therefore gaue place to the occa­sion, trustyng to wynne them rather by gentlenesse than by [...] giueth [...] to the souldyoures. force, wherefore some he sente to bée armed, and some to theyr home agayne, promising them all for theyr laboures, and hy­dyng hys griefe, he gaue them newe giftes, and promised them more liberally to requite them, and that he woulde vse them in all hys enterprises, rather as hys fathers friendes, than as hys [Page 191] Souldioures. When he hadde so sayde, one thousande, or thrée at the most (for in thys the Writers vary) he wanne to tarrie, the rest wente awaye. They remembryng the toyle of tyllage, and the gayne of warfare, and the wordes of Caesar, that easilie dyd drawe them, and the giftes they hadde receyued, with the hope of that they shoulde receyue, as the variable nature of people is, beganne to repent, and turning occasion to dutie, they armed themselues, and returned to him, and he went to Rauenna Octauius armye returneth to him. Ar [...]uum a Citie in Tuscane, thirty myles from Florence. for more reuenue, and when he hadde gone ouer the Countrey, and gotten more menne one after another, he sente them to A­rezz [...].

In this meane time of the fiue Legions of Macedonie, foure were come to Antonie to Brunduse, accusing him, as one that neg­lected Caesars deathe: and bycause they gaue no gréetyng to hym when they broughte hym to hys seate, as to heare somewhat firste sayde of themselues, he was offended with their silence, Antony offended vvith the Souldioures. and coulde not refrayne, but rebuked them of vnthankefulnesse, that where by hym they were called from the iourney into Par­thia, to remayne in Italie, they did not acknowledge anye thanke A mutiny in Antonyes Camp. for it. Then he blamed them for bearing with the rashe yong man, (for so he called Caesar) that they woulde not discouer to hym suche persons, as he had sente to make difference betwéene them: but he woulde fynde them out hymselfe, intendyng to leade them to the wealthie prouince of Celtica, and to gyue e­uery one that woulde abide with hym, one hundred drammes. The Souldyoures laught at his miserable offer, and the more The Souldy­oures laught at the miserie of Antony. he was angry, the more were they in disorder and tumulte, wherefore he rose and sayde, You shall learne to be ruled.

Then he enquired of the Chiefetaynes, who were the se­ditious? (for among the Romaines they vsed to note euerye manne by writing) and by lawe of warre he chose them out, but hée dyd not kyll euery tenth manne, but parte of them, thinking by a fewe, to affray the rest. They, not to feare, but rather to anger and hate, tourned his doings, whiche thyng when they perceyued, that were sente thyther by [Page 192] Octauius, they threwe billes aboute the Campe, conteyning the niggardnesse and crueltie of Antonie, with an vnthankefulnesse T [...] [...]a▪ [...]y in [...]ng. to Caesar that dead was, and the liberalitie and gentlenesse of him that now they might help. Antonie with great diligence soughte out the authors, with threatning of greate payne to them that dyd not disclose them, but when he coulde not finde anye out, hée was muche offended, that the whole army should fauoure them: and when he hearde of the extraordinarie bands that were gone to Caesar Octauius, and what was done for him at Rome, he was troubled, and came agayne to the army and sayde. ‘It did greeue him to doe that he had done for the necessitie of Souldious disci­pline, taking but a few, in stead of many, according to the lawe, Antony to his Souldyoures. and that they did well knowe, that Antonie was neyther cruell, nor sparing, but (quoth he) let anger go, let this be ynough, both of punishment, and of offence, and as for the hundred drammes, he meante it not as a gifte, (for Antonies fortune requyred o­therwyse) but as a welcome of fyrste acquayntance betwéene them, rather than a gifte, hée wylled them to haue it, and that by the lawe of their Countrey and Souldyoures order, they oughte to bée obediente to hym in thys, and in all other thyngs.’

Thus he sayd: yet dyd he not adde anye more to the somme, least the Captayne shoulde séeme to giue place to the Souldi­oure, and they eyther for repentance or for feare, accepted it, and hée changed the officers of hys Campe, eyther for the dis­pleasure of thys sedition, or for some other suspition. The rest, with suche furniture as he had, deuiding his host, he sent by sea to Arimeno.

He takyng one bande of the most likely men, both in bodye and obedience, wente towarde Rome, from thence to goe also Arimeno in [...] to Arimeno. Hée proudely entred the Citie, leauyng one bande withoute the Citie in Campe, and wyth them that were a­boute hym armed, hée caused hys house to bée garded in the nyghte for hys safetie, to whome he gaue watchwordes, in dy­uers parts, as a garrison in the Citie. He assembled the Senate, intending to haue accused Octauius for his doings, but at [Page 193] his entry, it was tolde him that the martiall legion by the way was gone to Octauius. And as hée stoode in doubt and feare what Tvvo legion▪ reuolte to Octa­uius frō Antony. to doe, it was also shewed hym, that the fourthe legion follo­wing the Martials example, was likewise reuolted to Octa­uius. Being much troubled, he entred, and made a shew as he had called the Senate for an other purpose, & tarried not long there, but went to the gates, and from thence to the Cittie of Alba, to stay the reuolters. But being put from the walles, hée re­tourned, and to the other legions hée sente fiue hundred drams Tibur [...], novv T [...]uol [...]. a man, and with them that he hadde, hée wente to Tiburo, ha­uyng suche prouision as they bee wonte that goe agaynst theyr enimies.

Nowe was it euident that warre woulde followe, for Decimus meante not to leaue hys Prouince.

Antony beeyng in thys place, almoste all the Senate, and manye of the Gentlemen came to do hym honor, and so dyd a great part of the people, synding hym gyuyng othe to hys soul­diors that were presente, and of other that hadde serued him béefore, whyche resorted to hym in greate number. And they fréely sware to Antony, that they woulde not breake The Senatoures and Citizens svvorne to An­tony. faith and beneuolence wyth hym. So as nowe a man mighte doubte, who they were, that a little before hadde spoken a­gainste Antony for Octauius Caesars sake.

Antony thus wyth great pompe, approched Arimeno, where was the beginning of Fraunce Cel [...]ca his armye. Beside these newe Souldioures, was thrée legions from Macedonia, for nowe all were come vnto hym, and the olde Souldioures that then serued, were counted twice so good as the yong.

So hadde Antony an armye of foure legions of experte Antonies armye▪ Souldioures, beside suche as bée wonte to followe as ven­turers, and the olde guarde of hys person, wyth other n [...]we chosen.

Lepidus in Iberia, hadde thrée legions, Asinius Pollio, twoo, Lepidus▪ Asinius Pollio, Plancus. and Plancus in further Fraunce, thrée, all the whyche séemed to take Antonies parte.

Octauius Octauius Caesar had twoo choise legions that wente from An­tony▪ [Page 194] one of yōg souldiors, and two of them that serued him first, neyther full in number, nor furnished in armoure, yet supplyed of the newe commers. He gathered these togither at Alba, and sent them to the Senate.

They dydde so muche reioice in Octauius, as a man myghte doubte that anye dydde before honoure Antony: yet were they The Senate mi­staked o [...] Octauius us and Antony bothe. not content that the legions that went from hym, shoulde goe to Octauius, and not to them Neuerthelesse, they praysed them and Caesar, promising shortly after to determine by decrée what was to bee doonc, when the newe Magistrates hadde theyr of­fices.

It was euident in the ende, that they woulde bend against Antony, and bycause they had no army, and coulde gather none wythout the Consuls auctoritie, they deferred all till the newe election.

Caesars army offred him Maces and Sergeants prepared, and prayed him to take vpon hym the Lieutenantship and leading of their warre, they being euer vsed to such auctoritie.

He thanked them for the honoure, but referred the matter to the Senate, & them that wolde haue gone by heaps for this pur­pose, he forbad, and staied them that would haue sent Ambassa­dours, that the Senate (quoth hée) maye take order for it of themselues, vnderstanding of your offer, and my refusall. They hardly beeyng contented this waye, and the Capitaines constru­ing it as men had in some suspition, he declared vnto them, that the Senate dyd not rather encline to him for good will, than for feare of Antony, and want of army, til we (quoth he) haue dispatched Antony.

The murtherers being friends and kinsemen to the Senate, wil gather power for thē, whych I perceyuing, wil pretend to obey them. And this is not to be disclosed, for if we take power vppon vs, they will call it violence and contumelic: but if wée make daunger of it, they will peraduenture giue it vs, fearing otherwise wée shal haue it by you.

When hée hadde thus sayde, hée sawe the twoo legious [Page 195] that came to him from Antony, shewing the shape of battayle, A [...]he [...]re of fight by tvvoo legions. contending together in as vehement wise, as thoughe they hadde béene fighting indéede (kylling onely excepted) and hée béeing delighted with this feate, and glad to take the occasion, didde gyue to euery man other fiue hundred drammes, and if anye necessitye by the warre shoulde followe, hée promised to them, hauing the better hande, fyue thousande drammes a man.

Thus did Caesar with liberalitie of rewarde, winne them that were hys hyred menne, and these were the dooyngs in Italy.

In Fraunce, Antony commaunded Decimus to go into Mace­donia, Antony vvar­neth Decimus oute of his Pro­uince. to obey the people, and saue himselfe.

Decimus sente him the letters of the Senate verye well written, signifying, that as well oughte hée to obey the Senate, as he the people. Antony appoynted hym a daye when hée woulde vse hym as an enimie. Decimus required hym to ap­poynt a longer daye to hymselfe, that hée shoulde not too soone be made an enimye to the Senate. Antony, that was too good for hym in the fielde, yet thoughte it better to goe vnto the Ci­ties, and they receyued hym.

Decimus béeyng afrayde that hée shoulde not when hée would, enter anye of them, fayned he hadde receyued letters from the Senate, to returne to Rome wyth hys army, and so as one goyng home into Italy, he was receiued in euery place.

But when he came to Mutina, a plentifull Citie, he shutte Mutina a Citie in Lumbar [...]y, rovv Modena. Decimus taketh Modena for hys defence. the gates, and commaunded the Citizens to bring all thynges foorthe, that was necessarye for foode, and caused al their beasts to be kylled and poudred, for feare the siege woulde laste long, and so he tarryed for Antonies comming.

Hys armye was a number of Sworde-players, and thrée legions armed, whereof one was of new Souldiours with­oute experience, the other two of former seruice, and very faith­full to hym.

[Page 196] Antony with anger came againste Decimus, and caste a trenche aboute the Cittie, and so was Decimus besieged. In Rome, the Consuls according to the yeare, being chosen, dydde straighte assemble the Senate with sacrifices in the Temple agaynste Antony.

Cicero and his friends, did require he might be iudged an eni­mie, Cicero againste Antony. bycause, he by force of armes, didde take the Prouince of France, contrarie to the Senats pleasure, to trouble hys coun­trey, and bycause he had brought that army into Italie, that was appoynted hym againste the Thracians.

They alleadged also againste hym, that after Caesar he sought to rule, being armed in the Citie with so many band-leaders, and vsing his house as a forte full of Souldiours and Ensigns, and in all hys dooyngs more insolent, than became a yearely officer.

Lucius Piso, one that fauoured Antonies faction (and a man Lucius Piso a­gainste Cicero. verye notable among the Romaynes) and other that fauou­red Piso for Antonies cause, required hée myghte bée called in­to iudgement, bycause it was not the manner of theyr coun­trey to condemne anye manne before hée were hearde, nor conuenient, that hée that was yesterdaye a Consull, should thys daye be an enimy, especially hauing bene so ofte praysed bothe of Cicero and of other.

The Senate stoode doubtfull in the cause all the night. Senate againste Antony.

The nexte day in the morning, béeyng agayne assembled, the Ciceronians wyth greate instaunce, hadde decréede An­tony an ennimye, hadde not Saluius the Tribune dissolued the counsell till the nexte daye. In these offices hée hathe moste po­wer that maye prohibite.

The Ciceronians dydde spitefully laboure againste hym, and Ad [...]ra againste Antony. ranne among the people, to styrre them vppon hym, and cited Saluius to aunswere. He wythoute feare came foorthe, till the Saluius. Senate stayed hym, fearing leaste he should incense the people to drawe them to the memorye of Antonie, they were not ignoraunte, that they condemned a noble manne wyth­out iudgement, nor that the people had gyuen hym France: [Page 197] but for feare of the strykers, they were angry with hym, by­cause he first brake the lawe of Obliuion, & therefore they chose Octauius, agaynst him before, who not being ignoraunt therof, was desirous to dispatch Antony.

The Senate being thus affected, the voyces notwithstan­ding were deferred to the Tribunes. Yet it was determined, that Decimus shoulde be praysed for that he had not giuē, place to Antonie in Celtica: And that Caesar with the Consuls Hircius & Pansa, should ioyne with such armies as he now had, & that an Image of gold should be made to honour him, & that he might giue voyce among the Senatours, and be allowed to be Con­sull Honours giuen to Octanius. ten yeares before the lawe: and that the legions that went from Antony to him, shoulde haue as muche giuen them of the Treasure, as Caesar had appointed to them after the victorie: all the which being decréed, they brake vp, euen as already Anto­ny had, being an enemy in déede, no Tribune daring speake for him the next daye.

Wherefore his wife, and hys mother, wyth his sonne being yet yong, and his other friendes and familiars, all the night went to the great mens houses, to beséech them, and the next daye came to the Senate house, suing to euerye man, fal­ling to their féete, with wéeping and wayling in blacke habite, they cryed out at the counsel dore: and some, for the lamentable voyces and behauiour, & for the sodennesse of the matter, were moued with compassion: wherefore Cicero being afrayde, he spake thus vnto the Senate.

‘What we ought to decrée of Antony, yesterday we did de­termine, Cicero against Antony. for when we gaue honour to his aduersaries, we cō ­demned him as an enimie. Saluius, was only an impediment a­gainst vs, eyther for that he thinketh himselfe more wise than we, or for the friendship he beareth to Antony, or for ignorāce of the matter. Euerye one of these, is to our great shame, that al we should haue lesse wit than one: and also to Saluius, if he do prefer his friendship before the cōmon wealth. But, whē he hath not well vnderstand this present case, he should haue giuen credite to the Consul, the Pretors, and to the Tribunes [Page 198] his fellowes, and to the other Senatoures in number and wor­thinesse so manye, who for oure age and experience, oughte to knowe Antonie▪ better than Salu [...]o. In publique causes and iudgementes the more parte euer hath the right, but if causes muste vee knowne, and nowe learned agayne, I wyll re­peate them briefelye, and touche the moste principall mat­ter.’

‘When Caesar was deade, Antony tooke awaye oure com­mon money, the rule of Macedonia he hadde by vs, but into Fraunce he entred violently without vs. The army that was delyuered hym againste the Thracians, hée brought into Italie againste vs, requiring these deceitfully of vs, and not obtay­ning, hee did them of himselfe. At Brunduse he [...] ordained a princelye bande to be aboute hym, and openlye in Rome, men in armour dyd guarde and watche hym vnder ensignes. He broughte from Brunduse an other armye to the Cittie readye to all attemptes, aspiring to the things that Caesar (whom hée lamented) coueted: and when yong Caesar prepa­red againste hym another armye, hee was afrayde and wente into Fraunce, as a place fittest to vse force a­gainste vs, bycause Caesar from that place did inuade vs, and got the rule ouer vs, and giuing terrour to his armye, that they mighte sticke to him in all hys vnlawfull doo­yngs, by lotte, hee caused them to dye, neither making anye mutinie, nor forsaking their charge and order in battell, for the whiche onelye the lawe of armes, (I thinke,) hath appoynted that punishemente, whyche, fewe Capitaynes scarcelye in greate perills woulde vse for ne­cessitie: But hee at a worde and a ieste giueth death to Citizens, and death not of them that deserue, but of suche as he woulde choose: wherefore they that coulde, haue forsaken hym, and you yesterdaye dyd determine to rewarde them, as those that hadde doone well. They that coulde not escape awaye, for feare doe dwell with him, and as enimies inuade youre lande, and besiege youre armye: and youre generall, and whom you appoynted [Page 199] to remaine in Fraunce, Antony commaundeth hym to de­parte.’

‘Whether then haue we iudged Antony an ennimye, or doeth hée vse vs as enimyes? Oure Tribune wyll not know this, tyll Decimus be deade, and tyll that prouince so greate and so nygh vnto vs, and after the prouince, the armye also of Decimus maye be in Antonies power, to worke hys hope agaynste vs. For by lyke the Tribunes wyll not [...]o soone decrée hym to be an ennimye, tyll hee bée Lorde o­uer vs.’

Whyle Cicero was thus saying, hys friendes made a greate noyse continuallye:, and woulde not suffer anye manne to speake agayne, tyll Piso rose vppe, when as the Senate for the reuerence of him commaunded silence, and then the Ciceronians stayde, and Piso thus beganne to speake:

‘The lawe, (O Senatours) doth allowe the accused to Piso against [...] haue hys cause heard, and when he hath aunswered for him­selfe, to be iudged accordynglye: Cicero the moste vehement Oratoure, I doe chalenge, who durste not accuse Antony when he was presente, and in hys absence hath layde greate matter to his charge, the greatest and doubtfullest whereof I wyll note, and wyth shorte aunswere shewe them to bée false.’

‘Hee sayeth, that Antony after Caesar▪ deathe, dyd take the publique money as hys owne, the lawe calleth suche one [...]. Theefe, and not an enimye, appointyng the payne. Therefore when Brutus hadde slayne Caesar, and accused hym to the people, for spoyling the common money, and leauing the [...]te [...] nothyng, Antony by and by did decrée, that the matter [...] [...]t searched [...] approued hys sentence by publique [...], appointyng a rewarde of the tenthe [...], to them that woulde declare it, whych we wyll double if any man can accuse Antony of that. And thus much concer­ning the money.’

[Page 200] ‘The prouince of Fraunce we did not appoint to Antony: the people did by lawe, Cicero being present, in such sort as manye other be giuen, and heretofore gaue the same to Caesar in like maner. Part of the decrée is, that Antony should make warre vpon Decimus if he would not giue place vnto him, and that the army prepared against the Thracians, (who stirreth not) shoulde be led against him, if he resisted. Cicero doth not iudge Decimus an enemye that maketh warre againste the lawe, but Antony, that obeyeth the lawe. If he condemneth hym, hee condemneth them that made the lawe, whome hee ought by persuasion to pacific, and not to prouoke by contu­melie. Neither ought he to credite that place to Decimus, whō the people haue bannished for murder, & discredite Antony, to whom the people haue giuen it by law. It is no good counsel to make diuision with the people, especially in daūgerous times, nor to forget, that this belongeth chiefly to the people, to iudge of friendes and foes: for by the auntient lawes, the people only is Lord of war and peace, in the whiche at this time notwith­standing they haue not appointed, nor commaunded, nor vsed their priuiledge ouer vs. But (he saith) Antony killed certain Souldiours, being general and appointed therevnto by you. Neuer was there Captaine generall, that was charged wyth that offīce. For the lawes haue not thought it méete, that the Captaine should be subiect to the Souldiours: and there is no­thing worse in a campe, than disobedience, by the whiche some conquerours haue bene ouerthrowen. None of them that were punished, haue complayned, nor none of their friendes or kins­folke. But Cicero hath accused, and finding fault at their death, instead of such honor as hath ben wont to be giuen to such ex­ecuters, he wil haue Antony exclaymed an enimy. How Anto­nies army was disordered, & how they dis [...]ayned hym, it is en [...] ­dēt, by the two legions y are fled frō him, whō you cōmanded to serue vnder him [...] they, contrary to y law of souldiers, haue not fled frō him to you, but to Octa. Caesar, which Cicero, prayseth also, & yesterday would haue thē rewarded of y commō Trea­sure, whiche example I pray God you do not one daye repent, [Page 201] to suche inconuenience hath enmity caried Cicero. He accu­seth Antonies Tyranny also, and murder of souldiours, wher­as they that séeke mischiefe to their countries, euer do please their armies, and not so punish thē. And bycause he can accuse Antony of none other matter of Tiranny after Caesars rule, go to, I wil aske him questions of euery thing. Whom hath An­tony killed vnharde, as a Tyrant, who now him selfe vnhard is in daunger to be condemned? whome hath he vanished? whom hath he cast out? hath he bin so to euery particular man? hathe he layde traynes for vs all at once when (O Cicero) he decreed forgetfulnesse of all things done? or that no man shoulde prose­cute the murder? or that a search shoulde be made of common Treasure? or when he called home Pompey, your Pompeis sonne? or when he wished he might be recompenced of the common, for his fathers substaunce? or when he dispatched the counter­fayte Marius? whom then you al praysed and now only, in that Cicero will not, you disprayse? or when he determined that no Dictator should be created or spoken of: or when he ordayned that he that would, shoulde dye for it. These were the things that Antony did to vs in two monethes, when he alone re­mayned in the Cittie after Caesar: when by and by the people pursewed the stickers, when by and by we were afrayde of things to come. When, if he woulde haue taken his occasion and haue bene vmust, he coulde not haue had a better, yet hée dyd not vse hys power to the contrary. What did not he alone rule, when Dolobella was gone into Syria? What dyd not he vse hys army preste, to al purposes in the Citie, whyche you appointed to hym? did he not watch the Citie? was not he him­self garded by night for feare of his enimies? had he not occasiō by Caesars death, his friend, and benefactour, and most deare to the people? Had he not another, more nere whē his body was laid for of mē, of whom he neyther banished, nor put to death any but rather fauoured them as much as by reasō & honesty he coulde, not enuying them? These you sée. O Romaines, be the greatest, and most doubtful matters that Cicero hathg a­thered against him, and to hys accusations he ioyneth deuina­tion: [Page 202] as thoughe Antony woulde haue broughte so greate an armye, againste the Cittie, but that hee was a­frayde of Octauius Caesar, that preuented hym wyth an other armye. If to entende onely so, bee the parte of a manne that is an ennimye, why doeth hee not counte hym one that came and encamped in the Cittye, and gaue you no warnyng of it? If Antony woulde come, howe hapte it hee came not? was hée afrayde of Caesars thrée thousande vnarmed, he hauyng thirtye thousand well ar­med? They came onely to Caesar for to helpe to a pacifycation betwéene them, but when they saw that warre would follow, they forsooke hym. If he were afrayde when hée had thyrtie thousande? howe came he hither with one thousande? with the whyche goyng to Tibure, howe manye dyd wee sende vnto hym? howe manye of vs wente to bee sworne of hym, that were not sworne before? what prayses dyd Cicero make of hys good gouernemente and vertue? howe woulde Antony, if hee hadde knowen thys, haue lefte wyth vs the pledges that nowe bee without the Senate house, hys mother, hys wife and hys young sonne, whyche lamente and feare nowe, not of Antonies doyngs in the common wealthe, but for hys ennimyes po­wer.’

‘Thys I haue rehearsed vnto you, as an example of Antonies innocencye, and Ciceros mutabilitye. And to them that well wyll consyder, I wyll giue thys exhorta­tion: neyther to charge the people nor Antony, ney­ther to bring in generall enimetie and daunger, the com­mon wealthe, beyng sickely, and wantyng them that spée­d [...]c might relieue it: but to make the Cyttie strong before they abroade doe styrre anye tumulte, whereby wee maye resiste anye that wyll ryse againste vs, and [...]ge of them as wee shall thinke good, and performe what wee haue iudged. But howe can thys bée done? If wee can suffer Antony for the loue or fauour of the [Page 203] people, to haue Fraunce, if wee call home Decimus wyth hys three legions, and when hée is come, sen [...]e hym into Macedonia, retayning hys legions, and calling for the two legions that wente from Antony, wee doe require them (as Cicero sayeth of Caesar) to bee in the Ci­tie, so as hauyng fiue legions, wee maye confyrme what wee will by decree, and not be driuen to hang of anye mans hope.’

‘Thys haue I spoken to the hearers, without enuye or e­mulation. But for them that inconsiderately and vnadui­sedly séeke to trouble▪ you for priuate grudge or displeasure, I shall beséeche the Judges not to bée to quicke nor swifte againste so greate men, and leaders of so mightye armyes, that they doe not force them to make warre againste their wyli, remembryng Marcus Coriolanus, and the late Caesar, whom, bringing an armye likewise, and offring verye good conditions of concorde, wee rashelye condemned as eni­mye, and of necessitie made him to bee so indéede. Let vs beare wyth the people, that while earst did stirre againste the strykers of Caesar, that we séeme not, to hys reproch, to giue them prouinces of nations, nor prayse Decimus, bycause hee despiseth the peoples lawe, and condemne Antony, by­cause hee receyueth Fraunce by the peoples order. And it behoueth them that bee of good iudgement, to redresse them that goe astraye, and the Consuls and Tribunes to prouide for the daungers of the present state.’

Thus dyd Piso speake in defence, with cries and sharpe wordes, and was the onlye cause why Antony was not iudged a rebell. Yet coulde he not obtayne that hee shoulde haue the prouince of Frenche Celtica. For the friendes and kinsefolke of the killers for feare did lette it, leaste the warre shoulde ceasse, and hee bee at one with Octauius, and they both reuenge Caesars deathe. Wherefore theyr practise and deuise was to kepe Antony and Octauius styll at debate.

[Page 204]It was decréed that Antony should receiue Macedonie, in stead of Lombardie. Al other orders, eyther of ignoraunce or of pur­pose, they committed to Cicero to appoint, and to giue answere to Embassadours. He hauing this sentence, dyd thus deter­myne.

That Antony shoulde streight departe from Modena, and The decrees of Cuer [...] against Amony. leaue Celtica to Decimo: and to be within the compasse of the floud Rubicone (which diuideth Italie from Lombardie) by a daye prefixed, and committe all his matters to the Senate.

Thus Cicero ambitiously and vniustly dyd appointe his de­terminations, not for anye so great priuate enmitie, but as it shoulde séeme, by destinye that was determined to trouble the state with mutation, and bring himselfe to some euill happe in the ende.

At this instante they were come that broughte the ashes of Trebonius, and the despight vsed to him, which being throughly knowne, the Senate did easilye decrée Dolabella to bée a re­bell. Dolabella decla­red a rebel.

When the messengers were come to Antony, they were a­shamed of their strange commission, and sayd nothing, but de­liuered the decrée vnto him▪ He with great anger did [...]ueigh a­gainst the Senate & Cicero, maruelling that they would thinke The ansvvere of Antony to the decree. Caesar a Tyranne or a king: ‘that had so muche augmented the state of Rome, and not accompte Cicero so, whome Caesar toke in warre, and yet did not kill, whereas Cicero doeth preferre hys killers, before his friendes, and hated Decimus, when he was trusty to Caesar, and loued him euer since he was a killer of him, & would ayde him that only by Caesar kept Celtica, & iudge hym a rebell that had it by the people. To the legions that were as­signed by decrée, and reuolted, the Senate giueth rewarde, but none to them that remayne in their duety: and so cor­rupt (quoth he) the discipline of war, not belonging to me, but to the Citie. To the quellers, he could graunt obliuion of the facte, to whiche I consente for two noble mennes sake: but Antonye and Dolobella hee iudgeth enimyes, bycause [Page 205] wee kéepe that was giuen vs, for that is the verye cause. Antony to the Senate. But if I leaue Celtica, I am neither enimy nor tyranne.’ I pro­test I will dissolue that forgetfulnesse, that shall not be verye acceptable to hym.

Many things after this sorte spake Antony, and wrote thys Antony to Cicero aunswere to the decrée, that to the Senate he woulde obey as to hys Countrey, but to Cicero, that wrote the commaundement, thus he spake:

The people haue giuen me Celtica by lawe: Decimus, that wil not obey, I will remoue, and reuenge the matter of murther in hym for all, that the Senate may be purged of the [...]aulte they Antony conde [...] ­ned. be in, whereof they be ful for Ciceroes sake, to helpe Decimus. When Antony had thus saide, he wrote it by and by. Where­fore the Senate iudged hym an enimy, and the armye with him, vnlesse they wente from hym.

Macedonia and Illiria with the armies of both, they appointed The povver of Marcus Brutus in Asia, Macedonia and Slauonia. to Marcus Brutus, till the common wealth were brought to better state. He had an armye of hys owne, and had receyued one of Appuleius. He had shippes bothe gallies and hulkes, and sixtéen thousand talents of money, and greate plenty of armour, which he founde in the Citie of Demeatride, layde vp there by Caesar, all Demeatride, a tovvne in Thes [...] salie, that vvas called Pagasa, novve Demea­trida. Syria appoynted o Cassius. the whiche the Senate confirmed by the decrée, that hée mighte vse to the benefit of hys country.

Syria was by the Senate appoynted to Cassius, and commaun­ded to make warre vppon Dolobella, and all that had prouinces or armies of the Romaines from the Ionian Sea to the Easte, were charged to obey Brutus and Cassius. Wherefore Cassius and Brutus estate was sodainely in great fame.

When Octauius Caesar vnderstoode these thynges, hée was in doubt, for where he thought the lawe of Obliuion to procéede of a conueniēcie of humanitie, and a respect of pitie of their kins­folke that were men in like aucthoritie, and therfore had appoin­ted them to prouinces for a shorte tyme for their securitie, as Celtica to Decimus, to note Antony of Tyranny, and by that de­uice to induce hym againste Antony.

Nowe that Dolobella was condemned as a rebell, for killing [Page 206] one of the quellers, and that mightye nations were giuen in prouince to Erutus and Cassius, and manye armies wyth greate speedin [...]ie appointed to them, with abundaunce of money: and that they were made Generalles of all the people from Ionia to India. He perce [...]ued that all this tended to the aduauncement of Pompeys parte, and to the vtter destruction of Caesars: And that the Senate wente aboute to deceyue hym as a youngman: (the plotte wherof he conceiued in his mynd,) and that when he was VVhen hey [...]. made a Capitaine against Antony, it was meant to take his ar­mye from him, and that the Consulls being in the fielde, there was no néede of any other Capitayne, and that onely honours were gyuen to the Souldiours that reuolted from Antony, and hys vnhonoured: and that this warre would worke his infamy, be [...]ng vsed to none other intent of the Senate, but to the destru­ction of Antony. He kept the considerations secrete to hymselfe, and mak [...]ng sacrifice for the charge gyuen hym, he thus sayd to hys armye.

‘This honour, (O fellow Souldiours) I may thanke you [...] to the souldiours. for, not onelye nowe, but from the tyme you gaue mée power. For your sakes the Senate haue gyuen i [...] me, and therfore, for this also you know I am youre debtor of thankes, whiche, if the Gods shall gyue vs god lucke, I will requite abundantly. Thus did he speake to win [...]e hys armye and marched foorth.’

Pansa, one of the Consuls, lead his army, ouer Italy, Hirti­us, [...]. the other Consull, diuided with Caesar: and as he was secrete­ly instructed of the Senate, he required in the di [...]ision, the two legions that went from Antony, bycause they were counted the best Souldiors. Caesar did grant euery thing, and when they had diuided, they encamped togither that wynter.

At the ende of winter, Decimus beganne to lacke victual, wherefore Hirtius and Caesar wente to Mutina, that Antony [...] of [...], one of [...] o [...] Italy, and [...] and [...]. shoulde not get from them Decimus armye opprest with famine.

Antony holding Mutina straighte, they with all their forces woulde not fight with hym, but tarried for Pansa. Diuers skir­mishes were made, in the whyche, thoughe Antony hadde the greater number of horse, yet the narrownesse of the fielde, and [Page 207] the ditches about the riuers, did kéepe backe the multitude of horsemen. And thus went the matter at Mutina.

In Rome in the absence of the Consuls, Cicero dydde al, as the Cicero rule [...]h all at Rome. peoples ruler. He assembled the Senate euerye daye: hée made prouision of armour, compelling workemen without payment: He gathered money, and putte great impositions vppon An­tonies friendes. They suffered it patiently to auoide displeasure, til Publius Ventidius that had serued vnder Caesar, and was friende Ventidius ma­keth Rome afraid and Cicero to flee. to Antony, could not abide the sharpenesse of Cicero, but wente to Caesars habitations, where he was well knowne, and gotte twoo legions, whyche he ledde to Antonie, by Rome, to take Cice­ro. Great trouble grew of this, insomuche as manye wente awaye wyth their wiues and children for feare, and Cicero Cicero fleeth. fledde oute of the Cittie, whyche when Ventidius knewe, hée tourned straighte to Antony, and being stepte by Caesar and Hir­tius, La M [...] ca de▪ An­cona the coūtry of Ancona. hée wente to Picene, where he gathered another legion, and stayed to sée what would come.

The Consull and Caesar, séeing that Pansa drew nighe with hys hoste, sente Cars [...]leius the leader of Caesars chiefe bande, and Carsuleius. the Martiall legion to helpe him to passe the straights.

Antonie dydde not muche care for the passage, so he mighte The stratage [...] of Antony. otherwise hinder them, and being desirous of the [...]ight, could not vse his horsemen in the playne, bycause of the Fenny place full of ditches. He hidde twoo of hys beste legions in the Fenne, the waye béeing made by hande, and straighte, and on both sides couered with réedes.

Carsuleius all the nighte passing [...]hys place, by the breake of day, was come to the way made with hand. With the Martialls Souldioures and fyue other bandes, they wente vppon the made way, being cleare of ennimyes, and beholde the Fenne on euerye syde, and when they sawe the stirring of the réedes, and some glittering of terg [...]ts and headpéeces, they began to suspect, when as the chiefe band of Antony sodainelye appeared afore them.

The Martiall legion being on both sides beset, and hauing [Page 208] no roomth to shifte abroad, forbad the newe souldiours to take anye paines wyth them, leaste for lacke of experience they shoulde trouble them, they placed Caesars thiefe bande againste Antonies, and they diuiding themselues to twoo, encountred with bothe legions. Pansa was Capitaine of the one parte, and The notable fighte of the Martiall legion againste tvvo of Antonies, and the tvvo chiefe handes of Anto­ny and Octauius. This battell is declared in the tenth booke of [...] hys E­P [...]stles. Cars [...]leius of the other. And bycause there was two Fens, there was two fights: and bycause of the straight place, the one could not sée the other: and vppon the verye waye, the two chiefe bandes beganne another fight betweene themselues. Antonies men entended to be reuenged of the Martialls, bycause they were fugitiues, and to vse them as traytoures. The Marti­alls woulde bée reuenged of them, as suspected of theyr fellowes deathes at [...]unduse. Béeyng thus priuie one to ano­thers doings, and that they were the strength of eyther armye, they hoped by thys onely feate, that the warre woulde be deter­mined. The one was ashamed that two legions shoulde be ouer­come of one, the other sought glorye, that one legion shoulde de­feate two: and so they ioyned battel for anger and emulation▪ ra­ther of themselues, than of their Capitaynes, trying now their owne matter. And for their experience, they neyther made crie, as though they had not stroken one another, nor in the fight any of them vttered anye voyce, neither when he had the better, nor when he had the worse. They fetched no compasse nor course, but stoode firme, as in Fennes and ditches, where they could not one put another backe, but with their shorte swords, they clas­ped togither, as in a wrestling place. No blowe was giuen in vaine▪ but either woundes or slaughter followed, and only sighes in steede of voice. He that fell had straight another putte in hys place. There was no néede of exhortation or calling on, euerye man by his owne experience was a Captayne to hymselfe. And when they had ouerlaboured, they woulde staye to take breath, as men do in places of exercise, and straighte close agayne.

The young souldiours stoode in a maze to sée thys feate doone with so good order and silence: all these continuing beyond mans nature, the chiefe band of Caesar was all slaine. The Martialls vnder Carsuleius hadde rather the vpper hande of their enimies, [Page 209] who not disorderedly but in ray, withdrew thē selues. They vn­der Pansa dyd abide it out, and equally stoode to it on bothe sides, till Pansa was wounded with a darte in the belly, and was caried Pansa the [...]. to bononia. Then they, at the firste retyred in order, but after they turned more swiftely as flying, which when the yong Souldi­ours sawe, they fled with confusion and crie to the campe: which Torquatus the Pretor had prouided whyles they were fightyng, foreséeing the néede of it, to the whiche the new Souldiours ran with great violence, beyng Italians as well as the Martials, but exercise maketh them of one nation so much to differ in vertue. Exercise The Martials dyd not enter the trench for dishonour, but stoode before it, and weary though they were, remayned ready to resist any assaulte, and to abide the ende of the matter. Antony dyd not touche the Martialles, bycause he knewe them valiant, but the young Souldiours he chased, and made greate slaughter a­mong them.

Hirtius, at Mutina, hearyng of the fight, beyng aboute eyght Hirtius. myles distant, came in baste with the other legion that was fled from Antony. The sunne was now goyng downe, and Anto­nies Souldiours hauing the victory, went singing to their camp. Hirtius appeared to them, he beyng in good order with one legion The fight vvith Hirtius [...] men. sounde and valiante, and they out of order. Wherefore of ne­cessitie, they placed themselues in due sort, and shewed many va­liant and noble feates: but although they were coragious, yet beyng weary, they were ouercome of the other that were freshe, and the most parte slayne of Hirtius in this feate: albeit he did not folow them, for feare of the Fennes, and the night comming on, [...], u [...]rth [...] ovven. did seuer them. The Fenne in most places was filled with har­nesse and dead men, and with half dead and wounded. They that were safe, dispaired of themselues for wearinesse. But the horse­men The horse men of Antony. of Antony rode about al night, and gathered them togither: some they caried themselues: some they brought home on horse­backe: some they badde take holde by the horse tayle, to goe the faster, and séeke to saue themselues. Thus Antony hauyng fought very nobly, loste his force by the commyng of Hirtius: wherefore he abode in a village in the fielde without a campe. [Page 210] The Village is called French Market. The halfe of eyther syde [...]ts. was slayne, and C [...]s [...]rs bande of his person vtterly destroyed. Of Hirti [...]s Souldioures few were left, all the which the nexte mor­ning remoued their Camps to Mutina.

After this losse, Antony determined no more to giue battell to hys enimies, nor to admitte any attempt to the same, but with his Horsemen only to molest them daye by day, till he had got­ten Decimus to yéelde, being driuen by hunger. For this cause Hirtius and Caesar the rather prouoked hym to fight: and whereas they did perceyue, that Antony woulde not come forth, keēpyng his men in order, they went to the other side of the Citie, whych, (bicause it was the harder to approch, was the lesse kept) y with their whole army they myght enter by force. Antony made re­sistance only with his horsemen, but they being put backe by o­ther horse, and the army passing as it would, Antony was afraid▪ of the Citie, and brought forth two legious. They glad of thys, retired, and foughte with them, and whilest Antony from other [...]he [...] campes sent for m [...] legions, as in a troubled time of so greate and suddayne attempt, the whiche being long a comming, Caesars men ouerthrew Antonies in the fight, and Hirtius droue Antony to his Campe, where fighting manfully before Antonies Tente, he was slayn, whose body Caesar louing▪ in great spéed recouered, [...]. [...]ay [...]. and gote the Campe, till shortlye hée was repulsed by Antony. Both of them watched all night in armoure. Antony being fal­len with this seconde losse, streighte after the battell called hys friends to counsell. They thought, according to his former mea­ning, to kéepe still the s [...]ge at M [...]dena, and not to come to anye fight, for both the losses were like, Hirtius slayne, and Pansa hurte. In Horsemen, he the better, and Mutina broughte to extreame want, must needes shortly giue ouer. Thus his friends thoughte good, and it was best indede, but Antoni [...] (God now striking him) was afraide least Caesar shoulde procéede to the obteyning of the Citie, as he did the day before, or by making walles entrenche hym, hauing many pioners for the purpose, and then his Horse should do him no good: he said, Lepidus and Plancus wil despite me, as one ouercome, but if we goe frō Modena, Ve [...]tidius wil streight [Page 211] come to vs with thrée legions, from the marches of An [...]on [...], and, then being so strong, Lepidus and Pl [...]ncus will take my part. Thus he said, and as a man not afrayde in perils, he leuyed his séege, and went straight toward the Alpes. When Decimus was dely­uered of the séege, he began to feare Caesar as an enimie, bycause both Consuls were now gone, wherefore he make the bridges of the riuer before day, & sent to him, both acknowledging hym De [...]m [...] [...] to O [...]. the author of his safetie, and prayed him, that hauing the floude betwixte them, he woulde come to a talke, with witnesse of Citi­zens, where he would let him vnderstand, that very wicked For­tune forced him to conspire against Caesar, being thereto driuen of other. Octauius angerly aunswered the messengers, refusing the thankes that Decimus gaue him for I (quoth he) came not to saue Octauius aun­svvere to [...] ­cimus. Decimus, but to ouerthrow Antonie, with whome to be reconcy­led, there is no reason, but to come to spéech or fighte of Decimus, his nature abhorred it: let him therefore kéepe himselfe, so long as it shall so séeme to them of the Citie.’ When Decimus heard this, not being farre from the floud, he called to Caesar by name, and with a loude voyce, redde vnto him the Senates letters, by the which they had giuen him the prouince of Celtica [...]. And he for­bad also Caesar, that without the Consuls, he shoulde not passe the bridge into any others prouince, nor follow Antonie, for he was able ynough to do it. Octauius séeyng him in such boldnesse by the Senate, when he mighte by his commission haue taken him, hée spared him, and wente to Bononia to Pansa, from whence he wrote to the Senate of all things, and so did Pa [...]s [...], whose letters Cicero Th [...] [...]e o [...]ly. [...] to the S [...]n [...]y. S [...] o [...] [...] [...]y [...]s. did reade to the people of Rome, as from the Consull, but Caesars, were redde to the Senate onely. There was decréed generall Processions of fiftie dayes agaynste Antonie, the like whereof was not done of the Romaines, neyther for the warre of Fraunce, nor none other battayle.

The Consulles armyes were appoynted to Decimus, Pansa béeyng yet aliue, but not lyke to scape, and Decimus made gene­rall Decimus made generall. alone agaynste Antonie, and publike Prayers were made, that Decimus myghte ouercome Antonie: so greate an hate and displeasure was growen agaynste Antonie. [Page 212] [...]o the two legions that fledde from Antony, was confirmed to euery Souldiour accordyng to the former promise, fiue thousand D [...]ammes of the common treasure, as to Souldiours of con­quest: and it was graunted them in solemne feastes to weare a crowne of D [...]ue leaues. Of Octauius nothing was mentioned, not [...] so much as his name, so soone dyd they contemne him, as though Antony had bene vtterly destroyed. They wrote also to Lept­ [...], [...]cus, and Asinius, to fight with Antony, when they should [...]gh hym. These were done in Rome. Pansa beyng at poynt of death by reason of his wounde said thus to Caesar sittyng by him: [...] is a friende to thy father as to my selfe, whome I coulde [...] not [...]eage beyng slayne, not able to resiste so many, whome, thou also haste done wisely to obey, although thou haddest an armie. They at the firste fearyng thée and Antony, a manne moste ambitious, and enclinyng towarde Caesars sentence, haue bene content to suffer you to be at variance, and consume your selues, and when they sawe that thou wast Lorde of an army, as iyong man, they set thée foorth with some countenance and slen­der honours. After thou wast stronger and of more estimation, and that thou wouldest not recerue the autoritie vnder the army that they gaue thée, they were troubled, and they appoynted thée to ioyne with vs, that wée mighte take from thée the twoo legi­ons, which were moste practised, hopyng that if any of you were ouercome, the other alone shoulde be the more weaker, and af­ter hym destroy al Caesars friendes and set vp Pompeys. This was the summe of the determination. I and Hirtius haue done our cō ­mission, to represse Antony that grewe into suspition. Now that he is ouercome, wae thought it beste for thée to be at one with him, doyng thée this benefite▪ in remembraunce of Caesars amitie, onely that whiche we supposed will further thy felicitie in tyme to come. Afore this time to haue giuen thée this Consell had not benefitte, but nowe that Antony is broken, Hirtius dead, and I not like to liue, oportunitie serueth to speake, not that thou shoul­dest thanke me when I am dead, but that thou beyng borne to great felicitie (as thy déedes do shewe) mightest knowe what is beste for thée, and the chayse and destiny of Hirtius and mée. [Page 213] The armye that thou gauest vs, we thinke it most fitte to gyue thée agayne, and so we do. The yong Souldyoures if thou coul­dest keepe, I would also giue thée, but it would much offende the Senate, bycause the officers of them, were sent as kéepers to vs, and it would worke th [...] enu [...]e, and put thée to more trouble than néedes, therefore Torquatus the Pretor shall haue them. When he had thus sayd, and deliuered them to Torquatus, he dyed:’ and they Pansa the Consul dyeth. as the Senate commaunded, were sent to Decimus. Caesar deliue­red Hirtius and Pansa to their funerall with greate honor, and The Consuls buryed honou­rably. sent them to Rome with great shew. In Syria and Macedonia at this time diuers things happened.

Iulius Caesar when he passed by Syria, left a Legion there, myn­ding Cecilius Bassus. then to go against the Parthians, Cecilius Bassus had the charge thereof, but Iulius Sextus, a yong man, and allyed to Caesar, had the Iulius Sextus. dignitie, who ledde the legion without order, to delitious and li­centious life, the which when Bassus reproued, he vsed him wyth despightefulnesse, and Bassus againe calling him, and he grudging The mutiny of the army in Syria. at it, he commaunded he should by force be broughte before him. At the which whē tumult and fray was made, the army not bea­ring Inlius kylled. this despighte, killed Iulius, whereof they streighte repented thē, for feare of Caesar. Then making oth one to another, that vn­lesse forgiuenesse and faith were giuen them, they woulde fyght to deathe, and compelling Bassus to that oth, they gathered ano­ther legion, & trayned them to their exercise. Thus some do write of Bassus. But Libo writeth, that Bassus was of Pompeys parte, and after the battayle, liued priuately in Tyro, where he did corrupte some of the Legion, who killed Sextus, and after obeyed Bassus. But howsoeuer the matter wente▪ they valiantly resisted Sextius Murcus, that was sente of Caesar with thrée Legions, till Murcus Sextius Murcus. Minutius Crispus. Bythinia in Asia the lesse, nexte Troy. Cas [...]ius obtey­ned the Le­gions. did call to Minutius Crassus, that was ruler of Bythinia, who came into his ayde with thrée other Legions, and when Bassus was be­séeged of these, Cassius came in great hast, and receyued by and by the two legions of Bassus, and also wanne the fire legions that be­séeged him, by friendship, who obeyed him as vnder-Consul. For (as I sayd before) it was decréed, that all should obey Cassius and Brutus.

[Page 214] Albienus at that time, being sente of D [...]lobella into Aegipt, Albienus brought from thence foure legions, whiche being scattered after the ouerthrowe of Crassus and Pompey, or else lefte of Caesar wyth Cleopatra, Cassius comming suddaynely vpon hym, compelled him to deliuer his Legions in Palestina, being afrayd with foure Le­gions Palestina nexte India and Ara­bia. to fighte with eyghte. So Cassius beyonde expectation, was Lord of twelue full Legions, and Dolobella going out of Asia in­to Cassius, Lord of tvvelue Le­gions. [...]a [...]dicea, a noble Citie in Asia, [...]igh the [...]ond [...]y [...]us. Liodicea, where for frendship he was receyued, he followed and beséeged, whiche thyng when the Senate hearde, they were glad.

In Macedonia, Caius Antonius, brother to Antonius Marcus, dyd make warre with Brutus, hauing one Legion of armed Citi­zens, and being inferioure to Brutus, he layde traynes for hym, which Brutus escaping, did catch him with the like traynes, and doing nothing to him nor them that he had taken, he badde his owne Souldioures to be familiar with their enimies, but they refusing that familiaritie, and not admitting their conu [...]rsati­on, he suffered them freely to departe, when he had them at ad­vantage. They goyng another way, he appeared suddaynely vnto them in another straight, where he dyd not touche them, P [...]us getteth legions in Macedonia. but gently receyued them. They remembring that he was euer thought to be the most courteous Citizen, and worthy the opi­nion that he had of wisedome and mildenesse, they accepted hys courtesie, and gaue themselues vnto him. Caius also yéelded to hym, and was in honor with Brutus, till he was founde manye Brutus the gē [...]le. times corruptyng the army, and so put away.

Thus Brutus to his former army, had syxe Legions, and pray­sing the Macedonians, he gathered of them two legions more, whome he exercised after the Italian manner.

These thyngs were done in Siria and Macedonia.

In Itali [...], Caesar tooke it euill, that Decimus was made Generall agaynste Antonie before him▪ He hidde hys anger, Octa [...]us desireth Triumph▪ The Senate de­nyeth Triumph [...]. and desired that hée myghte make a Triumph for the feates hée hadde done, and béeing reiected of the Senate, for requiring greater thynges than belonged to hys age, [Page 215] hée was afraide, least if Antonie were ouerthrowen, they woulde more despise him, and therefore desired to haue conference with hym, as Pansa counselled hym when hée dyed.

All the Souldioures and Captaynes of Antonies that he had taken, hée vsed courteously, and tooke them as hys owne, and Caesar vseth An­tonyes Souldi­oures vvell. them that woulde, he sente to Antonie, as a signification, that he was no enimie to hym.

To Ventidius that was friend to Antonie, and hadde broughte thrée legions, he drewe nygh wyth hys army, and when he had Octa [...]ius Caesar practi [...]eth vvith Ventidius, An­tonyes friende. made hym afrayde, he did nothing to hym, but graunted hym eyther to ioyne with hym, or to goe to Antonie fréely with hys armie, and to protest, that for lacke of knowledge, he had [...]mit­ted the common profite. When Ventidius heard thys, he wente to Antonie.

In the meane tyme, Octauius Caesar honoured Decius, one of Antonies Captaynes whome hée hadde taken at Muti­na. He gaue hym leaue to go [...] to Antonie if he woulde, and he Octauius saying to Decius, a Cap­tayne of An­tonyes. demaunding of hys mynde towarde Antonie, hée sayde, he had shewed sufficiente and manye tokens to them that coulde per­c [...]yue, and to them that woulde be ignorante, more woulde not suffice.

Thus dyd Caesar signifye to Antonie.

To Le [...]idus and Asinius he more playnely signifyed of the de­spight against hym, and of the myghtie preparation of the kyl­lers, Octauius dealeth vvith Iepidus and Asinius. makyng them afrayde, that to increase Pompeis faction, all Caesars friendes one after another, shoulde be serued as Anto­nie was, whych he, through ignoraunce and suspition of a feare, did longer suffer. He allowed well they shoulde obey the Se­nate Octauius pra [...]e vvith Antonyes friends. for a fashion, but for theyr owne suretie they shoulde a­grée togyther whylest they myghte, and that they shoulde héerein reprooue Antony, and to vse the manner of the le­gionaries, not to departe from them when the seruice was done, nor to leaue the trade of warre and disseuer, (leaste thereby the Enimie myghte take some aduantage,) [Page 216] but rather togither inhabite others places, thereto desirous for their power, than seuerally euery man in his countrey consume his owne. This did Caesar send to Lepidus and Asinius. Deci [...]us ar­mye olde and famished, was full of sicknesse, and loosenesse of bo­dye, Decimus army after [...]ger, [...] for plenty. Plancus [...]oyneth vvith Decimus. and the newe Souldioures were yet vnexercised▪ but Plancus with his ordinarie armye drew nigh vnto him, & Decimus wrote to the Senate, that Antonie shoulde be caught in his snares, bée­ing tyred with things past.

P [...]mpeys friends hearing of this, did maruellously reioyce, cry­ing now to be time, to restore their Countreys libertie. Euerye man made sacrifices, and elected tenne men to punishe Antonies A creation of tenne men in Rome. power. And this was a forme to abolish Caesars decrées, whiche Antonie put in vre by his remembrances, doing little or nothing of himselfe: whiche thing the Senate well perceyuing, did by oc­casion disanull some, and so they hoped to dissolue all: and the tenne men did commaund, that whosoeuer hadde receyued anye [...]di [...]t of tenne men. thing by Antonies authoritie, contrarye to the Senate, they should restore it, and declare it, and to them that disobeyed, a pu­nishment was threatned. Pompeys secte required the rule of Con­suls, in stead of Hirtius and Pansa, for the rest of the yeare. Caesar did the like, not of the Senate, but of Cicero, priuately sendyng to Octa [...]ius requi­reth to be Con­sull vvith Cicero. him, and exhorting him to be in office with him, bycause he was more sage, more experte, and better acquainted with the office than he, and that he only would thinke it a benefyte to beare the name, that he might haue an honest pretence to leaue his armye, for the which cause he had required a triumph.

Cicero héereby being blowen vp with ambition, sayde, he per­ceyued The ambition of Cicero. a conspiracie to be wrought by the Captaynes abroade, and therefore he thought good to pleasure this yong man, béeyng not well intreated, and Lorde of a greate armye, and rather to graunte him an office in the Citie before his time, than to force him to be in armes, least he might do something that should not content the Senate, and wished some of the wise antients might be appoynted, as a maister of his yong yeares. But the Senate laughed at Ciceros ambition, and the kinsmen of the killers were Cicero is laughed [...]. against it, [...]earing that Caesar would accuse them when he should [Page 217] be Consull, and for diuerse lawfull causes made delay in the ele­ction.

Antonie in this tyme passed the mountaines. Hauing persua­ded Culeo suffereth Antony to passe the mountaines. Culeo a Capitaine of Lepidus, and keper of the passage, to cre­dite hym, he drewe nighe the [...]ioude where Lepidus was, and lay without trenche or ditche, bicause he would shew he was friend to him. Diuerse messages were sent betwéene them. Antony re­cording diuers friendshippes and pleasures, affirmed, that if he Pract [...]se be­tvvene Antony & Lepidus. woulde not agrée, all they of Caesars [...], shoulde be broughte to the like calamitie.

Lepidus being afraide of the Senate, that hadde commaunded hym to make warre vppon Anto [...], affyrmed yet that he [...] it againste his will. Now Lepidus his army reuer [...]cing the dig­nitie of Antonie, and perceiuing the messengers betwéene them, and delighting in the quietnesse of his souldiours, secretly firste mingled among thē, & after openly, as with their fellow citizens and souldiors: and when they were forbidden by the Captains, they making no accompte of their commaundemente, made a bridge of boats ouer the riuer, that they mighte the better come The tenth legiō beganne to re­uo [...]te from Lepi­dus▪ Laterensis. togither: and the legion called the tenth, sometime wont to bée led of Antonie, prepared for him in their ten [...]s.

Laterensis, one of the noble Senatoures perceyuing thys, opened the matter to Lepidus, who giuing no credite to hym, wil­led the armye to bée diuided into diuerse partes, as to be sent to diuers vses to trie their treason or faith. Lepidus deuided them into thrée, and commaunded them in the night [...] that they shoulde conduct a Treasourer of the armye that was comming Lepidus souldi­oures lets in Antony. at hand. They passing the last watch, and arming themselues as to a iorney, went to the strongest parte of the campe, and ope­ned the gates to Antony, who ranne into Lepidus Tentes, all the armye bringing hym and praying Lepidus of mercie and peace for the afflicted Citizens, Lepidus leapte oute of hys Antony and Le­pidus ag [...]ee. bed without his clothes, and promysed so to do [...], and em­bracing Antony, excused the necessitie. Some saye he dydde knéele to Antonie, as one that was a cowarde and of small experience, the whyche all writers do [...] not allowe, nor I [Page 218] thinke it to be probable, for hée hadde done no parte of an [...] [...]athe greate povver againe. ennimye againste Antony, whereby he should bée asrayde of hym.

Thus Antony was risen agayne to greate power, and béecame moste fearefull vnto his ennimyes, for hee hadde the Armye that hée ledde from Modena: hée hadde receyued thrée legions by the waye, of Ventidius, and newe hadde the fellowshippe of Lepidus, wyth seauen legions, armed wyth all kynde of furniture, and preparation requisite.

Lepidus bare the name among them, but Antonie had the direction of all.

When this was shewed at Rome, a maruellous and suddayne mutation of mindes followed: some, from greate boldenesse fell to feare: some from great feare were lifted vppe to courage.

The decrées of the tenne men were broken wyth spighte, Alteration in Rome. and the creation of Consulles was instantelye called for.

The Senate stoode in doubte what to doe, and feared that Caesar and Antonie woulde agrée.

They sente secreatelye Lucius and Pansa, to Brutus and The Senate sē ­deth Lucius and Pansa to Brutus and Cassius. Cassius, as to viewe publique playes, that they sette foorthe in Grecia, and secreatlye required them, that as soone as might bée, they woulde come to helpe them.

From Libya they called twoo of the thrée legions vnder S [...]xtius, and the thirde, they commaunded to be gyuen to Cor­nificiu [...], that was ruler of the other Libya that obeyed the Se­nate.

They were afrayde of these, when they remembred they The feare of the Senate. hadde serued vnder Iulius Caesar, and were enclined to hys do­ings.

This doubtefulnesse droue them to this pointe, that by­cause they feared newe Caesar woulde consente wyth Antonie, Nevve Caesar chosen lie [...]te­nāt to Decimus. they chose hym agayne verye vnfitlye lieutenaunte vnder Detimus, but Caesar for anger, as continuallye vsed with dispight, [Page 219] stirred his armye, that they shoulde be sente to a néedye iorney before they were paide the fyue thousande drammes, promi­sed Caesar stirreth his souldioures a­gainste the Se­nate. them for the fyrste, and counselled them to sende to the Se­nate for it, and they sent the Captaines of the bandes.

The Senate knowing wherefore they were taughte to come, aunswered they woulde sende their Ambassadoures vn­to them, whome they thus instructed.

That they shoulde priuatelye speake to the twoo legions that wente from Antonie, and teache them not to putte Senate sendeth to the souldi [...]. their truste in one, but in the Senate onelye, whose power was eternall, and that they shoulde goe to Decimus, whi­ther they woulde sende them theyr money, and pretended they hadde readye to gyue them the one halfe, and that tenne men shoulde be appointed for the payment, not namyng Caesar for the eleuenth.

The Messengers, bycause the legions would not be spoken to, without Caesar returned in vaine.

Caesar woulde no more haue other to speake to the Souldi­oures, nor tarrye anye longer, but himselfe wente to the ar­mye béeyng assembled, and shewed what despight the Senate had done him, and that they ment to destroy euerye one of Caius Caesars friendes.

He badde them beware of them, that woulde haue them [...], his souldioures againste the Se­nate. tourne to a Capitayne, by sentence of gods iudged an ennimy, and so from one ennimye to another, eyther to bée vtterlye de­stroyed, or to be at debate among themselues, for the feate at Mutina being common, rewarde is onelye appointed to twoo legions, to worke strife and discorde among them.

‘You knowe (quoth hée) why Antonie is persecuted, and what the Pompeyans haue propounded in Rome agaynste them that haue receyued giftes by Caesars appointement.’ ‘What truste can you haue, eyther of the lande, or the mo­ney that hée gaue you, or of my safetye, so long as the kyllers kinsemen doe beare rule in the Senate? As for my selfe, I am readye to take suche ende as shall happen vnto [Page 220] me, and it shall be myne honoure to suffer for my fathers de­fence: but for you, so manye, and so worthye men, my whole care is, béeyng in perill for my fathers sake and mine. You know that I am cleare from al ambition, since I refused the au­thoritie that you woulde haue giuen me, with the ceremonies of a Magistrate. Nowe I see that bo [...]e oure safeties doeth [...] desi­reth to be declared [...] by the souldioures. consist, if I be of you declared Consull, for so shall the things be made sure vnto you, that my father hathe giuen you: the landes and habitations that be due vnto you, you shall obtaine, and all youre giftes to the vttermoste: and I séeking the pu­nishment of the strihers, will, wyth you, dispatche our other e­nimies,’

When hée hadde thus saide, the armye chearefully made a noise, and sent the Capitaines againe to Rome to require the Consulshippe for Caesar. When the Senate obiected against hys age, the Captaines, as they were instructed, saide that in olde tyme Coruinus was Consull before hys tyme, and after hym Consulls vnder age. Coruinus. Scipio. Scipio, bath the firste and the seconde, and by their youth, the Countrey was aduaunced. Comming to later tyme, they broughte forth Pompey and Dolobella, and Caesar himselfe, to whom it was graunted to be Consull tenne yeares béefore hys tyme.

The Capitaines speaking thus with much boldenesse, some of the Senatoures coulde not abide, that they béeyng but band­leaders, should vse suche frée spéech before the Senate, and rebu­ked The Senate re­buketh the souldioures. them, as menne more insolent than became Souldioures duety.

When the whole armye heard this, they were more angry, and desired they might straighte be led to the Cittie, that they might make Caesars sonne a Consull by a famous election, whose father they extolled with immortall praise.

When Octauius sawe this vehemencie, by and by from that Octauius [...]o [...]th against the [...]. assemblye, he marched forward with eight legions of footemē, and a sufficient number of horsemen, and all prouision accor­dingly, and when he was paste the floude Rubicone, from Celtica into Italy, as his father did afore, whē he moued ciuil war, he de­uided his army into. ij, parts, y one he commaūded to follow at [Page 221] leysure, the other and y e better, he toke with him, & made much spéede, minding to take them vnprouided He met with part of the money that the Senate had sent the souldiours for a re­warde, and being afrayde of the bringers of this gifte, he sent [...] secretiye some afore to afraye them, whereby they wyth their The feare at Rome. money fledde awaye. When the report of his comming was at Rome, great was the trouble and tumulte, running hyther and thyther to sende their wiues and children, and to carye their chiefe substaunce, eyther into the countrey or so the strongest parts of the Citie. For it was not throughly known, whyther he came onlye to aske the Consulshippe. But when they heard that he came as an ennimy wyth an angry armye, they were afrayde of al hands.

The Senate was greatly stroken that they had no power Alteration in Rome. sufficient, and as in suche feare happeneth, one of them acce­sed an other: some, bycause they tooke awaye the army from Antony wyth suche dispight: some, bycause they had suspi­tion of the Triumphe, whiche was but right: some for hatred and diuision of the money: some, bycause he was not appointed the eleuenth manne in the distribution: some, bycause the rewards were not giuē, neither soone ynough, nor ful ynough, sayd the army was become their enimy▪ & blamed this conten­tion so much out of season, Brutus and Cassius being so farre off, and Antonius and Lepidus their ennimies so nygh, whome per­ceyuing to be redy to agrée wyth Caesar, made the feare to grow the greater.

Cicero, that before was the great styrrer, did nowe no where Cicero not see [...]. appeare. In euerie manne was maruellous mutation in eue­rye matter: and for the two thousande and fiue hundred drams that shoulde be giuen to two legions, to giue fiue thousande drammes to eight legions, and in stéede of tenne men, to make Caesar the distributour alone, and to graunte hym to aske the Consulshippe in his absence. Ambassadours went in haste t [...] Inconstancie [...] the Senate. make thys message with diligence, who were not out of the towne before the Senate repented them, as they that oug [...] not so cowardly to be troubled, nor to receiue another [...]ran [Page 222] without bloudshed, and that it was not the vse to aske the Con­sulship by force, nor that Captaynes shoulde rule the Countrey at their pleasure, and that they in the Citie shoulde arme them­selues, and alleage the lawes againste them that came to in­uade the Countrey: and if they woulde néedes procéede, rather to suffer the séege till Decimus and Plancus myghte come: and bet­ter to defend themselues to death, than willingly to receyue ser­uitude without redresse.

They recyted the olde examples of the Romanes in suffe­rance and Counsell for their libertie, whiche they woulde in no wise giue ouer. And when the two legions called from Libya, dyd that day arriue at the porte, they thoughte that the Gods did exhort them to mainteyne their libertie: and repenting now themselues, they woulde reuoke all that they had done, ( Cicero Cicero seene agayne. now appearing among them.) Therefore all men that were of age, were appoynted to serue.

The two Legions that came from Libya, and wyth them a Tvvo Legions [...]iue agayne. thousande Horse, and one Legion that Pansa lefte them, were putte togither, all the whiche was deuided. One parte kepte the hyll Ianiculo, where all theyr money lay. Another kepte the passage of the floud, by the officers of the Citie deuiding them­selues: and some hadde broughte their moneys to the porte in Shippes and boates, that if they were ouercome, they myght escape by Sea.

Thus they dyd with greate boldnesse and spéede, trustyng thereby to affray Caesar, or to moue hym without his army to aske the Consulshippe of them, or manfully to defende them­selues, and that the state myghte change to contrarie fortune, whyles they did fyght for their libertie.

Caesars mother and his sister they coulde not fynde, neyther Caesars mother and sister sought for. by priuie nor open search, wherefore they made a greate stirre, béeyng spoyled of so great pledges, and thoughte that the Caesa­rians did not encline to them, bycause they had so surely hid them from them.

Some of the messengers remayning yet wyth Caesar, the contrarye determination was tolde him: wherefore they de­parted [Page 223] from him with shame: he with the armye béeyng the rather styrred, came forwarde wyth greate hast, fearing the women myghte take hurte. And to the people that was in tumulte, he sente hys Horsemen afore, willing them no more to bée afrayde: whereat euery man reioysing, he tooke the pla­ces aboue Mount Quirinale, no man daryng to encounter or re­siste Mount Quiri­nale, one of the seuen hilles of Rome. Mutation in Rome. hym.

Wherefore an other maruelous mutation was séene of the sodayne. So many noble menne that wente vnto hym and receyued hym, the common people folowyng and v­sing Honour gyuen to Octauian. the Souldiours in battayle raye, as men quiet in peace, hée leauyng hys armye in that place, the nexte daye came in­to the Cittie with a sufficient Garde aboute hym: they of the Cittie mette wyth hym all the waye on euery side, and salu­ted hym, omittyng no parte of humanitie nor humble seruice. His Mother and hys Sister from the Temple of Vestae wyth Legions of the Senate goe to Caesar Octauius. the holy Nunnes, ranne out to embrace hym. The thrée legi­ons dispising theyr Capitaynes, sente Embassadours vnto him to yéelde themselfe. Cornutus one of theyr chiefe Capi­taynes, Cornutus himself. killed hymselfe, the other trusted to hys promisse and fayth.

Cicero hearyng of these promyses, practysed to come before hym by hys friendes, whiche beyng done, he excused hymselfe, and extolled the perswasion that hée had vsed to the Senate Cicero [...]. for hys Consulshippe: he answeared onely with a taunt, that he was the laste of hys friendes that came vnto him.

In the nyghte a sodayne rumour was raysed, that twoo le­gions of Caesars, the Martiall and the fourth, were reuolted to the Cittie, as grieued they should be brought to betraye their Light credite to a vayne rumor. countrey. The officers and the Senate gaue fayth vnto the rumour very lightly, and though the other army was at hand, they thought with these menne so valiant, they might resist the reste of Caesars hoste, till more power mighte come to them from other place. And in the nyghte, to be sure, they sente Ancona. Acilius Crassus into Picena to gather an armye, and they [Page 224] commaunded one Apuleius a Tribune to runne to the people wyth thys ioyful tydings: and the Senate that night, came to the Counsell▪ Cicero standing at the dore and receyuing them with greate ioye and gladnesse: and when it was knowne it was but a false rumor, he fledde his waye in a waggon.

Caesar laughing at them, broughte his armye nygher the Citie, to the place called the fielde of Mars. He hurt none of the officers, not so much as Crassus, y t was posting into Picene, al­thoughe Acilius Crassus. hee was broughte vnto hym in a seruile habite, but spared all, to the opinion of hys humanitie, albeit, not long after, he put them to death.

The common treasure founde in Ianiculo or in any other Octauius dealing in the Cities. place, be commaunded to be brought togither: and al that was afore appointed by Cicero, he distributed to his army, two thou­sande and fiue hundred drammes to euery man, the residue he promised to giue them. When he had done this, he retyred from the Citie, till the election of the Consuls, when, he was chosen, and with him, Q. Pedius, as he desired, who had left a por­tion Octauius and Q. Pedius Consuls. of Caesars inheritaunce vnto hym.

Then he came into the Cittie as Consul, and sacrifised. And there appeared to him twelue Gripes, as did to Romulus A token of xii. Vultures. when he builded the Cittie. The sacrifices being ended, hée gaue himselfe in adoption, to his father, according to the lawe Curiate, that is▪ to be confirmed in adoption by the people.

For the Romaines call Curias, companies or wardes of the peo­ple Cur [...]. Phratri [...]. deuided, as the Grecians, do call Phratriae, fellowshippes and Frater [...]i [...]ies. This vse among the Romaines, was most effectuall in the lawe for them that be without fathers: and they may as well as Legitimate children commaunde the kinsefolke and frée made men of them that doe adopte them. And it was one of Caius Caesars glories, that he had manye riche frée made men: and chiefly for this cause peraduenture, thys Caesar, in his first adoption by testament, had néede of this also.

He dissolued by a newe lawe that Dolobella shoulde not be iudged a rebell, and that the lawe mighte procéede for Caesars killing.

[Page 225]wherefore accusations were written agaynste them by Caesars [...] a­gainst the [...] Caesar▪ friends, to them as strikers, to the other, as priuie only: for thys was obiected againste some of them, and to some, bycause they woulde not be seene when Caesar was kylled. And to all these, a day certayne was assigned by Proclamation, when they shoulde appeare to make their annswere, all the whiche fayling at the day, Caesar himselfe markyng the iudgementes, none was par [...] ­ [...]ed of the faulte, but one noble man, who then had no hurte, but Many conde [...] ­ned for Caesars death. shortly after was condemned to deathe wyth the other. And at thys tyme Q. Gallius, brother to Marius Gallius, Antonyes friende, Q▪ Gallius con­demned. béeyng a Pretor in the Citie, dyd desire of Caesar the Lieutenant­shippe of Libya, whyche when he hadde obteyned, he wroughte wyles agaynste Caesar. The other Pretors depriued him of hys office, and the people and the Senate condemned him to deathe. Caesar commaunded hym to goe to hys brother that was wyth Antony, and when he had taken Shyppe to goe, he was neuer séene after.

When Caesar had done these greate things, he enclined to paci­fication with Antony. When he had hearde that Brutus▪ hadde twenty Legiōs, against y t which he would haue Antonyes help, he wente out of the Citie towarde the Ionian Sea, and makyng small iourneys, be tarried to sée what the Senate would do. Pe­dius when Caesar was gone, perswaded, that before grudge should [...] councell▪ growe to extremitie, they woulde agrée Antony and Lepidus. And although they perceyued that this agréement was not for theyr sake, nor for their Countrey, but onely to helpe Caesar agaynste Brutus and Cassius, yet did they by necessitie determine it, and re­uoked the sharp decrées made against Antonie and Lepidus, and all the Souldioures vnder them, and to sende them other more fauourable, for the whyche Caesar wrote his letters of congratu­lation vnto them, and promised to helpe Antonie againste Deci­mus, if néede were. The Senate vsed lyke friendly manner re­ward P [...] Cae [...] him, and gaue him their harty thākes, and Antonie wrote that he would plague Decimus for Caesar, and Pl [...]n [...], for himselfe, and ioyne with Caesar. Thus they wrote one to another.

Whilest Antonie pursued Decimus, Asinius Pollio came vnto [Page 226] him with two Legions, and practised to haue him pacifyed Plancus reconcy­led vvith Antony. wyth Plancus, and Plancus with thrée Legions agréed with Antony, in so muche as nowe Antony hadde a most myghtie power.

Decimus hadde tenne Legions, whereof foure moste war­like being féebled with hunger, were yet vexed with sicke­nesse.

Of newe taken, there was syxe Legions, but vnexperte and fearefull. Wherefore Decimus doubting to fyghte, deter­mined Decimus is driuē to flee, and hys army forsaketh him. Rauenna. Aquileia. to flée to Brutus into Macedonia, and not to passe by the Mountaynes, but by Rauenna and Aquileia. And bycause Caesar was comming that waye, hée tooke a longer and an har­der R [...]n [...] is a floud in Italy, that run­neth not farre from [...]. iourney to passe by Rene, and goe to the wilde places of barbarous people, where the newe Souldioures, oppressed with wante and heate, forsooke hym, and wente to Caesar, and after them the foure Legions of older Souldioures wente to Antony. Then to the other multitude (the Frenche Horsemen men, béeyng the gard of hys person only except) he gaue leaue (if they woulde) to goe euery man to hys owne, and gaue them such golde as he hadde, so as when he came to the Rene, he had but Decimus forsakē. thrée hundred, where, bycause the passage was hard, they all forsooke hym saue a fewe, whyche fewe also shortly dyd leaue hym, and wyth tenne onely, changing hys garmente lyke a French man, whose language he coulde speake, he wente forthe as one of that nation, not with ha [...]ty iourneys, but easlie to A­quileia, thynking with so fewe he myghte wel escape: but bée­yng taken of Théeues and bounde, he asked what Prince was [...] is taken vvith the eues. Lorde of that parte, they sayde Camillus. He muche estéemyng the name of Camillus, desired he myght be broughte to hym, who Camillus. when he sawe hym in apparance, spake fayre to hym, and rebu­ked the takers, that without regard, hadde so euill entreated so noble a man, but priuily he sent vnto Antony, and Antony mo­ued Barbarous [...]. [...] is killed of one Camillus, by the com­maundemente of [...]. with the mutation, coulde not abyde to sée him, but willed Camillus to kyll hym, and sende hym hys head, whyche when he sawe, he commaunded it to be buryed.

Thys ende hadde Decimus, a Captayne of Caesars Horsemen, [Page 227] [...]na by hym made Ruler of olde France, and for the yeare to come elected Consull, and Gouernoure of the other Fraunce, and was the seconde of the kyllers that nexte Trebonius was pu­nished, a yeare and a halfe after Caesars deathe. And this verye tyme Minutius Basill [...]s one of Caesars quellers also was kil­led Minuti [...] Basil [...] killed of his ovvne men. of hys owne seruauntes, bycause he had made some of them Eunuches for pu­nishmente.

(⸪)

The ende of the thirde Booke of Ciuill dissentions.

¶ The fourth Booke of Appiane of Alexandria, of the Ciuill dissen­tions of Rome.

THus two of Caesars killers, being ouer­throwen in their prouinces, had their punishment, Trebonius in Asia, and De­cimus in Celtica. Nowe, how Cassius and Brutus, chiefe of the conspiracie against Caesar were plagued, being Lordes of all the lande betwéene Syria, and Ma­cedonia, hauing mighty power both by Sea and land, with twenty armed le­gtons, besyde Horsemen and Shyppes, and money at wyll, thys fourth Booke of Ciuill discorde shal declare. And with the same, the inquisitions, and the searchers of them that were appoynted to dye by proscription, and the lamentable afflictions on euerye [...], is [...] condemnation [...] lavve, to kill men vvheresoeuer they be founde. syde, suche as neyther among the Greeke seditions or tumultes, nor among the Romaines themselues hadde bin done by any re­membrance, sauing onely of Sylla, who was the fyrste that by Proclamation condemned hys foes to dye: for Marius did onely séeke to punishe them whome he founde: but Sylla with greate rewardes and lyke punishmentes of them that did conceale, pro­scribed menne to be [...], as they were caughte. What Marius and Sylla dyd, it is shewed before in that matter, nowe the rest shall follow in order.

Caes [...]r and Antonie, of enimies, were made friendes, aboute [...]t o [...]e. A [...]es [...] [...]o the Citie of Modene, in a little playne Ilande of the floude La­b [...], eache of them hauyng fyue armed Legions, whiche be­yng placed one ouer­agaynste another, eyther of them wyth thrée hundred, came to the bridges of the Riuer. Lepidus béeing come afore to searche the Ile, made a token wyth hys cloke to them both to come. They lefte theyr companyes wyth theyr [Page 229] friendes at the Bridges, and came into the myddest, to a place that myghte bée séene, and sate all thrée downe, Caesar in the myddest, bycause of his office. Two dayes from mornyng tyll nyghte they conferred, and made thys determina­tion.

[...] That Caesar should gyus ouer hys Consulshippe, and Venti­dius receyue it for the rest of the yeare.

That a newe office shoulde be instituted by lawe, for redresse of ciuill troubles: and that Lepidus, Antonius, and Caesar, shoulde haue that authoritie for fyue yeares, wyth the same power that Consulles haue: so it was thought best to name it, peraduen­ture bycause of Antonyes decrée, forbiddyng anye man to bée Dictator.

That they shoulde by and by appoynte the offices of the Ci­tie from yeare to yeare, duryng the fyue yeares, and diuide the Prouinces.

That Antony shoulde haue all Fraunce on thys syde the Novv Narbona. Pirenei Mountaynes, excepte that whiche they call olde Cel­tica.

That Lepidus shoulde rule that and Spayne.

That Caesar shoulde gouerne Lybia, Sardinia, and Sicelie, and a­ny other Ilande there.

Thus did these thrée diuide the Romaine Empire, leauing the prouinces beyonde the Sea, bycause of Brutus and Cassius that were Gouernoures there.

That Antony and Caesar should make warre vpon Brutus and Cassius.

That Lepidus shoulde he Consull for the time to come, and re­mayne in the Citie for all occasions, and gouerne Spayne by De­puties.

That Lepidus shoulde reteyne thrée Legions of his owne ar­my for the defence of Rome.

That the other seauen shoulde be diuided betwéene Caesar and Antony, that Caesar shoulde haue thrée, and Antony foure, that eyther of them myghte leade twentye Legions to the warre.

[Page 230]That they shoulde encourage their armyes as well with rewardes of victorie, as other giftes, as by the promise of eyghtéene Cities of Italie, excelling in substance, s [...]yle, and fayre buyldings, and that both landes and houses of the same shoulde be deuided vnto them, as though they had bin taken by warre. Amongst the rest these were the chiefe, Cap [...], Reggi [...], Ven [...]sia, Beneuent [...], Nuceria, Arimeno, and Vibona▪ Cities of Italy deuided to spoyle. Thus were the fayrest partes of Italie assigned to the Souldi­oures.

It was also agréed, that euery of them shoulde dispatche hys priuate enimies, that no trouble myghte come by them, after that they, vppon these determinations, shoulde bée gene farre off, to make a long warre out of their Coun­trey. All these thyngs were signed wyth their handes. Casar, as Consull dyd declare them to the armye▪ sauyng onely theyr names that were appoynted to dye. When the Soul­dioures hearde it, they were glad, and embraced togither for ioy.

These béeyng done, many Monsters and terrible tokens Tokens in Rome. were séene in Rome. Dogges yéelled like Wolues, a fearefull warning. Wolues ranne about the common place, a beast, not wonte to be séene at Rome. An Oxe sounded a mans voyce: and a childe spake as soone as it was borne. Some of the Images sweate. Some dyd sweate bloud. Greate voyces of men, noyse of harnesse, and running of Horses, were hearde, and nothyng séene.

Aboute the Sunne, there were manye vnpleasante sightes. Stormes also of stones. Continuall lightnings fell vppon the Temples and the pictures.

For thys cause, the Senate sente for Southsayers and Pro­phetes out of To [...]an [...], the most auntiente, of the whyche, affir­myng that the olde Kyngs shoulde returne, and euery man be in A rare example of a Southsayer. bondage but himselfe alone, he shutte his mouth, and stopped hys breath tyll he dyed.

These thrée men beyng thus alone by themselues, dyd ap­poynte them that shoulde dye. They suspected some for their po­wer. [Page 231] Some they registred as theyr priuate enimies, and some theyr owne familiars and friendes they gaue to dye, to serue eache others turne, both then, and afterwarde. And so were men condemned one after another, some for enemitie: some onely for a little offence, as for louing hys enimies, or hatyng hys friendes, or for béeyng too riche, bycause they wanted much mo­ney to maynteyne the warre. Brutus and Cassius receyuing the rentes and Tributes of Asia, and béeyng also holpen by the Kynges and Princes there, and for asmuche as they were in wante, bycause Europe, and chiefely Italie was wasted wyth warres and paymentes, they dyd put a gréeuous imposition vp­on the common sorte of menne and women, and made the arti­ficers and workemen to pay them tribute, and some was pro­scribed for the goodnesse of hys lands & houses. And thus all these were condemned to dye, and to bée confiscate, whereof there Equites. were thrée hundred Senators, and two thousande of them that bée called Gentlemen, among the whyche were the brée­thren and vncles of these that hadde condemned them, and some that ruled armies vnder them, and as many as hadde displeased them or other that were leaders vnder them. And intendyng to condemne the multitude after this conference, at theyr béeyng in Rome, they appoynted twelue of the suddayne (or as some say) seauentéene of the chiefest to bée kylled, whereof Cicero was one. And by and by they sente aboute it, and foure were straight kylled at theyr tables, or where they were mette, the other were soughte in houses and Temples, so as there was a sud­den trouble al that night among them, with cries, running, and Miserie of Rome yelling, as in a Citie taken. For when it was knowen that menne shoulde bée apprehended, and no certenty vppon whome the proscription woulde fall, euery man thoughte himselfe to bée sought of them that made enquirie. Wherefore in this confusion some hadde determined to burne their owne thynges, and some to sette publike places all on fyre, intending by good reason to doe some notable feate, before they woulde suf­fer. And they hadde done it out of hande, hadde not Pedius the Consull gone aboute with Proclamation, and comforted [Page 232] them to tarrie, till the truth were throughly knowen. When morning was come, Pedius according to the sentence of the thrée men, did condemne seauentéene, as only supposed chiefe authors of ciuill euils, and onely condemned: whereof he gaue his faith publikely to the rest, not knowing what was done, and he for [...] Consull dye [...]. the labour he tooke in the nighte, dyed. The thrée men, Lepidus, Antonius, and Caesar, entred Rome, each one by himselfe in thrée se­uerall dayes, with the gardes of their persons, and one Legion a péece▪ in order of battell.

When they were come, the Citie was full of Souldioures, and ensignes placed, where was fytte, and by and by there was an assemblie, in the whyche, Publius T [...]tius Tribune of the peo­ple, Publius T [...]tius propoundeth the nevv rule of the three men. dyd by lawe confyrme the newe rule, by the appoynte­mente of them presente, for fyue yeares of thrée men, Lepidus, Antonius, and Caesar, with equall power as Consuls (whyche a man myghte call reformers, after the Greeke manner, and that [...] vvas the name among the Lace­demonians▪ vvhich vvere rulers of Cities and Castels. Encrease of condemned mē. name the Lacedemonians gaue to them that directed their sta [...]e, neyther any respite being gyuen for the approbation, nor a spe­ciall daye appoynted for voyces to be vsed. Out of hande the lawe tooke place, and that nyghte condemnations of thirtis, be­syde the seauentéene, and of one hundred more, were sette vp in many places of the Citie, and shortlye after, another hundred and fiftie, and euer some were added more in the booke, to them that were firste condemned, or kylled, as by ignorance, that it myghte bée thoughte they were worthy to dye. It was orde­red, that all theyr heads shoulde be brought to the thrée men, and a rewarde appoynted. A frée mans rewarde was syluer, a Ser­uantes, libertie and syluer, and who receyued a condemned Revvards. man, or concealed, or hindred the search, should bée punished with lyke payne, and euery man myghte declare agaynste whome hée woulde for the same rewarde. The Proclamation was af­ter thys sorte.

And that all men should suffer their priuate places to be sear­ched. Marcus Lepidus, Marcus Antonius, and Octauius Caesar, cho­sen The Proclama­tion of the three men. reformers and directoures of the Common wealthe, saye thus: ‘If the vnfaythfull, euill disposed menne, hadde [Page 233] not bene pitied when they néeded, and being so, had not be­come enimies of their benefactours, and after cōspired against them, they had not slayne Caesar, whome he tooke by warre, and saued by mercy: accompted them friends, and plentifully ad­uaunced them, with offices, honours and giftes: nor we should haue ben compelled thus violently to vse them, that haue with suche despite, made proclamations of treason against vs: but now by their euill meanings towarde vs, & their worse wor­king toward Caesar, perceyuing that by humanitie, their malice is made obstinate, we haue chosen rather to preuent them than to be taken tardy of them. Let no man thinke our act vniust, cruell or to sore, considering what Caesar, what we haue suffe­red at their handes. Caesar being chief ruler, and prince of holy things, Conquerour and ouerthrower of nations, most terri­ble to the Romaines, and the first man that beyond Hercules pil­lers did proue the sea not sayled before, and founde lande vn­knowen to the Romanes, in the middest of the sacred place, cal­led the Senate house, in the sight of the goodes, they haue en­ [...]io [...]sly killed with. xxi [...]. woundes, whom he tooke prisoners in warre, and not onely saued their liues, but made some of them heyres of his liuing. The reste of them through the same wic­ked purpose haue sente these detestable offendours, in stéede of punishment, to the rule of Prouinces and armies, whiche they abuse in spoyling of common treasure, in gatheryng one army against vs of them, and requiring an other of the Barbarians alwayes enimies to this state. Certaine Citties belongyng to the Romanes, refusing to obey them▪ they haue burned, spoyled or rased: others oppressed with their terrible threatnings, they force agaynst their countrey and vs. Wée haue already puni­shed some of them, and by the helpe of God, ye shall soone sée the rest haue their i [...]ste deserte. The greatest matters touchyng Spayne, Fraunce, and here at home, we haue at our commaunde­ment well dispatched. Neuerthelesse wée haue an harde and sharpe worke in hande, to make warre agaynst the murderers of Caesar that [...]e beyonde the seas: and bicause wée shall make this warre abrode, we do not thinke it sure, neyther for vs nor [Page 234] for you, to leaue enimies at home, that mighte disturbe vs in our absence, and wayfe theyr times as the warre shoulde haue successe, neyther to make any delay in this hasty expedition, but rather to ridde them at ones, they hauyng begonne the warre agaynst vs, and iudged vs and our armies, traytours to our Countrie, not regardyng neyther the enuy of manne, nor the reuengment of God, in destroying so many millions of their Citizens.’

‘Wée are not offended agaynst the multitude nor will take them all as enimies, that haue bene so to vs, nor altogither weigh riches, substaunce or dignities, nor kill so many as an other chiefe ruler haue done before vs, who redressed the Ci­tie [...] in lyke Ciuill dissentions, whome, for his lucky doings you did call Happie, (although there muste néedes be more e­nimies to thrée than one) but onely the worste and moste wic­ked sorte, as well for you as for our selfes, wée entende to correct otherwise by our contentions, you all, betwéene vs, muste néedes be vtterly destroyed, and of necessitie, our armie that hath bene so iniuried and despighted, as they haue bene proclaimed publique enimies, must néedes some way be com­forted at our hande.’

‘And where as wée mighte lay handes vppon the condem­ned, where wée woulde, yet we thought it better to pronounce them, than at all aduentures to oppresse them, and that for your sake, least the rage of the Souldiours mighte exceede vppon them that are not touched, and that their names beyng comprehended in a certayne number, they might leaue the rest by the decrée.’

‘Then that good Fortune may come by them that be con­teyned in this wryting: Lette no manne receyue any manne, nor hyde, nor sende away, nor be wonne for money. For if a­ny [...]. doe saue, helpe, or be founde pryuye: him, will we, with­out all excuse and par [...]ie, put among the condemned sorte.’

‘Of them that shall dryng the heades of suche as they [Page 235] shall kyll, before vs, a frée manne shall haue xxv. thousand drammes of Athens for euery heade, a seruaunt shall haue, Revvardes. hys lybertie and tenne thousande, and hys Maysters place in the Cittie, and the same shall they haue that shall en­forme, and none of theyr names that receyue these re­wardes, shall bée noted in our bookes, that they may not be knowen.’

This was the proclamation of the thrée men, as I coulde translate it out of Latine into Gréeke.

Lepidus was the firste that dyd condemne, and the firste of Lepidus cōde [...] ­neth his brother the condemned was Paulus his brother.

The second that did condemne, was Antony: and the second Antony cōdem­neth his [...]l [...] that was condemned, was his vncle Lucius, for they firste con­demned these as enimies.

The thirde and the fourth was of them, whiche in an other booke, were appoynted to be Consuls in tyme to come. Plotius, brother to Plancus, and Quintus, Father in lawe to Asinius: and these were not the rather putte before other bycause of theyr dignitie onely, but as muche for terrour and desperation, that none shoulde hope to be saued.

Thoranius was among the cōdemned men, who, as some say, Thoranius tutor to Caesar condē ­ned. was Tutor to Caesar.

By and by after these cōdemnations, the gates were kept, and all other passages and portes of the Cittie, Fennes also and Moores, and any other place suspected to bée fitte to flée vnto, or for them that fledde, to be hydden in.

The Capitaynes of the bandes were commaunded to raunge the fieldes abroade, and to searche diligently, and all this was done at once.

Forthwith, bothe in the countrie and the Cittie, as menn [...] were taken, there was greate suddayne slaughter, and di­uerse kyndes of murders, & cuttings off of heads to be shewed for rewardes sake.

Then was there hasty fleyng, and vnséemely sight of them, [Page 236] that before were goodly to be séene: some leapte into puddles, some into ditches and sinckes most vncleane: some got vppe to the smoky rouffes and chunmes, or sat close with deepe silence vnder heapes of tyles: some were as muche afrayde of their wiues or children that bare them no good will, as they were of the killers: some of their frée made me: some, of their bondmē: some creditours, of their debtours: some of their neyghbours, coueting their groundes: what souer had bin kept in before, thē it burst forth: a cruell and confused mutation of Senators, of Consuls, of Pretours, of Tribunes, of newe elect to those ostices, or of them that had borne office. It was to sée them fal at a slaues féete with teares, namyng him sauiour and good maister: and more pitifull it was, that when they hadde done all this, they could get no grace, there was all shapes of miserie: not as in sedition or sacking of a Cittie, where men myghte feare their foes and enimies, and trust their fa­milies, but here they were more afrayde of them, than of the killers: The whiche beyng voyde of feare, otherwise than in tumulte and warre, they sodainelye of friendes were made enimies, eyther for hydden hate, or for the proclaymed rewards, or for the gold and siluer in their houses: for by thys occasion, euerye man waxed extremely vnfaythful to his mai­ster, and their reward did ouerwhelme naturall dewty toward the same, and he that was faythfull and wel willing, was a­frayde to help, to hyde, or conceale, for the crueltie of the pu­nishment.

The former feare of the seuentéene men did amaze them againe, for then non being named, but many sodaynly taken, all were afrayde of the like, and therefore sought togither for defence. For vpon these proscriptions, some were by and by gi­uen in pray to euery man, and some being sure of themselues and desirous of the gaine, hunted out the other, to haue reward of the killers. The reste of the common sorte, some spoyled the houses of them that were killed, which profit drew their minds from common féeling of present mischief: some more temperate and mylde, were astonished and amazed. It séemed wonderful [Page 137] to them to consider, that other [...]tt [...]es being [...]done by s [...]d [...]i [...], Cont [...] to [...]mitie. haue bin preserued againe by agreement. Thi [...] C [...]tie [...], the [...] ­uision of the rulers hadde consumed, and their agréement brou­ghte it to desolation: some dyed resisting the killers, some withoute reuenge, as not knowing by whome they were mai­med. There were some that killed themselues with voluntarie hunger, some vsed halters, some drowned their bodies, some threwe themselues downe from the house to [...], some leapt into the fyre, some offered themselues to the strykers, some tarryed when they were called, some hid and disgrated themselues vn­séemelye, some resisted the euill, and thoughte to haue boughte it out: some besyde the sentence of the thrée men, of ignorance or de­ceit, were dispatched (as it did appeare) by one that was slaine and not condemned, when the head was shewen.

The condemned persons heads were brought before the seats in the common place, that they that had brought them, might re­ceiue their goods.

On the other syde, there was as much care and vertue, bothe, of women, children, brethren and seruauntes, sauing and shifting for many, and dying with them, if they could not bring to passe what they ment, and some killed that came to kill them.

Oh them that fledde, some were drowned in the Sea, For­time being in all againste them: some beyonde all hope, retour­ned to offices in the Cittie, to be Capitaines in warre and tri­umphes▪ Suche demonstration made that season of things to be wondred at. And these were done, not in a priuate Citie, nor in a weake and little kingdome, but in the moste mightye, and the Ladye of so manye nations, bothe by lande and sea. God God vvoulde haue it so. himselfe did stirre it, to bring it to that good order, that nowe it is in.

There were suche thinges done of Sylla, and before him, of Sylla▪ Marius. Marius, the chiefe of the which, I haue shewed in their liues, and then men laye vnburyed. But these doings for the worthynesse of these thrée men, especiallye for the vertue and fortune of one of them whiche brought the Empire to a sure scate, and left, a stock [...] and name to them that now remaine after him, a man [Page 238] may worthily think to be far of more importance, which, as they were more or lesse notable, and be more fresh in memorie, and lately done, I wil declare, yet not al (for they be not worthy the telling▪ that touche the simple death & fléeing, of them that were pardoned of the thrée men, whiche after they retourned, liued a life vnknowne) but the moste maruellous, that may make a man [...]frayd, and cause credite to that is spoken before. They bée manye, and manye of the Romaines haue in many bookes, writ­ten these of themselues, of the which I wil shew briefely a fewe of the greateste in euerye sorte, for the reliefe of the same, and for the happynesse of the tyme that now is.

The euil began at the firste brunte▪ of them that were yet in office. And [...] the Tribune was the firste that was kylled, [...]. Authoritie of Tribunes. whose power was sacred and sure by lawe, excéeding the reste, so as the Tribunes haue committed some Consuls to prison.

This was the Tribune that fyrste forbadde that Antony shoulde be declared an ennimye, after the whiche tyme hée stucke altogither to Cicero.

Understanding the intelligence of the thrée men, and theyr [...] the T [...] ­b [...] kylled. approche to the Cittie, hée made a feaste to his friendes, as one that shoulde not ofte so doe againe. The Souldioures running into the house, they arose with feare and trouble. The Capi­taine of the bande commaunded them to be quiet and still, but Saluius, as he sate, he tooke by the heare, till he mighte dispatch hym, and vppon the table cutte off hys heade, and commaun­ded them within to make no businesse, leaste if anye trouble were raysed, they shoulde suffer the lyke, and they béeyng a­stonished, remained after the Captaine was gone, til midnight, with the Tribunes Coryse.

The seconde that was kylled, was Minutius a Pretor, setting in iudgement in the common place. [...] killed, that vvas a Pre­ [...].

Understandyng that the Souldioures were commyng, hée leapte downe, and thinking where be mighte hide hymselfe, hée chaunged hys garment, and ranne into a shoppe, sending a­waye hys seruauntes and hys shewes of office.

They for reuerence and pitie, tarying stil, agaynst their wil, [Page 239] made the killers the [...]er to finde their mayster▪ Reuerence out [...] of tyme. Annalis kylled.

Annalis an other Pretor (goyng about with his Sonne that labored to be a treasurer, to few to them that gaue voyces) hys friendes that were with hym, and they that bare the maces of his office, vnderstandyng he was condemned, forsoke hym▪ Hée fledde vnto a tenaunt of hys, whiche had a straight and a home­ly house in the Suburbs, for all purposes very fifte, and was hid safe, till hys Sonne, that thought he was fled thyther, brought the strykers to the house, and was rewarded of the thrée menne with his Fathers goods, and chosen a Chamberlayne of the Ci­tie, A vvicked so [...] kylled. who, beyng after very dronke, and troubling the Souldiors, the same killed him, that dispatched his Father.

Choranius not now a Pretor, but one that had bene, and father Choranius killed by the sure of hys sonne. of a young man that was [...], and myght doe much with Antonie, praye [...] the strykers to spare his kyllyng a whyle till he might [...]ende hys sonne to speake to Antony, they laughed and sayd, his sonne had spoken, but it was to the contrarye. When the olde man heard that, he desired them tp [...] til he had séeue his daughter, whome when hée [...]we, hée commaunded to ab­steine from hys goodes, leaste hir brother should [...] fewe for h [...]r death also to Antony. But he, hauyng consumed all his sub­staunce in euil life, was attached of [...], [...] himselfe by fleyng away.

Cicero who after Calus C [...]sar, did direct all like a ruler alone in Cicero kylled. Cicero cannot a­bide the sea sickenesse and retourneth. The Author goeth to see Ci­cero his house in the countrey. a popular state, was proscribed, with his sonne, his brother, his [...], his friends, familiars and [...]herents. Fléeyng by bote, [...]e could not abyde y sicknesse of the sea, but returned to a place of his owne: whiche I for the remembraunce of hys misfor­tune, did sée aboute Capu [...] a Cittie of Italy. When they that came to seeke hym were at hande (for, of all other, Antonie was moste desirous to haue hym▪ and all aboute Antonie, were ready to gette him) the Crowes came vnto hys house, and made suche a Cicero vvarned by Crovves. noyse, as they waked him out of his sléepe, and drew out his gar­ment frō his body, that lay vpon him▪ til his seruants perceyuing the thyng, and taking it to bee a token from God, put Cicero in a litter, and ledde him toward the Sea, through a thicke wood, and [Page 140] rode secreatly, and where as many did run on euery side, asking if they sawe Cicero, some for good will and pittie saide, he was gone and sailed ouer sea, but a shomaker tenaunt to Clodie, the A Shomaker [...]e vvrayeth Cicero sharpest enimie of Cicero, tolde Laena the Captayn where he went with a fewe. He ranne, and seing his seruants to be manye moe than he had broughte with him, and readye to defende him, hée cried very loude for a pollicie, make haste you bandeleaders that be behinde. Then Ciceroes seruaunts thinking they should haue bin ouerlaide, forsooke their maister.

Laena, whiche by Ciceroes helpe had bin before saued, pulled hys [...], o [...]e saued by Cicero, kyl­le [...] hym. heade out of the Litter, and cut it off, hauing thrée strokes, and making thrée woundes for lacke of cunning. He cut off also his hande, with the whiche he wrote the orations againste Antonie as a Tyranne, in the whiche, he followed Demos [...]e [...]es, that did The orations of Cicero called Philippica. Po [...] [...] made to carrye. Anto­ny the nevvs of [...] deathe. [...] done to [...] kyllyng of Cicero. After that Augustus had the rule of all, & [...]ounde one of hys Ne­phevves, vvyth a booke in hys hande vvhyche vvas of Ciceroes making the child vvas afraide to shevve it, but he vvoulde needes see it & reade it, and sayd: Child, this m [...]nne vvas learned, and a lo [...]er of hys coun­trey. And not long after hee tooke Cicero hys sonne to [...]e hys fellovve in the Consulshippe, in vvhose tyme Antonies Images vvere throvvne dovvne [...]nd [...] decr [...] made that neuer anye of hys house should bee called [...] So in the ende, the reuengemen [...] of Antonies [...] vvas appoynted by God, to the house of Cicero. the like against Philippe. Some rode, some sailed to carry▪ An­tony the newes, and Laena▪ as he sa [...]e in the common place, tooke the heade and the hande, and shewed it a farre off He was maruel­lous ioyful, and crowned the Capitaine, and gaue him honoure with great gifts, that is to say, two hundred and fiftie thousand [...] of Athens, bycause he had dispatched his greatest and busiest enimy.

Cicero his head and his hande was sette vppe for a tyme in the common place before the Tribunall, where he was wonte to make orations, and more came to sée it, than before to heare him.

They say that Antony did sette Ciceroes head vppon his table at his meale, till he had his fill of the sighte of that euill. Thus Cicero a man moste eloquent to this daye, hauing borne the of­fice of a Consul, in greatest causes most profytable to his coun­trey, was thus destroied, and after his death▪ despighted▪ Cicero h [...]s sonne is sent to [...]. Hys sonne was sent into Grecia to Brutus.

Qu [...]tus Cicero and his sonne kylled▪ Quintus, Ciceroes brother, and his son béeing taken, praied the [Page 241] strikers, to kill him before his sonne: but hys sonne desired the contrary. Wherefore, the souldioures promised bothe theyr re­questes, and takyng them asunder, by a token killed them both Ignatius father and the sonne. at one instante. Ignatius the father and the sonne, fightyng to­gither, dyed of one wounde, and when their heades were stri­ken off, their bodies did yet embrace.

Balbus sent his sonne to the sea, that they shoulde not be espied Balbus and hys sonne. going togither, and shortely after he followed aloofe, and when one tolde him, either of malice, or of ignorance, that his sonne was taken, he went backe and sent for his killers, and it chaun­ced that his son was drowned in the Sea. Such like calamitie can fortune giue.

Aruntius coulde hardelye perswade his sonne that would not Aruntius and his sonne. flée without him, to saue himselfe, bycause he was but yong. His mother sent him afore to the gates, and then retourned to burye hir husbande being killed, and when she hearde shortely after, His vvife. that hir sonne was deade on the sea, with hunger shée killed hirselfe.

These be examples of good and euill children.

There were .ij. brethren condemned, called Ligari [...], which bée­ing Ligari [...] tvvo brethren. hidde, fel asléepe, til one of them being found of hys seruants, was killed, and the other making escape, and hearing of hys brothers death, threwe himselfe from the bridge into the riuer, whome, when fyshermen had saued, as one that fell by chance and not of purpose, he stroue a great while with them, that they shoulde not saue him, and threwe himselfe vnder the water: but they being stronger than he, bringing him vppe safe, he saide, you haue not saued me, but put your selues in daunger of death with me, that am a condemned man: yet they hauing pittie of him, saued hym, til the souldiors that kepte the bridge saw it, and ran down to cut off his heade.

Of two other brethren, one threw himselfe into the riuer, his Tvvo brethren▪ seruaunt séekyng his body fiue dayes after, whiche when he had founde, and knewe it was he, he cut off his head for the reward: The other brother being hid in a sakes, an other seruaunte did bewraye him.

[Page 242]The Souldioures refused to goe in, but with their weapons and Speares, pulled vp his body, and cutte off hie head in suche case as it was.

Another vnderstanding that his brother was proscribed, and Tvvo brethren. not knowing that hymselfe was so to, ranne and cryed, kyll me before hym. The Captayne knowyng the truth of the condem­nation, thou makest a resonable request (quoth he) for thou wast condenmed before hym, and so in order kylled them both.

And these be examples of broethren.

Ligarius béeyng hydde of hys wyfe, made one onely mayde A good vvife hath euill lucke. priuie to it, and béeyng betrayed of hir, she followed him that bare away hir husbandes head, crying, I must haue the like pu­nishmente, bycause I haue hydde hym: and when none of the Souldyoures woulde kyll hyr, nor accuse hir, the wente to be­wray hir selfe to the princes, and bycause they did not regarde hyr for pitie, she destroyed hir selfe with hunger. And hyr haue I thoughte good to note in thys place, bycause being willing to saue hir husbande and coulde not, she kylled hyr selfe with hun­ger: but they that had good lucke for their good loue to theyr hus­bandes, I wyll wrighte among them that saued theyr▪ Hus­bandes.

Other there were that wickedly dyd betray theyr husbandes, and of them one▪that was married to Septimius, whyche was corrupted in loue of a friende of Antonyes, who being desirous, An euill vvife. of hys harlot, to be made his wife, caused hym to speake to An­tony to haue hir, and forthwith was Septimius condemned, which thing he learning of his wife, and ignorant of his euill at home, fledde to hir, and she soeming to be carefull to kéepe him, shutte the dores, and hydde hym tyll the strikers came, and in one daye he was kylled, and she married.

Salassus fledde, and béeyng wythout hope, in the nyghte refur­ned Salassus. to the Citie, to abydetyll the sharpenesse of the time myghte ceasse. He came to his house that was solde, and enely his house­kéeper, (who was sold with the house) knew him, who broughte hym to hys lodge, and promised to kéepe hym, and hidde him to his power. He hadde him call his wife from the other part of the [Page 243] house, she aunswering, she durst not come, fearing hir mayde myghte suspect some what by nyghte, sayde, she woulde be wyth hym in the morning. When day was come, she called y strikers. The Porter ranne to the house to call his mistresse, bycause he thought she tarried too long.

Salassus béeyng afrayde of his Porters long absence, was in Ruill vvife. doubte of deceyte, and wente vp to the toppe of the house, from the whyche, when he sawe, not hys Porter, but hys wyfe hrynging the strikers, he cast hymselfe to the grounde.

Fuluius fledde to a woman seruaunte, whome fyrste he kepte, Fuluius betrayd. after made hir frée, and gaue a dowrie to marr [...] hir: she hauing [...] these benefytes, for iclousic of another woman whome he had married, betrayed hym.

These examples may be for euill wiues.

Statius the Samnite, that in the fellowes warre had done many Statius. things for the Samnite, and for the excellēcie of his feates, bloud, Part of the Kingdome of Naples called Abruzzo. and riches, being chosen into the Romaine Senafe, and nowe foure score yeares of age, was condemned for his riches: he opened his house to the people, and suffered his seruauntes to take what they woulde, and something he threwe out, till it was voyde, then he set it on fyre, and shut it, and burned in it, and the fire did consume many other places, of the Citie.

[...] [...] for the most part kéeping his dores open, killed al them Capits. that forced to come in, one after another, at length oppressed with the multitude, he alone, hauing killed many, dyed.

Vitulinus gathered a greate number of men aboute Reggio, of Pitulinus: Reggio in the ende of Italy, next Sicelie. such as were condemned, and other fledde with them, and from the eyghtéene Cities that were giue in pray to the Souldioures, which were gréeuously offended. Vitulinus hauing these killed y ordinarie bands that were sent to séeke them, till a greater army was sent, and then he gaue not ouer, but went into Sicelie to Pom­pey, who held that Iland, and receyued such as fledde vnto hym, where he did serue very valiantly, til after many fightes he was [...]: yet hauing sent his sonne, and all the condemned men Messina, the chiefe porte Tovvne of Sicelie, nexte Italy. with him to▪ Messina: when hée sawe the shippes to be arriued, he fell on his enimies, and was cut in péeces.

[Page 244] Naso, being betrayed of a seruant, whome he loued and hadde Niso. made frée; tooke a swarde from one of the souldioures, and onely killing the traytour, offered himselfe to the strikers. A seruante that loued hys Mayster, kepte him safe in an hill, and went to the sea, to hyre him a boate. After his retourne, perceiuing hys Mayster, to bée killed, he cried albude vnto him, hauing yet a little life, staye a white, O Mayster (quoth he) and sodam­lye stroke the Capitayne and killed hym: then commyng agayne to his Mayster, killed himselfe, saying: O Mayster thou haste receiued comfort▪

Lucius gaue his golde to two of his moste faithfull seruants Lucius. whome he had made frée, and went to the se [...], where they [...]ting from him, hée retourned, and not caring for hys lyse, offered hymselfe to the quellers.

Labtenu; who in Syllas tyme had taken and killed manye that Labienus. were then proscribed, mighte well be repro [...]ed, if he had not suf­fered the like valiantly He went out of his house, [...]t [...] and in his thaire, and tarrsed for the killers.

Castius in the Countrey was hidde of hys good se [...] [...], Castius. the Souldiors euer running aboute in [...] [...] ▪ menne [...] heades: he coulde not abide the conti [...] of the fears, but badde his seruauntes make a fyre▪ and if anye ma [...]e did aske▪ them, saye Cestius was kylled and there buried. When they hadde made the fyre reapye, hée leapte into [...]

Apponius hiding hymseisr surely, coulde abide the euill Aponius. diet, but offered himselfe to the sworde.

Another willinglye offered himselfe openlye, and bicause the strikers tarryed, hée shoaked hymself in the middest of them.

Lucius father in lawe to As [...], then Consull, fledde vnto Lucius. the Sea, the tediousnesse whereof not able to abide, he leapts into the water.

Sisinius fléeing awaye, and crying that hée was not condem­ned, Sisinius. but followed of them, to be betrayed for hys money, they brought him to the booke, and badde hym reade hye own name, whyche when they hadde doone, they dispatched him.

Aemilius not knowing he was cōdēned, séeing thē follow one Aemilius. [Page 245] another, asked y Captayne who was condemned: the Captaine lookyng him in the face, sayde, Thou and he, and so killed them bothe.

Cilo and Decius coming out of the Senate house, and know­ing Cillo and De­cius. they were cōdemned, and their names in the booke, no man folowyng them, they fledde vnséemely to the gates, and their runnyng, be wrayed themselues to the Captaynes. Icelus that Icelius. fauoured Brutus & Cassius, and Octauius Caesar, being present with his armie at the assemblie, and other giuyng voyce secretely to their condemnation, onely he openly gaue to the absolution, and hidde himselfe with great minde and trust of libertie, and when he saw a dead body caried foorth, he wente among them that bare the bere. The warders at the gate perceyuing there were more men than were wonte to beare a corpse, hauing no regarde of the bearers, searched the bere, thinking there had bene no dead mā in it: wherfore the bearers being angry with [...]cilius; bicause he was none of their cōpany, the strikers knew him and killed him.

Varus beyng betrayde of his frée made man, fledde, and went Varus. from hill to hill till he came to the senne of Minturno, in the Minturno vvhere Marius vvas hidde. whiche he toke his rest. The Minturnians searching y fenne for a théese, the toppes of the réedes wauering bewrayed Varus, who being taken, he cōfessed he was a felon, vpon the whiche he was condemned and ledde away, and when he should haue bene racked with the other offendors, abborring that vile ma­ner, he sayde:

You of Minturno, I warne you, neither to racke me nor kill me, hauing bene a Consull of Rome, and condemned now of the Prmces, whiche is more to my honour: for if I can not slée, it shal be better for me to suffer with mine equals. They not be­léeuing him, and distrustyng hys tale, the Captayne came, and cut of his head, leauing his bodie with them.

Certen that tooke Largus in the countrie, not séekyng him Largus. but an other, hauing pitie to kill him whom they fought not, gaue him leaue to flée into the woodde, and he beyng folowed of other, ranne backe agayne to the first, to whom he sayde: kyll [Page 246] you me, who may haue the rewarde, deseruyng it for hauing pitie of me. So dying, he requited them with lyke humanitie.

R [...]sus hauyng a very fayre house nighe to Fuluia Antonies R [...]sus. An house. wife, which she woulde once haue bought▪ and he then denied hyr, nowe offryng it in gifte, was yet condemned, whose head when it was brought to Antonie, he sayde it appertayn [...]d not to hym, but sente it to hys wyfe: she commaunded it to be hanged vp at the house, in stéede of the common place.

An other had a fayre shadowed Vineyarde, and a goodly A Vineyarde. caue in it, déepe and large, for the whiche peraduenture he was condemned. It was hys chaunce to refreshe himselfe in the Caue. When the quellers came yet a farre of, his seruant put hym in the secrete place of the denne, and put on hys maisters garment, fayning to be he, and in feare, and had lyke inough to haue bene kylled, if one of hys felowes had not bewrayed hys crafte. The Mayster beyng killed, the people tooke it grie­uously A good seruant revvarded, and in euill pu­nished. before the Princes, and ceased not till the bewrayer was hanged, and he that woulde haue saued his Mayster, made frée.

Arterius beyng hid, hys seruaunt betrayed, and being made Arterius. frée, had all the substaunce from his maysters chyldren, and v­sed them with despite. They with silence folowed hym in eue­ry place wéeying. The people detestyng this iniurie, caused An euill seruant vvell serued. that the thrée men made him that was now so rich, to be bonde againe to the chyldren of the cōdemned father.

And thus much touching men.

The poore Orphanes also had diuerse fortune at thys time: Orphanes. of the whiche, one goyng to his schoolemaster, was killed, with his leader that embraced the childe and would not let him goe.

Atilius, hauyng on nowe his robe of perfect yeares, wents Atilius. (as the maner was) with a company of his friends to the tem­ples to sacrifice: Sodenly, being knowen to be condemned, his friends and his seruants forsoke him. He being alone, and left, of all the company, went to his mother, who durst not receyue him for feare: and he not entending to proue any other after his mother, fledde into an hill, where being driuen with hunger to [Page 247] go into the playne, mette with a théefe, that vsed to robbe in the wayes, & of him by force was made to folow that worke: The A clu [...]de be­vvrayeth him­selfe. childe brought vp in dayntinosse, and not able to abide that payne, ranne into the high way in his purple robe to the Soul­diours, to bewray himselfe, of whom he was killed.

After these were done, Lepidus triumphed of Iberia, and pro­pounded The triumph of Iepidus. Iberia, Spayne. Decree of Lepi­dus at his tri­umphe. a decrée after this maner:

‘For good fortune be it imputed to all men and women, that this present day do make holy and feastfull: He that shall not seeme so to do, be he among the condemned men.’

He made his triumphe to the Temples, all sortes folowing him with pleasant shewe and grieued minde.

The goodes of the attaynted men were set to sale to their Goodes set to sale. neighbours, but there were fewe that would buy any of them. Some were ashamed to encrease their euill fortune, & thought it woulde not alwayes so continue, nor sure for them to lette their golde and siluer be séene, nor their possessions, now with­out daunger, by hauing more to put all in peril. Onely some of a boldnesse came forth, and bicause they onely bought, th [...]y had it for little: but where the thrée menne hoped this woulde haue suffised, and had yet neede of much more, they declared it opēly, VVomen of Rome condēned. and cōdemned a thousand .iiij. C. women, which were thought most riche, & these must néedes be punished to beare the charge of their warre, euery one as muche as shoulde please the thrée men. A paine was appointed to them that hid any thing, or did vnder value thēselues: and to the declarers of the same, a re­ward propounded, both for frée and bonde. The women sought to sue to the Princes by such women as were in moste estima­tion with them. Of Caesars sister, nor of Antonies mother, they were not reiect. ‘But Fuluia, Antonies wife, shut hir dores vpon Fuluia reiecteth the vvomē that sued to hir. She vvas Antonies vvyse and cause of muche seryse, and vvith so­ [...]ovv ended hir lyfe. Oration of Hor­tensia. them, which despight taking grieuously, they came into the cō ­mon place, and aproching to the seate of the Princes, the peo­ple and the Souldiours standing about them, Hortensia beyng appoynted, spake thus: As it was séemely for vs silly women, we haue sued to your wiues, and hauyng suffered of Fuluia, that was vnsemely, we be come from hi [...] into the cōmon place. [Page 248] You haue taken from vs our Fathers, our Husbandes, our Brethren and children, pretending that they haue done you in­iurie, and after you haue spoyled them of all togither, you doe oppresse vs, to the rebuke and disgrace of the kinde and condi­tion of womens nature. If we haue done you miurie, as you say our husbandes haue done, then proscribe vs as you did thē. But if we women, haue made none of you enimie, nor taken none of your houses, nor corrupted none of your armies, nor ledde against you any other, nor letted you to take what office & honour you would, why be we partakers of the punishment, that were no workers of the iniurie? why are wée enforced, that haue not dealt at all, neyther with office, honour, armie, nor common wealth, whiche by you, is nowe brought to suche calamitie? If you say, bycause of the warre: when had we no warre? or when did women cause the warre, whome, nature a­mong al men hath released from the same? Our Mothers once The Matrone [...] of Rome did giue their levvels to help the Citie. beyonde their nature, did further it, when the Citie and the whole state was in extréeme daunger by the violence of them of Ca [...]age. And then willingly they did contribute, not of their lande, their houses, their dowries or possessions, without the whiche the frée can not liue, but only of their Jewels and Or­namentes, not for any punishment, neither by information nor accusation, nor of force nor violence, but what they themselues would. What feare haue any of you now, eyther of your rule, of your countrie. If the warre of the French, or of the Parthians, be at hande, you shall finde vs no worse, than our Mothers, for [...] the safetie of our countrie. As for Ciuill war, neyther haue we moued, neyther haue conferred with you, one agaynst an o­ther. We haue not dealt, neyther with Caesar nor Pompey: Ma­rius nor Cinna did neuer compell vs, no not Sylla that was a ty­ranne to his countrie. You say you will reforme the common wealth.’

When Hortensia had sayde thus muche, the thrée men were grieued, that women (men beyng silent) shoulde be so bolde to make open Orations, and examine the doings of Princes, and that they should not giue their monie, bicause men wente to [Page 249] warre. Wherefore they commaunded the Sergeantes to putte [...] pri [...] silence. them from the barre, till a greate noyse being made without of the people, the Sergeants ceassed: and the Princes sayde, they would deferre the matter till the morning.

The next day they condemned foure hundred women, in stead of a thousande foure hundred, in the valuation of their goodes. A Mi [...]o [...]is heere tenn [...] thousand. The Ita [...] and P. Can [...] text, [...] not true keepe. A decree [...]on­ching men. Then it was decréed, that euery man that had more than tenne Milions, as well Citizen, straunger, fréemade man, religious, as all sortes, sparing none, and that with the like feare of punish­ment, and the like penalties, they should giue the fiftith parte of their goodes, as an interest to them, and pay a yearely tribute for the warre. And as these by commaundement were put vpon the Romaines, so the armye with contempt did worse: for where the Princes in these doings had their only trust in them, they craued of them house, land, possession, and whole substance of the confis­cated persons. Some required to be adopted children to those Rage of Soul­dioures. men. Some deuised other shiftes: for they killed them that were not condemned, and chalenged their houses that were not accu­sed: in so muche, as the Princes commaunded one of the Co [...]suls to make correction of things done, otherwise than was com­maunded. But he being afrayde to touch the Souldioures, least he should prouoke them against him, put to deathe a fewe Ser­uantes, that wente abroade in Souldioures manner. And these were the chiefe (to the ende) of the calamities of the condemned men. Nowe, what (contrary to all hope,) hapned to some, to theyr safetie of the suddayne, and to honor at length, it shall delighte Hope not to be giuen ouer. me to wright, and be a pleasure for other to heare, that for no ad­uersitie they should giue ouer hope.

They that could escape, fledde to Brutus and Cassius, and to Cor­nisicius Brutus. Cassius. Cornisicius. in Libya, who tooke the peoples part.

Many wente into Sicelie, an Ile nigh Italie, where Pompey re­ceyued Pompey. Noblenesse o [...] yong Pompey. them very gladly, for he shewed most notable care for the afflicted sorte, sending cryers abroade to call all sortes to him, and to them that coulde saue any, whyther they were frée or bonde, he propounded rewards double, so muche as the kil­lers had. Boates and Shippes of burthen did méete them that [Page 250] sayled, and Galleys béeyng full at euery shore, shewed tokens to them that went amisse, and saued all that they mette. He re­ceyuing them that came, gaue them raymente and liuing forth­wyth. The worthy sorte he vsed in hys army or his nauie: and when the thrée men and he shoulde make a truce, he woulde neuer graunte to it, tyll they that were come to hym, shoulde be comprised in it. So was he moste profitable to hys afflicted Countrey, and wanne greate glory to hymselfe, not inferioure to that hée hadde of hys father. Others, béeyng otherwise [...]edde or hydden tyll the truce, some in fieldes, some in graues, and some in the Citie, lyued with sharpe paynes. There were loues incredible shewed of Women to theyr Husbandes due, and of chyldren towarde theyr fathers, and of Seruauntes, againste nature, to their maisters: the which as they be most notable, I will declare.

Paulus, brother to Lepidus, (the Captaynes hauyng reuerence [...]. vnto hym, as a brother of a Prince) with theyr leaue sayled to [...] a citie in [...] of [...] and [...]. Brutus, and after to Mi [...]eto, at the whiche place, peace not yet béeyng made, hée obteyned returne, and was called home, but woulde not.

Lucius, Uncle t [...] Antonie, Antonyes mother kepte hym not [...]Lucius [...]. hydde, béeyng hyr brother, the Captaynes for the most parte honouryng hyr as the mother of a chiefe ruler, but after, they vsing violence, she came forthe into the common place, and A good sister. to Antony that sa [...]e wyth the other Princes, she sayde:

‘I confesse (O Prince) that I haue receyued Lucius, that I haue hym yet, and will kéepe hym, till thou kill vs both togy­ther, for the lyke payne is appoynted to the receyuers.’

He reproued hir, as a good sister, but as an vnkynde mo­ther, Antonies vvords to his mother. for that shée ought not to saue Lucius, but shoulde haue stopped hym, when he iudged hyr Sonne an enimie, neuer­thelesse, he caused Plancus the Consull, to decrée hys reuoca­tion.

Messal [...] a noble yong man, fledde to Brutus. The thrée men fea­ring Mess [...]la. his wisedome, wrote thus▪

[Page 251] ‘Since the friendes of Messala dothe affyrme vnto vs, that hée A letter of the three men. was not a medler when Caius Caesar was kylled, we put hym out of the proscribed number. But he dyd not accepte the par­don, but when Brutus and Cassius were kylled aboute Thrace, the armye whyche remayned greate, hauing Shyppes, money, and good hope, woulde haue hadde Massala to bée theyr Cap­tayne, Massala. who refused it, and persuaded them to gyue place to aduerse fortune, and to ioyne wyth Antony. Wherefore hée was in greate credite with Antonie, and agréed wyth hym, tyll hée reproued hym for hys wanton dealing wyth Cleopa­ [...]ra, and then he wente to Caesar, who made hym Consull in An­tonyes place, when hée was agayne declared an enimie, after hée dydde fyghte agaynste Antonie in the battell by Sea at Acti [...], a for [...]ad of Ep [...]ru [...]. Acti [...].

Caesar sente hym agaynste the Frenche that reuolted, and Caesar sent. graunted hym to triumph for the victorie.

Bibulus also was accepted to Antony, with Messalae, and was Bibul [...]. an Admirall for Antony, and wente agaynste Caesar when they warred togyther, and beyng Presidente of Syria vnder Antony, there he dyed.

Acilius fledde from the Citie secretely, and béeyng betray­ed Acilius and his good vvife. of hys Seruaunte to the Souldyoures, hée persuaded them in hope of muche money, to sende some of them to his wyfe, wyth a token whyche he tooke them. She broughte vnto them all hyr store, saying, she dyd delyuer all vnto them, as though they woulde performe theyr promise: but yet shée knewe not whether they woulde or no, but she was not deceyued of thys good liking, for they hyred a shippe for Acilius, and sente him in­to Siceli [...].

Lentulus, béeyng desired of hys wyfe to flée wyth hym, and Lentulus and his good vvife. diligentlye attendyng on hym, he, for that hée woulde not putte hyr to the daunger, fledde secretely into Sicelie, where [...]éeyng made a Lieutenaunte of Pompey, hee sente hyr worde howe hée was [...]scaped, and in office She hearyng where hyr Husbande was, secretely lefte hyr mother, who had good eye [Page 252] vpon hir, and wyth two Seruauntes wyth greate payne and wante, she as a slaue went, till she came to Messina from Reggi [...] aboute nyghte, and easilie learning where the Lieutenantes Tente was, she founde Lentulus, not as a Lieutenant, but with a poore b [...]dde layde vppon the grounde, and simple dyet, for de­sire of hir.

Apuleius wife threatned she woulde bewray hym, if he fledde [...] his good vvi [...]e. alone, wherefore againste his will he tooke hir with him, and it was his happe in that fléeing, not to be suspect, going openly with his wife, his men, and his maides.

Antius his wife, wrapped hir husbande in a couering, and by [...] and his good vvife. that meane sent him with the Carriers to the Sea, from whence he fledde into Sicelie.

Reginus wife, put hir husband in the night into a filthy sincke, Reginus and his good vvife. into the which the Souldioures would not go in the day, for the sauoure.

The next night she cladde him like a Colyer, and gaue him an Asse to carie his coles, and she folowed a little after in a litter: which when the warders sawe, suspecting some man to be in the litter, searched it: whereof Reginus being afraide, [...]anne backe, and as a straunger, prayed a souldioure to be good to the women. He angerly answering him as a Colier, knew him notwithstan­ding, (for he hadde serued vnder him once in Syria,) and sayde, goe boldly (O Captayne) for so it becommeth me yet to call thée.

Scoponius wife obteyned him of Antony, and béeyng till that [...]. time of good fame, did now heale one euill fortune with another.

Geta his sonne made a fire in the open parte of his house, to Geta a good sonne. burie his father that séemed to be dead, whome he had hidde in a house in the Countrey newe made, where the olde man disgui­sing hymselfe, layde a parchment before hys eyes, and after the agréement was made, he tooke away the parchment, but founde Eye lost for lacke of vse. his eye out for lacke of vse:

Oppius sonne, minding to tarrie with his olde féeble father, bare Oppius a good sonne. him on his backe, till he was past the gates, and the rest of the way, partly leading him, and partly bearing him, he broughte hym safe to Cicelie, no man suspecting, or troubling the manner of [Page 253] it: As they wright that Aeneas was reuerenced of his enimies, Aeneas. Anchises. when he bare his Father Anchises. The people of Rome com­mendyng the young manne, caused that afterwarde he was made Chamberlayne of the Citie. And bycause hée coulde not beare the charges of his office, for that hys goodes were confiscate, the artificers fréely gaue hym to supply the Kindnesse of Commons. same. And the people that behelde hys shewes, did euery man caste so muche money into the game place, as they made him riche.

Arianus caused to be grauen on his Sepulchre by hys Te­stament Arianus his good Sonne. An Epitaph. thus: Him, that lieth here, his sonne (that was not proscribed) did hide, being condemned, and [...]eyng with him, saued his life.

Metellus the Father and the Sonne, the Father was a Cap­tayne Metellus father and sonne. vnder Antonie at Actio▪ where he was taken prysoner, and vnknowen: his Sonne serued Caesar, and was a Capitaine at the same fielde. When Caesar did gyue sentence vppon the captiues at Samo, the yong man was presente: The olde manne Samo an I [...]e o­uer agaynst A [...] ­ho. A good Sonne. being brought foorth all forlorne with long heare, miserie and wante, and all transformed by the same, when in order of the captiues, he was called of the crier, hys Sonne lepte from hys seate, and embraced his Father, (whome he scarsly knew) with teares, and when he had ceased from sorowe, hée sayde to Caesar: This hath bene thine enimie O Caesar, and I thy friende, him thou muste punishe, and me rewarde: I desire thée to saue my Father for mée, or lette me die for hym. Euery man takyng pittie, Caesar commaunded Metellus to be saued, though he were hys very enimie, and afore despysing many gyftes, to be drawne from Antonie.

The seruauntes of Marcius with good loue and Fortune, Marcius and his good seruaunts. all the tyme of the proscription, dyd kéepe hym within hys house, till feare set aside, Marcius came out of his house, as from banishment.

Hirtius wyth hys menne fléeyng the Cittie, wente aboute Hirtius Italie, deliuered prysoners, and gathered them togither that fledde, and tooke townes, a few at the firste, after moe in num­ber, [Page 254] till he had a sufficient armie, and ouercame a parte of the Brut [...]ns, from whence sendyng his army, he sayled with them al [...]. to Pompey.

Restio, that thoughte he fledde alone, a Seruaunte followed Restio and a good seruaunt. hym secretelye, beeyng broughte vppe of hym, and a­foretyme well vsed, but after, for euill conditions, bran­ded.

When Restio rested in a Fenne, and did sée this Seruaunte so nighe hym, he was afrayde: to whome the Seruaunte sayde, that hée did not so much remember his present brandes, as hée dyd his former benefites: and so caused hym so repose in a caue, and prouided meate for hym, as well as hée coulde [...] and after that the Cane was suspected, and Souldyours drewe nighe to Restio where hée was, the Seruaunte per­ceyuyng the matter, followed and killed an olde man that passed by, and cutte off hys heade: the Souldiours beyng angrye, and commyng aboute to take the killer, hée sayde, I haue kylled my Mayster Restio, that gaue mée these brandes. They tooke the heade, to haue the rewarde, and ca­ryed it in vayne into the Citie. The Seruaunt comforted bye Mayster and sayled with hym into Sicelie.

Appion restyng in a stable, the Souldiours sought hym: his Appion and a good seruant. seruaunt put on his garment, and lay vppon his bedde and wil­lingly receyued death for hys Mayster, he sittyng by him in the forme of a seruaunt.

Memmius house was soughte of the Souldiours, one of whose Seruauntes wente into a litter, hys fellowes bea­ryng [...] and a good seruaunt. hym as he hadde bene theyr Maister, and béeyng taken, he was contente to die for his Maister, who fledde into Si­celie.

Iunius hadde a frée made manne, Philemon, who hadde a [...] and a good seruaunt. fayre house, where hée kepte hys Mayster in a vaughte, in whiche they are woonte to laye Harnesse, Money, or Wry­tinges, and fedde hym in the nyghte, tyll the Peace was made.

[Page 255]An other frée made man, kéepyng the Sepulchre of hys Ma­ster, did also preserue his Maisters Sonne in the same graue, to­gither with his Father.

Lucretius wanderyng with twoo faythfull seruauntes, for Lucretius. lacke of meate, returned to hys wyfe, beyng borne in a lit­ter of hys seruauntes, into the Citie, as a sicke man: when it happened that one of the seruaunts had broken hys legge, hée wente on with the other, tyll hée came to the gates, where hys Father afore beyng proscrybed of Sylla, was ta­ken. The Souldiours commyng aboute hym, hée was muche afrayde for the lucke of the place, wherefore hée fledde with a seruaunte, and was hydde of hym in a graue, and chaun­sing that robbers of Sepulchers dyd searche graues, the ser­uaunt offered hymselfe to bée spoyled of the robbers, whyles the maister fledde to the gates, and tarried tyll hys seruaunt came to hym, whose garmentes hée put on, and wente to hys wyfe, vnder whose care beyng kepte, hée was hidde betwene twoo beames, till hée was pardoned, by meanes made for him of some, to the thrée menne. And after peace was made, he had the office of a Consull.

Sergius was hydde of Antonie hymselfe, tyll hée hadde Sergius. perswaded Plancus the Consull to proclayme hys reuocation agayne. In the dissention of Caesar and Antonie, when Anto­nie was declared enimye of the Senate, hée onely openly gaue voyce for hys acquitall.

And thus these were saued.

Pomponius decked hymselfe lyke a Pretor, and hys seruants, Pomponius. lyke the Sergeaunts, and so went thorough the Citties wyth his maces and Officers rounde aboute hym, that hée should not bée knowne: and at the gates hée tooke publyque coaches, and wente thorough Italie, euery manne receyuyng hym, and sendyng to hym as a Pretor appoynted of the thrée menne, to make truce wyth Pompey, to whome also hée came in a pu­blike Galley.

Apuleius and Aruntius counterfaiting themselues to be Ca­pitaynes, Apuleius. Aruntius. [Page 256] and their seruauntes Souldiours, ranne to the gates as Capitaynes, and pursued others, and by the way, they deliuered prysoners, and receyued suche as came to them: so as eyther of them had a sufficient bande, with Ensignes and armour, and she [...]e of an army. And chancing that by diuerse wayes they went toward the Sea, they bothe camped in one hil, with great feare lookyng one to another.

In the mornyng, not hauyng cléere sight, and thinkyng that eyther of them had bene sente to destroy the other, they fought it out very fiercely, tyll they knewe the truthe. Then repenting that déede, they threw away their weapōs, and wayled that for­tune shoulde be so contrarie to them, and tooke shippe, the one saylyng to Brutus, the other to Pompey. And he went on with Pom­pey: and the other, vnder Brutus was president of Bythinia, and when Brutus was dead, deliuered it to Antonie, and was sa­ued.

A seruaunt of Ventidius, when he was firste condemned, put Ventidius good seruauntes. him in fetters, as though he woulde haue deliuered hym to the killers: in the night he perswaded hys felowes, and cladde them lyke Souldiours, and his mayster lyke a Capitaine, and wente out lyke a bande appoynted, and brought his mayster out of the Citie, passing through Italy into Sicelie, many tymes méeting o­ther Capitaynes that sought Ventidius.

Another hidde hys mayster in a Sepulchre, and when hée coulde not abyde the fearfulnesse of fansie in the Sepulchre, hée hidde him in an homely house, nyghe the whiche a Souldiour dwellyng, he coulde not abyde that feare neyther: Wherefore turnyng from feare to extréeme boldenesse, he shaued hys head, and played the schoolemayster in Rome till the truce.

Volutius being Aedile, was condemned. He hauyng friendship Volutius. The priestes of Isis vvere clad vvith a garment that had a dogs head. Caleni. in Cam­pania. Sittius. with a Priest of Isis, borowed a stole and a vesture downe to the foote, and put on a dogges heade, and in that maner of furious seruice, passed safe to Pompey.

The Calenians dyd kéepe Sittius the Citizen, that had liberally spent of his substance vpon them, & with weapons warded him, rebuking his seruants, & kéeping the soldiours frō the walles, till [Page 257] the furye béeyng paste, they sent to the thrée men for him, and ob­tayned that Sittius excluded from the rest of Italy, should remaine A banished man in his countrey. in his countrey. So Sittius is the firste and onelye man, that as a straunger, was an outlawe in his owne countrey.

Varr [...] a Philosopher, and a writer of Histories, hauing doone Varr [...]. good seruice in the warres, and in place of a Lieutenaunt, and therefore peraduenture as an ennimie to the Monarchie, was condemned. His friends béeyng desirous to receiue him, and It is saide, that Antony pardo­ned Varro vvith these vvords, Viuat Varro vn­doctissimus. contending for hym, Calenus obtay ned hym, and kept him at his Vineyarde, whither Antony came sometyme to walke, and yet neuer a one within, did bewraye Varro, neyther of hys owne ser­uaunts, or of Calenus.

Virginius an eloquentman, taughte his seruauntes, that if Virginius. they kylled him for a little money, and that with danger, they shoulde get hate, and at length be in great feare: but if they sa­ued him, they should win sure glory, good hope, and hereafter mo­ney muche more abundant and certaine. Wherefore they fled with him, as with their fellowe seruaunte, and in the way bée­ing knowne, they fought with the souldiours: and he being taken of them, tolde them also, that they woulde not kill hym for anye malice, but for onelye hope of money, which they shoulde haue more iustlye and plentifullye, if they would go with hym to the sea, where (quoth he) my wife hathe a shippe with mony. They being persuaded, brought hym to the sea: his wife, as shée was appointed, came to the sea, and bycause hir husbande tar­ryed, thinking he had bin gone to Pompey, she went hir way, lea­uing a seruāt on shore to she whim so. Whē Virginius was come, the seruant ranne vnto him, and shewed him where his shippe sayled, what his Maistresse said of the money, and that he was left behinde to tell him. The souldiours perceiuing al to be true, Virginius desired them to staye, til he might call his wife backe, or goe with him to hir for their mony. They tooke a boate, and with great labour rowed him into Sicelie, where receyuing their promise, they woulde not goe from him, but tarryed with him till the ende.

A certaine Marrinet receyued Rebulus into a shippe, to goe Rebulus. [Page 258] into Sicelie, and required his mony, which if he had not, he would accuse him, that he didde, as Themistocles did, when he fledde, that Themistocles. is, threatned he would accuse him, for receyuing him for mony: wherefore, the Mariner was afrayde, and broughte him vnto Pompey.

Murcus being a Lieutenante vnder Brutus, was condemned, Marcus. and when Brutus was ouercome, he was taken, and made him­selfe as a seruant, whome Barbula bought, and perceyuing him Barbuli [...]. to be apte, made him chiefe of his fellowes, and gaue him mo­ney to bestowe: and when he sawe him still more wise and dili­gent than the common nature of seruantes, he put him in hope, that if he were one of the proscribed men, he woulde saue him, if he woulde confesse it. He denying it earnestly, and declaring his stocke, his name, and former maysters, he caried him to Rome, thinking, if he had bene a condemned man, he woulde haue refu­sed to goe. But he followed chéerefully, and being at the gates of the Consuls house, a friend of Barbulas that saw Murcus in [...]er­uile maner wayting vpon him, did secretly tell him in his eare. He (by Agrippa) obteined of Caesar, that Murcus was pardoned, and remained friende to Caesar. Not long after, it happened that he was a Captaine in the warre againste Antonie, at Actio, and Barbula was a Capitayne of Antonies, where fortune came Barbula. about to bothe alike. For, when Antonie was ouerthrowen, he was taken, and counterfeyted to be a seruant, whome Murcus bought as ignorant. But shewing all to Caesar, he obteyned hys Equall fortune. pardon, and so requited his former benefit. To these fortune was like on both sides, and so continued: for they were officers togither in one dignitie at Rome.

Balbinus fléeing, and retourning with Pompey, and being made Balbinus. Lepidus deposed. [...]. Consull, it hapned that Lepidus of so great a Prince being made a priuate man by Caesar, came to this necessitie, y when Maecenas did accuse Lepidus his sonne of conspiracie against Caesar, and also accused the mother, as consenting to hir sonne, and Lepidus him­selfe, as a weake man, he despised: the sonne he sent to Caesar, to Actio: for the mother, bicause she was a woman, and not to be [...]aryed, he required suretie to be putte before the Consull. But [Page 259] when no man would be hir suretie, Lepidus wayted many times at Balbinus dores, and comming where he sate in Judgemente, and being ofte repulsed of the officers, at length (with much ado) he spake thus:

The accusers do confesse mine innocencie, affirming, that Lepidus sute for his vvife. I am neyther consenting to my wife nor my sonne. I didde not proscribe thée, when I was one of the Proscribers. Haue respect vnto the chaunces of the worlde: and to me, that attende vpon thée, giue this grace, that eyther my wife may goe to Caesar vp­on my suretie, or I be bounde to goe with hyr.

Whiles Lepidus spake this, Balbinus considering the mutati­on, Cicero the son. deliuered the wife of hir bonde.

Yong Cicero was sent of his father into Grecia, foreseing what would come. From Greece he went to Brutus, & after Brutus death, to Pompey, & with both was honoured with the place of a Lieute­naunt. And after them, Caesar, to cléere himself of Ciceros iniurie, The Bishops of old Rome vvere Magistrates & Iudges of reli­gion. made him straight the Bishop, and not long after, Consul, and President of Syria. And whē Caesar ouercame Antony at Actio, he was yet Consul, and Caesar wrote to him of it, which Letters he readde to the people of Rome, and sate in that seate of Justice, where his fathers head was put.

Appius diuided his substance among his seruants, and say­led Appius. with them into Sicelie. They watching for his mony, a storm rysing, put him into a boate, that they might sayle with the more safetie: but it chaunced, that he in the boate was saued beyonde all hope, and they drowned with theyr shippe.

Publius, a treasurer of Brutus, and of the familie of Anteny, Publius. was requested to forsake Brutus, which bicause he would not do, he was proscribed: yet he returned, and was a friende to Caesar, and when Caesar came to him, he woulde shewe him Brutus pic­ture, for the which he was praysed of Caesar.

These things, beyonde hope, happening to the proscribed men, both in daunger and safetie, many moe being omitted, I thought chiefe to be declared.

When matters had thus passed in Rome, all the places about, for these troubles, were ful of enimies, & great warres fell out: [Page 260] In Libya of Cornificius against Sextius: in Syria of Cassius against Do­lobella: in Sicilia of Pompey, where great affliction was among the Citties for this captiuitie. I will ouerpasse the lesse: the grea­test, that appeared more worthie than the rest, in Loadicea, Thar­sus, Rhodes, Patareans, and Xantheans, and euery of them, which from the beginning in order I haue gathered to write, were these. The Romaines call that parte yet olde Libya, which they wanne of the Carthaginenses: that, whiche King Iuba helde, and Olde Libya. was after gotten by Caesar, they call Newe Libya, and may bée of Numidia.

Sextius being president of New Libya vnder Caesar, commaun­ded Nevve Libya. Sextius. Cornificius. Cornificius to giue place in the olde, as thoughe all Libya was Caesars by lot.

When the thrée men made their diuision, he sayd, he knew no suche diuision made of the thrée men among themselues, nor woulde deliuer the Prouince, which he had receiued of the Se­nate, but onelye to them againe. And for this cause they made war one against another.

Cornificius had an armye well appointed and great in number: Sextius had lighte harnessed, and fewer, by the whiche comming abroade, hée caused men to reuolte from Cornificius, and gaue re­pulse to Ventidius, a Captaine of Cornificius, comming vpon him lustily, and besieged him.

Laelius an other Captayne of Cornificius, went abrode, and wan Cirta and other places from Sextius, and they al sent to Arabion Cirta a Cittie of Numidia, vvhere [...]ugurth kylled Adherbal. Arabion. Sittius. the king, and to them that were called Sittians, to take part with them in the warre, which were so called for thys cause. Sittius in Rome, not abiding sentence in his own quarrell, fled, and ga­thering an army, came frō Italy and Spaine, into Libya, and tooke a part among the Libyan Kings that warred togither, and with whom he ioyned and gotte the victorie, he was called a Sittian, bycause his army did very valiantly. Sittians.

When Caius Caesar did persecute Pompeys friends, he did fyghte for him in Libya, and ouerthrewe Sabura, Iubas Lieutenant, a fa­mous man: For whiche cause Sittius was rewarded of Caesar, Manassa. Manasses. with king Manasses land, not al, but the best part of it. Manasses [Page 261] was this Arabions father, and confederate with Iuba. His lande Caesar gaue to Sittius and to Bocchus king of the Marusians, one part whereof Sittius diuided for the people vnder him.

Arabion fledde into Iberia to Pompeis children, and when Caius Caesar was killed, he retourned againe to Libya, and euer sending some of his Libyans to the yonger Pompey into Iberia, and recey­uing expert souldiours from thence, he tooke hys lande from Boc­chus, and dispatched Sittius by craft: and being still friend to the Pompeyans, and perceyuing their fortune to be full of infelicitie without hope, he agréede with Sittius, and soone by hym was re­conciled to Caesar. The Sittians also for his fathers beneuolence wyth Caesar, ioyned wyth hym.

Sestius being nowe emboldned, came from the siege to the fight, where Ventidius was slayne, and the army fledde without a guyde, whome he chased and killed, and tooke many of them.

Laelius hearing of this, leuied the siege at Cirta, and wente to Cornificius.

Sestius being hauty with this feat, went to Cornificius at Vtica, and encamped against him, hauing much people. And Cornificius sending Laelius with horsmen to take a view, Sestius sent Arabion with his horse against Laelius, at the face: & he with horse better appointed, came vpon him on the side, and disordred hym, so that Laelius, thoughe not inferior, yet fearing his retire shoulde haue bene shutte, tooke an hill that was betwéene both, where A­rabion, as hée was directed, kylled manye, and compassed the reste.

Cornificius séeing this, came foorthe wyth hys whole power, to helpe Laelius. Sestius sette vpon him on the back, with sodayne charge, whome Cornificius endeuoured to repell with great tra­uaile. Arabion in the meane time créeping with his mē through the stony places, came secretly ouer mountaines vpon Cornifici­us campe.

Roscius, that was kéeper of the campe, being distressed, offe­red Roscius kylled. hys throate to be cutte of a Page.

Cornificius wearie of the fyght, went to Laelius to the moun­taine, Cornificius killed not knowing what was doone at his Campe, when A­rabion▪ [Page 262] horsemen came vpon him, and killed him. Laelius séeing al Ielius kylleth kyniselfe. this vpon the hill, kylled himselfe. When the Captaines were deade, the armies fled seuerally, and suche of the proscribed men as were with Cornificius, some fledde into Sicelie, and some whi­ther they could. Sestius rewarded Arabion and the Sit [...]ians with goodly gifts, and the Citties he pardoned, to obey Caesar.

This was the ende of the warre in Libya, betwixte Cornificius and Laelius, very shorte, if a man consider the feates doone wyth so great spéede.

With Brutus and Cassius, in comparison to these, little was Brutus & Cassius. done, and that was this: when Caius Caesar was killed, the mur­derers tooke the Capitoll, and when obi [...]uion of al thinges was decréed, they came down.

The people at the funerall of Caesar, being moued wyth pit­tie, ranne aboute to séeke the quellers, and they driuing them backe from the toppes of the houses, went to the prouinces that Caesar had appointed. Cassius and Brutus beyng yet Pretors in the Citie, were assigned also of Caesar to prouinces, Cassius to Si­ria, and Brutus to Macedonia. And bycause they coulde not goe to their prouinces before their time, nor abide the hate of the Ci­tie, Brutus & Cassius. they wente away, being yet in office: and the Senate, in consideration of them, appointed them Purueioures for pro­uision, that in that meane time, they shoulde not be thought to flée away.

They beyng gone, Syria & Macedonia were apointed by decrée to Antony and Dolobella, being then Consuls. The Senate, béeing very muche grieued, gaue them in steade thereof Creta & Cirene, whiche they not regarding, in shorte tyme gathered much mo­ney and men, and entred Syria and Macedonia. And thus they wroughte.

When Dolobella hadde kylled Trebonius in Asia, and Antonie hadde ouercome Decimus in Celtica, the Senate being offended, did decrée Antonie and Dolobella to be enimies, and restored Bru­tus and Cassius to their former prouinces, and added to Brutus Illyria, commaunding al other that were rulers of the Romaine Illyria added to Brutus. dominion, as well of prouinces as armies, to obey Brutus and [Page 263] Cassius. After this, Cassius preuented Dolobella entring into Syria, & vsed the tokens of that office, and gathered twelue legions, that for the moste parte, hadde serued, and bin trained vnder Casus Caesar, one of the whiche, Caesar hadde lefte in Syria, to goe to the Passus. Sextus Iulius▪ war against the Parthians. The charge of this, had Secilius Bassus, but the dignitie, Sextus Iulius hadde, a yong man and Caesars kins­man, who being lasciuious, and suffering the legion to fall to riot, Bassus reproued him: wherefore he fell out with Bassus, and called hym rascall, and after waxing more disobedient, Bassus commaunded hym to be broughte of the Sergeants, whereof a tumulte growing, and Bassus beyng in daunger to be killed: the armye, not abiding that disorder, killed Iulius: of the whiche re­penting them by and by, and fearing Caesars displeasure, they a­gréed togither, that vnlesse they had forgiuenesse, they woulde fyght til death, and to this they compelled Bassus: & getting an o­ther legion, they trained them, with the which they valiātly o­uercame Sextius Murcus, sente againste them with thrée legions from Caesar. To Murcus, came in aide Minutius Crispus from By­thinia, Murcus. with thrée other legions, and besieged Bassus with sixe le­gions. Cassius comming in reliefe of Bassus, receiued hys armye fréely by and by, and after, Minutius and Murcus, deliuering to Minutius. hym their legions for goodwill, they obeyed him in all thinges as y Senate cōmaūded. Albinus being sent of Dolobella, brought oute of Aegipt foure legions of the remnaunt of Pompeius and Crassus discomfiture, which of Caesar were left w t Cleopatra. Cassius set vpon him in Palestina (knowing nothing of these chaunces) so sodainely, that he compelled him to deliuer his armye, being afraide with foure legions to fyght againste eight. Thus Cassi­us (beyond al expectation) was Lord of twelue legions, and ma­nye of the Parthian archers on horsebacke came to serue Cassius, hée being known among them, when he was an officer in Cras­sus campe. Dolobella remained about Ionia, dispatching Trebo­nius, Trebonius▪ and putting tributes vpon the Cities, and by Lucius Figulus [...]. Figulus. hyring nauies of the Rhodes, the Lycians, Pamphagonians, and Ce­licians, which, whē they were ready, he determined to go into Sy­ria himselfe by land with two legions, & Figulus by sea. And hea­ring [Page 264] of Cassius army, he tourned hys iorney to Laodicea, a Cittie friendly to hym, ioyning to Cherronesus, and fitte for al surniture, [...], [...]ore [...]. as well for passage by Sea, as defence by lande. In the which place, he mighte prouide all thinges plentifullye [...]o [...] the Se [...], and when he would, without feare saile from the lande.

Which Cassius séeing, and fearing that Dolobella should escape him, hauing gotten a place called Isthmus, almoste an Iland, not [...] a na [...] ­rovve land be­tvveene tvvoo seas. two furlongs ouer, he took all the stones and tymber of the cota­ges, boroughs and sepulchres, to make a peere for ships. He sent to Phoenitia, Lycia and the Rhodes, and being reiected of all, but the S [...]donians, yet he went againste Dolobella, and bothe of them ha­ning loste numbers of shyps, Dolobella tooke fiue, with al the men. Cassius sent againe to them that had despised hym, and to Cleopa­tra Quéene of Aegipt, and to Serapion Generall in Cypres for hir. The Tyrians, the Aradians, and Serapion, without any in Arad [...]i be of the Ile of Ara­dus, & it is one o [...] the Citties of Ph [...]nitia that maketh [...]polis, Tyrus and Sido [...] be the other. Excuses of Cleo­patra. telligence from Cleopatra, sent him as many ships as they hadde. The Quéene made excuse to Cassius, by hunger & pestilēce, wher­with Aegipt was oppressed: and for the familiarity with the for­mer Caesar, shée fauoured Dolobella, and with this determination, she sente hym four legions by Albinus, and an other sufficient company, by sea (bicause of the winde) stayed.

The Rhodians and the Lycians said, they woulde helpe neither Brutus nor Cassius in ciuill warres, and that they had giuen ships of passage to Dolobella, but not entred with him into any societie of warre. Cassius being prepared againe, with such as he had pre­sently, encountred with Dolobella twice, and at the firste, they fought it oute with like force: but after Dolobella was too weake by Sea. Then Cassius, with a rampire, so beat the walles of the Cittie, that they were lyke to fade, and when he coulde not cor­rupte Marsus, that was chiefe of the watch by night, he wanne Marsus. Loadicea vvon. Dolobella killed. the Captaines of the bands, that warded by the day. And Marsus resting by daye, the gates were opened, and he entred in diuers parts with his army.

The Citie being taken, Dolobella bad one of his Guard cutte off his heade and carrie it to Cassius, to saue his owne, whiche he did, and after killed himselfe. Marsus also did ridde his own life.

[Page 265] Cassius hauyng gotten the Citie, sware the armie of Dolobella to himselfe. All the Laodiceans sacred and publyke things he spoy­led, Laodicea spo [...] the chief of the Citie he punished, the other he oppressed with grieuous payments, and brought the Citie to extréeme mise­rie. From Laodicea hée wente towarde Aegypt, vnderstandyng that Cleopatra dyd sayle with a greate nauie to Caesar and Anto­nie, thynkyng hée myghte stoppe hir voyage, and be reuenged of hyr, vnderstandyng that Aegipt was in greate distresse for famine, hauyng no greate army of straungers, the Soul­diours beyng gone with Albinius. Beyng in this hope and de­termination, Brutus in haste aduertised hym, that Caesar & An­tonie dyd passe the Ionian Sea. Cassius vnwillyngly, lefte the en­terpryse of Aegipt, and sente away the Parthian Archers on horsebacke, wyth their rewardes, and messengers to theyr King for further ayde: whiche commyng when all was done, ranged Syria, and all the nighe nations to Ionia, and departed. Cassius lefte hys Nephewe in Syria with one legion: the horse­menne hée sente afore to Cappadocia. They suddenly sette vppon Ariobarzanes di­stressed. Ariobarzanes the kyng, as one that before meante to deceyue Cassius, and brought all his money and riches to Cassius. The Tharsiās beyng at debate, the one parte honoured, Cassius comyng Tharsue at diuisi [...] A citie in Cilicia at the floudde Cydno. firste, the other Dolobella after him: and both of them did it, by the shew of the Cities authoritie: and embracing both, as the turne serued, either side (in such a chāgeable citie) vsed oth [...] extréeme­ly. When Cassius had ouercome Dolobella, he commaunded them to paye a thousand and fiue hundred Talentes: they not know­ing The calamitie of Tharsus. what to doe, and beyng with despight requyred of the Soul­diours therevnto, were compelled to sell all their pryuate Iewels, and holy things in common, and other whiche they had for their triumphes and sacrifices, whiche not suffising, the Ma­gistrates solde their frée people. The firste was the Virgines and their men children, after their women and olde men pity­fully, and then theyr youngmen, whereof many killed themselues. Being in this case, Cassius came from Syria, and stayed it for pit­ties Cassius shevveth souie pittie. sake, & released them of the rest of the Tribute. Thus Thar­sus and Laodicea were punished. Cassius and Brutus consultyng to­gither, [Page 266] it séemed best to Brutus to remoue the armie from thence Counsell be [...]ene Brutus and Cassius. into Macedonia for greater consideration. Bycause it was sayde, theyr enimies had fourty legions, and that eyght of them were past the Ionian sea. Cassius thought the multitude of the e­nimie not to be passed of, bycause in tyme their number shoulde be their destruction for wante: and therefore that they shoulde sette vpon the Rodians and Licians, friends to their enimies, and hauing nauies least they should come vpon their backes, when they had agreed, they deuided their armies. Brutus went against the Licians, & Cassius agaynst the Rodians, for hée was brought vp there, & learned the Gréeke tongue. And bicause they were very [...]do, novve Capo Crio. strong vpon the Sea, he prepared & exercised hys owne ships at Guido. The wise men of the Rodes were afrayd to come to fight with the Romanes, but the people was lusty recounting their for­mer The Rhodes. an Iland in the sea that is called Carpathio, the▪ vvhich in great­nesse, is next Iesa [...]us and Cyprus. feats against other maner of men than these. Their shippes also they gathered of the beste, of the whiche were .xxxiij. when they had done so, they sente some to Mindo to Cassius, requesting him he woulde not reiect the Rhodes, a Citie that euer did re­uenge such as contemned them, nor the cōuentions betwene the Rhodians and the Romanes, that one shoulde not beare armes a­gainst the other: and if he did alleage any thyng for societie of warre, that they woulde vnderstande of the Senate of Rome, and they commaunding it, they sayde they would do it. Thus much they sayde. He answeared, that for the rest, warre must iudge in stéede of wordes & where the league cōmaunded they should not leauie armes one against another, the Rhodians did conspire with Dolobella, and ayded him against Cassius. But where it cōmaun­deth that one should help another, and now that Cassius requireth it, they vse a shifte by the Romane Senate, which is scatered, and at this present destroyed by the Tyrannes that be in the Citie, which should be punished, and so should the Rhodians, taking their partes, onlesse they did as he commaunded them. Thus sayde Cassius. Whē this was knowne at Rhodes, the auncient men were the more afrayd. The people were persuaded by one Alexāder & Manasses, remēbring vnto them that Mithridates came against thē w t many moe ships, & before him Demetrius. Therfore they made [Page 267] Alexander their chief officer called Prytan [...]o, & Manasses their Ad­miral. Pryta [...]eus vvas in Athens the chiefe Citie of Autonie. Neuerthelesse, they sent Archelaus embassadour to Cassius, who was his schoolemaster in the Gréeke, to intreate him fami­liarly: and when he had taken him by the hande, he spake to him as to hys acquayntance:

‘Thou that art a louer of the Gréeke language, do not disturbe Archeleus scholenaster [...] Cassius. a Gréeke citie, nor the Rhodes (being a louer of libertie) nor deface the Dorian dignitie, neuer yet blemished since it firste began: nor forget y goodly historie, which thou diddest learne at Rhodes and Rome. At Rhodes, howe muche the Citizens of the same haue euer stoode to their defence, against nations & kings, and such as were thought inuincible, as Demetrius & Mithridates, for their libertie, for y whiche thou sayst thou trauaylest. In Rome what we haue done for you, as wel against other as Antiochus the great: there be pillers set vp of you as monumēts of vs. And thus much may he sayd to you, O Romanes, of our natiō, of our worthinesse, of our state, neuer yet in seruitude, of our societie & choyse of you. But in thée now ( Cassius) a certaine great reuerēce, I say, remayneth toward this citie, thy nurse, thy scole, thy Phisitian & house, wher thou didst dwell, & to my scole, & my self, & to other things wherein I toke paynes. Now you well requite al this vpō my countrie, y it be not forced to make warre with thée that was nourished & brought vp in it, nor put vs to y necessitie of one of two things, either that y Rhodians shal all be destroyed, or Cassius ouercome. I aduise thée further, beside y I haue prayed thée, that hast tak [...] in hand this feate, for y e cōmon welth of Rome, y thou always make the Gods the guydes in so great a cause. You Romanes did call the Gods to witnesse, when by Caius Caesar, ye made solēne league w t vs, and by othe cōfirmed the same & gaue vs your right hands, which enimies performe, & shal not friēds and felowes d [...] it? Re­fraine now for Gods cause, & for the glory among men, seing no­thing is more barbarous than breach of league, which make the offendours to séeme vnfaithfull both to friend & foe. Whē the old man had thus sayd, he did not let Cassius hand go, but he wept & wiped his eyes with it, that with that manner he might moue Cassius, who for reuerēce was abashed, & w t some passiō sayd thus:’

[Page 268] ‘If thou diddest not persuade the Rodians to doe me any iniu­rie, then thy selfe hast done it: but if thou diddest exhort and ad­uise Cas [...]es to [...]helous. them, & couldest not persuade them, then I do reuenge thée. I haue bene iniured euidently: firste, bycause I asking helpe of them, that nourished and taught me, am contemned and despi­sed: then, bycause they preferred Dolobella, (whome they ney­ther taught nor brought vp) before me: and that that is the more haynous, not onely before me, but Brutus and other noble men, whome you knowe well to be fledde from Tirannie, and to be ready to fight for libertie of our countrie. You the Rodianes lo­uers of libertie, preferred Dolobella before vs, he séekyng to take the same from other: and vs (whome now you ought to fauour,) you pretend, you will not deale with ciuill warre. It were ciuill, if we did couet vnlawfull power: but now opē warre is made of peoples rule, against Tirannes state: and you that haue popular gouernment, do forsake the same: and of them that do labour for their lawes, and beare good will to the Romanes, and be condem­ned to death without iudgement, that be prescribed & confiscate, you haue no pitie at all. But you answeare, you will vnderstand the Senates minde, which is now destroyed and can not helpe it self. For ye knew the Senate had decréed to Brutus and me, that al the inhabitants betwéene Ionia and the East, should obey our cōmaundements Thou makest a rehearsal what you haue done for vs at our wāts, for with good will you haue receyued reward againe. But you forget, that you denie help to vs, that suffer in­iurie, for the sauing of our liberty, whom you ought, if there had bene no friendship betwirt vs, but would now haue begon it, to haue ayded the cōmon cause of Rome, few beyng of the Dorean li­bertie. You bring foorth also leagues (lacking other matter) that Caius Casar the first author of Tirannie did make with you, and say, that the Romanes and Rodians should help one an other in their necessities. Helpe you then nowe the Romanes that in greatest cause be in moste perill. Cassius a Romane borne, and a president of the Romanes, dothe chalenge that league, accordyng to the decrée of the Senate, in the whiche it did commaunde, that all the dwellers beyonde Ionia, shoulde obey vs. Brutus dothe [Page 269] require the same, and Pompey, kéepyng the Sea for the Se­nates safetie. To decrées, wée ioyne prayers, for all them that be fledde from the Senate to me, to Brutus and to Pompey. It is the peoples publike decrée, that the Rhodianes shoulde help the Romanes, euery one as they haue neede. If we be neyther officers nor Romanes, but you take vs to be fugitiues, straungers, and condemned (as they name vs that haue proscribed vs) and that you haue nothing to do with vs, but with Romanes (O Rhodianes) and their leagues, then may we make warre with you as stran­gers, and frée from confederacie, excepte you obey vs in all that we require. Thus Cassius, as it were dallying with Archelaus, sent him away.’ Alexander and Manasses, Captaynes of the Rho­dianes, with their thrée and thirtie Shippes, sayled against Cassius to Myndo, to preuent him in the sea, hauing hope, lightly to ouer­come him, bycause they made that voyage into Guido agaynste Mithridates, when they had happy ende of the warre: and vsing rowing for a shew, they sayled the first day to Guido, and the next, Guido a Citie like an Ilande in Caria. set vppon the Cassianes, whereat they maruelling, did encounter with them, shewing noble strength on both sydes. The Rhodian shippes were light, and gaue a suddayne onset on their enimies, Battayle by Sea betvveene the Romanes & the Rhodianes. and retired againe, and fetched what course they woulde. The Romaines were heauie, and abode by it, and when they ioyned with them, ouerlayde them like a fight on foote. Cassius with the multitude of his shippes did so beset the enimie, that they could not compasse, nor retire at their pleasure, but onely aforehande giue a charge, and retire againe: and that commoditie was ta­ken away by the streightnesse of the place. For their commyng vpon the Romanes great shippes with their sharpe stemmes, dyd no good, bicause the Romanes stoode vnmouable against their light vessels. In the ende, thrée of the Rhodianes, with all the men in them, were taken, two were broken and sonke, the rest sore bea­ten, fledde to the Rhodes.

The Romaines resorted to Myndo, and repaired their vessels Myndus, a sea▪ coast tovvne of Caria. that were brused.

This was the ende of the fight by Sea, betwéene the Romanes and the Rhodianes, which Cassius behelde from a Mountayne.

[Page 270]When he had repayred his Nauye, he sayled to Lorenn [...], a Ca­stell [...] is in [...]ame. of the Rhodians, and his footemen he committed to Phanius and Lentulus, to bée transported in greate Shippes. He sayled with fourescore vessels, whyche was a terrible sighte to the Rho­dians. Being arriued at Rhodes, he stirred not, neyther with hys Nauye nor hys fotemen, thinking they woulde haue yéelded: but they came fiercely forthe to the fyghte, and hauing lost two Shyppes, they shutte themselues within the Porte of the Citie, and toke armoure, and resisted the fotemen that Phanius hadde sette a shore, and also Cassius that approched the walles next the Sea, not vnfitte for that fight: which he foreséeyng, had broughte Turrets with him, which he set vp, and assayled the Citie both by sea and land, which being vnprouided for so suddayne a mat­ter, must néedes eyther by force or famine be ouerthrowen. The wise men of the Citie, to auoide that daunger, hadde some talke with Phanius and Lentulus. In the meane time, Cassius was gote Rhodes taken. into the Citie with the choyce of his army, vsing no force at hys entrie, whiche some thought to be by them that pityed the fami­shing of their Citie.

Cassius, hauing the Citie in captiuitie, sate downe in y Judge­mente seate, and pitched his speare in it, in token it was thrall, and badde them not to feare. He commaunded his armye vppon payne of death, not to make any spoyle. He called. 50. Rhodians by The hard dea­ling of Cassius vvith the Rhodians. name, whome he punished with death. Fiue and twenty y would not appeare, he banished. He toke all the money that was golde or siluer, holy or publike, and appoynted a daye to euery man to bring in his priuate substance. He proclaymed deathe to them that hidde any thing. To the accuser he proclaimed a third part, and to the bonde, libertie. Manye at the beginning hidde their things, hoping the spoyle woulde haue no suche ende: but when they sawe men were bewrayed, they brought forth all for feare. Some was hidden in the ground, some in filthy pittes, and some in graues, out of the which more was brought, than at the first.

Thys was y captiuitie of the Rhodes, to the rule of the which, Spoyle of the Rhodes. Lucius Varus was left.

Cassius being encouraged with the spéedy taking of this Citie, [Page 271] and abundance of money, commaunded the other nations of Asia to pay the tenne yeares tribute, whiche they did accor­dingly.

It was then reported, that Cleopatra, with great preparation of Cleopatra. army and Nauye, would sayle to Octauian and Antony, both for the friendship of the former Caesar, and for feare of Cassius, who sente Murcus with his best Legionarie men and archers, with Morta. Tanarum, a pro­montorie of Iaconica, vvhere Hercules tooke his vvay to Hell. Brutus. Iycia a Coun­trey of little Asia, betvveene Pamphilia and Carta. Loca a region in the ende of Greece. Illyria is a great Region of Europe, novve called [...]lanonia. fourescore armed Shippes, to Pelloponesus, and staying at Tenaro, meant by preuention, to get the spoyle of all Pell pon [...]so.

The things that Brutus did in Licia, were not great: but thus they beganne.

When he had the army of Apuleius, and gathered of the tri­butes of Asia sixetéene thousand talentes, he sayled into B [...]ecia, where he did receyue a decree from the Senate, that he shoulde vse the same, and gouerne Macedonia: whyche béeyng knowen he tooke to hym thrées Legions from Illyria, the whyche Vatinius, then Lieutenante of Illyria, delyuered vnto hym. Another Le­gion he had of Antonyes brother in Macedonia, to the whyche, ioyning foure more, he was Lorde of eyghte Legions, the grea­ter parte of the whyche, hadde serued vnder Caius Caesar. Hée hadde also greate numbers of Horsemen, & archers, and other shotte. The Macedonians hée armed after the Italian man­ner. In gatheryng thus hys army and treasure, he had this good lucke from Thracia.

Polemocratia, a Princes wife, and slayne of his foes, came to Treasure, and a Princes childe deliuered to Brutus. Brutus for the care of hyr sonne, and committed hym to Brutus handes whth hyr Husbandes treasure. He deliuered the chylde to be trayned of the Citizenians, tyll he shoulde be sette in his fa­thers Ciricus, an Ile in Propon [...]is, vvith a Citie of that name. Kingdome. He founde in the Treasure greate massies of golde and syluer, whyche he caused to be coyned, to make money.

When Cassius was come vnto Brutus, they consulted vppon The seege of Zanthus a Citle in Iycia, vvhiche shevved greate manlinesse be­fore agaynste H [...]rpagus Lieu­tenant to Cyrus. theyr businesse, and determined to beginne the warre vppon the Licians and Xanthians.

And to beginne with the Zanthians, they of the Citie cutte off their sub [...]bes, that Brutus should not vse thē, nor haue cōmodity [Page 272] of any thing there, they compassed their Citie with a ditche, and vpon it made their defence. The ditche was fiftie foote déepe, and the breadth proportionate accordingly. Upon it they stoode, and threw their dartes & arrowes vpō the Romanes, diuided as with a floud impassable. Brutus gote many Pioners, & couered thē with leather, to ouerthrow the ditche. He parted the army for y night and the dayes labour, neuer ceassing, but as in a matter of great spéede, vsed the souldioures, to cōtend who should do fastest. And though at the beginning it séemed he went about a tedious and frutelesse worke, yet in the end, he brought it to passe very quick­ly, contrary to the Zanthians opinion, whiche thoughte it woulde haue bin many monethes in doing, or not done at all. But nowe they are shutte vp, and driuen within their gates, with a greate change. He gaue dayly assaultes at the gates, euer changing his Brutus beateth dovvne the Trench. men. They resisted, and put freshe and sounde men in the place of the wéery and wounded, so long as their fortes helde: but when they were beaten downe, and all broken, Brutus thinking what woulde follow, commaunded his souldioures to retire from the gates.

The Zanthians thinking that to bée done by negligence, issued out in the nighte with lightes to burne the Romanes en­gines, who being encountred of the Romanes that laye for them, The Zanthianes killed at theyr gates. retired to the gates, the kéepers whereof, fearing the enimie should enter also, shutte them out, whereof did followe a greate slaughter before the gates. Not long after, the Romanes goyng backe againe, the Citizens came out, and fired the engines: and bycause of the former losse, the gates were opened to them, at whose goyng in, two thousand Romanes thrust in with them, and more followed: at the which entrie, the gates fell downe, ey­ther suddaynely, or of purpose, the matter failing that held them The Romanes in danger. vp. The Romanes were eyther killed, or shut in. The gates could not be opened, nor without some engine be remoued. The Zanthians threw vpon them in the stréetes from aboue. They hauing neyther bowe nor arrowes, gote into a straight place, called Sarpedono, that they should not vtterly be besette aboute. The Romanes that were withoute, were carefull for them [Page 273] within, and Brutus ranne among them, to sée that all help mighte be assayed. At the gates barred with yron, they could not get in, their scales and Towers being burned. Wherefore some made scalyng ladders presently, and wente vp vppon timber, as vpon ladders: some tyed forkes to ropes, and threwe them to fasten on the wall, and climbed vp by coardes. The O [...]nandians theyr Oenandia [...]s a Citie of [...]al [...]ra, a little region of [...]Spand [...]. neyghboures, and enimies, and confederate with Brutus, gate vp ouer the rocky places, whiche when the Romanes saw, they follo­wed with great laboure, whereby many fell, and some that gote ouer, went to opē the gates, and layd timber so thicke, that they mighte come ouer: whiche they did. And being now many, they brake the gate, not being very strōg, both they within and with­out helping to it: and the Souldioures entred in verye boldly, both at the broken gate, and ouer the wall, vpon the way made with timber, so as there was thrusting in on euery side. The Zanthians with greate shoutes set vpon the Romanes that were The Romaines saued in Serpe­dono a holy place closed in the Citie. in Sarpedono. The Romanes at the gates, carefull for them both within and without, vsed all violence to make way, and as ca­ried with a furie, they bare all downe afore them, making suche bast and noyse, as they mighte know within it, God working a change for them. And this was at the setting of the Sunne.

The Citie being thus taken, the Zanthians wente into theyr houses, and burned their most precious things, and wilfully of­fered their throtes to be cutte. The lamentation was so greate, that Brutus fearing the spoyle, called his Souldiours backe by a The taking of Zanth [...]s. Trumpet: and when he knewe what was done, he pitied the state of them for their liberties sake, and sent a truce vnto them. They repelling them that brought it, and bringing all they had, to stackes that they hadde made in their houses, set the same on fire, and burned themselues therewith.

Brutus saued all the sacred things, and only tooke the Seruants of the Xanthians, and an hundred and fifty women frée and wyth­out husband. Thus thrée times the Zanthians perished for their The oft sacking of Zanthus. libertie, being beséeged of Arpalus, Lieutenant of Cyrus the great. They killed themselues rather thā they would be slaues, and the Citie was by him lefte to be their graue. And they say, [Page 274] they suffered the like of Alexander, Philips sonne, and coulde not abyde to obey Alexander, though he were a Lord of so many landes.

Brutus wente from Xantho to Patarea, a Citie (for affayres [...] Citie in [...] vvhere [...] gaue an­svver [...] the sixth Monethes of VVinter. of the Sea) like vnto it: and bringing his army about the citie, he commaunded them to be obediente, vnlesse they woulde suffer as the Xanthians had done. Some of the Xanthians were come vn­to them, bewayling theyr misfortune, and counselling them to sée better to themselues. The Patareanes aunswering nothing to the Xanthians, spent the rest of the day in consultation. Daye béeyng come, and Brutus approchyng, they cryed frō the walles, that they woulde obey hym in anye thyng he would, and opened Patarea yeelded. theyr gates. He entred, neyther killing nor spoyling any man: only theyr golde and siluer that was the Cities, he gathered to­gyther, commaundyng euery mā to bryng in hys priuate goodes, vpon those paynes that Cassius had sette vpon the Rhodians. And they dyd so.

A Seruaunt dyd accuse hys maister for hydyng of mo­ney, and shewed a Capitayne that was sente, where the golde was. All béeyng carryed away, the maister held his peace, but hys mother (wylling to saue hyr sonne) cryed, that she hadde hydde the money. The Seruaunte (not required to speake,) af­firmed she sayde not true, and that he hadde hidde it: whereat Brutus pitying the yong man in silence, and the mother in pas­sion, Iustice of [...]. sente them away vnhurte, with the money they brought, and hanged the Seruante, that woulde haue betrayed hys maister.

Lentulus at this time being sent to Andriaca, a notable porte Andriaca the name of a Tovvne in di­uers regions he [...]re of [...]cia. My [...], a Citie of Lycia. for the Nauies of the Myreans, brake the cheyne of the Port, and went into the Citie. They obeyed hys commaundementes, and deliuered him their money, whych he carryed to Brutus. The Ly­cians sente to Brutus, that they woulde obey hym, and ayde hym to theyr power. He putte a tribute vpon them, and gaue the A [...]ylas is in Asia. frée men of the Xanthians to that Citie. He commaunded the Nauie of Lycia, to sayle wyth the rest to Ab [...]o, from whence he led his footemen, & abo [...]e Cassius cōming frō Ionia, to goe togither [Page 275] to Seftus. Sestus in [...]pa, diuided by the narrovv S [...] called Hellesp [...]t.

Murcus saylyng aboute Peloponeso, vnderstoode that Cleopatra had a wracke by tempest aboute Libya, and that hir scattered Nauye was blowen to Laconica, and that she was so sicke, as Laconia, a region of Peloponesus, sometime called [...] [...] the [...]. cities▪ [...] vvere contey­ned [...]. vnneth she coulde gette home agayne. And that he shoulde not séeme to bryng out so greate a companye in vayne, he sayled towarde Brunduse, and tooke the Ile nexte the Port, and kepte the rest of the enimies army, and theyr victuals, from Macedo­nia.

Antonie came agaynste hym with those fewe long Shippes that he hadde, and at the nygh places annoyed hym wyth the Antony against Murcus. Towers he hadde made. He sente hys armye by partes in greate Shyppes, obseruyng the wynde from the lande, that they shoulde not bée intercepte of Murcus: and béeyng in some doubte, he called for Caesar, that was in the coast of Sicelie, to matche with Sextus Pompey. Whyche matters wente after this sorte:

Pompey was the yonger sonne of Pompey the greate, béeing Pompey the yonger. not accompted of Caesar for hys youth like to archieue any mat­ter, and remayned in Spayne. He, in companye wyth a fewe théeues, roued on the Sea, and was not knowen to be Pompeys sonne.

The number of the Roners increasing, and hauing a good bande, he confessed he was Pompeys chylde. Wherefore all the remnant of hys fathers and brothers armye resorted to him, as to a familiar Captayne.

Arabion béeyng dispeopled in Libya, came vnto hym (as wée Arabion ioyneth vvith Pompey haue sayde) and hée hauyng thys multitude, hys actes were e­stéemed greater than as of a Pyrate, and Pompeys name soun­ded ouer all Spayne; full of people, so as the officers of Caesar durst not meddle wyth hym: whyche when Caesar hearde, he sente Ca­rina wyth a greater armye to ouerthrowe Pompey. But he bée­yng armed for the lyghte attemptes, suddaynely sette vp­pon hym, and troubled hym, and tooke Cities both small and greate, for the whyche cause Caesar sente Abnius Pollio to succéede Carina, and to warre with Pompey, whyche at the [Page 276] time that Caesar was killed, did trie their power: after the which Pompey was reuoked of the Senate, and then he went to Massilia, to heare what was done, who being chosen Admirall as his fa­ther, he gathered all the Shippes he could get togither, and kept the Seas, but would not come to Rome. And when the thrée mens power began, he sayled into Sicelie, and beseeged the Captayne Bythinicus, that woulde not receyue him, till Hirtius and Fannius (condemned by proscription, and fledde from Rome,) caused that place to be giuen to Pompey. Thus Pompey was Lord of Sicelie, ha­uing a Nauie and Iland nigh to Italy, and a great army, both of them he had before, and also of them that fledde from Rome, both bond and frée, and such as the Cities of Italie sent him, that were giuen in pray to the Souldioures: for these did detest in theyr hearts, the conquest of the thrée men, and as much as they could, secretly wrote against them. And as many as might get out of the Countrey, being nowe no more of their Countrey, fledde to Pompey, being at hande, and most accepted to the Romaines of that time. There came also to him Seamen from Libya and Iberia, skylfull in the water: in so muche, as Pompey was full of Cap­taynes, Shippes, Souldioures and money. Of the whyche when Caesar vnderstoode, he sente Saluidienus with a Nauy, thinking it Saluidienus. to be an easie matter to put Pompey from the Sea: and he pas­sed through Italy to help Saluidienus from Reggio. O [...] pasteth to helpe Sal­uidienus. S [...] a Tovvne in the end of Calabra. Scylla and [...].

Pompey came againste Saluidienus with a greate nauie, and making the fyghte hard at the shallowes of the Ile aboute Scyleion, Pompeys Shippes were lighter, and excéeded in the promptnesse and experience of the skilfull Seamen. The Ro­manes were heauyer and greater, and the more vnfitte, as the manner of the shallow Sea is to whirle aboute, that The fight by Sea, betvveene Saluidienus and Pompey. the billowes breake on eyther side the water. Pompeys were the lesse troubled, for custome to the surgies, but Saluidienus Shippes could neyther stand firme for lacke of that experience, nor able to vse their [...]ares, nor hauing fitte sternes for to turne at will, were sore troubled. Wherfore towarde the Sunne sette, Saluidienus first withdrew, and Pompey also did the like. The losse of shippes was equall. The other that were brused and broken, [Page 277] Saluidienus repayred, lying at the port of that narow sea Balaron. Balaron. Caesar came and gaue greate fayth to the Reggians and Ipponeans, Reggio is the sur­dest Citie in Ita­ly nexte Sicelie. Ippona vvas a ci­tie somtime cal­led Vibona, and Vi [...]on Falentia, novve there is but a little tovvne called [...]bona. that they should be exempt from them that were gyuen in victo­rie, for he feared them most, bycause they were so nigh that na­row cut. But when Antony sente for hym in haste, he sayled to him to Brunduse, hauyng on his lefte hand Sicelie, entendyng then not to matche with Pompey. Murcus (when Caesar came,) that hée shoulde not be inclosed of Antony and him, wente a little from Brunduse, waytyng by the way the great shippes that carried the armie to Macedonia, whiche were wayted of the Galleys, the winde being great, euen as they coulde wish. They sayled away chéerefully without any néede of any Galleys, whereat Murcus was grieued, and wayted for their returne empty. But they (bothe then and after) caried ouer the army with full sayle, till The army pas­seth. all the army with Caesar and Antony were passed. Murcus be­ing thus hindred by fortune (as he thought,) taried for other pas­sages, and preparations of new Souldiours from Italy, to hinder (as much as he coulde) the prouisions and the army lefte: and to him Domitius Oenobarbus, one of Cassius Capitaynes, came, as to a seruice of great moment, with fifty shippes, one other legion, and Archers, that Caesars army, not hable to be victualed other­wise sufficiently, but from Italie, it might as (he thought) be stop­ped from thence. Thus they with one hundreth and twentie gal­leys, and more shippes of burden, with a great army did scoure those seas.

Ceditius and Norbanus, whome Caesar and Antony sente with Antony & Caesar. viij. legions into Macedonia, and from thence to Thracia, went a­boue the hilles a hundred and .xl. myles, tyll they came beyonde Philip, and tooke the streyghts of Torpido and Salapian, the begin­nyng Philippi first cal­led Dathes. Torpido and Sa­lapia, straights in Thracia. of Rascopolinus lande, and the onely knowen way betwene Europe and Asia, and that was a let to Cassius army goyng from Castius to Abydus.

Rascopolis and Rascus were brethren, of the bloud of the Thracian Rascopolis and Rascus brethren diuided. kings, and being Princes of one region, they differed in opinion, Raseos fauoryng Antony, and Rascopolis Cassius, eyther of them hauyng thrée thousand horse. Cassius Capitaynes, askyng of the [Page 278] way [...]s [...]pol [...] sayde, The shorte and playne way goeth from hence to Maronaea, and leadeth to the streights of Salamina, beyng M [...], citie of [...]. Salamina, ouer agaynst [...]. possessed by y e enimie, & is not to be passed. There is another way thrice so muche aboute, and harde to passe, where the enimie can not goe for lacke of victuall, from whence they might goe to Thracia and Macedonia. When they hearde thys, they wente by Aeno and Maronaea to Lysimachia and Cardia, that receyue the Aeno, vvhere [...] vvas buried. [...] of Ci­ [...]a [...], Citie. M [...], the cost. strayght of Cherronesus as twoo gates: and the nexte day, they came to the gulfe of Mellana, where they mustered their men. They had ninetene legions of armed mē. Brutus tenne, and Cas­sius nine, none full, but with twoo thousande at the moste to bée filled: so as they had about fourescore thousande. The horsemen of Brutus were foure thousand Celtians and Lucitanians, twoo thou­sande Lucitamins. Parthenians, Thessalians, Thracians and I [...]irians: Cassius, of Iberians and Celtians, had twoo thousande, of Arabians, Medians and Parthians, Archers on horsebacke, foure thousande. The Kings and Princes of the Galatians in Asia were their confe­derates, The muster of [...] and Cas­sius army. and folowed them with a greate hoste of footemen, and horsemen aboue fiue thousande. This great armie of Brutus and Cassius, was set in order at the gulfe of Melane, with the whiche they procéeded to the warre, appoyntyng other menne for other necessities. They purged the army by Sacrifice accordyng to the manner, and fulfilled promises made for money, giuyng li­becally Liberalitie of [...] and Cas­ [...]. to winne mennes hartes, as they might well, hauyng suche plenty of richesse, bycause there were many that had ser­ued vnder Caius Casar. And that none shoulde make any stirre at the sight or name of newe Caesar. it was thought méete to speake to the army. There was a greate seate, in the which sate none but Senatours and Pretors. The rest, as wel Romanes as straun­gers, [...]oode about below: glad they were to sée one another, as they that were stronger than they supposed. Boldnesse and great hope grew at the sight of the army, whiche thing increaseth the good wil of Souldiours to their Captaine, & hope that is cōmon, getteth beneuolence. The noyse that hereof was made, did cease by the trumpets and criers: and Cassius, bicause he was elder thā Brutus, came a little foorth, and thus sayde to the army:

[Page 279] ‘This contention, O Souldiour felowes, as it is rommon to [...]ation of Cas [...]. vs all, and therfore causeth vs to trust one an other: so is it con­uenient, that we do performe to you, all that we haue promised, the whiche is the greatest trust, that wée will fulfill whatsoeuer we promise you hereafter. The hope consisteth in the vertue of you that be Souldiours, and in vs whom you sée aboute this seate, so many, and so great men of the Senate: and also, in the plentyfull furniture of all thyngs whiche you sée, of victuall, of armure, of money, and of Shippes, of confederates of Nations and Kyngs, that of necessitie, they by reason muste bée ready to be willyng and agrée, whome the prouision and common cause hath ioyned togyther. Whereof the twoo men our eni­mies do calumniate vs, you know throughly, and for that do you serue with vs willyngly. Therefore nowe it is fitte to declare the cause, whiche shall chiefly shew, that wée haue the beste, and moste iuste pretence of this warre. We, that haue made Caesar great, by folowyng hym and leading you in the warres, did con­tinue hys friendes to the ende, so as it shall not appeare, that he was entrapte of vs for any enimity. In maters of peace, he is to be blamed, not of vs his friendes, in the which we haue bene ho­nored, but by lawes, and order of the common wealth, whereof now no law, no rule of the best, nor peoples power remayneth: all the which our fathers framed, when they expelled the kings, and by othe confirmed, neuer after to receyue other: to the which othe, their posteritie, of the same minde, consenting, and puttyng from them the execrations thereof, they could not longer endure to sée one man, though he were a friende and beneficiall, that did conuert to himselse the publique treasure, the armies, the electi­ons of officers frō the people, the gouernments of nations from the Senate. Yet he was a law in stéede of lawes, and a Lord in stéede of the people, and a Prince in all respectes in steade of the Senate. The whiche peraduenture you doe not perfitely know, but only consider his valiantnesse in the warre. But now you may easily learne it, by y e things only that touched your selues. You the people, in the warre, do obey your Generalles as your Lords. The same condition you receyue of vs agayne in peace, [Page 280] the Senate prouidyng, that you be not deceyued, your selues be­ing Judges and lawmakers, accordyng to your companies and societies, creatyng Consulles, Tribunes and Pretors, and by your voyces iudging y e greatest things, punishing or preferring them, as they thought you worthie punishment or preferment. This retribution (O Citizens,) hath brought your authoritie to The authority of the people. highe felicitie: for you haue preferred the worthy, and they be­ing preferred, haue rendred like thanke to you. For this worthi­nesse you made Scipio Consull, when you testified for him in the Scipio made Consull before his time. matters of Libya, and made, whome you woulde, Tribunes of euery age, of your selues, as was fitte for your causes. What néede I to rehearse many things that you already knowe, but that, fince Caesar bare rule, you coulde create, neyther Con­sull, Pretor, Tribune or Officer, nor coulde testifie for any mans vertue, nor receyue mutuall testification for your selues. And to speake of the chief, no man gaue you thankes for any office, for authoritie, for iustice or correction. And that that was moste to be lamented of all other, you could not helpe your Tribunes, when villanie was done them, that you shoulde not retayne your power continual, and make it sure and inuiolable: but your selfe see them, that ought to haue bene vntouched, and their authoritie inuiolate, and their ornaments sacred, to be cō ­demned without any iudgement, by the commaundement of one onely, bycause they seemed to be grieued with them that woulde haue declared him a kyng, the whiche the Senate tooke moste grieuously for your sake. For, the Tribuneship is yours, not the Senates. Yet yée could not plainly accuse that man, or bring him to iudgement, bycause of hys mightie armies, whiche belonging to the publique state, he chalenged for hys priuate pleasure: the whiche entendyng to be reuenged of the reste of his Tyrannie, coniured agaynst his body. The sentence did necessarily pro­céede from the beste, the seate was done of a fewe. So soone as it was done, the Senate decreed it a common agréement, and that openly, that the rewardes for killyng Tirannes might be put in vre. Antony staying that, vnder a pretence of tumulte, and we not thinkyng our selues worthy rewarde to the Citie, [Page 281] rather than by it, to helpe our countrey, this was stayed, bycause they would not any contumely should be shewed to Caesar, but on­ly a releasement of his Tyrannie, euery man decreeyng a for get­fulnesse, as a thing of moste suretie, that no matter shoulde bee made of the murder. Antony by litle and litle withdrawing the people from vs, the Senate gaue vs great offices of prouinces and armies, commaunding all the lande betwéene Ionia & Syria to obey vs: whether punishing as offendours, or honoring ve, with solemne purple, with mases and Sergeants? by the whiche rea­son, they called Pompey from banishment, beyng a yong man, and not acquaynted with the thing, but onely bicause he was Sonne to Pompey the great, who trauayled for the peoples rule: and by­cause he was secretely in Spaine to auoyde tyrannie, they resto­red him to the value of his fathers goodes, by the common trea­sure, and made him ruler of the sea, that he mighte haue some authoritie, beyng of the peoples faction. What other acte or to­ken of the Senate do yée require, than that all this was done by their sentence? onlesse it be not inough to confesse it by worde, but to do it & say it, and togither with their sayings to rewarde you with great gifts, bicause whē they say it, they can performe it. Now you know how men be hādled: they be proscribed with­out iudgement, & their goodes be publicate, they be killed with­out sentence in their houses, in theyr porches, in the Temples: of Souldiours, of seruants, of their enimies: drawen from their priuie houses, and pursued in euery place. Where y e law permit­teth a man that will, to flée into the common place, where neuer no enimies head was brought, but only armour & shippe stems, now the heds of Consuls, of Pretors, of Tribunes, of Questors and of Gentlemen be brought, and a rewarde appointed for the euill. This is an insurrection most cruell that euer was against all sortes, a sodaine slaughter of men, and a straunge hate of wo­men, children, fréemade men▪ and seruaunts: so farre and to suche a change is our citie turned. The authors of all this mischiefe, be the thrée men, whiche afore other haue proscribed their bre­thren, their vncles, answearyng one an other, our Citie (menne say) was taken of the wilde & barbarous. Yet the Celtes cut off no [Page 282] heads, nor vsed villany w t thē they toke, nor prohibited any man to hyde himself, or flée y t warre: neither did we euer vse any citie so, which we haue takē by force, neither haue we persuaded o­ther to do, y t now, not a priuate citie, but the chief of al, doth suf­fer, of them that affirme they do reforme and direct the common wealth. What like thing did Tarquinius, whom, for y e iniurie done to one woman, & that procéeding of loue, & being a king they ba­nished, and for this only act, could neuer abide a kingdome. And whiles these thrée (O citizens) do thus, they terme vs seditious, & say they wil reuēge Caesar. They do proscribe thē y t were not pre­sent whē he was killed, of y which, here be many whō you sée, be­ing cōdēned for their riches or houses, or for fauoring y e peoples gouernmēt. By y e which reason, Pōpey also was proscribed w t vs, beyng far of, in Iberia, when we did y e déede, bicause he is descēded of a father y t loued the peoples state, & for y t he was called home of y e Senate, & made admirall of y e sea, he is of these thrée men cō ­dēned to death. Did womē conspire against Caesar, whome they haue condēned in a paymēt? What did an 100000. of the people, whō they haue cōdemned to pay, vpō payne, & accusations, & pro­scribed thē onlesse they do it, whereof they ought to be frée? And they y t with al they haue done, cānot yet performe theyr promise to their Souldiours, we that haue done no wrong haue perfor­med our promise to you, & reserue to do more, when time should serue. Thus God hath shewed his helpe to vs doing iustly, and with God, you haue now to consider men, whō you sée here your Citizens, whō you haue séene your Pretors, your Cōsuls many times with prayse, now you sée thē fleyng to you, as to well do­ers, & louers of the people, taking our part, & wishing wel to the rest y t we shal take in hand. More iust rewards be propounded of vs to y e preseruers of thē, than theirs y t would destroy thē. They care not for vs that killed C. Caesar, y t would haue ruled alone, & o­thers, that were with vs, which remain in despite of his tirānie, & take not the rule to thēselues, but leaue it to y e people according to the country lawes. This war is not takē of like cause. They make it for power & tirannie, whiche they haue shewed in their proclamatiō: we make it for no such matter, but only y t our coū ­trey [Page 283] being set frée: we may liue priuatly vnder y lawes in order, al good men, & the Goddes chiefly do iudge our cause. The best hope to him y maketh warre, is his iust cause. Let it not trouble vs, though we haue serued vnder Caesar, for we serued not vnder him, but vnder our coūtrie. The gifts that were giuen, were not Caesars, but y coūtries & publique, neither is this y armie of B [...]tus or Cassiw, but y Romanes, we being your felow soldiours & Romane captaynes. Whiche if they y t make warre against vs would vn­derstād, euery mā might safely lay downe his armure, & rēder all the armies to y citie, & make choyse of such as might be profita­ble to it, which we only desire. But seing they wil not chose this, for y wicked tyrānie they haue shewed, let vs, (O warre felows) go to it with sure hope, to serue, as frée, the Romane Senate & peo­ple for their libertie. Then euery mā cried, let vs go, let vs go, & we desire to marche out of hande. Cassius being glad of this for­wardnesse, caused silēce to be made againe, & thus sayd: All the Gods y be Lords of warre, requite (O war felows) your faith & prōptnesse. Now then vnderstand what prouistō we that be your Captaines haue made, as men y be fauoured of the Gods, & how farre we excéede our enimies in number & goodnesse. We haue armed legions equall with them: we haue fortified our places with good garde, as wel as they: in horsmen & nauies, we do passe them: in aliance of kings & princes, & nations from Asia, we sur­mount thē. They come vpō vs only on y face, we go vpon them on the backe also. For we haue Pompey in Sicelie, & Murcus in Ionia. Norbanus also lieth w t a great nauie & two legions, to stoppe their passage by sea: all places behinde vs be voyde of enimies both by Money the strength of vvarre. land & sea. As for mony, whiche some call y strength of warre, they want, neither can performe their promise to their old soldi­ours, nor exact so much of y condēned men as they supposed, by­cause none of their frends is willing to buy y places, which they haue put to sale: otherwise they can get nothing: for Italy is wa­sted with sedition, tributes & condēnations. We with great care haue got present plēty, wherewith we may gratifie you agayne, and muche more collected of the nations behynde vs, to bée broughte vnto vs. And victuall, the greatest wante to mighty [Page 284] armies, they haue none, but onely from Macedonia a moun­taine countrie, and Thessalia a straight region, whiche with great toyle, they muste conuey by lande. For if any thyng be brought [...] parte of A [...]o. Iapigia▪ Ap [...]a. them from Affrica, Lucania, or Iapigia, Pompeius, Murcus and Domi­tius shall shutte them vp. We bothe haue and shall haue from the Sea, the Ilandes and all places of the continent, euery day without any difficultie, betweene Thracia and the floudde Eu­phrates, and that without daunger, no enimy beyng at our backe [...] wherefore, it is in our power to doe our feate wyth spéede, or to doe at leysure, to consume our enimies with hunger. Thys haue you, (O felow Souldiours) by mans prouision, the reste shall answeare in order, thorough you and the Gods. We haue gyuen you for former matter, all that we promysed you, requi­tyng your fayth with multitude of gyfts, the greater labour wée will worthily recompence accordyng to the determination of the Goddes. And nowe, to them that shall chéerefully goe to this feate, for thys assembly & exhortatiōs sake, we wil giue now euen from thys seate, to a Souldiour a thousande fiue hundreth Drammes of Italie, to a Capitayne of a bande fiue tymes so muche, and to a Tribune, accordyng to the proportion.’ When hee had sayde thus, and encamped his army, with worke, worde, and gyftes, hée dismissed the multitude. They remayned pray­sing Br [...]tus and hym very muche, and promysed to doe for them all that shoulde bée conuenient. They gaue then the gyftes out of hande, and other beside these, to the beste sorte, for many [...] ployne in Thracia by the vvhich [...] did number his greate army. A tokē of tvvo Egles. considerations. And as they receyued, they sente them foorth in bandes, to Dorisco, and they folowed, not long after. At thys tyme twoo Eagles sate vpon the twoo siluer Egles in the stan­derde, beatyng at them, or as some say, coueryng them, and tar­ried still, and were fedde with publique prouision appoynted from the Generalles, and the night before the day of the bat­tell, they flewe away.

In two dayes cōmyng to the gulfe of Melana, they went to Oeno, and from Oeno to Dorisco, and other places, to the mounte Serrio hyll at the [...]o [...]ta [...]d [...]. Serrio, which stretchyng to the sea, they kepte stil by lande. They commaunded Tullius Cymbrus with a nauie and one legion, and Tullius Cymbros. [Page 285] certayne Archers, to goe by that chast, which before had bin de­serte, although the land was good, the Thracians neyther vsing the Sea, nor for feare receyuing them that came from the contrary coast. The Grecians and the Calcidonians kéeping that sho [...]e, and vsing the Sea, flourished in Merchaundise and tyllage, the Thra­cians agréeyng with them for the receypt of their Mountaynes, till Philip, Amyntas sonne, did ouercome the Chaldeans and others. so as nothing is to be seene of the passengers, but onely a little Chappell.

This desert place Tullius quickly passed ouer, so as for Brutus company, he espyed a fitte place, and measured it for the Campe, kéeping that same course with his Shippes, in so much as Nor­banus lefte the streight of the Saporians, as vnprofitable to bée Saporia, a [...]tle at the floud Nestus. kept, which things happened as they desired: for at the sighte of these Shippes, Norbanus was troubled of Saporia, and called Ce­ditius from Turpilio to come to hym in hast, and he did so. The Turpilio. streightes of Turpilio being left, Brutus men wente on: the deceyte appearing, Norbanus and Ceditius toke Sapeio manfully, so as Bru­tus people could not passe▪ wherfore they were afrayde, least they Sapeio. must now goe aboute, as they shoulde haue done at the begyn­ning, and to passe euery place besette, not hauing time conueni­ent for it, bycause of the Mountaines, and the season of the yeare.

Standing in this stay, Rascopolis sayde vnto them, there was a Roscopolis. Sapei, people at the floude Nestu [...]. way by a compasse to the Mountayne of the Sapeorans of thrée dayes iourney, neuer gone of men before, for the sharp Rockes, want of water, and thicknesse of wodde: therefore if they woulde goe it, they must carrie water, and passe a streight way, yet pas­sable: and this iourney for the solitarinesse, the very birdes could Solitary vvay. not discouer. The fourth day they should haue the floud Arpesso, Arpe [...]o, H [...]bru [...], flouds in Thracia running into the floud Ermo [...], from whence in one day going to Philip, they mighte sette on their enimies of the suddayne, whome they might so ouercome, byca [...]se they had none other shift. The Souldioures being taughte thys way for lacke of other, and in hope to take their enimies at the aduantage, a part was sente with Lucius Bibulus, appoynting Rascopolis to guide the waye. With greate payne and laboure they wente on, and made it [Page 286] yet with courage and good hearte the rather, bycause same that were sent afore, returned, and sayde, they sawe a floude a farre off.

The fourth daye, being tyred wyth the sharpenesse of the iourney, and troubled wyth thyrst, their water béeing spente, whiche they braughte for thrée [...]ayes, bycause it was sayde there The h [...]rd pas­sage of the Ro [...]s. was no water, they beganne to feare, least they were deceyued, not that they dyd not beléeue them that sayde they sawe the floude, but bycause they thoughte they were ledde a wrong way, and therefore beganne to exclayme and crye: and when Rascopo­l [...] came to them to encourage them, they reuiled him, and threw The dacourage of the [...]. The [...]age of [...]. stones at hym. Bibulus humbly besought them, that they woulde paciently abyde the rest of the iourney.

A little before nyghte, the floude was séene of the formost, and streyght an eskrie was made as reason was, with greate glad­nesse, whyche béeyng receyued of them that followed, if came to the hyndermost.

Brutus and Cassius vnderstandyng this, ledde the rest of they [...] armie thys harde way, but the crie was so greate, as it was hearde of the enimies, whereby they coulde not preuente them, for Rascus, brother to Rascopolu, hearyng the crie, suspected it was A [...]oyfull crye di [...]couereth the enimie. the enimie, and maruelled so greate an armye coulde passe so harde a iourney, voyde of water, whyche scarcely was passable to the wylde beastes, for the hyghnesse of the woodes: and hée Amphipoli [...] a C [...]tie, that is h [...]vvcen [...] [...] and [...]. streyghte tolde N [...] banus of it, who fledde from the streyghtes to Amphipoli.

Thus both these Thracian bréethren holpe theyr armyes, the one in leadyng an vnknowen way, the other in descrying what was done. So B [...]utus Souldyours with maruellous boldnesse, came to Philippi, whyther also arriued Tullius, so as all the army [...]. Philippi. Da [...]e. Crenida. [...]. [...]ing Philip builded, and named this [...] mette.

Thys Citie Philippi was called before Date, and fyrste Cre­nida, bycause many fountaynes which in Greeke bée called Crene, do flowe from the Mountaynes.

This place very fytte for the Thracians, Philip walled aboute, and called it of hys name Philippi.

[Page 287]This Citie is builded vpō an hygh hyll, the greatnesse where­of comprised the breadth of the same.

On the North side it hathe wooddes and hylles, by the whyche Rascopolu brought Brutus and Cassius army.

On the South side is a Fenne, and beyonde that, a Sea, where from the East, the streyghtes of Sapeon and Torpilos bee Sapera, [...] [...], stre [...]tes Murcino and Drabisco. Strameo [...] a floud diuiding Ma [...] d [...]ia from Th [...]. Pr [...]s [...]rpo [...]a vvas the [...]ayde. Zyg [...]. The God vvas Plate. séene, from the Weast a large fielde, as farre as Murcinae and Drabisco, and the floud Strameno, three hundred and fifty furlongs about, very plentifull and fayre (where they saye) it chanced a mayde was rauished as she gathered floures. There is the floud Zygastes, in the whych (as they report) a God brake his Chariot as he passed ouer, whereof the floud had the name. The playne bendeth downeward, so as it is a receypte to them that marche from aboue from Philippi, againste them that sette from Am­phipolu.

There is another hyll at Philippi, not greate, whome they call Dionisio, in the which be mynes of golde, called vntouchable. And Dionisio. [...], places holy and inu [...]olable. The place or their Campes. Epidamnum, Du­ [...]zzo. Casar sicke. goyng from Philippi a myle and more, there be two other hylles, standing two mile from Philippi, and more asunder. In these dyd they encampe, Cassius towarde the South, and Brutus towarde the North, not myndyng to followe Norbanus, bycause they hearde that Antony was at hand, Caesar remaining at Epidamnum for sicknesse.

The fielde was knowen to bée fayre for a battayle, and the hylles for a Campe, and aboute it on the one syde Fennes and waters to Strymo, and on the other side, streightes, desertes, and vnpassed pathes. In the middest of the hylles a myle ouer, was the way betwéene Asia and Europe, as a gate. Thys place they fortifyed with trenche to trench, leauing a gate in the mid­dest, that it séemed but one [...]pe. There was a floude nygh, whyche some call Ganga, and some Gangites. And behynde that, Gangites. Thasus, an Ile nigh Thracia. Nea, an Ilande and a Citie, vvhere they say Philoctetus vvas bitten of a Ser­pent, and dyed. the Sea, by the whyche they hadde theyr prouiston, with pas­sage and entrie.

They had made Thasus the [...]orehouse of their proui [...]ion, being [...]ij. [...] off & wyth their Gallyes, had passage to Nea, a Citie [...]xe [Page 288] myle from them, and they ioyning in this place, tray [...] theyr Army. Antony.

Antony came on with great hast, insending to get Amphibo­l [...] for the stay of the warre, which finding possessed of N [...]r [...]anus, he was glad, and there he lefte the furniture for the warre, wyth one Legion, which P [...]arius ledde. He wente on boldly, and Cam­ped in the fielde, but a myle from his enimies, and streighte was séene the want and abundance of both armies. The one was a­boue in frutefull ground, the other beneath in a bottome. They Anto [...]e [...] Camp. had wodde from the Mountaynes, these, from the Fenne. They had their water from the Riuer, these from the pooles and pittes which they digged for the time. They hadde their victuals from Thaso, a fewe furlongs from them, these from Amphipole, aboue Thaso, an Ile and a Citie, ouer­against the floud N [...]ssus. Antonies Camp. fiftie myles off. It séemed that Antony was driuen thus to do, bycause there was no more good grounde, and the playne bée­ing hollowe, in the whych, by reason of the ouerflowyng of the floud sometime, he found the water both swéete and sufficiente, by making welles and pittes.

Thys boldnesse, although it procéeded of necessitie, yet it asto­nished his enimies, that so nygh and so soone he was encam­ped with suche a contempte: wherefore they made manye Trenches, and fortifyed euery place with walles and ram­pyers.

Cassius séeyng Antonyes furie so greate, entrenched that was left to the Fenne, being omitted for the streightenesse, so that no parte was vndefenced, but a syde of Brutus, whyche was hyllie.

Cassius hadde the Fenne and the Sea, all the rest béeyng ta­ken in with Trenches, ditches, and gates. Thus they both were placed. Onely wyth their Horsemen sometime they skir­mished.

When all things were prouided and Caesar some yet not able to fighte, for he came in a litter to hys armye, hys Captaynes sette themselues in order to fyghte, and Brutus dyd the lyke from the higher place easie to be séene, and yet intended not to come downe, but to waste theyr Enimie wyth wante, [Page 289] either of them had ninetéene legions of armed footemen. But The number of b [...] a [...]uies. they that were with Brutus, were the selver in number, & they that were with Caesar were the more. Of Thracia hors mē, there were with Caesar and Ant [...]nie aboue thirtene thousand: with Bru­tus and Cassius twenty thousand: so as for multitude of men, for boldenesse and vertue of Captaines, for armoure and furniture of Souldioures, there was most goodly shew on both sides. Yet they did nothing many daies, bycause Biutus woulde not strike the battell, but consume them with stopping of victuall from their enimies. They hadde al Asia to serue them, and the nighe places to bring them all thing by the sea: but the enimie hadde little, neither susficient nor certain. For from Aegipt they could VV [...] to [...] and [...] campe. receiue nothing, bicause of the dearth that had wasted the coū ­trey: nor frō Spaine nor Affrica, bycause of Pompey: nor frō Italy, bycause of Murcus & Domitius: and Macedonia & Thessalia, could not by a great deale, supplie their want, whiche places, they onely had for their succor. And that was the cause why Brutus refu­sed battaile. Antonie fearing this, determined in any wise to giue the battel, & if it were possible, to make the Fen passable, that he might come vpon the backe of the enimy, and take their victuall that came from Thase.

Therfore on a tyme, bringing his men foorth in order of bat­taile, Antonies polliey & pa [...]nefulnesse. with banner displayde, he appointed a parte of his armye bothe by night and daye, to make a straighte pathe in the same, cutting downe the réedes, and laying tymber and stones of ey­ther side, so as they shoulde not shrinke. The foundation wher­of he pyled and made strong with maruellous silence. The thick­nssee of the réeds tooke away the sight of the worke. And when Antony maketh a vvay in the Fenne. the [...] had wrought tenne dayes, he sent certaine bandes the di­rect way, and the space lefte betwéene, he tooke and made many Towers. Cassius maruelling at the deuise and pollicie, and in­tending to defeate the Castells made of Antony, entrenched all the residue of the Fenne, beginning from the campe to the sea, pauing and making bridges and ditches vpon the sure ground, taking in also the waye that Antony hadde made, that neyther they that were there could go abroad, nor he helpe them though [Page 190] he woulde. Antony perceyuing this about midde day, in a rage and furie, brought his whole army, being otherwise appointed, B [...] vvhat occa­ [...]on the patte [...] beg [...]nne. and turned the [...] vppon the for [...]ification of Cassius, between the Campe and the Fenne, bringing engins and scales, as though he woulde charge vppon his Campe. In doing this betwéene both armies with great boldnesse, Brutus Souldioures were grieued, thinking it a shame for them to let them so escape, and wythoute comm [...]ement, sauing of one Capitaine, they sette vppon theyr fla [...]ke. Brutus menne hauyng thus begonne the matter, gaue a charge vppon Caesars army, that was in a rea­dinesse, and putte them from their place, and tooke their Campe, whiche was common to Caesar and Antony. Caesar hymselfe was absent, shifting off that day, for a dreame he hadde, as hée writeth in his booke of Remembraunces. Antony séeing the fight to be begunne, was gladde he had brought the enimie to C [...]sar absent for a dreame. it, yet he thoughte not good to turne into the playne, leaste hée shoulde disturbe his battaile. Therefore to doe the rest wyth that fier [...]enesse he beganne, in running manner he marched and mounted vp, for all the resistaun [...]e that was made, and by very The [...]rie of Antony. vehement force, beat backe the battaile of Cassius, kéepyng the order that was appointed them, they being astonished at thys feate done beyonde all reason. When Antony hadde thus bro­ken them, he brake down the ouerthwart trench with vtolence, filling the ditche, and stinging downe the rampires, and all the rest to the gate, where he di [...]ressed the warders, and entred for all the weapons that were throwne vppon him. Some passed ouer the broken walles, some ouer the dead bodyes, and al was [...]he fight at [...]. doone so ftercelye and so sodainelye, as they that came oute of the Fenne to helpe them, were driue [...] backe againe, of them that had gotte the wall, wyth the lyke vehemencie: and they only that were with Antony, entred into Cassius Campe, the o­ther stil fighting without. The campe was thought to be strōg, therefore fewe kept it, whiche was the cause why it was the more easily taken. The soldtors of Cassius being thus put to the [...] taketh the Campe of [...]. worse, and knowing that their campe was taken, fled verye cō ­fusedly: the matter was equal on both sids: for Erutus ouercame [Page 291] Caesars battell, and lodged in his campe. Antony ouerthrew Cas­sius, [...] take [...]. with a maruellous bol [...]enesse and spoyled his campe. The slaughter was confused, for by the greatnesse of y playne, & ray­sing of the duste, one knewe not another, till sometimes they a­sked, and then called them to their due places. Some retourned loaden with gere, like Cariers rather than soldiors, which some threw away & tooke from them. There was no reioycing one with another, bicause it was not wel knowne what was do [...]: so there was much confusion. On Cassius side, numbring siaues & The [...]. al sorts, was slaine▪ viij. M. of Caesars, twice so many When Cas­sius was put from his campe, & could no more get to it, he wente to the hill of Phillippi, and behelde what was doone. But hee neyther coulde well sée nor heare, for the duste and noyse: one­lye hée sawe hys owne Campe spoyled. Wherfore hée com­maunded Cas [...]i [...] co [...]ā ­ded Pindarus to kyll hym. Pindarus hys page, to kyl hym with his owne sworde. Pindarus stayde at the matter, and in the meane tyme a messen­ger came and tolde, that Brutus had ouercome Caesar, and possessed his Campe. To the whiche Cassius saide, tell him we are ouer­throwne, and all the victorye is his. Then he turned to Pindare, and sayde: why doste not thou ridde me of thys dishonor? and so offering hys throate, Pindarus cutte it.

Thus they saye Cassius died. Some tel after this sort, that a Some thinke C [...]s [...]i [...] kylled himselfe vvyr [...] the dagger th [...] [...] ▪ he killed Caesar. bande of Brutus horsemen, came to bring him the good newes. He thought they had bene his enemies, and sente Titinius to knowe the truth. The horsemen receiuing him with great ioy as a srend made a loude noyse. Cassius fearing he had fallen in his enimies hands, said thus: we haue suffered to sée our friend taken of oure enimies, and wēt in with Pindarus, and that he was neuer séen af­ter, so as some thinke that Pindarus did it not. This was the ende Cassius i [...] kylled on his byrth day. of Cassius life, it chaunfing so, that the day of this foughten battel was the daye of his birth. Titinius killed him selfe for his long ta­riance.

Brutus bewayling the death of Cassius, as a rare Romaine, & such Brutus [...]an [...]teth the death o [...] Cas [...]. a one as the like was not to be founde for vertue & valiantnesse, called him happye, that hee was ridde of cares and troubles, the whych would bring him to the like ende. He committed his bo­dy [Page 292] secretly to be buryed, that the army shoulde not be discoura­ged at the sighte of it, and withoute meate or sleepe, remayned all that night in setting Cassius men in frame. Day being come, the ennimies were in order againe to fight, that they should not séeme to haue the worsse. Brutus perceyued their intente, and sayde: Lette vs arme also and make a shewe likewise, that wée are not inferiour. Which when he had done, the enemie reti­red. Then he sayde pleasantly to his friendes: They séemed to prouoke vs, as the weaker, but they wil not putte the matter to tryall.

The same day that the field was fought at Philippi, an other [...] a [...], the same d [...]ye that the [...] vvas at [...]. A light on the [...]. very great seate was done in [...]onio. Domitius Caluinus did lcade in gret ships,▪ i [...]. legiōs to Caesar, that had y name of Martial, being so called for the honor of their valiantnesse. He led also a bād for his guarde, of two thousande men, and foure troupes of horse, & other numbers gathered together, with a fewe Galicyes.

Murcus and Otnobarbus mette them, with one hundred and thirtie long Shippes. A fewe of the former Hulkes fledde by good sayling. The other, by the sodayne ceassing of the winde, in a sea calme and still, were caught, being by very fortune gi­uen to the enimies, who without feare, bo [...]ged and brake them, not hauing any helpe of their fewe Galleyes, being compassed of so many.

Greate and diuers was the trauaile of them that were in perill, linking themselues togither with their Cables, and with weapons & courage putting themselues in order, y the enimie should not vse them, though they ouercame them. Murcus threw darts ofn̄re, which did quickly burne the byndings, & the ships se uered asunder, to auoid the fyre. The galleys were ready to hinder them euery way, wherewith the souldiours beyng grie­ued, and especially the Martialls, that beyng better in valiant­nesse, [...] by [...]ea to [...] & C [...]s [...]. shoulde p [...]r [...]the for lacke of fyghting, some kylled them­selues with the fire, some leapte into the enimies galleys, and kylled some, and were killed themselues: the shyppes halfe bur­ned, wēt their way, carying men, some consumed with fyre, some with wāt & thirst Some with y Cables or plancks were carried [Page 293] to y rockes, or desert shoars: & some were saued, beyond al rea­son: some continuing flue dayes, by eating pitche osf the cables and sayles, helde out, till they were briuen to lande by the byl­lows. Thece were many that gaue themselues to their enimies being ouercome with calamitie. [...]vij. of their Galleyes yéelded, whose souldiers Murcus tooke to him. Caluinus the General came fiue dayes after to Biund [...]se, with one shippe, being thoughte to Caluinus. haue bene lost.

This happe was in [...]onio, the same day that the fielde was at Philippi, whether you wil call it a shipwrack, or a shipfight. The which euils cōcurring together, being after known, caused the greater feare. Brutus called his army together, & sayd thus: ‘There is nothing (O fellowe souldiers) in yesterdayes fight, but Oration of [...] ­tus. that maketh you superiour to your enimies. You gaue the charge chéerfully, when no warning was giuen you: the fourth legion, so renoumed to them, in whome their battaile had their confidence, you ouerthrew vtterly: their army you droue to their campe: their campe you first toke, and after spoyled, in so much as you haue farre ouercome the losse you had in the last batail. And where you might haue made an ende of all your trauayle, you chose rather to fall to spoyle, than to followe your enimies that were ouercome: for many of you running before them, set vppon their spoile. And in this one, they haue but the of oure campes, but we haue all that they had, so as the recompenceof the losse is double. And hauing this aduantage in the fight, how much other wise we do excéede, you may learne of the captiues: for their want of victual: for the striuing for it: for the difficult bringing o [...] it: and for the euident getting of so little. For from Sicelie, Sardinia, Libya, and Iberia, they can haue none for Pompeius, Murcus, and Oenobarbus, they keping those Seas with two hun­dreth and thrée score shippes. Macedonia they haue consumed: now only they haue from Thessalia, which how long can it serue them? Therefore when you sée them offer to fight, then thinke they chiefely be forced by hunger, and doc choose death rather by their handes. Let vs contrarywise foresée, that hunger may fight for vs, that we may take them the féebler and more consu­med, [Page 294] when it shal be fit. Let not vs be carried with affection be­fore due tyme: nor thinke flownesse, or quicknesse to be experi­ence: nor haue oure eie vppon the sea backewarde, which mini­streth to vs suche foode and seruice, when we see that victorie is ours without daunger, if you will abide, and not distruste: that thoughe they come forth and prouoke vs, not stronger than we, as the worke yesterday shewed, but for auoyding further feare, that all the courage, which I desire you to kéepe, you may shew forth, when I shal require you at once, and the perfect rewards of victorie, when the gods shall haue giuen their sentence of vs, by our perfect déeds, I will giue vnto you. And now for yester­dayes vertue, I giue to euery souldiour, a thousand drammes, and to your Capitaines, as the proportion requireth.’

Thus he said, & straight diuided the gifte to euery legion, & same say, he promised to giue thē Macedonia & Thessalia in spoile.

Caesar and Antony séeing that Brutus would vnwillingly come to the fight, called their people, and Antony said thus: Yester­daies worke, (O Men) I perceiue our enimies in words do di­uide, Antones Orati­on. as they that chased some of vs, and spoiled a campe, where indéede they confesse al was yours: for I affirme vnto you, that neither y next day, nor yet, willingly wil they come to y fight, which is a most certain surety of yesterdaies fear & losse, as in y maner of contentions, of force, they that are the weaker, go out of the place. They dydde not gather so greate an armye that they mighte inhabite the Deserte of Thracia, by ma­king of their walles, but they made all that defence, for fearo of your comming vppon them: and now minding to kéepe in, for yesterdaies ouerthrow, when the elder, and the more expert of the Captaines for very desperation, kylled himselfe, whiche is the greatest declaration of their miserie. Therefore when you shall prouoke them, and they not aunswere, nor come from their hilles, but truste in their holdes, in stéede of their handes, then you (O Romaine men) enforce them againe, as ye forced them yesterday, thinking it shame to giue place as fearfull, and pro­uoked to refraine, and to be holden the worse men for their kée­ping in. For we come not hither to liue in the playne, nor if we [Page 295] tarryed, it woulde suffise vs, but the spéedy attemptes are to bée giuen in warre of the wise, that we may the longer continue in peace. The tymes and the trauaile we muste foresée, of whom, you cannot complayne, for yesterdayes assaulte and attempte. When you are required, then shewe your vertue to your capi­taines, be not grieued with yesterdayes spoile, for riches is not in that we haue, but in that we got by conquest, for that we lost yesterday. For it remaineth safe with our enimie, the which and their own, they must yéeld vs, when we ouercome them: & if we wil go forth to get that, then must we set forth to the sight. Ye­sterday we tooke again of theirs sufficiētly, & happily more susfi­cient of our owne, for they haue brought togither all that they haue by violence spoiled oute of Asia, and you comming as from your Countrey, haue lefte at home the moste precious things, and onelye broughte necessaries. And if you hadde a­nye thyng of estimation, you compted it your Generalls, all the whyche, we be ready to giue you, for thys victorye, and for the recompence of this losse. For your sake we will giue re­wards of victorie, to euerye Souldioure fyue thousand drams, to a Capitaine of a bande fyue tymes so muche, and to a Tri­bune double so muche as a Captaine.’

When Antony had thus sayde, he sette them in order to fight, but the ennimie woulde not come forwarde. Antony be­ing grieued, stil set them in battaile ray.

Brutus hadde his army in good order, and néeded not come to the fyght, for he had taken al the wayes for prouision of things néedefull.

There was an hill very nighe to Cassius Campe, harde for the enimie to take, bycause the nighnesse made it in danger of the archers. Cassius had entrenched it, that no man should from that place giue any bold attempt vnlooked for: which being abando­ned Casars men take an hill. of Brutus, Caesars soldiors in the night w t .iiii. legions tooke it, carying with them many hurdles & hides to resist y e shot. Whē they had the hil, they led other .x. legions halfe a myle and more towarde the sea, and to the firste foure, they added two legions more, to take by that deuise all things euen to the sea: & if there [Page 296] were any way beside the seas, as by the Fennes, or other mean, they might distresse it, and take the victual from their enimie. Brutus made deuises against them, setting vp other forts against their Camps. Casars souldiors also set vp a new worke. Nowe was y t famme euidēt, & increased euery day in greatnesse & fear, [...] in the campe of Casar and [...]. for they could no longer haue sufficient brought thē stō Thessali [...], & frō y t sea there was no hope, y e enimies being lords of y t ships: and the late losse in Ionto beyng tolde to them bothe, they were the more afraide, the winter being at hande, and they lying in a Fenny plaine. Deliberation had for these things, they sent a legion armed into Achia, to prouide them necessarye victualls, [...] the north [...] of P [...]lopo­ [...]. and to sende it them with all spéede: but not able to auoide the present perill, nor make any other deuice, nor in the reste of the campe, to doe anye more to offend the enimie, they came foorth with showts, and called Brutus to the fight, scoffing and rayling Antonie prouo­keth [...] to fight. at him, and doubting whither this refraining from fight, were like a man besieged, rather than a man beraught his wit. This was knowne to him from the beginning, and he beléeued it the rather, bycause of their want, and their losse in Ionto, perceyuing his enimies had one mischiefe of another. And he determined, as a man besieged, or any other way to auoide the battell, rather than to come to hands with men driuen by hunger and despera­tion of all things, hauing their onely hope in their hands. But his army, for lacke of consideration, did not thinke so, but were grieued, that as women within, they were shut vp with ydle­nesse and feare. Their captains also were not content, and bla­med Brutus opinion, thinking with that courage of the souldi­ors, the sooner to ouerthrowe their ennimie. The cause hereof procéeded, that Brutus was so courteous and milde to al mē, and [...]esie in a [...] is hin­ [...]. vnlyke to Cassius, that was seuere and imperious in al thrnges, so as his commaundements were kept without any resistance of the souldiours, not asking questions, nor reasoning what he woulde haue done: but Brutus woulde doe nothing withoute the opinion of the Captaines, thorowe his gentle nature. At length hys armye by companies and rowtes beganne openly to aske.

What meaneth oure General [...]? wherein haue we offended [Page 297] of late when we did ouercome, when we did tha [...], when we di­stressed our enimies, or when we tooke their Campe.

Brutus suffered this of purpose, and dyd not call them so a [...]ye assemblie, least he shoulde be forced vnseemely of the rude mul­titude, [...] beareth of purpose. chiefly of the hyred sorte, whose manner euer is lyke vn­to vnstable seruauntes, to hope in the change of maisters, and to set their safetie in the contrary faction. The Captaynes also being angrie, and wishing him now not to doubt, the armye bée­ing in this forwardnesse, would do some notable feate, and if a­ny thing hapt amisse in the fighte, they myghte returne to theyr Campe, and defende themselues with theyr wall.

Brutus was muche gréeued wyth the Captaynes, and fearyng they woulde putte hym to the daunger, by lyghte dealyng wyth the army, whereas he wythoute doubte or sharpe fortune, was sure of victorie not daungerous, he consented to hys and al their destruction, thus reproouing them:

Like Pompey the greate be we forced to fyghte, not commaun­ding [...]ut [...]s one r [...] ­led like Pompey as a Captayne, but rather obeying as a Souldyoure.

And I thynke he spake no more, to hyde that he most feared, least the armye that sometyme serued Caesar, woulde take occa­sion to reuolte, whyche at the beginning, both Cassius and he fea­red, so as they gaue none occasion to them of any offence.

This Brutus was brought vnwillingly to sette hys men in or­der before the Trenche, wylling them not to marche farre from the byll, that they myghte haue theyr retyre (if néede were) nigh, and bée the surer, and the more easie to marche agaynste their e­nimies agayne.

Of both sides there was greate preparation of all thinges, and a greate desire of the feate, with a boldnesse of necessitie, the one for feare of hunger, the other of iust reuerence, compellyng the Captayne to come forthe, that they shoulde not be worse than theyr promise, nor weaker than theyr wordes, and bée thoughte rather gilty of payne for theyr rashnesse, than worthye of prayse for theyr good counsell. Brutus goyng among them, on Horsebacke, shewed a seuere countenance, and exhorted them in fewe wordes as the tyme woulde serue.

[Page 298] ‘You would néedes fight you would needes force me, otherwise The [...] hauyng the victory, do not deceyue, neyther me, nor your selues of thys hope. You haue an hyll to fyghte with you, and at youre backe all is youres. Youre enimies be in doubtfuli case, beyng betwéene you and famine.’

Hauyng sayde thus, he rode aboute, and encouraged all the bandes, and wyth crye they receyuing hym, to hys greate prayse.

Caesar and Antony goyng aboute theyre, offered theyr ryghte handes to them that were nexte, and seuerally exhorted them, and dyd not hyde theyr hunger, that they myghte stirre them to the more presente boldnesse.

‘We haue founde (O men) our enimies. We haue them as Caesar and Anto­ny to their [...]. wée desired out of theyr Trenche. Lette none of you be afrayd to gyue the charge, nor gyue place when you be sette vpon, nor lette hym rather chose, famine and dolorous destruction, that can not bée auoyded, than oure ennimies death and bodyes, whyche to youre boldnesse, weapons, and trauayle, they will ea­sily gyue. The presente case requireth speedinesse. You maye deferre nothyng tyll to morrowe, but thys daye must determine all thynges, eyther wyth per [...]te victorie, or valiant deathe. If you haue victory, you shall winne in one daye victuall and mo­ney, Shyppes, and Campes, and rewardes of victory of vs. Thys wée must remember, that when we gyue the charge vpon them, wée doe fyrste purpose in the myddest of theyr force and forwardnesse, to shutte them from theyr Campe, and to dryue them to the playne from the hylles, that the warre be not to bée begunne agayne, nor that oure enimies dryue vs not to idle­nesse agayne, whyche for theyr faynienesse haue no hope in fighte, but put all theyr trust in retrayning from battell.’

Caesar and Antonius after thys sorte exhorted theyr Souldy­oures, and euery man hadde a respect to appeare worthye Soul­dyoures for suche Captaynes: and they were the more styrred to auoyde the wante, for the suddayne losse in the Ionian Sea, and those rather wyth payne and hope (if néede were) to abyde [Page 299] the vttermost, than to be consumed wyth an euill, that cannot bee auoyded.

The matter standyng thus, and euery one moued agaynste hym that was next, the anger of both sides encreased very much, and they were filled with boldnesse incessable. And nowe they dyd not remember that they were Citizens togyther, but as e­nimies by nature and bloude, they threatned one another: so Nature and Countrey forgotten. suddaynely hadde rage and furie in them quenched nature and reason. They prophecyed alyhe of both sydes, that that daye in that feate, should iudge all the Romaine causes. And the iudge­mente was gyuen in déede. The day béeyng spente in prepara­tion Tvvo Eagles. A token before the fight. tyll the ninth houre, two Eagles falling betwéene both Campes, soughte togyther, at the which was great silence: that Eagle flying that was toward Brutus, whereat a shrill crye was made of the enimies. Both broughte forthe theyr standardes. The marche was fierce and vehement. They little néeded arrowes, stones, or dartes, after the manner of warre, for they vsed none other comming on, than the order of battell, wherein they were broughte vp: and they buckled wyth naked swordes, The vehemē [...]i [...] of Souldioures. and layde on of eyther syde, to put one another from theyr ray, the one for theyr safetie, rather than for victorie, the other, for victory and comforte of theyr Captayne, whome they had pro­uoked to fighte.

The slaughter and the fightes were great.

The bodyes were beene away, and other were put in theyr places to serue the former rankes.

The Captaynes riding aboute, and beholding euery where, encouraged them to be valiante. They comforted them that [...]ke paynes, to continue still their laboure Those that shrunke they changed, that their boldnesse that were in the fronte, myght bée continued. At length the Souldyoures of Caesar, eyther for feare of famine, or for Caesars fe [...]citie (for Brutus men were not to be blamed) ouercame the battell of their enimies, and putte them backe, as an heape of an heauie masse, yet they turned agayne into theyr place slowly and wyth order: [Page 300] but when their ray was broken, they went away faster, and the second and third bande turned wyth them, and disorderedly thru­sting [...] one vpon another, were broken of themselues, and of theyr enimies, that withoute stay pursued them, tyll they [...]ledde eui­dently. And Caesars [...]ould youres then remembryng theyr pro­mise chiefly, fiercely followyng them, gaue an assaulte vppon theyr Campe very daungerously, and on euery [...]de so sette vppon them, that they compelled them to slée, whereof some wente towarde the Sea, and the hylles by the floude Zygat [...].

Thys alteration béeyng made, the G [...]nerall [...]s diuided the rest of the [...]. Caesar, to kéepe them that fledde from theyr Campe, and to holde the Campe hymselfe: Antony, to fol­lowe the fléers, and to ouerthrowe the remainers, to assaulte their other Campes, and wyth [...]dent violence, to putte all to ruyne. And fearing that the Captaynes myghte escape hym, and gather another armye, he sente hys Horsemen to the wayes and issues of the filde, to stoppe them that [...]ed [...]e. Some wente from hyll to hyll ( Rascus the Captayne béeyng theyr g [...]yde, by­cause of hys experience in the way) and passed by the trenches and rocky places, chacing them that fledde, and kéeping other from fleeyng. Some followed Brutus hymselfe. When Lucinus sawe them so fast running after hym, he stayde, and as though he had bin Brutus, prayed them he myghte be ledde to Antonie, Lucinus acte for to saue Brutus. and not to Caesar, by the whiche he was the rather thoughte to be Brutus, in auoydyng hys vnplacable enimie.

Antony vnderstandyng hée was broughte to hym, wente towarde hym in good order, considering the fortune, the woor­thynesse and vertue of the man, and howe he myght vse hym. Béeyng at hande, L [...]cinus méetyng wyth hym verye boldly, sayde: Brutus is not taken, neyther shall vertue euer be taken Boldnesse of [...]. of vi [...]e. I deceyuing these men, thus am before thée.

At the whiche worde the Horsemen béeyng ashamed, Antony to comfort them sayde▪

You haue hunted none [...] game, but better than you thynke, so muche is a Friende better than an Enimie, [Page 301] and committed Lucinus to wayte vpon one of his friends, and af­ter vsed hym as hys assured. Brutus fledde to the mountaynes with a conuenient multitude, that in the night he might returne to hys campe or take hys way by the sea. But when he hearde all passages were kepte, hee continued with all his people in armes. And they say hée looked vp to the Starres, saying: O Iupiter thou knowest who is the cause of these euils, meaning, Brutus vvordes, meanyng by Antonie, vvhom he sayde should once be puni­shed for it. Antonies repen­tance. A trenche of dead bodies. Antonie, which (they say) Antonie after in his priuate perils did confesse, saying: That where he might haue ruled with Brutus &, Cassius, he was now a slaue to Octauio. That night Antonie con­tinued in armes, that he might haue Brutus, makyng a trench of dead bodies and of the baggage brought togither, Caesar labou­ring till midnight▪ withdrew himselfe for sicknesse, committyng the charge of the army to Norbanus.

Brutus perceiuing what wayte his enimies made for him, and hauing no more but foure legious, where with he was wel war­ded, desired the chiefe of his host, whiche now were ashamed and repented of their act, to sende to sée, how they might make way to passe the traynes, and to recouer their owne that was kept in the abādoned tentes. They being vnwilling, and now conside­ring Brutus men gy­ueth ouer. more than they did, and that God was agaynst them, tolde their Generall they had giuen him euill counsell, and they ha­uing tried fortune so oft, woulde not now put any more hope in their matter. Then Brutus sayde to his friendes: I am no lon­ger profitable to my Countrey. Hée called one of his moste, [...]rat [...]. Brutus [...]eyng persuaded to flee, sayde: yea, but vvith hands not vvith s [...]t [...]. The death of Brutus, vvherin it vv [...]s le [...]n [...] that vertue vvas ouercome of Fortune. [...] say­ing▪ Overtue vnhappy▪ [...] vvordes o [...]ely, vvi [...]e, &c. One onely fault of Brutus and Cas [...]. trusty friendes, named S [...]rato of Epir [...], and wylled hym to kyll hym ou [...] of hande, who entreatyng hym to take better aduice, called▪ one of hys seruauntes, and sayde: O Brutus, in thy laste, commaundement thou shalte not wante, neyther thy friende, nor thy seruaunt. And hauyng thus sayde, hée thruste hys [...]orde into Brutus side, neyther r [...]sistyng nor helpyng.

Thus Cassius and Brutus died, moste nobl [...] and worthy Ro­manes, and but [...]or one fa [...]te, [...]uer folowed vertue. Whome Ca­ [...] Caesar of enimies takyng Pompeyus part, had made▪ [...]réendes, and of friendes, vsed them as his chyldren: and the Senate had them euer in greate regarde, and pitted their chaunce, and for [Page 302] their twoo sakes, decr [...] an acte of obliuion of all thyngs: and [...] vvorth [...] ▪ u [...]l [...] of [...] and Cas [...]. when they [...]l [...]de, sente them to prouinces, that they shoulde not séeme to flée▪ Not omittyng yet the honour of Caesar, nor forgettyng hys feates, of whose vertue and fortune they mar­uelled, beyng aliue, and when hée was dead, buryed him with publique expence, and proclaymed hys workes to bée immor­tal▪ [...] apoynted offices & prouinces for y most part by his assigne­ment▪ not findyng any thyng better than Caesar had determined. But the care and regard for these men, brought them into a sus­pition The estimation of [...]ut [...] and Cas [...] brought calum [...]. of false accusation: they were so honored of al men. And of the best of the banyshed men they were thought most hono­rable, though Pompey were at hande, whose cause was not vnpardonable, and they farre off, and voyde of reconciliation, needyng many things, scarsly hauing two legions. They gathe­red after twentie legions, and as many thousand horsemen, and about▪ twoo hundred long shippes, with other sufficient furni­ture, and money moste plentifull, of the willyng and vnwil­lyng nations and Cities that they ouercame, and their eni­mies The povver of [...]tu [...] and Cas­ [...]. of the contrary faction. They hadde the rule of all the Realmes from Macedonia to Euphrates, and whome soeuer they ouercame, they brought them to their societie▪ and hadde them moste trusty: they vsed Kings and Princes, and the Parthians, The [...]on [...] in the [...] o [...] ­ [...]. although their enimies, in matters of small accompt: but when they came to greate thyngs, they coulde not abide them, by­cause they woulde not accustome a barbarous and hostile na­tion among the Romanes. And moste maruell of all it is, that The Souldiours [...]ed vnder Caesar, vvere [...]sty [...]o [...]us. their army beyng the moste parte of Caius Caesars, and desirous of his felicitie, for good will and affection, they coulde turne to the contrary parte to him, being killers of him, and wente with them agaynst Caesars Sonne, and more faythfull to them than to Antony, fellow in rule and enterpryse with [...]cta [...]ian. For The Souldiours more [...]y to [...]tu [...] and Cas­ [...] than to An­tony. none of them lefte Brutus or Cassius when they were ouercome. But Antonie, at Brunduse they forsoke before the triall. The pretence of paynes bothe vnder Pompey and nowe, was not for themselues, but for the name of the peoples gouernment, o­uer glorious, but not commodious. For bothe of them when [Page 303] they sawe they coulde bée no longer profitable to their coun­trey, dispatched themselues alike▪ In their seuerall conside­rations Maners of Cas­s [...]us. Cassius was i [...]utable, as they that in the combattes will neuer g [...]ue ouer, onely hauyng regarde to the daunger. Maners of Bru­tus. But Brutus in euery place was full of affabilitie and gentle­nesse, and not ignoraunt of Philosophy. Yet by these men, the acte agaynst Caesar was done, contrary in all thyng, beyng no simple worke, nor in no small matter, for it was agaynst their fréende, contrary to reason, and agaynst their well doer, vn­thankfully, Theyr faulte a­gaynst Caesar. whome h [...]e had saued in the warre, and agaynst the chiefe ruler, iniustly in the Senate house, and agaynst an holy man, hauyng on an holy vesture: and suche an officer, as neuer The vvorthy­nesse of C [...]s [...] God punished the death of Caesar [...] Brutus and Cas [...]us. Toke [...] to Cas­sius. was the lyke, so profitable to all menne and to his countrie and Empire. The whiche God did punishe in them, and many times gaue tokens of it. For when Cassius was purgyng his hoste, the Sergeant put on the crow [...]e the wrong way, and hys golden consecrate vesture of victory fell to the grounde, many greate byrdes sitting vpon the campe, made no noyse, and swarmes, of Bées were continually aboute him.

Brutus (they say) celebratyng hys birthe day in [...]amo vpon the Tokens to Bru­tus. sea, beyng nothyng mery aboute it, without occasion did caste forth this verse.

But me cruel destenie, and L [...]tones sonne doth destroy. The vvordes of Patroclus v­sed by Brutus. Goyng with his army betwéene Asia and Europa, and watch­yng in the night when lighte fayled, a fearefull shape appeared The bad Angel of Brutus. [...] to hym. Whome hée boldly askyng what man or God hée was, the vision answeared: I am Brutus, thyne euill lucke, and at Philippi I will appeare agayne vnto thée. And they say he sawe hym there before the laste fight, and when the armie wente out of the campe, an Ethiopian mette them, whome as an euill token, they killed.

In these things also was a diuine worke. That Cassius in VVork of god, Cas [...]ius despay­reth to [...]one. victorie yet indifferent, gaue ouer all hope without any cause: and Brutus, dryuen from hys good determination of refrayning fighte, fallyng into the handes of them that were forced by fa­mine, Brutus is ouer­ruled. hymselfe hauyng plentyfull foode, and shippes at com­mandement, [Page 304] and was rather ouercome of hys [...]am [...]iers, than of hys enimies: and where they had fought many fieldes, they neuer had no hurte. Bothe of them were killers of themselues, as they were of Caesar.

Thus Cassius and Brutus were punished. Brutus body beyng founde, Antonie cladde it with a purple pall, and when hee had The body of Brutus▪ [...] mother o [...] [...]. vsed it with fire, hee sente the relikes to hys mother Seruilia, Brutus army when they hearde hée was dead, sente messengers to Caesar and Antony, who were pardoned, and diuided into their armies, beyng aboute .xiiij. M. They yéelded also that kepte the [...] [...] & [...] gyuen to [...]poyl [...]. [...]ortes and Tentes, all the whiche were gyuen to Caesars & An­tonies Souldiours to be spoyled.

Of the Noble men that were with Brutus, some were slayne in the battayle, some offered themselues fréely to the Generals; some of purpose continued the fighte to be kylled: as Lucius [...] Cas [...]us▪ C [...] his sonne. Cassius a brothers Sonne of Cassius, and Cato his Sonne, who fal­ling many times among their enimies, and being forsaken, tooke of hys headpéece, that he mighte be knowne, or notably kylled, or bothe.

Labeo knowne for his wisedome, father of that Labeo that now Labeo. is renou [...]ed for his knowledge in the lawes, made a graue in his tente, bigge inough for his body, & takyng order for al things with his seruaunts, he signified to his wife and children what he would haue done, and tooke the letters to his seruaunts to carry, and taking him by the right hande whom he loued best, and tur­nyng him as the Romane manner was, made him frée, and beyng turned he tooke him his sworde & offred his throte, & so to him, his A tente for a graue. Tent was his graue. Ras [...]us the Thracian that brought many through the mountaynes, desired a reward, and had it, to saue his Policie of bre­thren. brother Ras [...]polis: whereby it may be perceyued, that at the be­ginning these Thracians were not at variance. But bicause two great armies at debate shoulde passe their countries, they diui­ded the cert [...]i [...] of fortune, that he that wanne, might saue hym Po [...] Brutus vvi [...]. that lo [...]t. Portia, [...] his wife, & sister to Ca [...] the yonger, when she heard that they [...]th were read, being diligently kept of his seruants, tooke the fire from the har [...], and swalowed the coles. [Page 305] The other noble men fledde to Thaso: some sayled awaye, some gaue themselues with the rest of the army▪ to M [...]ss [...], Cor [...], M [...]ss [...], Cor [...] ­ [...]o and [...] re [...]ant of thy [...] armye. and Lucro [...]ibulo, men of like aucthoritie, that they mighte take counsell for themselues to doe for all the rest. Many gaue them­selues to Antony as he sayled towarde [...]hase, and all the mony, armoure and plenty of victual, and any other preparation whi­che was great.

Thus Caesar and Antony, by singular boldenesse, gotte suche a iorney at two fight [...]a foote, as none had done before them for The mightinesse of the armies. no suche, nor so great an army of Romaines, euer came to han­des before: not gathered of common Citizens, but of the beste Gentlemen: not ignorant of fighting, but long practised of th [...] ­selues, not of straunge or barbarous nation, but of all one lan­guage, and one arte of war, of one strength and exercise, hard to be matched therefore among themselues: none euer vsed more boldenesse or fiercenesse in fight, a token of that, the number of deade men, being equall in bothe fights, and no fewer of theirs that did ouercome. Caesars and Antonies souldiours did fulfill their Captaines will, in one day and one worke, chaunging ex­treame danger of famine, and feare of death, into victuall abun­dant, into safety stable, & into victory notable. It followed of The fight [...]he­vved vvhat vvould become of Rome. that fight, that the wise Romaines did prophesie. For the com­mon wealth was chieflie iudged by that feate, and was lyke to haue come to the populare state agayne. And there was no acte of anye suche troubles among themselues, but in the variaunce betweene Caesar and Antony, whiche was the laste among the Romains. The things that in the meane tyme were done vnder Pompey, after Brutus, by them that of Cassius and Brutus friends fledde hither and thither, retaining the renmaunt of so great preparation, neither were they done with such bold­nesse, nor with such forces of men, of Cities, or of Captaynes in their prouinces, for they had no nobilitie, no Senate, nor no glo­ry, as Brutus and Cassius had.

The ende of the fourth booke of Ciuill Dissentions.

¶ The fift Booke of Appian of Alex­andria, of the Ciuill Dissentions of the Romaines.

AFter the deathe of Brutus and Cassius, Octauian went into Italy, and Antonie into Aegipt, where Cleopatra méetyng [...] in loue [...]th [...]. with him, ouercame him at the firste sight. The which loue, brought them to destruction, and Aegipt to vtter ru­ine. Wherof Egipt also shal be a part of this volume, but not so great, as it can giue it y e title, bicause many of the ciuill battailes are intermedled with it. For after Cassius and Brutus, there were lyke Ciuill Dissentions, but wythoute a Generall, that commaunded all as they did, but some leading armies here, and some there, till Sextus Pompey, the seconde son [...] Pompey. of Pompey the Greate, being lefte of that faction, was sette vp [...] depriued of Brutus friends. Lepidus being nowe putte from his dignitie, al the authoritie rested in Antony and Octauian, the whiche things fell out after this sorte.

Cassius surnamed of Parma, when Brutus and Cassius wente to [...] of Parma. battaile, was lefte of them in Asia, with an army and a na­uy, to gather mony. When Cassius was deade, he hauing no such hope in Brutus tooke thirtie of the Rhodian ships, which he thought to be sufficient, and burned the rest (the holy ones only excepted) that they should not rebel: and with these and his own shippes he departed.

Clodius being sent thither of Brutus with thirtene shippes, and [...] fynding the Rhodians reuolted (for now Brutus was also deade) tooke away the garrison of thrée thousande souldiors, and sayled to this Cassius. [...]orulus did ioyne with them, hauing many o­ther Io [...]l [...]. shippes and mony, which he had gathered at Rhodes before they reuolted. To this nauy, as to a thing of power, resorted, all they that had offices in Asia, and made legions and souldiours for [Page 307] the sea, as wel as they could of seruants and people, of the coū ­tries & Ilands. There came to them Cicero, that was son to Tul­lius [...] the y o [...] ­ [...]. Th [...]ss [...] an Iland in the [...] s [...]a. M [...] Aenobarbus. Cicero, and diuerse noble Citizens, that were sled from Thaso, and by and by there was a great army, with a sufficiēt nauy of good Captaines, taking with them Lepidus also, with an other band, whiche he kept for Brutus at Creta. And with these forces they sailed to Murcus and Oenobarbus into the gulfe of Ionia, where diuiding themselues, part went into Sicelie to Sextus Pom­pey, and part remained with Oenobarbus, for priuate faction: and thus of the remnants of Brutus and Cassius, a newe armye was made.

Octauian and Antonie sacrificed for the victorie at Philippi, and gaue thankes to their souldiors. And to performe their pro­mise, Octauian went into Italy, to distribute lande to the souldi­ors, which he did choose for his health. And Antony wēt among Octauian goeth into Italy. Antony goeth beyond the sea. the nations beyond the seas, and gathered mony for hie souldi­ours, and diuided betwene them, the lands y Lepidus had. Frāce beyonde the Alpes, Octauian woulde haue free, according to the determination of the decrée of his vncle Caesar.

Lepidus was accused to fauour Pompeys part, which if it were Lepidus accused. founde false, Octauian, determined to giue hym other Prouinces. They licenced the old souldiors except eight thousand, which de­siring to serue still, they diuided betwéene thē, & of them apoin­ted bandes for their bodies. To these there were added eleuen legions that wente from Brutus, and .xiiij. thousande horse, of Fphesus, novv F [...]lg [...]so, a cittye of Ionia, vvhere vvas the goodly Temple buyl­ded of Amazōs. Antony pardo­neth. Pergama a cittie in Asia, not far from the floude Ca [...]. Troy vvas called by this name. Laodicea, a citie in Asia, vvhose citizen [...]eno, An to [...] and Augustus made a king. the whiche Antony tooke for hys iorney sixe legions and tenne thousande horse. Octauian had foure thousande horse, and fiue le­gions, and for those that Antony had, he shoulde receiue of An­tonies out of Calenus, whiche he lefte in Italy, and so sayled to the Ionian sea. Whē Antony was come to Ephesus, he made solemne sacrifices to the Gods, and forgaue the souldiors of Cassius, that were in Sanctuarie, and asked pardon, Petronius being except, & as many as had conspired Caesars death, & Quintus that betrayed Dolobella to Cassius at Laodicea: & to the Grecians and other nations that inhabit about Pergamo in Asia, in a great assembly of Am­bassadors that came for peace, he spake in this wise:

[Page 308] ‘You men of Grecia your Kyng Attalus, by testament bequea­thed [...] to the [...]. you vnto vs, whome you founde more beneficiall vnto you, than Attalus was, for we forgaue you the Tributes that you payd to Attalus, tyll wée had neede of Tributes, bycause of them that troubled our peace. Then we sette Tributes vpon you, not accordyng to euery mans value, that we myghte exact it wyth­out perill, but required you to pay a portion yearely, that wée myghte bee partakers of youre yearely fruites, and féele youre losse in harde tunes. And when the Bayliffes (requiring more than they ought) dyd you iniurie, C. Caesar forgaue you the thirde [...] to the [...] parte of youre Tributes, and forbadde that iniurie to be done to you héereafter, for he committed to you the gathering of the Tributes of youre Countrey people. And our good Citizens call such a man as he was, a Tyrant: and you haue giuen them much money that were kyllers of the man, that most deserued of you, and that against vs▪ that reuenged hys quarrell But forasmuch as Fortune, fauouring the iust cause, hath decréed, not as you woulde, but as ryght was, if you had continued in armes as their fellowes, you had bin punishable, but bycause we doe easily be­léeue, that you did it by compulsion, we forgiue you the greater punishment: only we haue néede of your money, your land, & Ci­ties, to pay our armyes, whiche be eyghte and twenty Legions, which w t their appertenāces maketh 170. thousand, beside Horse­men, & other remnant of the common sort. Of this multitude you may wel coniecture, what charge we be at. Octauian is gone into Italy, to diuide lands and Cities vnto them, and as I myght say, to bid Italy be packing. But y you should not leaue your Cities & Countrey houses, your temples and religions, and youre aunce­sters monuments, we onely require your money, and not all, for y you could not beare, but a meane part, which when you heare, I thinke you wil goe contēted away. As much as you gaue our enimies in two yeares (whiche was ten yeares tribute) so much wil we require, sauing y it must be paid in one yeare, bycause ne­nessitie so exacteth. You may acknowledge thākes, & confesse that you are not punished as you haue deserued.’ Thus he spake to please y e souldiors, to whom they promised rewards at their mée­ting at Modena, & then they were xl. legions, so many of thē were [Page 309] cōsumed. He had not fully ended his tale, whē y e Grecians, sate vpō Tributes put vp on the Greci­ans by. [...]ony. y e ground, w t many demonstratiōs accusing y e crueltie of Brutus & Cassius, shewing they wer rather worthy pardō thā punishment.

They would gladlye giue to their friends, but they were be­reft all of their enimies, to whom they had giuen not only theyr monies, but when that fayled, their iewels and ornaments, whi­ch they coyned of themselues. At length, with much ado, they ob­tayned to paye nine yeares Tribute in two yeares.

As he went about the prouinces, Lucius brother to Cassius, and [...] Cassi [...] [...] p [...]doned of Antony. other fearing themselues, when they hadde harde of his mercye shewed at Ephesus, they came and submitted themselues to him, and he pardoned them, except such as were priuie to the conspi­racie, for to them he was inexorable. He did comfort the cities y t Priuileges giuē to the Iy [...]i [...], & Xamb [...]an [...] ex­horted to re­store [...] [...] cittie▪ Ilands giuen to the Rhodian [...] called Clade [...] nigh to [...] Iland [...] [...] to the [...] A [...]g [...], [...] A [...]non [...] vvhere children vvel brought vp pro­ued euill. [...] is in Asia the l [...] the people [...]e called Call [...] [...], [...] [...] part of Syria that is next Arabia. [...] [...], is [...] playne of the countrey. Antony partiall. [...] [...] of [...] Cl [...]op [...] [...] [...] excu­seth [...] [...]li [...] were grieuouslye oppressed, and gaue priuilegies to the Lycians, and exhorted the Xanthians [...]et [...]store their Citie. He gaue to the Rodians, Andrus, Tenus, Naxus and Mindus, which shortly after he toke from them, bycause of their sharpe gouernement.

He graunted the Tarsentans and Laodicians libertie, and made frée al the Citizens of Tarsus, that had bin taken with priuiledge: he receiued the Athenienses very gently, & gaue thē Tenus, Aegi­ [...], Icon, C [...]am, Sciathus & Peparetis. Then going through Phrygia, Mysia, Gallogrecia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Cael [...]s [...]ia, Pales [...]a, Ituraea, and other prouinces of Syria, he put gret Tributs vpon thē. He toke vp matters of controuersie of princes and Cittes, euen as hee wold himself. And wher the controuersie for Cappadocia, was be­twéene Sifinn [...] and Ariarathes, he preserred S [...]si [...]na for Gl [...]phy [...]a his fayre mothers sake. In Syria he deliuered the townes of Ti­rannes. In Cilicia he accused Cleopatra, bycause she did not helpe Caesar in his wars She did not so much excuse hir selfe, as boaste that she had sent [...]oure legions to Dolobella, at the beginning of y war▪ & hauing prepared a Nauy, was letted by tempestes, and by the chaunce of Dolobella that was s [...]ner ouercome than the loked for: and that notwithstanding, Cassius twice threatning hyr, she contemned him, and Murcus also, and with a riche Nauy, say­led into the Ionian sea, & there beside other losses, fel sicke. Wher­fore she returned no more to the sea, after the victorie was [...]on. [Page 310] Then Antonie being caughte in minde with the sight of hir, hée began to loue hir, like a yong man, though he were fourty yéeres [...]t [...]y in [...]oue. of age, his nature (as it séemeth) euer being pliant to that thing: and before, he hadde a minde to hir, when he was a Captaine of horsemen at Alexandria, vnder Gabinius.

Now leauing his woonted diligence, hée did all things as Cleopatra woulde haue him, without respecte of God or mannes lawe. In so much, as he sente Souldiours to kill Arsino [...] hir si­ster, that was fledde into the Temple of Diana, crying for mer­cy: and commaunded the Tyrians to deliuer Serapion, Captaine of [...]t [...]y [...]e [...] by Cleopatra. Tyrus, sometime [...] an [...]ande after [...]oyued to the land by Alexan­der. The king of Aegypt deade & neuer founde. Cypres, to Cleopatra, being fledde for safetie to Tyrus. Likewise he commaunded the Arcadians to doe with an other fugitiue, bi­cause he toke vppon him the person of Ptolomeus, Cleopatras bro­ther, being ouercome in Nilus of Caesar, and neuer séene after. He also commaunded Megabysus a Pr [...]s [...]e of Diana of Ephesus, to bée deliuered, bicause he receyued Arsinoe as a Quéene: but when the Ephesians made sute to Cleopatra for him, he let him goe: so soone was he changed. This affection was the beginning of his The lightnesse of Antony. troubles, and ende of his life. When Cleopatra was gone home, he sent his horsemen to spoyle the Palmirians, a Cittie not farre from Euphrates, a lighte offence beeing obiected to them, for a fashion, bicause dwelling in the confines of the Romanes, and the Parthians, they seemed to bee of doubtful faith, for they were merchants, and brought and fetched the wares of India and Per­side, to the Romanes: but in very déede it was to enrich his horse­men. And when the Palmirians had vnderstanding of it, they con­ueyed away their goods, and garded them with Archers, wherin they excelled. The horsemen finding the Citie voyde, went a­way emptie and vnhurtfull. Of thys occasion the warres of Parthia séemed to ryse, many of the tyrannes of the countreye of Syria resorting to them. For this countrey (till Antiochus the The state of Syria. good, and his sonne) was vnder Kings, successoures of Seleucus: but being brought into the forme of a prouince, they had Scaurus Scaurus. [...]ius▪ Crassus. their President▪ to whome the Senate sent other successours, and among them, Gabi [...]s, which made warre vpon the Alexandri­ans. Crassus succéeded Gabinius, which was after slayne of the [Page 311] Parthians. But after the death of Caesar, and sedition rysing, euery City was holden by an vsurper, the Partheans helping them. And nowe hadde they entred Syria, ( Crassus being deade) one alluring another: from whence Antonie droue them away, and made them flée to the Parthians. Which being done, he put tributes vp­on the people, and did not pacifie the prouince after the commo­tion of the Palmirians, but diuided his armye into wintering pla­ces. He went to Cleopatra into Egipt, of whome being princely re­ceyued, he taried the Winter with hir, lyke a priuate man in an Antony pr [...]re. other mans kingdome, eyther to shewe, that the rule perteyned not to him: or to be the more fitte to frequent the feastful dayes of the Winter. And leauing all cares of a Captaine, he put on a Greekes robe, and such a garment, as the Athente [...]ses and Egip­tians Priestes do vse. And he resorted onely to temples, scoo [...]es, and assemblies of Philosophers, keping company with the Gre­cians that obeyed Cleopatra, for whose cause hée had (as hée sayde) made that voyage.

Caesar Octauian in the meane time fell sicke in his iourney to Octa [...]io [...] sicke. Rome, and verie dangerously at Brundusi [...], where it was sayd, he was deade. Being recouered, he entred the Citie, and deliuered Antonies letters to his Captaines, who strayght commaunded Calenus to deliuer two legions to Octauian, and wrote into Africa to Sextius, to deliuer that prouince: both the which were done. Then dyscharging Lepidus of his suspition, he committed Africa Diuision of Italy to the souldiors. to his gouernement, and solde such goods of the condemned men, as were not yet bought. Going about to place his Souldiors in their dwellings, and to diuide their landes, he founde greate troubles: For, the Soldiors required euery best Citie in Italie, as they were chosen before the warre. Contrary, those Cities required, that all Italy might be contributarie to this diuision, or the places of dwelling might be apointed by lot. The soldiors also required the valewe of the lands, bycause there was no cō ­mon pay. Both olde and yong women, and children, assembled togither in the Temples, and publique places, lamenting and complayning, that they being natiue of Italy, should be putte from theyr houses and landes, as prisoners in the warre. The [Page 312] people wepte for these miseries, and moste of all, when they re­membred that it was not done for the common wealth, but for the priuate lust of a fewe, the whiche had ouerthrowne the com­mon weale, and now gaue their Soldiours rewardes, that they, by that gifte, should be ready to serue their turnes, and stil k [...]epe [...] of Italy. downe the common state. Caesar appeased the Cities, and shewed the cause of necessitie, and that all was not sufficient. And hée sayth truth, for the neyghbours were oppressed of the soldiours, I [...]s [...]tiablenesse of Soldiours goyng beyond their boundes, & catching more than was giuen them, & taking euer the best. Neyther were they frayed by Caesars rebukes, nor cōtented with new gifts, for they did now litle force of the princes, who had néede of their helpe, to hold vp their am­bition. For now the ende of the fiue yeares approched, & euery one had néede of seuerall helpe to maintayne his Lordship. The Soldiours had néede of them, to kéepe stil that which was giuen them: they had néede of the Souldiours fauour, to confirme their rule. Caesar also comforted the néedy Soldiours with other gifts, borowyng money of Temples, wherby he wonne their hartes, O [...] excl [...] [...] [...]po [...]. they beyng thankefull to him, as of whome they had receyued their landes and goodes, and they that were spoyled, crying out vpon him, whiche he suffred for the Soldiours sakes.

Lucius brother to Antonie beyng Consull, and his wife Fuluia, and Manius that had the ouersight of his things in his absence, that this benefite might not séene to be onely of Octauian, nor he haue only the thanke, and the other generall be defrauded of the fauour of the Soldiours, vsed subtill meanes, that the placyng of the inhabitauntes might be deferred till Antonies commyng. Whiche when it séemed vnpossible, for the haste of the Souldi­ours, they desired of Octauian, that they mighte place Antonies Souldiours, although by agréement it was graunted to Caesar Antonies Soul­diers placed by his friendes. Octauian by Antonie▪ whiche they denied to be true. Therefore bryngyng F [...]luia with Antonies litle children to the campe, they besought them instantly, not to suffer Antonie to be defrauded Antonie renou­nced. of his thankes, and renowne that he had gotten. Antonies name was then very glorious among the Soldiours and others, for the victory at Philippi was attributed to Antonie onely, bycause [Page 313] of Caesars sicknesse. Though Octauian sawe that couenaunt was broken, yette for Antonies sake, hée was content to gyue place. So Antonies legions were placed wyth very much licence, that they shoulde not seeme to bée inferiour to the benefite of Caesar. There were other Cities neare to these, whose lands were de­uided to the Souldiours, whiche suffered many iniuries of the Oppression of Cities. Souldiours, the Citizens crying to Octauian, that diuision of landes was nowe more cruell, than proscriptions of lyfe. For then enimies were punished, now innocentes are plagued. Caesar did well perceyue the iniurie, but coulde not remedie it. For neyther had hée money wherewith to pay the possessours of the lande, neyther could the rewardes of victory be deferred, for the warres that myght ensue, Pompey beyng Lorde of the Sea, who Pompeys Aeno­barbus and Mur▪cus Lordes of the sea. caused famine in the Cittie, all victuall beyng kepte away: Aenobarbus and Murcus, hauyng an other army, and gatheryng an other nauie: and the Souldiours the more vnwillyng, ex­cepte they haue promyse kepte: and the space of fiue yeares was almoste come, so as they muste haue néede of Souldiours, Insolencie of Souldiours. and therefore bare with their insolencie: In so muche, as in the Theatre, a common Souldiour wantyng a proper seate, Theatre the place vvhere they beholde pastyme. wente and satte in the place of a Gentleman. The people no­ted it, and Caesar raysed hym. The Souldiours were angry at it, and when Caesar came from the passe tyme, they compassed him, and requyred their felow Souldiour, whome they thought to be destroyed. But when hée came, they sayde he came out of pry­son, Insolencie of Souldiours. whiche bycause hée denied, they sayde hée was hyred so to say, and was a Traytour to hys company. This rudenesse was vsed in the Theatre.

Beyng called to the diuision into the campe of Mars, and comming to it by night, they were angry that Caesar tarried so long. Nonius a Capitayne rebuked them, and tolde them their dutie, and put the cause vpon Caesars sickenesse. They called him Nonius kylled of the Soldiours. flatterer, and threwe stones vppon him, and droue him to take a water, out of the whiche they tooke hym vp dead, and layde hym in the waye▪ where Caesar shoulde passe, who was mo­nished by hys fréendes, not to truste theyr rage: but hée to a [...]oyde [Page 314] furder inconuenience by hys absence, wente on, and when hée Vprore of Sol­diours. sawe the dead body of Nonius, he went aside. And when the fault was layde vpon a fewe, hée willed them hereafter one to spare another, and so gaue them giftes and distribution of lands, and Sufferance and liberalitie of [...]. rewarded some beyonde their owne expectation. Which con­stancie of hym they so lyked, as they requyred that the kyllers of Nonius myghte bée punyshed. Hée sayde, hee knewe them well inough, and was satisfied wyth their confession and conscience: and the reste hee forgaue. By the whyche mercy and libera­litie, beyng prouoked, they made greate shoutes of hys feli­citie. These twoo contempts of the Souldiours among many o­ther, may suffice to be shewed.

The cause of thys, were they, that without lawfull autho­ritie, Cause of disor­der among the Soldiours. (as happeth in ciuill warres) takyng vppon them to bée Capitaynes, led these Souldiours, not to serue their countrey, but themselues: not agaynst enimies, but agaynst Citizens. This destroyed the discipline of the Romanes warre. The Soul­diour, rather desirous to serue for pryuate affection, and the Ca­pytaynes to abuse them for priuate commoditie. Not onely a Souldiour, but whole armies were to bée bought for money. And it was offence to fauour the good, and prayse to aduaunce the euill. So as for lighte causes, whole armies would go from a good and lawfull leader, to a lewde and vsurpyng Captayne: (lyke agréeyng with lyke) the Souldiours tooke them for eni­mies, were they neuer so honest, that their Capitaynes hated. And the Capitaynes to haue Souldiours at hande, suffred them to committe things abhominable, without al reuerence of lawe and iustice. So nowe all discipline beyng corrupted, they were Discipline cor­rupted. compted best, that could rayse moste sedition.

The Citie in the meane time, was in great penurie, their pro­uision of corne beyng stopped by Pompey. In Italie, tillage beyng Pe [...]ie and troubles in Rome. almost le [...]te for the continuaunce of warre, and that that there was, being consumed of the Soldiours: and in the Citie, théeues and murderers by night, were vnpunished, for what soeuer was done, was imputed to the Souldiour. The commons shutte vp theyr shoppes, and were withoute officers, whiche woulde not [Page 315] serue where thefte was suffred.

But Lucius, beyng well affected to the common wealth, and Lucius taketh parte vvith the old husbande­men. gréeued with the power of the thrée Princes, continuyng longer than the time appoynted, contended with Caesar▪ for he onely pro­mised helpe to the olde possessioners, making supplication to all the officers, & they promised their seruice to him. Wherby, bothe Antonies Soldiours, and Caesar himself, accused him as an enimy to him, and Fuluia also, as stirrers of warre out of time. But a Manius counsel. deuise of Manius preuayled, which persuaded Fuluia, that if Italie were in quiet, Antony woulde remayne with Cleopatra in Ae­gipt, but if warres were styrred, hée woulde come quickly. Fuluia Antonies vvise stirreth vvarre. Then Fuluia of a womannishe passion, incensed Lucius, & when Caesar wente to place the newe inhabitancies, Antonies chyldren and Lucius wente with them, that Caesar shoulde not haue the whole thankes, by goyng alone. Caesars horsemenne scoured the coaste towarde Sicelie, that Pompey shoulde not spoyle it. Lucius Begynnyng o [...] suspition. eyther afrayde in déede, or fayning to bée afrayde, that these horsemen were sente agaynst him and Antonies children, wente in haste to the inhabitauncies of Antonie, to gette a garde about him, accusing Caesar, as vnfaithfull to Antony. But he answered, that he kept faith & friendship with Antonie, & that Lucius sought to moue warre, for y he was offended with the rule of thē thrée, by the which the newe inhabitants might take full possession, & that the horsemen were yet in the coast, & did their duties. Whē Teano, a citie [...] Fia Appia. An other in Apulia. Conditions be­tvvene Caesar & Antonies soldi­ours. Antonies Soldiours vnderstoode this, they made a méeting with him at Theano, and were reconciled to him with these conditions.

‘That he shuld deuide no lāds but to such as serued at Philippi.

‘That the money of the condemned men, & their landes, should be equally diuided among Antonies Souldiours.’

‘That hereafter one alone should not leuy men.’

‘That two legiōs of Antonies should serue Caesar against Pōpey.

‘That the Alpes towarde Spaine shoulde be open to them that Caesar sent, and not be shutte by Asinius.

‘That Lucius should put away his garde, and exercise his office with quietnesse.’

These were the couenants, whereof onely the two last were [Page 316] kepte. And Saluidienus passed the Alpes spyte of them that kepte Preneste novve Pilestrena a Citie in Latio. them, the rest were defeated. Wherfore Lucius went to Preneste, affirmyng he was afrayde of Caesar hauyng a garde aboute him, and he none. Fuluia also went to Lepidus, saying, she was afrayde Fuluia fleeth to Lepidus. of hir children, for she trusted him better than Caesar. And they bothe wrote to Antonie, certaine fréendes carying their letters, that might certifie him of all thyngs, the copies whereof I haue long sought, and can not finde. Then the chiefe of the armies, agréed to take vp thys matter, and affirmed they woulde com­pell hym that were vnwillyng. They sente for Lucius friendes to come to them, whiche they denying to doe, Caesar accused them, as well to the chiefe of the armies, as to the officers of the Cities.

Then great resorte was made to Lucius out of the Citie, Great resorte to Lucius. beséechyng him to haue compassion of afflicted Italie, and take some man, that eyther with him, or with the Capitaynes might make an ende of the matter. ‘And where as Lucius had regarde both of them that spake, and also of the thyngs spoken, Manius Manius ansvver sharpe. answeared sharpely. That Antonie onely gathered money of strange nations, but Caesar did gette mens loue by preuention of the armies and fitte places of Italy. For by fraude he had got­ten Fraunce, which was Antonies prouince, and for xviij. cities, that should be giuen to the Soldiours, he ransacked almoste all Italy. And also gaue money to foure and thirty legions, not onely to eight and twentie that fought in hys quarrell: and that he had spoyled Temples in pretence of warre agaynst Pompey, whiche was not yet begon, for all the greate dearth in the Citie, but in déede to winne the fauour of the Souldiours agaynst Antonie, in so muche as the goodes of the attaynted, are not solde before they be giuen to thē: but if he séeketh peace, in good fayth, he must make accomptof things he hath done, and hereafter do nothing but by consent of bothe.’ This was the bolde answeare of Ma­nius, that neyther Caesar shoulde doe any thing alone, nor the coue­naunts betwéene him and Antonie remayne firme, that is, that either of them should haue full authoritie in their prouinces, and each confirme others actes.

[Page 317] Caesar séeyng that they soughte warre, prepared hymselfe for it, but the two legiōs that wer placed about of Ancona, and first Souldioures of Ancona labour for peace. serued his father, and after Antony, for the loue they bare to them both, sente Ambassadors to Rome, to pray them to haue re­spect to peace. And when Caesar aunswered that he swerued not with Antony, but Lucius wyth hym, the Embassadors confer­ring with the officers of Antonyes Souldyoures, sente a com­mon Embassage to Lucius, requiring hym to be contente to committe hys difference wyth Caesar, to arbitrement, affirmyng they woulde take vppon them, excepte he woulde condiscende. Hauing obteyned their request, Gabij was appoynted the place Gabij a people, destroyed by Tarquinius Su­perbus. Meeting at Gabij. A fight by chance. of méeting, in the midde way betwéene Rome and Preneste. There was prepared a seate for the Judges, and two chayres to shewe the cause. Caesar came firste, and sente Horsemen that way that Lucius shoulde come, eyther to sée what Lucius dyd, or whether there were any traynes layde. They lyghted vpon Antonyes Horsemen, whyche came as forerunners of Lucius, or to sée if all were cléere: they fell to fight, and some were kylled. Wherefore Lucius wente backe for feare of treason (as he sayde) and béeing The daye frustrate. called of the chiefe of the army, promising hym to conducte him safe, he refused. Thus the pacifyers béeyng deceyued, warre was threatned wyth bitter wordes betwéene them. Lucius hadde The vvarre breaketh. Lucius povver. sixe legions, of the leuie whiche he toke when he was created Consull, besyde eleuen of Antonyes, vnder Captayne Caleno, and all those in Italy.

Caesar hadde foure Legions at Capua, and certayne bandes for Caesars povver. Antium vvas a Citie in Latio, very good vpon the Sea. Lannuuium, novv Indo [...]i [...]. Treasure hou­ses of holy money. Tibure novve Tiuoli. Nemore, not [...]arre from Aritia. Pompey increa­seth. his person.

Saluidienus broughte other syxe Legions out of Spayne.

Lucius had money of the prouinces that Antony had pacyfyed.

Caesar hadde of all them that came vnto hym by lotte, excepte Sardinia, whyche was then in warre.

He gote much of Temples, promising to render it with inte­rest, that is, of Capitoli [...], Antio, Lanuuio, Nemore, Tibure, in the whyche Cities be treasures at this day of holy money.

Out of Italy all things were not quiet, for Pompey, by resorte of condemned Citizens, and auntient possessioners, was greatly [Page 318] increased, both in mighte, and estimation: for they that feared their life, or were spoyled of their goodes, or lyked not the present state, fledde all to hym. And this disagréemente of Lucius, aug­mented hys credite: beside a repayre of yong men, desirous of gayne and seruice, not caring vnder whome they went, bycause they were all Romanes, sought vnto him. And among other, hys [...] to [...]. cause seemed most iust. He was waxed riche by booties of the Sea, and he hadde good store of Shyppes, with their furniture. Murcus also brought him two legions, and fiue hundred archers, much money, and fourescore Shippes: and he had another army from Cephalenia. Wherefore mē thynke, that if he had then inua­ded [...] Sea. Pompey loseth [...]. Honor of Pompey. Sextius. Italy, he might easily haue gotte it, which being afflicted with famine and discord, loked for him. But Pompey of ignorance had rather desend his owne, than inuade others, till so he was ouer­come also. In Affrica Sextius the Lieutenant to Antony, béeyng lately commaunded to deliuer his charge to Fagion Caesars Lieu­tenant, and sent againe to take it from Fagio, who would not de­liuer Fagio. it, but made warre, hauing a bande of discharged Souldy­oures, and a number of Africanes, and the helpe of the Princes there. And when Fagio was ouercome in both wings of his bat­tell, and also lost his Campe, thinking it had come by treason; Fagio killeth himself. [...]. [...]. Carinas. killed himselfe, and so Sextius onto agayne was Lord of both pro­uinces of Affrica. Bocchus King of the Mauritians, at the persua­sion of Lucius, made warre vpon Carinas, Gouernour of Spayne for Caesar. And Aenobarbus with lxx. Shippes, and two legions, and a band of archers and venturers, scouring the sea of Ionia, destroy­ed the regions that accepted the rule of the thrée men. And being come to Brunduse, [...]e partly tooke the Gallyes of Caesar, and partly burned them, and driuing the Brundusians within their wall, spoi­led the lands. Caesar sent a legion thither, and willed Saluidienus to come out of Spayne. And throughout Italy men were mustered in hast, as well of Caesa a Captaynes, as of Antonyes, for Lucius. Dy­uers [...] troubled all ouer. fightes there was betwéene them both, in iust battell, and in ambushmentes: The fauoure of Italy was more enclined to Lucius, bycause he fought for them against the new inhabitants. Not onely the Cities that were giuen in pray, but also all Italy [Page 319] was stirred, fearing the lyke calamitie, and reiecting Caesars soul­dioures that borowed holy money, and partly kylling them, they gaue aide to Lucius, kéeping their Cities for him. Contrarywise the new inhabitants stucke to Caesar, as though eyther laboured for their owne. ‘In this state, Caesar called the Senatoures and Oct [...]i [...]: to the Senate. the Gentlemen, and thus spake vnto them: I know I am con­temned of Lucius faction as a coward, and afrayde of myne owne weakenesse: and that contempt is increased by your assembly. I haue a valiant army, both that which he iniureth by hyndering their possession, and also that which aforetime haue serued vnder my banner, the rest be as sure, except one meaning. I delighte not in ciuill warres that be not necessary, nor do thinke to abuse the Citizens that be left, to destroy one another, chiefly in thys ciuill motion, the miserie whereof shall not be tolde from Mace­donia or Thracia, but shall be séene in Italy. The which if it be the fielde of this warre, what incommodities shall it suffer. This is the cause why it yrketh me to beginne first. And now I protest, that I neyther quarrell with Antony, nor do anye thing why he should quarrell with me. It is your part, that for your selues you do reprooue Lucius, with his abettors, whome I praye you to re­concile vnto me: but if they continue in their obstinacie, I shall make it knowen, that I am not slowe for feare, but for conside­ration. You shall be witnesses not onely to me, but also to An­tony, that I am driuen to this necessitie, by the insolencie of Lu­cius, When Caesar had thus said, they returned in hast to Preneste. Lucius answered only this, that the matter would come to tryall on both sides shortly, and that Caesar dissembled, who had sente a legion to Brunduse, to stoppe Antonyes passage from Italy. Manius also shewed Antonyes Epistle, false or true I can not tell, whych A letter of [...] she­vved. willed his estimatiō to be mainteyned, though it were by warre. And when the Embassadors of the Senate did demaunde, if any mā did blemish his estimation, & if they did, they should cōplaine to y Judges. Manius vsed many threatnings againe, till they wēt No conclusiō of peace. away without conclusiō. Yet y Embassadors dyd not shew y an­swere to Caesar, either bycause he knew it particularly, or bycause they wer abashed, or for some other cause. Then present war ap­pered. Lepidus Go­uernoure of the Citie. Caesar made prouisiō, & left Lepidus Gouernor of y t citie w t a [Page 320] garrison of two legions. Many of the noble men of Rome resor­ted to Lucius, declaryng that the authoritie of thrée men did dis­please [...] to Lu­cius [...]. [...] of tvvo legions. them. And thus thys warre followed after thys sort. Two legions of Lucius at Alba made a tumulte, and droue away their Captaynes, and were readye to reuolte. Caesar and Lucius both made hast to them. Lucius came fyrste, and wyth many fayre wordes and promises stayde them. Furnius broughte hym ano­ther army, and Caesar cutte off the tayle of it, and droue Furnius to an hyll. He that nyght following wente to Sentia, a Citie of hys Furnius besege [...] at Sentia, be­tvveene Cam­pania and [...]. Lucius entreth the Citie. faction, whome Cesar would not follow for feare of traynes, but the next day beséeged the Citie. Lucius went to Rome wyth al hast, and sent in thrée bandes by night, he followyng with his armye, where he was receyued of Nonius that had the gard of the gate, and tooke hys Souldyoures to serue. Lepidus escaped, and wente Lepidus fleeth. Lucius to the people of Rome. to Caesar. Lucius assembled the people, and put them in good hope, that Caesar and Lepidus shoulde be punished for their misgouerne­ment, and that hys brother woulde willingly giue ouer his vn­lawfull authoritie, and take the Consulship for it, which was an office instituted by theyr auntient fathers.’ When he had sayd thus muche, the people béeyng glad, and thinking that the thrée mens authoritie should soone ceasse, saluted hym Generall, which done, he went against Caesar, gathering by the way another host of the places of Antonyes inhabitance, and settled them, béeing well affected to Antony: but Barbatius, who had bin his treasou­rer Berbatius. in warre, and was sente from hym in displeasure, tolde the people that Antony was angry with them that styrred against Caesar, and the common authoritie. The people béeyng thus abu­sed, forsooke Lucius, and wēt to Caesar. Lucius now marched against People forsa­keth Lucius. Saluidienus, that brought great power out of France to Caesar, and Saluidienus. Asinius. [...]. Agrippa. Asinius, and Ventidius, Antonyes Captaynes, followed at y tayle, so as he coulde not goe forward. Agrippa a man most trusty to Caesar, fearing least Saluidienus should be cōpassed, tooke Lombardy, y which place he thought Lucius could not spare & that he woulde leaue Saluidienus, & come against him, & so mighte Saluidienus fol­low at y taile. And Agrippa was not deceiued, for whē Lucius saw he was deceiued of his purpose, he repaired to Asinius, [...] Vētidius, [Page 321] whereby Saluidienus and Agrippa, were frée to take what aduā ­tage they could: whiche, when Lucius perceyued, and durste not fight with them both, he went to Perugia, a Citie wel defensed, [...]oeth to Perugia. and there encamped, loking for Ventidius: but by and by Caesar, Agrippa & Saluidienus comming vpō him, he was be [...]i [...]ged with three armies at Perugia: and least Lucius might escape their hāds, they sent to Caesars other forces, to deteine Asinius & Ventidius, al­though they made no great hast, nor approued that warre, nor Occasion of the hinderaunce of Lucius. were sure of Antonies minde. Beside, there was emulation be­twéene them, eyther of them séeking to be leader of all.

Lucius being thus besieged, neyther durste giue battel, being Lucius in di­stresse. inferiour not only in number, but also in goodnesse of Soldiors, nor departe from thence, so manye being readye to molest him: therfore he sent to Ventidius and Asinius, by Manius, to perswade thē to come to helpe hym & thē that were besieged. He sent also Titinius, with four thousande horse, to spoyle Caesars landes, that thereby he myght call him from the siege, and so haue Perugia, Siege of Perugia. frée to winter in, if néede were, til Ventidius and his companye myghte come. But Caesar hauing al his power togither, compas­sed Caesar encloteth Lucius. the place, eight miles aboute, bycause of the hills that be there, and made a long trenche to Tiber, that nothing shoulde bée Tiberis springeth aboute. Are [...]o, and goeth tho­rough Turs [...]an to Rome novv Te­nure. Plancus. brought from thence to Perugia, Luc [...]n after lyke sorte trenched the rootes of the hilles. Fuluia, commaunded Ventidius Asinius, Ateius and Calenus to make haste to helpe them that were be­sieged, and gathered a newe hoste, and sente it by Plancus to Lu­cius. Thys Plancus by the waye cutte off a legion of Caesars. And Plancus. whereas Asinius and Ventidius went very slowly, as vncertaine of Antonies wil, yet, for Fuluia and Manius sake, they came for­warde. Caesar with Agrippa went to méete them, leauing suffi­cient forces at Perugia. But they disseuered themselues: the one Lucius povver dieuerereth them selues. Pa [...]enna fi [...]deth at the gulfe of [...]n [...]ce Arimeno on the [...] the [...] the [...] Se [...] to Rauenna, the other to Arimeno, and Plancus to Spoleto. Caesar leauing agaynst eche of them power to kéepe them from ioy­ning againe togither, retourned to Perugia, and added rampires to the ditches, making the ditches more large, by thirtie foote, both in breadth and déepnesse. He made also the trenches stron­ger, and ioyned to them. 1500, towers of woodde .lx. foote asun­der, [Page 322] so as they serued for bothe turnes, as well to resiste them that came to the Citie, as to keepe them in, that woulde come out of it. In the whych tymes there were manye sallies made [...] of the [...]. out of the city, Caesars men being the better a far off with shot, & Lucius more bolde at hand stroks. But whē the work was finy­shed, famine tooke the city, & encresed daily. For neither y cicizēs nor Lucius, had made any prouision of victuals. Which, when Cae­sar [...]e in Perus [...]. [...]len [...]es be the [...]rie daye of the a [...]neth. [...] the firste moneth of the yetre. I [...] a sayleth the campe. vnderstood, he kept thē the straighter. The night before the Calends of Ianuary, Lucius thinking y feastful time would haue wrought negligēce among the enimies, he gaue an assaulte to y camp, thinking he might haue put in some companions, whiche he had many in diuerse places: but one legion being quickly cal­led of the watch, & Caesar comming with his bands, after a sharp fight, Lucius was repulsed. At this time in Rome, corn being kept Tumulte in Rome for corne. V [...]nt [...] us. for the vse of the soldiors, the people with tumult & contention, ran into priuate houses, & tooke what corne they could. Now Vē ­tidius soldiors thinking it a shame, not to helpe Lucius, marched foorth, and ouerthrew Caesars garisons in euery plāce. But when Agrippa and Saluidienus were come with more mē, they turned to Fulginio, a castle not far off frō Perugia, where being besieged Fulginie. of Agrippa, they signified by night to Lucio, w t many fiers, where they were. Then it was thought best to try it out by fight. But Plancus thought it best to stay, & not to hazard thīselues betwene [...] connsel. Caesar and Agrippa, which sentence preuayled. They that were besieged at Perugia, when they saw the fiers, they were glad, and thought there was some impediment y they came not forward: and when the fire ceassed, they thought they had bin destroyed. Then Lucius oppressed with famine, made issues out of the city, from the first watch vntil break of day, on euery side: but being repulsed in euery place, he retired, & perusing the victuals, com­manded, that the bondmen shold haue none, & yet to be kept, that Extremitie of s [...]uine. they shold not get out to shew the néed to y enimie. They ran a­bout in Orchards & gardens, & eate grasse & leaues where they Misery of sla [...]es could find any: & whē they were pined, Lucius put thē into diches, that the enimy shold not perteiue any burials, nor the Citty be infected with the fauors. But no end being of hunger nor death, [Page 323] the soldiors being weary, desired Lucius to sally out again, & they would break the conteary trench. Whole feruentnesse when Lu (que)ius saw, he said: Of late we did not fighte so valiauntly as we [...] f [...]ll [...]. might haue done, now therfore yéelde, or sight to death. Euerye man consented. Therfore that the night shoulde giue none occa­sion to cowardnesse, they desired they might go to it in the daye: and so Lucius led them forth, at breake of day, with many scales and engins of yron and other, to fill the ditches and climbe the Assaulte of the Trenche. trenches, and wyth all kind of weapons to throw. Thus they is­sued with great violence, and filled the ditches withoute stoppe, and casting their engins to the wall, some did beate downe the trenche: some set vp their scales, and some assaulted the toures, and without all respect of death fought it out, notwithstanding the great resistaunce that was made with the shotte on the con­trary parte. This fight was in diuers places, so as the defeuce The [...]er [...]enelle of the fyght. was the weaker. The fight was fierce vpon the bridge which they passed, and also scaled the rampire, and were like to haue done some desperate feate, except the most valiāt of Caesars host, had with like courage come to the resistāce, euer being relieued with fresh men: & the other at length being tyred, were thrown from the trench, and their engins broke, and yet they stucke to it without shrinking though strength and voice fayled them. Yet not being able to resist, and ashamed to giue place, they abode Lucius repulsed. it, til Lucius did blow the retreat, at the which, when Caesars soul­diours did make great token of gladnesse, Lucius men stroken with shame, tooke their scales again, and approched the wal: but not able to do any good, Lucius againe did cal them backe, y they shoulde not caste away their liues in vaine. Then with heauye harts and against their wils they retired.

This was the end of this sharpe assaulte. Caesar then appoin­ted souldioures to warde at the frenche, and at a token, to leape vppe to the wall, whyche they dyddē, thoughe they hadde none d [...]casion, exercising themselues, and discouraging their foes. Lucius Souldioures remained sadde, and the wards were negli­gentlye kepte, so as diuers fledde into the Campe not onely of the common sorte, but also some Capitaynes. Lucius [Page 324] was inclined to peace, pitying the multitude that perished, one thing hindred it, that Caesars en [...]ies were afraid of themselues, [...] en [...]loned to [...]. but whē it was heard that he vsed the fugitiues gētly, and that he was desirous of no mans death, thē Luius thought it expedi­ent, without anye further respect, to seeke peace. And least the people woulde deliuer hym for all, he thoughte he would proue Lucius to the be [...]ieged. their mindes, and thus saide:’

‘My desire and intent was (O souldiour fellowes) to haue reduced the common wealth, to that state y our ancestors left it, bycause I sawe the office of the thres men tourned into Ti­rannye, and not amended after the death of Brutus and Cassius, by whome they made their pretence of warre. For Lepidus be­ing remoued from their Collegeship, & Antony occupyed in far parts, this man alone dothe here what he listeth: the lawes bée onely pretences, and shades. I seeking remedye for these in­commodities and minding to haue restored the commō wealth, I required that the souldiors, hauing their due rewardes, the power of one might haue bin abolished, which bicause I coulde not do, I wente aboute to doe it by force and power. Then thys man accused me to the army, as one that pitied the antiēt inha­bitance: of the which accusation being ignorant, & not beléeuing it when I hearde of it, bycause I was sure you receyued landes by my diuision: yet many beléeued that false accusation, and ioy­ned with him to make warre against vs, which one day they shal find to be done against themselues. For I am witnesse, that you following the better part, haue labored for thē, aboue your strength. Yet we be ouercome, not of the eunimye, but of hun­ger, and as it were forsaken of our Captains. It should haue be­come me to haue abiden the vttermost for my country: & therby in the ende haue had the prayse of my good wil: but I can not for you, whose safetie I preferre before my glory. Therfore I wyll send Ambassadors to the victour, and I will require him to pu­nish me only, and let you go, & that he would giue you y forgiue­nesse, which I do not aske for my selfe. You being Citizens as he is, & sometime his souldiours, not nowe offending, but ha­uing a iuste cause of war, be ouercome, not with fight, but with [Page 325] famine.’ When be had thus said, he sent by & by thrée of the of­fiters that were chiefe. ‘The rest of the multitude lamented, ey­ther their own case, or the Generalls, which meant wel as they did, and seemed to be a friende of the common wealth, and fayne Ambassadors to Caesar. to giue place to extreame necessitye. The Ambassadoures that were sent to Caesar, remembred to him their common country, their common souldiourfare passed, the friendships of the noble men of both sids, the custome of their ancestors abhorring from Caesars ansvvere suche deadly Oissentions, and other things to thys purpose. Cae­sar, knowing that his enimies hoste consisted in olde and young souldiors, vsed arte, and saide, he pardoned all Antonies souldi­ors, the other he required to submitte to his discretion.’ Thus he Priuate talke. spake opēly, but secretly to Furnio, he signified he would pardon al, except his priuate enimies: which priuate talk with Furni [...]s, they had in suspition, and saide, that war was not made for dis­pleasure, but for common cause, and required Lucius either to haue general peace, or martial war. Lucius hauing pitie of those noble men that were equall in dignitie with the other, praised them, and saide he woulde sende other Ambassadors to him: and Lucius goeth to Caesar. bycause he thought none so fit as hymselfe, he woulde go alone without an Heraulte. When it was tolde Caesar that Lucius was comming to hym, he went straight to méete him, and they bothe came in sight, accompanied with their friends, in the habite of a General. Then Lucius sending aside all hys friends, wente on with two Sergeants, signifying what he meant: and Caesar fol­lowing Caesar meeteth vvith Lucius. that beneuolence, shewed the lyke token of modestie. And when he saw Lucius come within his trenche, that so he might shew himselfe to be in his power, he firste wente oute of the Trenche, that Lucius might be frée to saue hymselfe. ‘Thys Lucius to Caesar. they dyd outwardly by tokens of courtesy, and when they were come to the ditche, and had saluted eche other, Lucius thus begā.’

‘If I had made this warre with straungers, I would haue bin ashamed (O Caesar) to haue bin ouercome, and more ashamed to yéelde myselfe: from the whiche ignominie, I woulde easilye haue deliuered my life: But bicause I haue dealt with a Citi­zen of lyke authoritie, and that for my country, I thinke it no [Page 326] shame for such a cause to be ouercome of such a manne, which I speake, not that I refuse to suffer any thyng that thou writ put vpon mee, beyng come to this campe, wythout an Herauld, but to aske pardon for other, iuste and commedious for thyne e­state. Whych, that thou mayste vnderstande the more playn­ly, I wyll separate theyr cause from mine, that after thou shalt vnderstand that I am the onelye cause, thou mayste exercise thine anger vppon me. Thinke not that I will inuey againste thee licentiously, which now were oute of tyme, but wyll one­lye tell the truth, which I cannot dissemble.’

‘I tooke thys warre agaynste thée, not that I woulde bée a Prince, if I hadde dispatched thée: but that I myghte haue broughte the Common wealth to the rule of the Se­nate, whyche is nowe taken awaye by the power of thrée, as thou thy selfe canste not denye.’

‘For when you begunne it, confessyng it vnlawfull, you sayde it was necessarye for a tyme, Cassius and Brutus beyng alyue, who coulde not be reconciled vnto you. They being taken awaye, the reste, (if any rest there be) being afraide of you, and takyng armes, not agaynste the Common wealth, and youre tyme beeyng ended, I requyred that the oppressed Senate myghte be restored, not regardyng my brother before my Countrey. For I hoped to haue perswaded him at his retourne, and I made haste to doe it in the tyme of myne offyce. If thou wouldest haue doone so, thou shouldest haue hadde the glorye alone, but bycause I could not perswade thée, I wente to the Cittye, and thought to gette it by strength and force, being a Senatoure, and a Consull.’

‘These were the onelye causes of this warre, not my bro­ther, not Manius, not Fuluia, nor the landes diuided to the Souldyoures, that wanne the fielde at Philippi: not the pitie of the olde possessioners cast out of the landes: for by myne authoritie, some were appoynted to landes for my brothers [Page 327] Legions, the olde owners spoyled. But thys calumniation thou dyddest deuise, that thou myghtest putte the faulte of the warre from thy selfe, to me, and the newe inhabiters. And by thys arte, wynnyng the heartes of the olde Souldyoures, thou hast wanne also the victory: for it was persuaded them, that I woulde putte them out by violence. These deuices were to be vsed, when thou madest warre agaynste me. Nowe béeyng Conqueroure, if thou bée an ennimie of thy Countrey, make mée an enimie also, that coulde not remedie it, béeyng lette by famyne. And thys I speake fréelie, gyuing my selfe (as I sayde) into thy handes, shewyng what I thought of thée before, and nowe also, béeyng with thée alone. Thus much of my selfe.’

‘Now, as concernyng my friendes, and the whole army: if thou wilte beléeue me, I wyll gyue thée most profitable councell. Doe not vse them hardly for my cause, and matter: and séeyng thou arte a man, and subiect to vnstable fortune, make not thy friendes the flower to venture, for thée, if they shall sée examples gyuen of thée, nothyng to be hoped, but to the Conqueroures. And if thou reiect all my councell, as of thyne enimie, I maye not bée ashamed to craue par­don of thée, that thou wouldest not exacte punishmente of my friendes for my faulte or missefortune, but rather turne all vppon mée, whyche am the cause of all these troubles: for I haue lefte them behynde me of purpose, least if I shoulde speake these things in theyr hearyng, I shoulde séeme to séeke myne owne cause. To thys Caesar aun­swered.’

‘When I sawe thée come to mée withoute an Heraulde, I came apace out of my campe, that thou myghtest fréelie doe that myghte bée for thy good. And séeyng thee acknowled­gyng thy faulte, thou commyttest thy selfe to my po­wer, I néede not confute the thyngs whyche thou hast obie­cted [Page 328] againste me firmely, but falsely, hurting mée now as thou [...] before. For if thou haddest come to make confederation, thou shouldest haue come to an angrye Conqueroure not with­out a cause. But now, séeing without any condition thou giuest thy selfe, thy friends and army to vs: al anger is taken awaye, al necessitie of truce is cutte off. For nowe I muste consi­der, not so much what you haue deserued, as what is seemly for mee to doe, whyche I hadde rather doe, eyther for Gods cause, for my cause, or for thy sake (O Lucie): neither will I de­ceiue Caesar pardoneth the expectation that thou haste broughte with thée.’

Thus much do I find in the dayly notes of the Chronicles of that time, in this matter. & Caesar maruelled at the noble & stout The maruell of both Generalis. courage of Lucius, ioyned with prudence: and Lucius maruelled at the clemencie and quicke briefenesse of Caesar: the other gathered comecture of their talke, by the countenaunce of them bothe. Then Lucius sent to the chiefe Captaynes, that they shoulde re­ceiue Lucius rendereth the watche worde of Caesar. They brought a booke of the number for so was the manner, as it is now, that when the cap­taine A booke of the number of soldi­oures. Lucius soldiours receiue vvatche vvord of Caesar. asketh the watche word, he offereth to the Prince a booke of hys number euery day. Receyuing the watch worde, they did not leaue the wented watches, for so Caesar commaunded that they should kéepe watche seuerally. The nexte day Caesar sacrifi­ced, and Lucius sent the hoste to Caesar, carying their harnesse, but going in their common apparel, and a farre off they saluted Cae­sar, as Generall, and stayde legion by legion, as Caesar hadde ap­pointed: for he deuided the olde legions from the young. When he hadde sacrificed, he sate in the Generals seate, and comman­ded euery one to lay down their armour, which beeing done, hée commaunded the old souldiors to drawe nighe, that he mighte reproue their vnkindnesse, and make them afraide, yet his mea­ning was knowne well ynough. Then whither it was of pur­pose, or of affection, Caesars souldioures came [...]ute of theyr pla­ces, Souldiours em­bracing. and embraced Lucius souldiors, and wept, and sued to Caesar for them, and they woulde not leaue, but stil cryed vppon Caesar, so as there was muche mourning. But Caesar chaunging hys minde, and appeasing the multitude, said thus:

[Page 329] ‘You my (fellowe Souldyers) haue alwayes so well serued Caesar pardoneth the yong Soul­dyoures. me, as I can not deny you anything. The yong Souldyers, whi­che I thinke haue serued iustly vnder Lucius standerd I remitte: but those that haue héeretofore bin ioyned wyth you in warre, and now be saued by your meane, I woulde aske, what miurie I haue done them, or what grace denyed them, that they shoulde serue another, and beare armoure against me and you, and thē ­selues? for I suffered all the paynes for diuision of the landes, of Souldyers [...]i [...]t crie for pardon. the which these were partakers, whose l [...]udenesse nowe, if you will sufferme, I will punish. But they denying that, and cōtinu­ally calling for pardon, I graunt (quoth he) that you demaunde, Pardon. let them goe frée, so as heereafter they agree with you: whyche beyng promised on both partes, thanks were cryed to Caesar, who was contente that some shoulde be lodged in houses.’ The com­mon sorte he wylled to lye in theyr Campe, where they fyrste were placed, tyll he sente them to wintering. Then sitting in the hygh seate, he called Lucius, and the chiefe out of Perugia, among whome, were many Senatoures and Gentlemen, all in hea [...]ie Remanes appea­red, and vvere vvell vsed for a time. shape, who béeyng out of the Towne, a garrison entred. When they were come, Caesar tooke Lucius to hym, the other were com­mitted to hys friendes and officers, béeyng warned to keepe them in honest and secrete custody. The Perugians crying for pardon ouer the wall, he commaunded to come without the Se­nate Perugians par­doned. only, whyche béeyng done, he pardoned them.

The Senatoures were putte in prison, and after kylled, ex­cept Lucius Aaemilius, who being in Rome, when y killers of Caesar were cryed, he thoughte good they shoulde be punished, and the Captaynes of Perugia killed. Citie purged. He mynded to haue gyuen the Citie in spoyle to the Souldyoures, but one Sextius, a madde fellowe, surnamed Macedonian, bycause he hadde serued in Macedonia, sette hys Sextius setteth the Citie on fire. Perugia set on fire. owne house on fyre, and threwe himselfe into it, and the wynde béeyng great, blew the fyre ouer all the Citie; and burned it, the temple of Vulcene only excepted. Thys was the ende of Peru­gia, an auntient and goodly Citie, for (they say) it was one of the Antiquitle of Perugia. It vvas first called Vi [...]ia Coloni [...], of Vibius a Captayne of the Acheanes that first came thither: but the Cri­aginens of Armenia did build it, and of a Griffou vvhich they bare in their standerd, called in their lan­guage Perugio, they called the Citie Perugia. Caesar repayred the Citie, and it vvas called Perugia, Augusto. vvith this in scription, Augusto Sacro Perugia restitut [...]. [Page 330] twelue Cities, which the Hetrurians buylded after their firste comming into Italy. Wherefore, after the Tuscane fashion, they honor Iuno. And after that, they that followed, chose Vulcane in stead of Iuno for their patrone.

The next day, Caesar made truce with all the armyes, yet some tumultes continued betwéene them, til, Canutius, and Flauius, Clo­dius, Bithinicus, and diuers other were slayne, who were deadly e­nimies of Caesar.

This ende had the séege of Perugia, and the warre that Lucius made, which certaynely was very daungerous, and like to haue continued long. For Asinius, Plancus, Ventidius, Crassus, Attieus, and others of this faction, hadde an army diuided into thirtéene partes, with sixe thousande Horsemen, and aboue. All the which, scattered, some to Brundusio, some to Rauenna, and some to Tarento. [...]cius ar [...]y scattered. Some wente to Murco, some to Aenobarbo, and some to Antony himselfe. Caesars bandes chaced them by land, and Agrippa gote two legions from Plancus, which were left at Camerina. Fuluia Cameria in Lati [...]. Fuluia [...]eeth. Putzol [...] in Cam­pania. with hir children fledde to Putzolo, and from thence to Brundusio, with thrée thousand horse, which the Captaynes appoynted for hir conduit. At Brunduse she tooke Shippe with fiue Gallyes that were sente from Macedonia, and Plancus went with hir, who for cowardise, had forsaken the rest of his army whiche serued Plancus the covvard. Ventidius. Asinius entised Aenobarbus to Antonyes side, whereof they both wrote letters vnto him, and prepared for him agaynste his comming into Italy. There were other bandes of Antonyes vnder the Alpes, wherof Calenus was Captayne. Caesar intended to winne them to him, bycause he had Antony now in suspition, that if he were his friend, he would kéepe them for him, if he pro­ued his enimie, he would serue himselfe: and whylest he soughte a good occasion, Calenus dyed. Caesar tooke the aduantage, and had the army, for Fusius, Calenus sonne, deliuered all for feare. Thus Caesar taketh Antonyes bands in Lomberdy. Caesar without any businesse, gote eleuen legions, and most ample prouinces, from the whiche he remoued the old officers, and pla­ced his owne, and went to Rome. Antony kepte the messengers that were sent from the inhabitancies, eyther bycause of y win­ter, Antony detey­neth the mes­sengers. or bycause he would not haue them report his doings.

At the beginning of the Spring, he wente from Alexandria, [Page 331] came to Tirus, and from thence by Cipres and Rhodes into Asia, where he heard of the séege of Perugia, for the whiche he blamed Antony findeth his vvife. his brother and his wife, and most of all Manius. He founde hys wife at Athens, that was fledde from Brunduse. His mother Iulia, Pompey sendeth Iulia, Antonyes mother to him honourably. Pompey had sente out of Sicelie, whither she fledde in company of Libone, his father in law, Saturninus, and others of the best sorte that he had, the which assayed to allure Antony to Pompeys parte Pompeys friends assayed Antony. Antonyes aun­svvere. against Caesar. Antony thanked Pompey for sending him hys mo­ther, the which he would requite in time conueniente, and if hée did make warre againste Caesar, he woulde vse his societie, but if Caesar and he continued in agréement, he woulde reconcile him to C [...]sar, And this was Antonyes aunswere. Caesar béeyng come to Rome, vnderstoode that some were gone to Athens, but what an­swere they had of Antony, he could not tell. Then he soughte to Caesar discredi­teth Antony at Rome. discredite Antony, with the souldyoures, as he that would ioyne with Pompey, to put them from their possessions, and that manye were fledde to Pompey, but for all that, he coulde not winne the Souldyoures from Antony, so greate was the glory that he had Glorie of An­tony great. gote at Philippi. Caesar thought himselfe good ynough for Antony & Pompey by lāo, for he had aboue 40. legions, but he had no ships, & they had more than 500. with the which, if they woulde beset the coast of Italy, they might soone oppresse it with famine. Therfore of many maydens y were offered him in marriage, he thought to make his best match, & he wrote to Maecenas, that he shuld cōtract him to Scribonia, sister to Libo, father in law to Pompey, y he might Mariage for Caesar to serue his turne. haue a pretence to agrée with Pompey if néede were. This done, he remoued diuers of Antenyes friends from their authoritie, & sent Lepidus into Affrica with sixe legions of Antonyes. Then hée called to him Lucius, and praised him as kind to his brother, that Caesar to Luciu [...]. he woulde take his faulte vppon himselfe: but he coulde not but thinke vnkindnesse in him, that after so great benefite shewed to him, he would not playnely tell his brothers conspiracie.

‘To thys Lucius aunswered, I knewe my sister in lawes ambi­tious Lucius to Caesar. desire to rule, but I tooke the commoditie of my brothers armye, to take the rule from you all, and if my brother woulde come nowe to abolishe youre Monarchie, I woulde take hys parte alwayes agaynste thée for my Countreys sake, although [Page 332] priuately I am most beholden vnto thée. But if hée will séeke companions of hys tyrannie, I will take thy parte against him, so thou wilte destroy the Monarchie: for the affection to my Countrey shall alwayes preuayle more with me, than fauoure Constancie of Lucius. or kindred.’

Caesar maruelling at the constancie of Lucius, saide, he woulde Caesar to [...]ucius. not vse hym against hys brother, though he would followe him: yet he woulde committe to him the prouince of Spayne, and ap­poynt Lucius is hono­red of Caesar vvith regard. Peduceus and Luceius his Lieutenantes.

Thus in shewe of honor he sente away Lucius, yet secretely commaunded he should be priuily watched.

Antony leauing his wife sicke at Scicyone, tooke the Sea wyth Sicyone not farre from Corinth. no great army, with a Nauie of two hundred Shippes, whyche he had made in Asia.

Whē he vnderstoode that Aenobarbus came to méete him with AEnobarbus go­eth to Antony. a great army, who was suspected not to be trusted of his worde, (for he was one of the condemned men of conspiracie againste Caesar, and in battel at Philippi, fought against Caesar and Antony,) yet he went toward him with fiue good Shippes, that he myghte séeme to trust him, willing the rest to followe after. Aenobarbus whē he had sight of him, came forward with al his Nauie. Then was Plancus afrayde, and wished him to stay, and firste to trye Plancus afrayde. what he meante, bycause he was to be doubted. Antony aunswe­red, he had rather dye, being deceyued by trust, than be thoughte Antony to Plancus. to flée for feare. Being come néere, both the Admirals were knowen by their flagges, and sayled one to the other. The He­rald of Antony standing in the forepart, eyther ignorante that he was not a sure friend, or of a boldnesse of minde, that the infe­rioure should stoupe to the superioure, commaunded the other to strike saile, whiche they did, and drewe to the side of Antonyes Shippe, where they saluted and embraced one another: and the armye of Aenobarbus receyued Antony for theyr Generall: yet was Plancus scarsly assured. And Antonie tooke Aenobarbus into his owne ship, and sayled to Poloenta, where Aenobarbus had Poloenta. his footemen. And there Aenobarbus gaue place to Antonie in the Generals tent.

[Page 333]From thence they sayled to Brunduse, where was fiue bandes of Casars in garrison. The Brundusians shut the gates to Aenobar­bus Antony and Ae­nobarbus to bru­duse. Antony is kepte out of Brunduse. as an auncient enimie, and to Antonie, as one that brought an en [...]nie. Antonie tooke this pretence to be done by Caesars com­maundement, and therefore, fortified the narrow parte of earth Antony besieged [...]runduse. brunduse vvas builded of the A [...]to [...]ms, and a [...]ter inhabited of Cr [...]tenses, and at laste made an inhabitaunce of Rome: [...]t hath the name of the forme of an Hartes head vvith the horres vvhich the M [...] ­sapians call Bru­dusium, for that shape hath the porte, vvhich is one of the beste of the vvorld. Antony vseth [...]on [...]p [...]s helpe. Pompey sendeth a nauy vvith Menodorus, and besiegeth Cossen­sa & Thuris. The space from Tiber to Beneuen­to, vvas called An [...]onia, by the vvhich name al­so, Italie vvas called. Caesar troubled. Consentia, is yet a Citie, buylded vpō seuē hilles, and thereof gy­ueth seuen hilles for their armes. Souldiours pra­ctise peace. Can [...]sio novve Canossa, in Ap [...]tlia. Antonies policy. Agrippa recoue­reth the besie­ged places. that ioyned to the Citie, with ditche and trenche. For this citie is almoste an Iland in a porte lyke a crescent, whiche by lande, could not be come vnto, when this cliffe was cutte from it, and the place fortified. Antonie also did beset the hauen, which is ve­ry great, and all the Ilandes in it, with many Castels that hée made. He sent also into sundry coastes of Italy, to take the fitte places, and exhorted Pompey, also that hée should inuade Italie, as much as he coulde. He gladly sent Menodorus with a great army & .iiij. legions, to gette Corsica, which was Caesars, where he tooke two legions, beyng amased at this attonement with Antonie. Antonies Captaynes tooke Sigunto a citie in Ausonia. Pompey be­fleged Thurij and Cossentia, & placed his horsemen in their fieldes. Caesar, troubled in so many places at once, sent Agrippa to releue Ausoniae. He commaunded the Souldiours that were placed, to serue: but they, vnderstandyng that it was done by Antonies cō ­sent, denied, whiche troubled Caesar moste of all. Yet he wente to Brunduse with an other army, and by fayre wordes made the sol­diours to go with him, the whiche practised by secrete meanes to reconcile Caesar and Antonie. And if Antonie woulde not, they woulde sticke to Caesar, who was now sicke at Canusio, and had a greater armie than Antonie: When he was come to Brunduse, & sawe how Antonie had cut off the lande from the Towne, hée lay and wayted his aduersaries dayngs. Antonie was stronger in munitions, by the meane whereof he sente for his armie out of Macedonie, and vsed this policie, to put country men by nighte into his shippes, bothe Galleys and other, and to make a shewe of a great army, to come from Macedonia, and so began to beate Brunduse, whereof Caesar was sory, for he coulde not helpe it. At that euening it was tolde, that Agrippa had recouered Sigun­tum, and that Pompey was repulsed from Thurio, and that Cossence was still beséeged: whereat Antony was sory. And hearing that [Page 334] Seruilius was comming to Caesar with one thousande and two hū ­dreth Th [...]rio vvas a citie builded by Niei [...], comming from Athens not farre from the vvhich Mama is gathered. Antonies vali▪ antnesse. [...], in Ca­ [...]. horse: he could not stay, but straight frō supper with greate rage, tooke his fréendes and .iiij. C. horse, and valiantly gaue the onset vpon a M. and v. C. and tooke them sléepyng at Vria, and brought to Brunduse. So great a fame was still of him, for the victory hée gotte at Philippi. The garde of his person, would come to Caesars campe, and vpbrayde them, their vnkindnesse to hym that saued them at Philippi. Who answeared, that they did but defende themselues. Then they obiected one agaynst an other. Obiections [...] Soldiours on both partes. The one, that they were excluded from Brundusio, and that the armie of Calenus was taken from them. The other, that Brunduse was besieged, and that the coast was inuaded, and aliance made with Aenobarbus, a killer of Caesar, and with Pompey, a chief eni­mie. At length Caesars men opened their minde to Antonies, that they felowed Caesar, not forgettyng Antonie, beyng desirous that they might be reconciled. But it Antonie would not relent, they woulde do their vttermost. And this talke had they in Antonies campe. Whyles this was a doyng, newes came that Antonies Antonies vvyfe dead. wyfe was dead, who coulde not beare hys vnkyndnesse, leauyng hir sicke & not bidding hyr farewell. Hir death was thought very cōmodious for them both. For Fuluis was an vnquiet woman, & for ielousie of Cleopatra, raysed suche a mortall warre. Yet the matter vexed Antony, bicause he was [...]ūpted the occasion of hir death. L. Cocceius was fréend to thē both. ‘He the Sommer before Cocceius talke [...] Antonie: was sente of Caesar with Cecinna to Antonie into Asia, and An­tonie sente Cecinna home & kept Cocceius still. He séekyng occasiō to trie Antonie, told him, Caesar had sēt for him, & desired he might departe, & asked whether hée woulde wryte to Caesar or no, An­tonie was content hée should departe. But as for wrytyng (sayde hée) what shoulde we wryte but tauntes one to an other, seyng wée are nowe enimies. And I wrote to hym by Cecinna, the co­pie whereof you shall haue if you wyll. I brought you letters from hym, (sayde Cocceius) and enimie you can not take hym, that vsed your brother Lucius and your other fréendes so well. Why (quoth Antonie) hée shutteth me out of Brunduse, and hath taken myne armie and prouince that Calenus kepte. And where [Page 335] hée is good to my fréendes, hée hath made them by hys benefites mine enimies. Then Cocceius not mindyng furder to stirre so angry a man, departed. And when Caesar saw hym, marueling he Caesar to Coc­ceius. had tarried so long, sayde▪ I haue not saued your brother that you should become mine enimie? how cal you (sayd he) your frēds enimies, & take frō them their armies & prouinces? wherto Caesar sayd. After the death of Calenus, so great a charge ought not to be giuen to so yong a man, as Calenus sonne, Antonie being absent, & Lucius, Asinius, & Aenobarbus in armes against me. As for Plācus legions, I intercepted, that they shoulde not go to Pompey, as the horsemen did. These things were tolde otherwise to Antonie, (sayde he) yet he beléeued nothing till he was shutte from Brun­duse. I knewe not of it, sayde Caesar, neyther did I commaunde it: the Brundusians, & the garrison that I left, could not abide him, when hée brought with him Aenobarbus, a killed of Caesar and a proscribed mā, who after the field at Philippi, besée [...]ged Brunduse, and yet troubleth the coast of Italie, burned my shippes, & spoy­led the countrey. You haue (sayd he) cōsented one to the other, to make alliance with whom ye wil. Neither haue Antonie ioyned with any manqueller more than you haue for regard of your fa­ther. Aenobarbus is no man killer, neyther any decrée of anger made against him, neither was he priuie to that purpose. And if he be thought vnworthy pardon bicause he was fréend to Brutus, then must we sée whether al other be not in his case. Cōfederacie is made with Pompey, not to hurte you, but if you make warre vpon Antonie, to haue his societie, if not, to reconcile hym to you, who is boyde of faulte: but you are in the faulte. For if warre had not bene made in Italie, they durste neuer haue sente Embassages, to Antonie. Caesar replied, and sayde, that Fuluia, Lucius and Manius began the warre in Italy. And Pompey durst ne­uer before inuade the coast of Italy, but vpon the trust of Anto­nie. Not only trusting vppon Antonie, but sente of hym; sayde Cocceius, for I will not dissemble, and he shall [...] the reste of Italie being voyde of Nauie, if you make not peace. Caesar not Caesars vvordes of Pompey. vnwillyng to heare this diuise, stayde a whyle: Pompey shalbe punished, whelynow (quoth he) being already repulsed frō Thuriji [Page 336] Than Cocceius perceyuing all the controuersie, tolde hym that Fului▪ was dead, for unkindnesse of Antonie, and nowe that shée is gone, there is no way but to vtter one an others gréefe with­out Caesar is [...] by the talke of Cocce [...]. dissimulation. Caesar beyng appeased by this talke, receyued Cocceius, who requested him to wryte, somewhat to Antonie, as the yonger to the elder. He denied to wryte any thing to his eni­mie, that woulde write nothing to him. He also thought vnkind­nesse in Antonies mother, that beyng of his he use, fledde out of Italie, and would not séeke to hym, of whome she might haue ob­tayned any thing, as of hir Sonne: and to hir [...]ee was content to wryte. When Cocceius came foorth, many of the Capitaynes de­clared the mindes of the Souldiours, that except they woulde be reconciled, warre should be made. Which hée tolde Antonie, and wished him to coūtermaund Pompey from furder inuasion of Ita­lie, and to sende Aenobarbus away, till they were agréed. Iulia his mother ioyned with Cocceius, and prayed hir sonne so to doe. Antonie stoode in doubte, for if the peace did not take, he muste Antony in doubt vvhat to doe. desire Pompeis helpe agayne, the whiche woulde be a shame for hym: but his mother putting him in comfort, & [...] séeming to knowe more, Antony gaue place, and required Pompey to re­turne Antony consen­teth to peace. into Sicelie, and he would kéepe promise with him, and sent Aenobarbus, with authoritie into Bythinia. When y army heard this, then chose messengers that mighte goe to eyther generall, and cutting off [...] rehearsall of vnkindnesse paste, to requyre thē Me [...]engers of [...]on. to linke in [...]. For this purpose, of Caesars parte, there was chosen▪ [...]: and for Antonie, Pollio: and Cocceius was ioyned A maryage pra­ [...] for. [...] ­ [...]. to them a [...] a frée [...]e to bothe: And▪ bycause. Marcellus was dead, that was husband to [...] Caesars sister, they required that shée might be made sure▪ to Antony, whiche beyng done, all the ar­my, cried, Happy [...]a [...] it: [...] continuing their reioyce one whole day & a night. Then Caesar and Antonie, once agayne de­uided [...]. the whole [...] Empire, and made C [...]dropoli. a Citie of Slauonia the [...] of bothe their partes, bycause it stoode in the ende of the Adria [...]icall sea.

That Caesar should haue al [...] and Ilandes westward euen to the mayne Sea.

[Page 337]That Antonie shoulde haue the lyke Eastwarde, euen to the floud Euphrates.

That Lepidus should haue Africa still, as Caesar had appointed.

That Caesar should make warre vpō Pompey, vnlesse other order were taken.

That Antonie shoulde make warre vpon the Parthians, to re­uenge the iniurie done to Crassus.

That Aenobarbus should be receyued into societie, with those conditions that he had of Antonie.

That it should be lawful for both, to leuie men in Italie, with like numbers of legions. This peace was solemnelie ratified.

Whervpō they sent away their friends about their affayres. Antonie sent Ventidius into Asia, to represse the Parthians, & yong Labienus, who by the help of the Parthians, made new commotiōs in Syria, as far as Ionia, all the which be shewed in the Parthians Menedorus dry­ueth Helenus out of Sardinia. warre. Pompey, by his Capitayne Menodorus, repulsed Helenus Ca­sars Lieftenant out of Sardinia. Wherfore Caesar would not be re­conciled with him. They went to Rome togither, and celebrated the mariage. Where Antonie put Manius to death, bycause hée Manius is put to death by Anto­ny, & Saluidienus accused. stirred Fuluia to make warre. He accused Saluidienus gouernour for Caesar, of the armie at Rh [...]danus, that hée woulde forsake hys mayster and cleaue to hym: whereof he wrote letters to hym to Brunduse. This was not lyked of all men, declaryng vnconstant dealing in too much séeking of amitie. Caesar called Saluidienus vn­to Saluidienus kil­led of Caesar. him, as about a matter of charges, and to sende him againe to the army, whom when he came, he slew him with reproche, and deliuered his army to Antonie, as suspected.

In the meane time the cytie was oppressed with famine▪ for neyther durst the Merchauntes bring any corne from the East Famine in Rome. bicause of Pompeis being in Sicelie, nor from the Weast of C [...]sica & Sardinia, where Pompeis shippes also lay: nor frō Africa, where the nauies of the other conspiratours kepte their stations. Be­ing in this distresse, they alleaged, that the discorde of the rulers was the cause, and therefore required that peace might be made Caesar vvyll not agree to peace vvith Pompey. with Pompey, vnto the whiche when Caesar woulde not agrée, An­tonie thought warre was néedefull for necessitie, and bycause mo­ney [Page 338] wāted, a decrée was made by Antonies aduise, that euery mai­ster A payment put v [...] on the peo­ple. should pay the half of .xxv. drammes, for euery slaue that he had, whiche was determined to bene done in the war of Cassius, & that somewhat also shoulde be payde of euery mans heritage. The people tore the decrée with great furie, & obiected the con­suming The people re­sist [...] decree of Caesar and An­tony. of treasure publike, the spoylyng of prouinces, the sac­king of Italie, and all for priuate displeasure, and yet all woulde not serue, but muste nowe put newe impositions vpon them that haue nothing left. They assembled and murmured, & cōpelled thē that would not, and with threatnings to spoyle and burne theyr The people resist Caesar. houses, gathered all the people. Then Caesar with a fewe of his fréends and garde, came to them to excuse themselues, but they threw stones and droue him away, which when Antonie heard, VVho buyeth firendship to decre shal smart as A [...] did. he came to help him. To him comming the holy way the people did nothing, bycause he was willing to agrée with Pompey, but prayde him to departe, which when he would not do, they threw stones at him. Then he brought in his soldiours that were with out the walles, & not about him, into the citie, being diuided into market places and streates, wounded & set vpon the multitude & killed thē in the streates as they came. And they could not easily flée for y e multitude, nor breake through by runnyng, so that ma­ny were hurte and killed, crying and yellyng from their houses.

So Antonie hadde muche ado to escape and Caesar by him was, Caesar e [...]eth [...]y Antonies meanes. Dead bodies cast into the ry­uer, and after [...]poy [...]ed. euidently preserued and got away. Thus did Antonie delyuer Caesar from present perill. The bodies of the commons that were killed, were caste into the riuer to auoyde the griefe of the sight, which came not so to passe, for the Soldiours, fished for them as the streame carried them, and tooke from them their apparell, Antonies coūsel. The a [...]iance of the mariage be­tvveene Caesar and [...] siser [...]sa, vvas named Aenaria of A [...]e [...]s, and novv Isch [...] of strength, it vvas the inhabitance of the marquesse of [...]a. whiche grieued the beholders. Thus this euill ended with enuie of the Princes, and yet no remedie for the lacke of things, whereat the people grutched and suffered. Antonie wished Libo hys fréendes, to call him out of Sicelie, to congratulate for the al­liance made, and he would procure greater matter, and saue him harmelesse. They wrote letters to Libo, and Pompey was con­tent he should goe. And when he was come to the Ile called Pi­thecusa, and now Aenaria, the people assembled again and praied [Page 339] Caesar, to send him letters of safecōdu [...]t to come to treat of peace, which he did, although against his wil. The people also cōpelled Mutia, mother to Pompey, to go vnto him, threatning els to burne hir, & help to make peace. When Libo perceyued how the enimies were inclined, he desired to speake with the Captaines, that they Baia vvas a Ci­tie not farre [...] Naples, vvhere the old Romanes had great de­light. Menodorus coun­sel. might togither agrée in the couenants, the which the people cō ­pelled thē with much a do, & so Antonie & Caesar went to Baia. All other persuaded Pompey earnestly to peace, only Menodorus wrote frō Sardinia that he should make open warre, or dryue off, whyles the dearth continued, that hée might make peace with the better cōditions, & had him take héede of Murcus, who was a mouer for peace, as one that sought to be in his authoritie. Wherefore Murcus [...]s put from Pompey. Pompey put away Murcus, and vsed his counsell no more, whome before hée honoured for his worthinesse and wisedome: whereat Murcus tooke displeasure and wente to Siracuse, and to suche as Siracuse, novv Sarag [...]sa, a goodly citie of Sicelie. were sent after him to kéepe him, spake openly agaynst Pompey, wherewith he beyng angrie killed diuerse of the beste aboute Murcús, and sent to kill him, and to say that his slaues had done Murcus and By­thinius killed o [...] Pompey. it, whiche beyng done, he hanged certayne of Murcus slaues as though they had done it. The whiche craft was not hid, nor the wickednesse that he did against Bythinius, a noble man and a va­liant warriour, and constant to him from the beginnyng, & his friende in Spaine, from whence he came willingly to serue him in Sicelie. When he was dead, other men tooke in hand to persuade him to peace, & accused Menodorus as desicous of his office by sea, not so much caring for his master, as for his owne power. Pōpey folowyng their coūsell, sayled to Aenaria, w t many chosen ships, Novv Ischiae. himself being in a gorgious galley with sixe ores on a sea [...]e, & so did passe Dicearchia proudly, towarde the euening, the enimies Dicearchia, novv Puzzole, Puteoli, an old ruined citie, nearer Naples than Baia, beyng three myles asunder by lande, to the vvh [...]ch Calig [...]a made a bridge by the sea, mee­ting of Caesar, Antony and Pompey. loking vpon him. The next morning stakes were set in the sea, & bridges made, into one of y which ioyning to the lād, Caesar came with Antonie▪ Pompey and Libo entred the other bridge, in such di­stance, y one could not heare an other, vnlesse they spake alowd. Pompey required societie of rule, in place of Lepidus. They onely graūted his return to his countrie, then al was dashed. Till oftē messages wer sēt betwéen, offring diuerse cōditiōs on both sides. [Page 340] Pompey required that such condemned men as were with him for Caesars death, might be safe in exile, & that the other men of honour & proscribed, might be restored to their countrey and goodes. The dearth continuing, & the people vrgyng peace, it was graunted that they should recouer the fourth part of their goodes, as redée­ming it of the new possessioners, and wrote of it to the cōdemned men, thinkyng they would accept it, which tooke the offer, beyng now afrayde of Pompey, for his wickednesse committed agaynst Murcus, to whom they went & moued him to agrée. He tore his Pompey in a [...]age cloke, as betrayed of them, whom he had defended, and oft called for Menodorus, as one expert in matters of slate, and onely con­stant in faith. At length, by the exhortatiō of Murcia his mother, & Iulia his wife, they thrée met agayne, vpon an old péere of the sea, beyng wel garded, where they cōcluded with these cōditions.

That peace shoulde be, bothe by sea and lande, and the Mer­chantes The conditions of peace, betvveene Anto­ny, Caesar & Pom­pey. haue frée course.

That Pompey should take his garrisons out of Italie, & receiue no more fugitiues, nor kéepe no nauies in Italie.

That he should rule in Cicelie, Cersica and Sardinia, and those o­ther I landes that now he had, so long as the rule should be con­tinued to Antonie and Caesar.

That he should send to the people of Rome, the corne that now was due.

That he should also rule Pelopenesus, besides the former Iles.

That he should exercise the office of Consul in his absence by his fréende, and be admitted to the colledge of the Bishops.

That the noble mē that were banished, might returne home, except them that were condemned by publique iudgement of Caesars death.

That they that were fled for feare should be restored to their goodes. And they that were cōdemned, only to the fourth parte.

That the slaues that had serued vnder Pompey, shoulde be frée.

That the frée men shoulde haue the same stipendes, that the old Soldiours of Antonie and Caesar had.

These were the conditions of peace, whiche beyng written were sent to Rome, to be kept of the holy Virgins.

[Page 341]Then they desired the one to banquet the other, and the lotte Pompey banque­teth C [...]s [...] and Antony▪ and they him. fell first to Pompey, who receiued them in his greate gally, ioyned to the péere.

The next day, Caesar and Antony feasted hym in their Tentes, pitched on that péere, that euery man might eate on the shore, but peraduenture for their more safetie, for the Shippes were at hand, the gard in order, and the guestes with their weapons Menedorus councell. vnder their clokes. It is sayd, that Menodorus when they banque­ted in Pompeys Shippe, sente one to Pompey, to put him in remem­brance, that nowe was the time to reuenge his father and bro­thers death, for he would sée that none should scape the Shippe: Ansvvere of Pompey. and that he aunswered, as became him then for his person and place: Menodorus might haue done it without me, it agréeth with Menodorus to be periured false, but so may not Pompey.

In that supper, Pompeys daughter, wife to Libo, was espoused to Marcellus, Antonyes nephew, sonne to Caesars sister.

The next day, the Consuls were appoynted for foure yeares, Consuls ap­poynted. first Antony and Libo, and that Antony mighte make a substi­tute, next Caesar and Pompey, then Aenobarbus, and Sosius, lastly Cae­sar and Antony, thrice Consuls, and as it was hoped, to restore to the people the gouernement of the common wealth.

These things being concluded, they departed, Pompey with his Shippes to Sicelie, and they by land to Rome.

At the newes of this peace, the Citie and all Italy made great ioy, by the which, ciuill warre, continuall musters, insolencie of garrisons, running away of slaues, wasting of Countreys, de­cay of tillage, and aboue all, most greate famine was taken a­way: therefore, sacrifices were made by the way to the Princes, Reioyce for peace. as to preseruers of the Countrey. The Citie had receyued them with a goodly triumph, hadde not they entred by nighte, bycause they would not charge the Citizens. Onely they were not par­takers of the common ioy, that had the possession of the banished mens goodes, who should returne by the league, and be their hea­uie enimies.

The banished men, a fewe except that went againe with Pom­pey, Banished men returne. tooke leaue of him at Puzzolo, and wente to the Citie, where [Page 342] a new ioy was [...]de, for the returne of so many noble men. Thē Caesar went t [...]ifye France, and Antonie to make war on y Par­thians. And y Senate hauing approued his actes, as wel past as Antonyes actes allovved by the Senate. Antony maketh Kings. to come, he sent his Captaynes abroade, & did what he would. He appoynted also certaine kings, only such as should pay a tribute. Of Pontus, Darius, Pharnaces sonne, & Mithridates nephew. Of the Idumeans & Samaritanes, Herode. Of y Pisidiās, Amyntaes. Of part of Idumei, people betvveene Iudea and Arabia. Samtria, a regiō of Pal [...]sta [...], be­sides [...]e Pa [...]a. [...]. D [...]. Cilicia Polomon, and others of other natiōs. He sente his army that should haue wintered about him, into Parthiena, a natiō of illyria, nigh to Epidamn [...], y t sometime entierly loued Brutus, that he might acquaint thē to gayne & exceccise. Another army he sēt to Darda­nes, which is a people of Illyria also, that was wōt to make rodes in Macedonia. Other he cōmaunded to abide at Epirus, y he might [...], novv G [...]nera, or Al­ [...]. haue them all about him, intending to winter at Athens. He sent Furnius into & frica, to leade vj. legions of Sextius against the Par­thians, for he had not yet heard, that Lepidus had taken them from Sextius. These things being done, he wintered at Athens with O­ctauia, as he did at Alexandria with Cleopatra. Only he looked on Antonyes be­hauiour a [...] Athens. the letters y came frō his armies, and leauing y habite of a Ge­nerall, vsed y garmēts of a priuate mā, and without a garde, wēt in cōpany of two friēds, to heare the lectors & disputations of the Philosophers. His dyet was after the Greciā maner, hauing O­ctauia euer in his cōpany, as one y was fond vpō womē. Winter Change of Antony. being ended, he changed his maner & gouernement. He had his officers & Captaines attending at his gates, and all things were done to make feare. The Embassagies that were differred, were now heard, audience was giuē, ships were prepared, and all full of businesse. Whilest Antony was thus occupyed, the league be­twéene Caesar and Pompey was broken for some secrete cause, but Caesar breaketh vvith Pompey. The pretence of the breach. the open matter was this. Antony cōmitted Morea to Pompeyus vpon this condition, that he shoulde pay their debtes, or sée them paide, or leaue the matter safe. He tooke not the prouince wyth this cōditiō, but to haue the coūtrey w t the debts. Being gréened at this, of his peruerse nature (as Caesar said) or bycause he enuye to that others should haue greater armies than he, or for that he gaue too much credit to Menedorus, that said, it was no peace, but a truce, he repaired other ships, & gathered his Gallies, & made [Page 343] an oratiō to his army, declaring how war must néedes follow, & troubled y sea by rouers, so as little commoditie came to y Citie by that accord: wherfore it was spokē openly, that peace was not made for to reléeue thē of perils, but to adde the fourth to y nū ­ber of Tyrantes encreased. Caesar tooke some of the Pyrats, & put Quareis [...] Pompey. thē to y torture, to make thē confesse, y Pompey sent thē. Caesar told it to y people, & signifyed it to Pompey by letters. Pompey excused it, & cōplained of y dealings touching Peloponneso. The noble mē that remained with Pompey, perceiuing him to be always ruled by thē that had bin his bondmē, killed some of his fréemade mē, either of thēselues, or to please Caesar, to kindle him against Menodorus hys maister. Thys they did of purpose, for the hate they bare to Me­nodorus. At y time, Philadelphus, a fréemade mā of Caesars, sayled to Menodorus for corne: & Micilio, a most sure friēd to Menodorus, wēt to deale with Caesar for him, promising him y rule of Sardinia and Corfica, with three legiōs, & many friēds. This matter practised ei­ther by Philadelphus, or for displeasure of Pompey, Caesar would not at y e first, but at lēgth accepted it, thinking y peace to be brokē in déede, & called Antony frō Athens, to Brunduse at a certayne daye Caesar calleth Antony from Athens. for this war, and sent for the Gallies frō Rauenna, and y army frō Lombardy, to lye at Brūdusio & Putzolo, to inuade Sicelie on both sides, if Antony would agrée thervnto. Antony came at his day, & not finding Caesar there, tarried not, either for y he liked not of y war Antony cōmeth to [...]rundulio. A suspition be­tvveene Caesar and Antony. A token in An­tonyes Campe. against y truce, or for y he saw Caesar make great preparatiō (for both of thē were ambitious of rule) or for y he was feared with a token, for one of y watch of his tēt was deuoured of a Wolfe, al saue y face, as though it shuld be knowē who it was, whiche was done without any crie or noise. And the Brundusians said, they saw Antony to Caesar a Wolfe runne frō his pauiliōs by breake of day. Notw tstāding, he wrote to Caesar, not to breake y couenant made, and threatned Menodorus is claymed of Antony. to take Menedorus as his slaue, for he was bond to Pompey y e great, whose goodes he had bought. Caesar sent his officers to receiue Sar­dinia and Corsica of Menodoro, and fenced y coast of Italie with ma­ny fortes, that it should not be so subiecte to Pompeys rouing. Hée commaunded that more Gallyes should be made at Rauenna and Menodorus re­uoketh to Caesar, and [...]. Rome, and sent for a great army from Illiria. Menodorus he made a fréeman, and to guide y Nauie that he brought, as Vice admirall [Page 344] vnder Caluisius. He continued leysurely in making preparation, and was angry with Antony, that he would not tarrie. With y Nauie prepard at Rauenna, he badde Cornificius go to Tarento. As Tarentum is a Citie in Apulia, vvhich hath a goodly porte tvvelue miles compasse. An euill token to Caesar. he wente, a tempest rose, and crushed the chiefe Shippe, wherein Caesar should goe, which was thought an euil token. And whereas the people thought that warre to be made against the truce, Cae­sar to auoyde that suspition, wrote to the people of Rome, and spake to the army, that Pompey had broken the league, by sending Pryats to the Sea, which was playne by the confession of Me­nodorus, Caesar affirmeth the peace brokē by Pompey. and the Pirats themselues. Whereof Antony wasnot ignorant, and therefore would not let him haue Peloponesus. Whē he thought himselfe well furnished, he sayled into Sicelie, from Ta­rent, Caesar into Sicelie. Caluisius, Sabinus, and Menodorus, from Tuscane, and his armye came by land to Reggio, and with great hast all things wer done. And Pompey did not knowe that Menodorus was fledde, till Caesar was come, and sayled againste both the Nauies. Himselfe tarried at Messina, and sent Menecrates against Caluisio, and Meno­doro, Menecrates vvith a greate company kee­ping the sea. that was a greate enimie of his, being of his condition. He came in sight of the enimie in the euening. They withdrew to y gulfe of Cuma, and there rested that nighte. Menecrates wente to Cuma vvas a goodly auntient Citie, not farre from Paie, novve nothing is left but maruellous ru [...]nes. Menecrates figh­teth vvith Cae­sars Captaynes. Aenaria. In the morning, Caluisius Nauie coasted the shore of Cuma in the forme of a Crescent, to kéepe off the enimie. Mene­crates came forth, and made spéede againste the enimie, whome, bycause he could not drawe into y déepe sea, he set vppō them as they were, and kept thē at the shore, where they defended them­selues. He might take the sea when he would, and come agayne more fiercely, and change his Shippes at his pleasure, but they coulde not stirre, but kéepe them from their aduersaries on the one side, and from the rockes on the other side.

When Menedorus, and Menecrates saw one another, they lefte the rest of their Nauies, and came togither with rage and noyse, and it séemed, that which of them ouercame, shoulde be the con­queroure The fight be­tvveene Mene­dorus and Mene­crates. of the Nauie. Their Shippes with great violence cru­shed one another, so as y sterne of Menodorus shippe was broken, and the pump of Menecrates. Then grapeling their Shippes to­gither, they stoode firme. The marriners and souldyoures fought [Page 345] with no lesse courage and footing, than as if they had hin on the land. They shotte, they darted, and threw stones, and dyd Fight by Sea. cast bridges, to passe from one to another. And bycause Menedo­rus shippe was higher than the other, they dyd the more harme, Menedorus hurt. with lesse payne. Many were killed and hurte. Menedorus was stricken through the arme with a dart, the whych was streight pulled out. But Menecrates was hurt in the thygh with a forked Spanish arrowe, whych could not be pulled out. And not beeyng Menecrates, drovvned. able any longer to fyght, he exhorted hys company, and lept into the Sea, and then Menedorus tooke hys Shyppe, and drew it to land, for he could fight no longer. This was the fight on the lefte side of the Nauie. On the right, Caluisius chaced certaine shippes Demochares. of Menecrates. Demochares a fréemade mā of Pompeys also, & vicead­mirall to Menecrates, entred vpon the other shippes of Caluisius, whereof he droue some to shore, and some he made to flée, & some he set on fire. When Caeluisius came from the chace, and sawe Caluisius shippes distressed. hys Nauie-scattered and fired, he stayde the one, and quenched the other, and bycause it was night, both they withdrew to their former harborough. This was the end of the first fight by sea, wherein Pompey had the better. Demochares gréeuously taking the deathe of Menecrates, as a very greate losse, (for Pompey euer vsed Menecrates and Menedorus seruice by sea) leauing al other thyngs, as though not Menecrates body, and one shippe hadde bin lost, but the whole Nauie went streight from the broyle to Sicelie. Caluisi­us lay still as long as he thought Demochares would come against him, but when he saw him gone, he refreshed his ships, and kepte alongst y shore. On the other side, Caesar with a great Nauie frō Caesars and Pom­peys shevve at Messina. Tarento, and his army from Reggio, mette with Pompey at Messina with fortie shippes only. His friendes exhorted him to take the occasion of the few Shippes that Pompey had, and to sette vppon him before the rest of his Nauie came, but Caesar would not, tyll Caesar refuseth the fight. he was ioyned with Caluisius, affyrming it to be a folly to hazard without helpe. When Demochares was come to Messina, Pompey, made him and Apollophanes his fréemade man also, chiefe of the Nevv Admi­rals of Pompeys Nauie. Nauie, in stead of Menecrates, and Menedorus. When Caesar heard [...]f the losse that Caluisius had, he crossed the sea to méete with Cal­uisius, [Page 346] and as he passed betwéene Stylida and Sylla, Pompey set vpon Seylla is one of the notable cockes of the narrov [...] Sea of Sicelie, so named (as they say) of Seylla, the daughter of Phereu [...]. Charybdi [...], novve G [...]lof [...]ro [...]s ano­ther rocke ouer against, named also as they vvrite, of a greedy vvoman of that name. Stylidae. Scylla in the coast of Sicelie vnder the hell Segp [...], in the continent of Italy. Caesar refuseth the fight by Sea. Caesars Nauie hurt. Caesar leapeth a sh [...]re. Corn ficius. VVant in [...]asar [...] host. y taile of his Nauie, and prouoked y fight by all meanes, but Cae­sar refused it, either bycause he would not fight in the streights, or bycause he would first find Caluisio. He cōmanded all to draw nigh the shore, & to lie at anchor, & to stād to defence, if any did set vpō thē. But Demochares cōming in, & setting two of his ships vpō one of the other, so droue thē togither & vpon y rockes, as many were crushed & perished cowardly. And y like lucke was héere, as was at the fighte of Cuma. Caesar lept out of his ship into the shore, and holp to saue thē that swamme for their liues, but Cornificius & other Captaines without cōmandemēt, hoysed anchor, & tooke the sea, thinking it better to be ouercome fighting, thā to perish foolishly. And Cornificius with great boldnes toke the Ammirall that Demo­chares was in, who lept into another. The fighte cētmu [...]ng wyth great losse, Menodorus & Caluisius were séene cōming, not of Caesars cōpany, who trauelled for their liues, but of Pompeys people only, who therfore retired. It was néere night, & they would not ma [...]c [...] with the Frechmen, they being wéery, the which chanced wel for the other that were in danger. In the nighte, many forsooke theyr ships, and went to the mountaines, and made many tok [...]s of f [...] to thē that were in the sea, & were all that night without meate; & without rest, wanting all things, Caesar being in like case; went a­bout, & praid thē to hold out til the morning. It was not yet knowē that Caluisius was come, neither was there any help frō the ships, A good lucke [...]o Casar. al being in dāger of drowning, but by another good lucke, the [...]i [...] ▪ legion drew nigh by the mountaines, whiche hearing of the losse, resorted to the fires by the rocky places, & found their Generall, & thē that were with him wéery, & wanting all things: then one did help another. And they brought Caesar into an old house, withoute Caesar in di­stresse. any of his chamber, being dispersed in that nightes tumult. Whē he had sente aboute to shew that he was safe, he vnderstoode that Caluisius was come, & so being recomforted by two ioyful newes, he tooke rest. At breake of day he loked out, & saw his ships, some burned, some halfe burned, and some floting, and some broken. Cal­uisius being come, he caused as much help, and repaire to be made as could be, and the rather, bycause the enimie was gone: but be­hold, [Page 347] a vehement Southwind blewe, and made a rough sea, so as Tempest vpon Caesars shippes. Caesars ships were againe crushed on the cliffes & rockes, and one against another. Pompey was in the port of Messana. Menedorus fea­ring the violēce of the storme, wēt further into the sea, and many followed his exāple. The other, thinking the storme woulde soone haue ceassed, as is wont in Spring time, kept stil about the shore, sauing thēselues with labour: but the winde waxing greater, all went to wracke, Cabels burst, & ships brake. The escrie was so The trouble in Caesars Nauie. great, that no good aduice could be heard, no difference betwéene maister & mariner, no skil nor rule preuailed, all was alike, and so they perished. The ships were slitte, the mē were drenched, & they that coulde swimme, were broken at the rockes: and when the floud of that sea came, whiche is wont to be great, the ships were with new rage tossed hither and thither, beating one another, and the wind continuing toward night, made thē feare the losse to bée in the darkenesse, and not in the light. Greate lamentation was made, and calling one to another for help, but all in vayne. They that were cast into the sea cryed for help of thē in the ships. They that loked for help of thē on the land, were crushed at the cliffes. So present death was in euery place, and so great darkenesse, as neyther heauen nor earth coulde be séene, and so euery one looked for death, whiche was more gréeuous, than death it selfe. Sud­dainely The looking for deathe grecuous. A vehement storme. the winde ceassed, and the Sunne appeared, the storme hauing bin so great, as the mē of that countrey affirmed they had neuer séene the like, the which destroyed the most part of Caesars ships and Souldyoures, who being afflicted with these newe Caesar agayne afflicted. Vibo. calamities, went to Vibo by land with vnpatient minde. He sente for the Captaines from euery place, that no mutinies mighte bée made, nor trayne layde for him. He appoynted his army by land, to kéepe y coast of Italie, that Pompey being incouraged by this vi­ctory, The great negligence of Pompey. shoulde not inuade, who neyther attempted any thing by lande, nor made an ende of them by sea, but suffered them to ga­ther togither as they could, and with prosperous wind to gette to Vibone, either bycause he thought thē afflicted ynough, or could not vse the victory, or (as I sayd before) slowe to inuade, contente to defend. Of Caesars Nauie, scarcely the halfe was lefte, and that [Page 348] sore brusede, leauing some to ouersée them, with sorowfull mind he went into Campania, for neyther had he any other Shippes, ha­uing Caesars vvant. neede of manye, nor time to make them, the dearth béeyng great, and the people crying for peace, and blaming that warre, that was made against promise. Néede also he hadde of money, whereof was great want, the people of Rome not to be moued to any payments. But Octauius Caesar, subtile for his owne commo­ditie, Caesars continu­ance in vva [...]e. sent Mecenas to Antony with instructions to call him to so­cietie of warre, which if he refused, he would trāsport his legiōs into Sicelie, and trie y matter by lād. Being in these cares, it was knowen that Antony woulde ioyne with him in warre, and that Agrippa had a victory against the French Aquitanes. His friēds Aquitan [...] [...]s that they call [...]ing [...]us. also & some Cities promised him ships. So he leauing his sadnes, prepared a greater Nauie. At y beginning of the Spring, Anto­nie came frō Athens to Tarentum, with iij. C. ships, to ioyne with Antony com­meth into Italy. Caesar in warre according to his promise. He changing his pur­pose, tarried til his Nauie was furnished, and when he was told Caesar contem­neth Antony. that Antonyes Nauie was sufficiente, he alleaged he had other lettes, y it might appeare he had more quarrell against Antony, or despised his help, trusting in his owne. Antony taking it grée­uously, remained yet still, and required him once againe, For ha­uing much adoe, to prepare money for the Parthian war, & nede of Antony desi­rous of Italian Souldyoures. Italian souldioures, he would haue chāged ships for mē, although by cōposition both of them might take vp mē in Italy, but it was y harder for him to do, bycause Italy was another mās prouince. Wherefore Octauia went to hir brother, to moue him therevnto. Octauia to hir brother. He said, Antony had forsaken him, whereby he was like to haue bin lost in y sea of Sicelie. She aunswered, that matter was satis­fyed by Macenas. Then he saide, Antony had sent Callias his late Obiecting and ansvvering of quarrrels. slaue, to confederate with Lepidus against him. She sayd, he went to treate of mariage. For Antony, before he should go to the Par­thians warre, desired to bestow his daughter vpō Lepidus sonne, as he had promised, When Octauia had affirmed this, Antony sente Callias to Caesar to trie y truth by torture, which he refused, & sente Metapontus vvas a fa [...]e [...], novv vtterly destroyed. Caesar and Anto­ny meete. word to Antony to méete him, betwéene Metapontus and Tarento. Antony when he saw Caesar lept into a bote alone, signifying y he trusted him, Caesar seing y , did the like, & either of thē made hast t [...] [Page 349] get groūd on y contrary side, but Caesar was the quicker, & arriued on Antontes side, and wente in charriot with Antonie to hys si­ster Octauia, and lodged togither without garde. The nexte day Antonie did the lyke by him. Thus they were soone at debate for suspition, & soone agréed for necessitie. Caesar deferred the warre Exchaunge of fortresse. agaynst Pompey, till the next yeare. Antonie could tarry no lon­ger there for the Parthians warre, so they made an exchange. An­tonie gaue Caesar a hundreth and twenty shippes, for the whiche, Caesar promysed him twentie thousande legions Soldiours Itali­ans. Octauia presented hir brother with ten shippes, that bothe serued for burden, and ores. Caesar gaue Octauia, one thousande choyse men for his garde, as Antonie woulde take. And bycause y time of thrée mens authoritie was expired by decrée of Senate, Continuaunce of three mens authoritie. they continued it for fiue yeare more, of their owne authoritie, neither lokyng for consent of Senate, nor confirmation of peo­ple, and so departed. Antonie making haste into Syria, leauyng Octauia with hir brother and hyr sonne, Menodorus, being a tray­tour by nature, or fearing the threates of Antonie, that sayde he Menedorus fle­eth from Caesar. was his slaue, or not finding such rewarde as he looked for, or be­ing moued with the daylie rebukes of his olde felowes Pompeis late bonde men, and after Menecrates death exhorting hym to re­turne as vnfaithfull to hys Master, hauing assuraunce he fledde to Pompey with seuen shippes. Whiche Caluisius the admirall did not perceyue, wherefore Caesar put him from his office, and pla­ced Caluisius, displa­ced and Agrippa placed. Agrippa. When his nauie was finished, he did purge it, af­ter this sorte. Alters stande at the sea side touched with the wa­ter. Purgyng of the nauie. They with their shippes stande aboute with greate silence. The priestes in boates in the sea make the sacrifices and carie their purgations thrice about the nauie, the Capitaynes goyng with them, wishyng ano praying that all vnfortunate and vn­faythfull things might be remoued from it. The bowels of the sacrifices beyng diuided, they throwe parte in the sea, and parte they burne on the A [...]ters, the people wishyng all good lucke. It The maner of inuading Sicelie. was determined that Caesar should in [...]de from Putei [...]l [...] Lepidus from Africa, and Taurus from [...] [...]nd so b [...]e [...]e Sicelie, East, Weast, and South. And a [...] was the tenth [Page 350] after the longest day of the yeare, which the Romanes cal Calendes, in the honour of old Caesar, called Iulie, whiche before was named Quint [...]lis [...]. Quintilis. This day Caesar appointed, bicause of the honour of his father, whose felicitie was perpetuall. Pompey placed Plennius at [...] is one of the three el­ [...]ovves called [...] of [...], looking tovvarde [...] [...], and a Cittye of that name. The Iles of I [...] ­pare, other­vvise, Lo [...]e be seuen. Lilibaeo, against Lepidus, with one legion, and muche shotte. The East and Weast parte of Sicelie, he layde with garrisons chiefly the Iles, of Lipara and C [...]ssyra, least Lepidus should get the one, and Caesar the other, and be continuall annoyance to Sicelie. He kepte the strength of his nauie at Messina, to be ready at the euentes. After the day was come, they all tooke shippe in the mornyng. Lepidus came out of Africa, with a thousande shippes of burden, lxx. Galleys, and. xy. legions, fiue thousande Numidian horse, and other prouision. Taurus from Tarent, of Antonies, a hundred and thirtie shippes, brought onely a hundreth and two shippes, the o­ther were disfurnished by the pestilēce that was the winter pas­sed. Caesar departed frō Putzolo, hauing first sacrificed to Neptune, Caesar sacrificed to the Sea. and the calme sea, to fauour him against the killers of hys fa­ther. Certen scoutes went afore, to espi [...] the [...]east. Appius ledde the reregarde, with a multitude of shippes. The thirde day af­ter they were entred, a South winde arose and drowned many of Lepidus shippes, yet he gotte to Sicelie, and besieged Plennius in Lepidus. Taurus. Lilibaeo, and tooke many townes of that coaste. Taurus when the winde turned, returned to Tarent. Appius saylyng by the poynt Appius. The point of Minerua. of Minerua, had shippewracke by tempest, parte were loste vpon the rockes, parte in the shalowes, and parte crushed one with an other. Caesar so soone as the tempest rose, wente to the The porte of Velino. porte of Velino safe, except one Galley of sixe ores on a side. Af­ter the South winde folowed a Southwest winde, whiche so stirred that porte, that the shippes could not go foorth opening to The losse of Caesars Shippes. the West, nor be stayed with anchor, but were broken against the rockes, or crushed of themselues, which euill was augmen­ted by the comming on of the night. When it was calme, Caesar huried the dead, healed the hurte, clothed the swimmers, and a­mended the losse as well as he colde. He lost sixe great shippes, and .xxvj. of the lesse sorte, & very many of the small vessels. To amend this want .xxx. dayes were required, & now summer went [Page 351] away. Therefore it was thought best to deferre the warre til the next Sūmer. But bicause the people was oppressed with penurie he repayred his nauies as wel as he coulde, & got of his friendes some helpe, whiche he sente to supply Taurus number. After this losse, Maecenas was sent to Rome, to appease them that yet had Maecenas goeth to Rome. remembrance of Pompey, by the way himselfe wente into italie, & bad the new landed men be of good chéere, and with great spéede Caesar goeth to cheere to soul­diours of Italie. came to Tarent, to view Taurus nauie, frō thence he went to Vibo, & chéered the legions, and trimmed the shippes, to inuade Sicelie shortly againe. Pompey, tooke none aduauntage of this occasion, Pompey loseth occasion. He is puffed vp vainely. only he made sacrifices to Neptune, and to Salatia, whose sonne, now forsooth, he would néedes be called, thinking certainly, that Gad fauoured him so much, as he would giue him victorie still. And was so inflamed with this successe, as he chaunged his pur­ple Salatia is the sea, here put for the Goddesse of the sea. robe, into an azure, as adopted of Neptune. He thought Caesar would not haue stirred, but whē he heard he returned againe, he was stroken downe, bicause he sawe he had to do with an inuin­cible minde. Yet he sent Menodorus with .vij. shippes whiche he Menodorus ina­keth a nevve stirre on Caesars nauy. brought to espie his doyings. He disdayning that he had not his old authoritie, & perceiuing he was had in suspitiō, bicause he had no more shippes than he brought, determined to flée againe. And thinking that it woulde turne to his good, if he shewed any feate worthy prayse, he gaue all his money to his companions, & with great hast came vpō Caesars nauie, with such a violēce, as he tooke the ships y lay for the garde of the nauie, sometime two at once, sometime thrée, & the ships of burden he drowned, burned, & led away, & made great affray in y coast. Caesar & Agrippa being ab­sent, who was gone to prepare matter for the nauy. Than he fel Menodorus illu­deth hys eni­mies. to flouting of his enimies, he droue his shippe into a softe o [...]e, & pretended he had bin a groūd, which they thought to haue bene true, and ranne to catche him, as a cōmon pray: whiche when he perceyued, he went away & laughed: whereat Caesars Souldiours were much agrieued. Whē he had shewed what seruice he could Menodorus deli­uereth Rebilus [...] Senator. do, he deliuered Rebilus a Senator whom he had taken, making his way so. Than he fayned that Vinidius a familiar of Caesars woulde flée away to him, and sayling nigh the enimy, he desired He maketh his deuise by Vini­dius. to speake with Vinidus, of matters that concerned them both. [Page 352] Which when it was graunted, and they méeting alone, he tolde hym, that his fléeyng agayne to Pompey was for despightes that Caluisius had done him. But nowe that Agrippa was the Admi­rall, hée woulde returne agayne to Caesars seruice, so Vinidius Messala. would bryng him assuraunce from Messala, that was Agrippas Leiftenant, promysing to recompence his faulte with singular seruice: but tyll he had his assuraunce, he sayde, he would molest them as he had done, to auoyde suspition, and so dyd. Messala doubted at the firste, as of a matter not honest, but at length hée graūted it, eyther for the necessitie of time, or for that he knewe Caesar woulde be content. Thus once agayne hée fled, and when Menedorus re­uol [...]eth once a­gayne. hée came so Caesar, he knéeled to him and asked pardon, before hée shewed the cause of his former faulte. Caesar bycause of promise was content to pardon him, and appoynted kéepers to him, and Tauromino a lovve of Sicile. Taurom [...]io vvas builded of the Casidians, and af­ter a Colonie of Rome hauyng the name of the bull of Minos vvhich they beare in their armes, Stylida. Scyl [...]uc [...]o, is novve called Capo di Squil­laccia daunge­rous place. V [...]b [...]no or Hippo­nao [...]a citie vvith a gulfe, novv called S. Eu [...]n [...]a in Calabris. Papias. Lepidus shippes distroyed. Tis [...]nus. Strongile, novve Sho [...]al [...], not far frō Sicelie. Pelorus, a poynt of Sicelie, ouer a­gaynst Scylla. My [...]e, novv My­ [...]zzo. Ty [...]aride is not far from Myle. gaue leaue to the Capitaynes of his Galleys to go whither they woulde. Than Caesar tooke his iourney againe, commaundyng Messala to take two legions and ioyne with Lepidus, and go to the hauen that is next Tauromino. He sente thrée others to Stilida in the furdest parte of the Sea to abyde occasion. He commaunded Taurus to goe to mount Silatio, that is a mountaine against Tau­romino. Whiche hée did, beyng both fitte for the fight, and for the passages. The army by land followed, & was scouted with light horsemen: the nauy, with Brigandines and Foystes. Caesar came from Vibone and praysed the order, and returned to Vibo. Pom­pey placed garrisons on the coast of Sicelie, and kept his nauie at Messina, to helpe when néede were. To Lepidus came out of A­frica the other foure legions, with whom, Papias a Capitayne of Pompeis met, and by a pretence of friendship, destroyed them. For they thought hée had bene sente of Lepidus to conduct them and gaue place. Two of y legions perished in the sea, if any escaped by swimming, Tisienus killed them on lande. Caesar, sayled from Vibone, into Strongile, one of the Aeolian Ilāds, sending foystes to espie the coast, and perceyuing many shippes aboute Pelorus, Mi­lis, and Tyndaride, he thought Pompey had bene there. Therefore he left Agrippa his Lieftenaunt, and went agayne to Libon. Frō thence he wente againe to Taurus campe with Messala and thrée [Page 353] legions, minding to take Taurominio in Pompeis absence, and in­uade him in two places at once. Agrippa passed from Stongyle to Hiera, novv Iu­da, an Ile be­tvvene Sicelie & I [...]paris. Pompeis nauy. Hiera, and tooke it. The next day he went to Myla, to match with Democharis, who had .xl. shippes. Pompeius, doubting of Agrippas purposes, sent other .xlv. shippes, to Democharis, vnder the leading of Apollophanes his late bondman, hée folowing with .lxx. more. Before day Agrippa set forth with halfe his nauie to fight with Agrippa goeth to the fight. Papia alone, but when he saw Apollophanes nauie, and the rest of Pompeis shippes, hée signified to Caesar, that Pompey was at Myla with the greater parte of his nauie. He kept the battel with his great shippes, cōmaunding al the roste, to kéepe course to Hiera, the preparation was great on bothe sides, and the shippes had turrets both at sterne and pompe. When the exhortation was giuen, they beganne the fight, Caesars vpon the face, the others The fighte by sea. The difference of the Shippes. vpon the sides fetching compasses. Pompeis shippes were lighte and litle, apte to turne and returne aboute the enimies. Caesars, were great & beauie, and therefore the slower, but of more force both to offende and defende. In them, the Soldiours were more The difference of the men. manly: in the other, the mariners, they gotte aduantage by com­passing aboute, & breaking the sternes & sides of the enimie, and with a violēce somtime gaue as great a blow as they tooke. On the contrary side, Caesars ships, with their sternes, easily put backe these other being little, and either crushed, or pearced them, and when they fought at hande, they combred them with shotte, and with hookes, helde them harde, and then woulde they Icape in­to the sea, and were takē vp againe of the litle botes that way­ted on the shippes. Agrippa gaue an onset vpon Papia his shippe Agrippa driueth Papia from his Shippe. with such force as he slitte it. They that fought in the toppe fell downe, the water entred, the lower sorte were drowned, and the other escaped by swimmyng. Papia, beyng receyued into ano­ther Papia fighteth agayne. shippe, fought agayne. Pompey standyng vpon an hyll, and perceiuing that his shippes were too weake and weary, and A­grippa continually refreshed with the rerewarde, commaunded Pompeis Shippe [...] retire. them to retyre in order, whiche they did in a shewe of fight. But when Agrippa folowed, they fledde, not to the rockes, but to the softe ooze, that was brought in by the flouddes. Agrippa being [Page 354] aduertised by hys Maisters, not to aduenture in those shalowes, did caste anchor abroade, as though he would giue a new charge if néede were, in the night. But beyng admonished not to folow anger more than reason, and not ouer-labour the weary Soldi­our with watchyng, nor trust too muche the caulmenesse of the Sea, he hardely departed. Pompeis men got to their portes when Pompey hath the lo [...]se by sea. they had loste thirtie shippes, of the enimies, fiue were drowned, and many hurt. Pompey praysed them for so manly resistyng the Pompey prayseth [...] Souldiours. greate shippes, whiche hée sayde seemed to him, not a fighte by sea, but an assaulte of a wall, and rewarded them as victours, puttyng them in hope, that, in that narrow Sea, their shippes woulde euer be the better, and that they might so be, hée woulde adde somewhat to theyr height. This was the ende of the fighte by sea at Myla, betwéene Agrippa and Papia.

Caesar in the meane season sayled from Sylati [...] to Leucopatra, be­ing Leucopatra, an hill in the sea nighe Reggio. novv Capo de larme, or Sparta­ment [...] di Calabria. certified that Pompey was gone from Messina to Myla, bicause of Agrippa: and when he was determined to haue passed from Leucopatra to Tauromeno by night, after he had heard of the late fight, he chāged his purpose, & thought it more for his honour to passe by day. For he beleued that Pompey woulde not long tary Caesar came forth agayne. nigh Agrippa. And when day was come, he looked from the moū ­taynes and could haue no sight of his enimie: he filled his nauy with as many as might be, cōmitting the reste to Messala, till the ships should returne for him. Aproching to Tauromeno, he sumo­ned thē to render. But they w tin denying it, he passed y floud Ono­bala, & y tēple of Venus to Archegeta, making his praiers, to ouer­come Onobala. his enimies. Archegeta is a litle image of Apollo, which y Archegeta. Naxians, of Naxo an Ile in Aegico, novv Niesia. Caesar falleth. Naxians that were sent to inhabite Sicilie, did first erecte. Goyng here out of his ship, he had a fall, but he rose agayne, and stayed. Pompey came in sight with a great nauie, wherat euery mā mar­ueled, for they thought he had bene ouercome of Agrippa. Hys horsemen ranged the shere to be euen with his nauy, & his foote­men were séene on euery side. The campe of Caesar was afrayde, Caesar in feare. & himselfe dismayde, bicause he could not sende for Messala. The horsemen set vpon the enimie as they were planting their cāpe. And if an onset had bene giuen by sea also, it had bene like that [Page 355] Pompey had done a great feate: but for lacke of knowledge of Pompey loseth for lacke of ex­perience. warre, and not vnderstanding in what feare the enimie was, and doubting to begin the fight so late, they wente to harborough at Coccineo, and the footemen to Phenice, to haue some distance from Coccineo, a point nigh a lake. their enimie. That night was quiet, and Caesars men had leysure to finishe their trench, but for labour and watche, they were vn­fitte to fight. Caesar had thrée legions, fiue hundreth gentlemen without horse, one thousand light harnesse, two thousand ventu­rers, & his soldiours for the sea. Deliuering his footemen to Cor­nificio, Caesar ordereth his battayle. to resist the enimie as much as he could by land, he before day tooke the sea, before he should be shut from thence. To the right battayle he appointed Titinius, to the lefte, Carcias. In a Brigantine he went aboute the nauie, and exhorted them, which Caesar leaueth the robe of a gene­rall. being done, he put of his robe off honour, as he was wont to doe in extreme perils. Pompey twice gaue him the onset that day, & the night ended, the fight, in y which diuerse of Caesars ships were ta­ken & diuerse burned, & diuerse fled to Italie for all that he coulde Pompey gaineth. doe, which were chased of Pompey: & such as swāme to the lande, were dispatched of the horsemen or taken: some got to Cornificius campe, whome he receyued, sending onely light horse to conduct thē, for he thought it not good to stirre his legions, being out of harte, & the enimy so nigh, in triūph of that victorie. Caesar passed Caesar in doubte departeth vvith one page. that night among his nauies, vncerten what to do, whether to sende for Cornificio amiddest the wreckes of the sea, or to flée to Messala: & euen by chaunce, departing with one onely page, with­out seruāts, soldiours, or families, he came to the port of Abala, Abala. Caesar in despe­ratiō is brought to Messala. where some founde him out, in great feare and desperation, and carying him from shippe to shippe, they brought him at lēgth to Messala, which was not far off, where before he tooke rest, he sent Caesar signifieth that he is vvell. a Brygantine to Cornificio and to all the shore, to signifie that hée was alyue, and promised he would shortly help them. When Caesar goeth to Stilida. hée had a litle rested, hée wente by night to Stilida, from whence Messala caried him to Carinate, who was ready to saile with thrée legions, whome hée willed to go to Lipari, and hée woulde folow Lipari be the I­landes nexte Sicelie, seuen in number. streyght. He wrote also to Agrippa, to deliuer Cornificio from daunger so soone as he could, and sent Laronio to help with spéede, [Page 356] He sente Macenas agayne to the citie, bycause some went aboute newe troubles which were punished openly. He sente Messala to Messala. Purzolo to bryng the firste legion. This Messala was condemned at Rome of the thrée menne, and rewarde was promised to them that would kill him. Then he fledde to Brutus and Cassius, and af­ter their death, he gaue himselfe and hys nauie, to Antonie. This Romane vertue. I thought good to remember, as an example of the Romane ver­tue: that where Messala had hym that condemned him in hys power, cast into vtter desolation, he restored him to his state and preserued hym. Cornificius, although hée might easily haue kept the enimie from the campe: yet bycause hée wanted victuall, hée prouoked them to battayle. Pompey thought not good to fighte with them that were desperate, hopyng to subdue them by fa­mine. Cornificius marched receyuing into his batayle the vnar­med that escaped the sea: beyng greatly annoyed w t the horsmen in the plaine, which were most part Affricanes and Moores. The fourth day he came to a dry place called y e parchyng plotte of the The drye place. fire, burned & dryed euen to the Sea, the which the inhabitantes dare not go too, but in the night, so great is the heate. Cornificius Daunger of Cornificius. burst neyther passe that way in the night, bycause the Moone did not shewe, nor they skilfull of the way, nor coulde not abide by day, the heate was so intollerable. Thirst could not be aswaged: nor they go but fast, bicause the horsemen so folowed them. And being come to the issue, they sawe naked men, who ranne vpon Naked citizēs vpon the armed Romanes. them, and claspyng with them, put them in daunger of choking, with y t which being yet troubled, the soldiours were in despera­tiō. But Cornificius cōforted them, & tolde thē there was a well at The Romanes grieuously trou­bled. hand, & so they put backe those rude people till they came to the well, which they found possessed with other enimies of like sort. Then they were vtterly out of hope. For they saw an army cō ­ming, and could not tell whether it was fréend or foe, but it was Zaronius, whom when they that kept the well saw, they fled, fea­ring Zaronius. to be interclosed. Whereat the weary soldiours made great ioy with shoutes & cryes, which Laronius answered. They runne on heapes to the wel. Their Captaynes forbidding thé to drinke Soldiours peri­shed vvith hasty drinking. too hastily, they that would not folow that coūsel, died presently.

[Page 357]Thus beyonde all hope, Cornificius broughte his army safe to Myla to Agrippa, who had taken Tyndarida, furnished wyth all Agrippa taketh Tyndarida, vvhi­che vvas a CItie named of Tinda­rus father of Led [...]. things necessary, and fitte for the warre by Sea, whither Caesar sent both footemen and Horse. He had in Sicelie one and twenty Legions, twenty thousande horsemen, and aboue fiue thousande light Horse. Pompey held yet with garrisons, Mylas, Nauloco, and Peloro, and all the Sea coast, who being afrayde of Agrippa, kept Peloro is one of the foure hils of Sicelie tovvarde Italy. Myla is a floud and a Citie both, vvith a Port, novv cal­led Melazzo Dianio is a Citie also in Spayne. They vvere the Oxen of Phaëtusa, vvhich she and hir tvvo sisters kept. Myconio. Caesar in peril [...] againe. continuall fyres to vse against the Ships. He kept the mouthes of Taurominio and Myla, and shutte the pathes of Mountaynes with walles. He also molested Caesar beyōd Tyndarida, who would not yet fight, and supposing that Agrippa would arriue, he went with speede to Peloro, leauing the streightes of Myla, whiche Caesar forthwith did take, with a little towne called Dianio, notable by the tale of the goodly Oxen, which were taken away when Vlys­ses slept. When the noyce of Agrippa his comming was ceassed, and that Pompey heard the streightes of Myla were possessed, hée called for Tifieno with his army. Caesar going to encounter wyth him, missed his way in the nighte in the hill of Myconio, where he lay without a tent. And whereas the rayne was very greate, as is wont in Autumne, he stoode all night vnder a French target, The hill Aetna, novv Mongibel­lo, that spouteth fire. the Souldyoures holding it ouer him. The horrible and feare­full sounds of the hill Mongibello were heard, and the flashing of fire was séene, and y sauoure of y brimstone was felt, in so much as the Germanes lept out for feare, and thought it no tale that they Germanes afrayd of the noyce of Aetna. had heard of that hyll. After this, he wasted the Countrey of Palesteno, where he mette with Lepidus, taking vp corne, and they Palesteno. Messana besee­ged. both layde séege to Messana. Many skirmishes there were, but no great battell. Then Caesar sente Taurus, to kéepe victuall from Pompey, and take the Cities that remained for hym, by the which difficultie, being driuen to his tryal, he determined to aduenture all at one fight. And bycause he thoughte himselfe too weake by land, he sent his Herald to require the fighte by Sea. And albeit Pompey desireth to trie all by a fight of equall number of Shippes. Caesar had no good will to match by sea, hauing hitherto had euill lucke: yet thinking it dishonorable to refuse him, he appoynted a day to the fighte, with thrée hundred shippes on a side, furnished with all weapons and defence that they coulde deuice. Agrippa [Page 358] inuented a graple, that is, a raster of fiue cubites long, layd ouer with yron, hauing a cricle or ring in eyther ende, and in the one, Graple, the inueu [...]ion of Agrippa. a crooked hooke of yron, and in the other, many ropes, which drew the hooke by gynnes, when it was cast with a sling agaynst the enimies Shyppes. When the day was come, the first onset was of the small vessels, not withoute escries, throwing dartes and The stoute and last fight by Sea. stones, and shotte fyred, as well by hand as by engine. The ships rushed one against another, some on the sides, some on the sterne, and other on the Poupe, thereby the Souldyoures were shaken, and the vessels broken. Some vsed their shotte and dartes a farre off, and there were little boates to take vp all that fell in the water. The Souldyoures and the Marriners contended who should do best. The exhorting of the Captaynes did good, and the engines did help, most of all the graple, whiche reached the small Ships a farre off for the lightnesse, and held them fast, drawyng them by the ropes: neyther coulde it be cutte off, bycause it was couered with yron, nor the ropes be touched, bycause of theyr The profite of the graple. length. Neyther was this engine knowen, that they might haue armed their weapons with yron. They rowed on the suddaine, thrusting their Ships on the sterne, to get aloose. When the eni­mies did so, then was the force of mē equal, but when the graple came, it was a thing by it selfe. The Ships fought ioyned togi­ther, and leaping out of one into another, and scarcely coulde the one be knowne from the other. Their armour and weapōs was alike, their shape was all one. Their priuie token was vnder­stood Liken esse of armour maketh confusion. to both, which was cause of muche deceyt, and after, of con­fusion, for they distrusted. their owne, for feare to be deceyued, and so did not know what they might do. In the meane time the hurt was great, the sea was full, as well of men, as of armoure, and rumes of the broken and crushed vessels. For after they came to fyghte at hande, they threw no more fire.

Both the armyes of footemen stoode vppon the shore, wyth doubtfull mynde whyther the victory woulde encline, for in a multitude of syxe hundred Shyppes, they coulde not discerne, béeyng all alyke, excepte it were the couloure of theyr toppes, wherein they onely differed, and onely they coniectured by the [Page 359] markes they hadde, and by the noyses and voyces, howe the matter went. But when Agrippa vnderstoode that Pompey had Agrippa get [...] the victory. the worse, hée exhorted hys Souldyoures to stande to it, that they myghte obteyne the victory, whyche was in theyr handes, and so they dyd, wyth suche furie and violence, as the enimie fledde, and ranne themselues a ground, where they were eyther taken or burned, whiche when they that kepte the Sea, dyd see, they yeelded.

Then the Nauie of Caesar sang the song of victory, the whych Reioyce of vic­tory by Caesars [...]en. the footemen on the shore aunswered with no lesse gladnesse. but

Pompey perceyuing the ouerthrowe, fledde to Messina, not re­membring his forces of footemen, the which by and by yéelded Pompeys army yeldeth to Caesar. to Caesar, and shortly after the Horsemenne did the lyke. The whyche when Pompey hearde, he commaunded to put all things into the seauentéene Shyppes that were lefte, and leauing the habite of a Generall, woulde flée to Antony, whose mother hée Pompey fainteth, and prouideth to flee. hadde saued in lyke daunger. And that he myghte bée the better welcome, he sente to Plennius to bring the eyght legions that hée had at Lelisbeo, whyche he woulde leade wyth hym. But when he perceyued that his friends and Souldyoures did continually yéelde to Caesar, and that the enimie was entred the narrow sea, although he was in a strong and well furnished Citie, yet hée would not tarrie for Plennius, but fledde wyth hys seauentéene Pompey fleeth vvith [...]vij. ships shippes. After he was gone, Plennius came to Messina, and kept that Citie.

This was the end of this last fighte by sea, in the whyche, only thrée of Caesars ships were sonke, and seauen and twenty of Pompeys. The remnant were all defeated by Agrippa, except xvij. with the which Pompey fledde away.

Caesar remayned at Naulecho, and commaunded Agrippa to be­séege Naulechi. Messina, whiche he did with the fellowship of Lepidus. Plen­nius sente for peace. Agrippa thoughte it good to deferre the aun­swere tyll the morning. But Lepidus was contente, and to winne Plennius Souldyoures to hym, permitted halfe the spoyle of the Messina sacked. Citie to them, which they hauing obteyned beyonde all hope, be­yng glad to haue gone with theyr liues that night, sacked y e citie [Page 360] with Lepidus Souldyoures. By this meanes Lepidus wanne Plen­nius legions, who sware vnto him, so as nowe, hauing two and Lepidus diuideth the spoyle of Messana vvith Plennius, and receyuesh his army. Lepidus thinketh to be Lord of Sicelie. Quarelling be­tvveene Caesar and Lepidus. twenty legions, with a great nauie, was not a little proude, and thought to winne Sicelie, bycause he had gotten diuers places be­fore, to the which he sent his garrisons to kéepe out Octauian.

The next day, Caesar expostulated with Lepidus by his friendes, saying, he came as a confederate to resort to Sicelie, and not to get y Ile for himselfe, and he alleadging, that his authoritie was taken frō him, and that Caesar had it alone, he could be content to render Africa and Corfica for Sicelie. Then Caesar was angry, and came vnto him, and charged him with ingratitude, and depar­ted, so as they stoode in doubt of each other, kéeping warde seue­rally. The Shipyes lay at anchor, and it was suspected that Le­pidus intended to haue burned Caesars ships. The armies fearing a new ciuill warre, had not the like estimation of Lepidus, that they had of Caesar: for him they accompted wise and diligente, and y other remisse and negligent, bycause he suffered their enimies to be partakers of the spoyle. When Octauian vnderstoode this, he caused his friends to deale with the Captaines secretly, and to promise them liberally, and many were wonne vnto him, spe­cially of Pompeys band, thinking their state not sure, excepte Caesar cōsented to it. Caesar came in person with many Horsemen, which he left without the trench, and entred the Camp with a few, vn­beknowing to Lepidus, for lacke of foresight, protesting that new Lepidus army reuolteth. warre was moued against his will: wherefore the Souldioures saluted him as Generall, and Pompeys parte that were corrupted, asked him forgiuenesse. To the which he said, he maruelled that Pompeys Soul­dyours yeelde to Caesar. they should aske forgiuenesse, not hauing yet done that was con­uenient for them. They vnderstanding his meaning, tooke theyr ensignes, and brought them to Caesar. Other pulled downe theyr Tentes. But when Lepidus heard the tumulte, he came out ar­med, and streight a fray began, where one of Caesars Pages was Caesar stricken. killed, & himselfe stroke through the brest plate, but not hurte, wherefore he departed in hast to his Horsemen. A garrison ie­sted A Castell bea­ten dovvne, vvhose garrison iested at Caesar. at his running away, whereat he was so angry, as he was not quiet, till he had beaten downe that Castell, the whiche [Page 361] being done, other Castels gaue ouer in like sort, some presently, and some the nighte following, some neuer spoken to, some pre­tending Castels giuen o­ [...]r to Caesar. some occasion, by béeyng vexed of the Horsemen: yet some abode the brunt, and repulsed thē, for Lepidus euery where sent helpers to them, the which reuolting also, the rest that were willing to him, changed their mind. And first againe the Pompey­ans that yet remayned with him, for sooke him by little and little, Lepidus caused other to be armed to kepe thē in, who being armed to that intēt, toke their ensignes, & with the aid of others, ioyned thēselues to Caesar. Lepidus threatened them that went, and prayd them also, and he tooke the Standerds, and sayd, he woulde ne­uer deliuer them, but whē a Souldyour said, Thou shalt deliuer Lepidus vtterly. forsaken. them dead, he gaue place. The last that for sooke him was the Horsemen, who sente to Caesar to know, if they shoulde kill hym, The horsemen sende to Caesar, to knovv if he vvoulde, houe Lepidus killed. which he denyed. Thus Lepidus being for saken of all men, and hauing lost his army, changed his habite, and went to Caesar, and many ranne to sée that sight. Caesar rose when he came, and would not suffer him to knéele, but depriuing him of all authoritie, re­seruing only a priestly office, in y apparell that he came, he sent Lepidus [...]e [...]ri­ [...]ed, only a spe­ciall liuing reserued. The mu [...]abiliti [...] of Fortune. him to Rome. Thus he that had bin many times a Generall, and sometime one of the thrée rulers, making officers: & condemning many as good as himsolfe, liued a priuate life, vnder some of thē whome he had attainted before. Caesar would not persecute Pom­pey, Caesar vvon [...] not follovv Pompey. nor suffer other to do it, either bycause he would not meddle in another mans iurisdiction, or would behold Antonyes doings, to haue iust occasion to fall out with him. For now that al other aduersaries were taken away, it was thought ambition woulde make them two quarell, or bycause Pompey was none of the con­spirators, as Caesar did after affirme. Nowe had he an army o [...] Caesars mighty armie. [...]ld, legions, of xxv. M. Horsemen, and of other Souldyoures: as many more, which he gathered togither. He had sixe hundred Gallyes, and many shippes of burthen, which he sent to the ow­ners. He gaue the Souldyoures a rewarde for victory, and pro­mised more in time to come. He distributed crownes, garlands, and other honors, and fo [...]gaue Pompeys Captaynes. Thys so greate felicitie, Fortune did [...]u [...]ie; for his owne armie fell to Enuic follo­vveth Fortune [Page 362] mutinie, destring to be discharged, and requiring the rewarde Mutinie of Souldioures. promised at the field of Philipps. He aunswered, that thys warre was not like any of the other, notwithstanding, he woulde re­ward them for all, togyther with Antonyes Souldyers, when he should returne. But as concerning their discharge, he put them in remembrance of their oth and obedience. But séeyng them styll obstinate, he ceassed hys rebukes, least the Souldyoures lately yéelded, should follow their trade, and promised that An­tony and he, would discharge them in conueniente tyme, and that he would now not vse thē in any cruell warre, for by the help of God, all was ended and done, and nowe he would leade them into Slauonia, and other barbarous nations, where they shoulde get great booties. They sayde they woulde not g [...], vnlesse hée woulde rewarde them thoroughly. He sayd he would reward them, and also giue them gariano [...]s & garmentes of honor and prayse. Then sayde Ofilius, one of the Tribunes, Garlandes and Ofilius rudely speaketh to Caesar. purple garmentes bée rewardes of Children, Souldyoures had néede of money and landes. The multitude sayde it was true. Then Caesar was gréeued, and came from his scate, and they that stoode nexte the Tribunes, praysed him, and rebuked the o­ther that woulde not agree wyth them. He sayde, he was suffici­ente alone to defende so iust a cause. The nexte daye he was not séene, nor coulde bée knowen where he was become. Then the Ofilius not scene agayne. Souldyoures not one at once for feare, but altogither, requyred to be dismissed. Caesar spake as feare, as he coulde to theyr Cap­taynes, and discharged them that had serued at Philippi and Mo­dena, as the most olde Souldyoures, and commaunded them to depart the Ile, least they should corrupt the rest. Thus much he sayd to them that he discharged, that thought [...] discharged them Souldyoures dismissed. nowe, yet he woulde reward them. Speaking to the other, hée made them to wytnesse the periurie of them that departed, not discharged by the leaue of theyr Generall, and praysed th [...]d, and promised to dismisse them shortly, and that they should not repente their duetie done to him, and that nowe he woulde giue to euery of them fyue hundred drammes. Then he sette at [...]she vpon Sicelie of fiftéene hundred Talentes, and appoynted Lieu­tenants [Page 363] for Sicelie and Barbarie, and diuided hys army. Anto­nyes Shippe [...] he sent to T [...]drent, the rest of hys army he sent part­lie into Italy, and partly he tooke wyth hym, when he wente out of the Ile. Commyng towarde Rome, the Senate receyued hym wyth all kynde of honors, permytting to himselfe to receyue, Honoured offe­red to Caesar at Rome. whyche he would, eyther all or some at his pleasure. He was mette a farrè off wyth them that had garlandes, as well of the Senate, as of the people, of whome he was first brought to the Temples, and then to hys house.

The daye following, he made an Oration to the Senate and to the people, he declared hys doyngs in order, and the admini­stration Caesar declareth his actes to the Senate and the people. Caesars Orations published. of the common wealth, from hys beginning to thys day, Whiche Orations written of hymselfe, he published wyth many examples, and pronounced peace and tranquilitie after so long ciuill warres. Tributes vnpayd [...] hée forgaue, and lyke­wyse the gatherers of the tolles, and the synes for offices.

Of the honors of the Senate, he accepted a Chariot in the Theatre, and yearely solemnities of the dayes of hys victories. Modestic of Caesar. And an image of golde in the common place, wyth thys in­scription. For peace gotten, after so many warres both by lande and Sea. But he refused the chiefe Byshopshippe, which the people Inscription of peace. offered hym, whyche by auntiente custome was not vsed to be taken from any man aliue, for Lepidus had it, and when they woulde haue hadde hym kylled Lepidus as an enimie, he denyed it. Then he wrote manye letters to the armyes, wyth com­maundemente to bée opened all at a daye appoynted, and then to doe as they were commaunded, whyche was, to restore all bondmen in Rome and Italy, to their maisters or their heyres, that had fréedome giuen them at the request of Pompey, all the whiche Bondmen resto­red to their maisters. returned to their old state. The like he did in Sicelie. If any were vnchalenged, he put them to deathe in the Citie from whence they came. This séemed to be an end of ciuill warre, when Caesar Caesar honoured as a God, at xxviii. yeare of his age. Robberies in the Citie. was eyght and twenty yeares of age, and consecrated as a God. The Citie and Sicelie was troubled very much wyth rob­bers and rouers; with such boldnesse, as they openly committed their lewdenesse.

[Page 364]To correct these, Sabinus was sent, who put manye of them to Sab. [...]us. the sword, and spent a yeare, before he coulde ridde them, and at that time (they say) the bands of watches were appoynted, which VVatches ap­poynted in the night in the Citie. continue to this day. The spéedy redresse of this, brought greate estimation to Caesar, who exercised manye things after the olde manner by yearely officers, and burned all the letters that were written in the time of warre, and promised to restore the com­mon The hope of restorement of the common state by Caesars vvords. wealth so soone as Antony returned, for he knew that he al­so woulde giue vp his offices, nowe that there was no ciuill warre. Therefore, being extolled with immortall prayses, the Tribuneship was giuen him for euer, with a meaning, by the Tribune per­petuall. taking of this, to leaue all other, of the which he wrote priuately to Antony: and he gaue his aduice by Bibulus goyng from hym, and placed Lieutenants in his prouinces, intending to be his com­panion in the warre of Slauonia.

Pompey fléeing out of Sicelie, came to the shore of Lacinie, where Lacinie, a hill in the furthest shore of Italy. Pompey spoyleth the Temple of Iune. Mitylene a Citie in Lesbo, novv Mitcline. Vayne hope of Pompey. Lalien [...]. he spoyled a rich Temple of Iune. From thence he went to Mity­lene, where his father lefte him and his mother, when he made warre with Caesar. And bycause Antony was gone to the Parthian warre, he intended to yéeld to him at his returne. But where it was reported that Antony was ouercome, and he beléeued it, hée conceiued an hope to succéede him in all the prouinces, or that at the least in part, taking example of Labienus, who ranne ouer A­sia. Being occupyed with these cogitations, he heard that Anto­ny was come to Alexandria. He prepared himselfe to both cour­ses, and wrote to Antony, to be his friend and fellow, only mea­ning Pompey vseth double deuice. to espie his doings. And secretely he sente other Embassa­dours to the Princes of Thracia and Pontus, minding to passe into Armenia, if he did not obteyne his purpose.

He wrote also to the Parthians, hoping they would take hym for a Captayne in the warre, béeyng a Romane, againste Anto­ny theyr Romane aduersary.

He prepared Shyppes and Souldyoures for the same, pre­tending to be afrayde of Caesar, and to prepare them for Anto­nyes vse. But when Antony hearde of hys purposes, hée sente [...] sent a­gainst Pompey by Antony. Titius chiefe Captayne agaynste hym, that receyuing an [Page 365] armie and nauie Syria, hée shoulde resiste Pompey with all hys power, but if he had rather receyue Antonies truste, hée shoulde bryng him to him honorably. The Embassadours of Pompey made this request.

Wée are sent to thée from Pompey, not that hée coulde not be admitted into Spaine, a prouince that oweth him good will for his Pompeis Embas­sadours to Anotonie. fathers sake, if he listed to make warre, whiche holpe hym when he was younger, and now offereth him theyr ayde: but bycause hée had rather enioy peace with thée, or vnder thy banner, make warre, if néede be. Which is no new intent, but when he ruled Sicilie, and inuaded Italie, and saued and sente thée home thy mo­ther, he desired thy friendship, whiche if thou haddest accepted, neyther had he bene driuen out of Sicilie, whereto thou diddest lende thy shippes, nor thou bene ouercome in Parthia, Caesar not sending thée, such army as he promised. Yea thou mightest haue brought Italie vnder thy power. But although he were refused when time was, he now desireth thée, not to be illuded and decey­ued with so many fayre wordes and affinitie, remembryng that Pompey also after promise to the contrarie was iniustly inuaded of Caesar, and spoyled of his portion, whereof no parte hath redoū ­ded to thée. Now thou onely arte the lette, why he hath not the only Monarchie, which he hath long thirsted after. For you had bin at war before this, if Popey had not bene. And thou oughtest to foresée these things of thy selfe, so for the good will, which hée beareth thée, he had rather haue the amitio of a playne and libe­rall man, than of a subtill and crafty fellow. Pompey is not angry that thou lentest shippes agaynst him, beyng constrayned, that thou mightest haue men of him, but putteth thée in remēbrance, how much y army not sent thée, did hinder thée. And to be shorte, Pompey committeth himselfe to thée, with all his shippes, with a trusty army, whiche haue not forsaken hym though he fledde, thou shalt purchase a great prayse, if beyng in peace, thou wilt preserue the Sonne of Pompey the great: that if the warre be broken, whiche is feared, thou mayst haue a confederate of such might and estimation. When Antonie hearde this, he sayde, Antonie to Pom­peis Embassa­dours. If Pompey meaneth good faith, I haue giuen commission to Titius [Page 366] to bryng him to me. In the meake [...], Pompe [...] messengers that were sente to the Parthians, were taken of Antonies officers, and [...] messen­gers taken. brought to Alexandria, of whome, when Antonie had learned all thyngs, he sente for Pompeis Embassadours, and shewed them to them. Then they exell [...]d hym, beyng a yong man and in ex­tréeme necessrie, fearyng to be re [...]ed of him, and dry [...]en so Excuse of Pōpey. proue the moste mortall enimies of the people of Rome▪ but if he were sure of Antonies mynde, hée should néede no furder suyte. He be [...]éeued it as a playne man, and nothyng suspitious. Fur­nius Antonie a plaine man. Furniu [...]. beyng president of Asia, receyued Pompey very gently, not beyng hable to re [...]ect hym, nor sure of Antonies minde. But when hée sawe hym trayne his Soldiours, hée gathered an a [...] ­my Pompey trayneth his men. O [...]ob [...]rbus. Amyntas. Practise disco­ [...]red. of the countrey, and sente for [...], capitayne of the ar­mie, and for Amyntas a fréende, who assemblyng▪ quickly togi­ther, Pompey complayned that hée was vsed as an enimy. When he had sent Embassadours, to Antonie, and loked for answere from him. In the meane while he practised to take [...], by Curio put to death. the helpe of Cu [...]ne hys fréende, but the practise being disco­uered, Curio was put to death, and Pompey kylled hys la [...]e bond­man Theodorus killed. Lampsaco taken by Pompey. Capsico, a citie in the shore of Hel­lesponte. He besiegeth Cyzi [...]s, an I [...]āde in Propontide, & a citie of that name of great strength. Theodorus, who was [...]nely priute to that counsell. And be­cause he doubted of Furnius, he tooke the citie of Lampsaco by com­position, where many Italians dyd inhabite, appoynted by Iulius Caes [...]r, whome hée allured to his pay with great promyses. Now had hée two hundreth horse, and thrée regions, and besieged Cyzi­cus both by sea and lande, from the whiche he was repulsed. For there was a litle bande of Antonies, and certen sworde players that were brought vp there. And where Furnius absteyning from battayle, old cuermore encampe nigh him, and kept him frō so­raging, A [...]i [...] a part of Gr [...]. which he went aboute in the territorie of the Acheans Pompey set vpon the fore parte of hys campe, and sente other a­boute Pompey di [...]od­geth Furnius. to do the like behinde. Whereby Furnius resisting him, hys campe was taken of the other, and dryuen to flée by the fieldes Scamātria a litle tovvne at the porte of Ili [...]. of Scamandria, where Pompey killed many of them, for the fielde was moyst with the shoures. They that escaped durst not turne againe to the fielde. The people of Mysia, Propontide, & other pla­ [...]es, People resorte to Pompey. that were pore & consumed with payment, came to [...] [Page 367] seruice, beyng renoun [...]ed for hys late victorie. But wantyng horsemen, and beyng shrewdly hand [...]ed in foragyng, he heard of [...], novve the sea of sayne George Mys [...], novve [...] [...] [...]. Pompeys money taken. a bande of Italian horsemen goyng to Antonie (whiche Octauia had sente from Athens) and sente to corrupt them with golde. The president of the countrey tooke them, that brought the mo­ney, and distcibuted it to the horse men. Pompey at N [...]cea and Ni­c [...]media gathered muche money with greate successe. Furnius a­gayne He gathereth more. Nicea, a citie in diuerse places. N [...]comedia, novv [...], a cuie in [...]. Procōn [...]so, novv M [...]mor [...], an Ile in Propontide. comming into the fielde and encamping nigh him, there came .lxx. shippes out of Sicelie in the spryng, which were leste of them that Antonie had lent Caesar. And Titius came out of Syria with a hundred and twentie shippes and a greate army, all the which arriued at Proconnesco, of the which Pompey being afrayde, burned his shippes and armed his Mariners hauing more trust in the lande. But Cassius of Parma, Nasidius, Saturninus, Therinus, Antistius, & other honorable friendes of Pompey, & Furnius, moste Pompeys frendes yeelde to An­tonie. déere vnto him & Lib [...] himself, his father in lawe, when they saw that Pompey was alwayes to weake, they yéelded themselues to Antonie. He being thus forsaken, went into y midland of Bythi­nia, entending to go into Arm [...]nia. Furnius & Tituis folowed him: he being secrete, departed out of his tents, and with great iour­ney they ouertooke him at night, and seuerally encamped aboute an hill without ditche or trenche, beyng late and they weary. Pompey assayleth his eninues by night. That night Pompey set vpon them with thrée thousande men as they were sléeping, & put them to flée naked shamefully: but if hée had assayled them with his whole power, or folowed them as Pompey loseth occasion. brokē, he had gotten perfect victory. But fortune would not suf­fer, and he got nothing thereby, but that he went on his iourney. They recouering, horses, folowed him, and kepte him from victuall, so as beyng dryuen to speache, hée desired to speake with Furnius that was some tyme [...] fréende of hys Fathers, and a man of greate dignitie. ‘And st [...]ndyng on the banke of the riuer, hée sayde, hée, had sente Embassadours to Antonie, Pompey desireth speach vvith Furnius. and in the meane season wantyng victualles, dyd that hée had done. If you make warre vpon mée by [...]ies commaunde­me, he seeth not wel for himself not receyuing a greater warre to hang ouer hym. But if you do it vpon your owne authoritie, [Page 368] I pray you and beséeche you that you would ceasie till my Em­bassadours returne, or carie me safely to him. And to you, O Furni, I will committe my selfe, so you will promise me to deli­uer me safe to Antonie. Thus much hée sayde, hopyng in An­tonie, as a gentle man, and séekyng to passe his iourney quietly. ‘To whom Furnius thus answeared. If thou wouldest haue cō ­mitted Furnius to Pom­pey. thy selfe to Antonie, thou shouldest haue done it at the first, or beyng quiet, haue looked for answeare at M [...]yiene: but makyng warre, thou haste brought thy selfe to this case, if thou repentest thée, blame not vs. Antonie hath appoynted Titius to receyue thée, to hym therefore, committe thy selfe, of whom thou mayst require that thou requirest of mée. For he commaunded, that if thou playest the parte of an enimie, to kill thée: if not, to bryng thée honorably vnto him.’

Pompey was offended with Ti [...]i [...], as vnthankfull: bycause hée Pompey hateth Ti [...]. had made this warre agaynst hym, whome he once tooke and saued hym. Therefore Pompey was the more grieued to come in­to his handes, that was but a méane man: whose fidelitie he su­spected, eyther of his behauiour, or of the former iniurie hée had done him, before he did him pleasure. Wherefore once agayne he yéelded to Furnius, & desired to be taken, but it was not graun­ted. Pompey yeldeth to Furnius vvho vvoulde not take him nor suffer Amyntas to do it. Then he desired Amyntas [...]ight take him, which whē Fur­nius sayde, he should not do, bycause it were a wrong to him that had commission from Antonie, and so they brake. Furnius Sol­diours thought hée woulde haue yéelded the nexte day to Titius, But he in the night, makyng fires after the [...], and foun­ding the trompe at euery reliefe of the watche, with a few went out of the campe, not tellyng them what he woulde doe, for hée meante to haue gone to the sea, and haue set Titius campe a fire, whiche [...] he had [...], had not [...] gone from [...], discouered by [...]. him and [...] his departure, and whiche may he went. Then Amyntas folowed him with [...] hundred horsemen, to whom whom he drewe nigh, his people fors [...]ke hym, some openly and Pompey forsaken of all handes. some secretely. When he sawe himself forsaken of all sides, hée Pompey yeldeth to Amyntas vvithout condi­tion. yéelded to Amyntas without condition, refusing Ti [...] condi­tions. Thus the yonger [...] of great Pompey was taken▪ [Page 369] losing his father when he was very yong, and his brother, when The conn [...]ing vp of Pompey. he was toward mane estate. Which two being taken away, he lay close a great whye, and vexed Spayne wyth priuie robberies, tyll he hadde good rescet to him, and then he professed hymselfe to he Pompeys sonne, a [...] made open rodes: and when Iulius Caesar was slayne, he moued playne warre, béeyng ayded wyth greate multitudes and forces of the suddayne, gayning Shippes, and publike treasure. He [...]ppressed Italy wyth famine, and broughte hys enimies to what conditions he woulde, and that most is, when the wicked condemnation was executed in Rome, he saued The good acte [...] of Pompey. manye of the noble men, that enioyed theyr Countrey by his benefyte: but Fortune not fauouring hym, he woulde neuer Negligence v [...] ­d [...]d Pompey. take the aduantage of hys enimie, neglecting manye occasions, he would lye still.

Thys was he that now is in bondage.

Titius commaunded hys army to sweare to Antony, and put Titius putteth Pompey to death at Mil [...]to, a Citie in the endes of Ionia and Caria. hym to death at Mileto, when he hadde lyued to the age of fortye yeares, eyther for that he remembred late displeasure, and for­got olde good rurnes, or for that he had such commaundemente of Antony.

There bée that saye, that Plancus and not Antony, dyd com­maunde Plancus. hym to dye, whyche héeyng president of Syria, had An­tonyes signet, and in greate causes wrote letters in hys name. Some thynke it was done wyth Antonyes knowledge, he fea­ryng the name of Pompey, or for Cleopatra, who fauoured Pompey the great.

Some thynke that Plancus dyd it of hymselfe for these causes, and also that Pompey shoulde gyue no cause of dissention be­twéene Caesar and Antony, or for that Cleopatra woulde turne hy­ [...]auour to Pompey.

When hée was dispatched, Antony tooke hys iourney into The Illyrian [...] novv [...]. con [...]nuall eni­mies of the Romanes. Armenia, and Caesar agaynste the Slauonians, continuall eni­myes of the Romanes, neuer obeying the Romane Empire, but re [...]oltyng in euery ciuill warre.

[Page 374]And bycause the warres of Illyria are not thoroughly knowen vnto me, nor sufficient to make a iust volume, and can not [...]e declared commodiously otherwise, I h [...]ue thought it good to referre them to the time, that the [...] were subiect to the Romances, and making a compendious Treatise of them, to ioyne th [...] with the affayres of [...].

[figure]
FINIS.

Faultes escaped in the printing of the fiue Bookes of ciuill vvarres of Rome.

Pag. Line. Faulte. Correction.
1 1 [...] shoulde shall
[...] 35 Li [...]bia Libya
4 1 duke of Loma gulfe of Ionia
4 vlt. Colligant Colligauit
[...] 20 of that of them that
13 2 Paperius Papirius
16 33 pastime pasture
25 25 Hirsians Hirpinian [...]
29 17 Falerno Ealerno
32 16 Canue Canne.
[...]8 2 [...] Cithegus Cethegus
[...]0 17 meanes malice.
54 14 warres wayes
69 vlt. Garinus Garganus
70 8 birdes burdens
73 20 Cateline Catilina
[...]3 35 that Milo Milo that
85 26. 28. 29. Ptotolomie Ptolomie
95 3 Dirrachium Dyrrachium
97 2 Sypris Sycoris
[...]2 [...]4 mnaly [...] manly
[...]05 1 Baron barne
106 [...]31 seyning seeming
[...]07 34 os .viij. C. sauing. 800▪
[...]0 1 Ve [...]ona Velona
114 7 slingers slingers
110 [...] any. 120. onely. 120.
115 2 fourtie 40 [...].
115 27 so soe
126 9 Methridates Mithridates
[...]40 [...]7 came comming
[...]61 2 4 [...]. 400.
ibid. 5 horse ho [...]e
ibid. [...] [...] Tu [...]rci [...]
¶ A CONTINVATION of …

¶ A CONTINVATION of Appian of Alexandrîa:

Wherein is declared the last acte of the wo­full Tragedie of the Romaines bloudie Dissentions, in the whiche Marcus Antonius was ouerthrown by sea at Actio, and by land at Alexandrîa:

Where both he and Cleopatra killed themselues, after the which, Octauius Caesar was the only Monarch of all the Romane Empire alone.

In this we be taught: That Gods vengeance is sharp, although it be [...]vv, and that peoples rule must g [...] place, and princely povver preuayle.

[figure]

AT LONDON, Imprinted by Raulfe Newberry and Henry Bynniman.

Anno, 1578.

¶ TO THE RIGHT HONO­rable, his singular good Mayster, Sir Christopher Hatton, Knight, Ca­pitaine of the Queenes Maiesties Garde, Vicechamberlaine to hir Highnesse, and one of hir Maiesties most honou­rable priuie Counsayle.

AS the losse of old possessiōs, is a griefe to the landed men: euē so the decay of aūtient bokes, is a smart to the learned sort. Titus Liuius father of the Romane historie (whom to see, repaire was made of Gentlemen frō farre places, vvhiles he liued) hath not escaped the iniurie of time, but bin left vnperfitte, to the great sorovv of posteritie, after he dyed, Cornelius Tacitus that folowed him both in mat­ter and age, could not auoyde that iniquitie, althoughe the Emperor Tacitus commaunded his bokes to be written ten times euery yeare. This Authour Appianus Alexandrinus, hath had the like lucke, for al the estimation he vvas in, the halfe of his labour being lost, and the last part of the vvhole ciuill tumult not now to be had frō him, but briefly supplyed o­therwise, that the end of the Romanes wo, & the beginning of our ioy, might be declared, the one successiuely folovving of the other. The vvhich it may please your honour to ac­cept, according to your accustomed goodnesse, beseeching the liuing Lord long to preserue the same.

Your Honours humble seruaunt. H. B.

A Continuation of Appian of Alexan­drîa, till the ouerthrow of M. Antonius, vvhiche vvas the laste ciuill dissention after the whiche, Octauius Caesar had the rule of all the Romane Empire alone.

AFter that Octauius Caesar, and M. An­tonius had agréed with Sextus, the yon­ger sonne of Pompey▪ the great▪ it was determined that Antonius shold make warre vpon the Parthians, to reuenge the death of Crassus. Wherefore pre­sently he sent Ventidius to represse the Parthians, and he to gratifie Octauius, was content to marie his sister, and to Antonie marieth Octauia. be made the holy minister of Iulius Caesar that was dead, he re­mayning in Rome, ruling by common consent, with Octauius Cae­sar, as well the matters of the Cittie as of the whole Empire. And as it befalleth betwéene such Princes, to make pastimes in play and matches, Antonie alwayes had the worse, at the Antonies fortune▪ is ouercome▪ of Caesars. whiche he was somewhat moued. He had in his company an Aegiptian, after y e maner of a Soothsayer, who, eyther to please Cleopatra, or to shew the very truth, tolde Antonie then, that hys fortune was obseured by the fortune of Octauius. Therefore hée aduised him to go furder off. For, sayth he, whē thou art abrode, thy nature is noble and coragious, but when thou art with him, it is deiect and afrayde of his. Antonie, whether by this motion, or his owne inclination, was content to leaue all there to Octa­uius, and to go towarde his olde loue of Aegipt, yet carying his new wife with him into Graecia, pretending an earnest desire to reuenge the iniurie that was done to Crassus, which was after this sorte:

Crassus, Pompey, and Caesar, were all suters for the Consulship Crassus, Pompey and Caesar. in Rome, agaynst them stoode Cicero and Cato: Crassus and Pompey were chosen, and they continued Caesars authoritie in France for fiue yeares longer, which he only desired. In castyng lottes for [Page 372] the prouinces, Spayne fell to Pompey, whereof he was glad, beyng giuen to please his wife: and the people was gladde, beyng desi­rous to haue Pompey nigh the Citie. Syria fell to Crassus, whereof Crassus goeth to the vvarre a­gaynst order. he was onely gladde, and all other sory. For they perceyued hée was wholy giuen to spoyle the countrie of Parthia, whiche was not comprehended in the law of the prouinces. Wherfore Atte­ius the Tribune of the people, forbad Crassus to inuade Parthia, but he being animated by Caesars letters out of Fraunce, and by Pem­peys presence in Rome, wente forwarde, notwithstandyng that the Tribune, at the gate of the Citie did stande by, with fire and Sacrifice, coniuryng him in the name of moste straunge and searefull Goddes, not to procéede, the which kinde of execra­tion, Execration. the Romanes thinke to be moste horrible, bothe to him that doth pronounce them, & to him, against whom they be pronoun­ced: when Crassus had pasion the seas, and lost many of his shippes, sayling before due time, and after he had gotten some cities by accorde, and wonne one by force, he woulde néedes be called Im­perator, for the which he was mocked, bicause that name was not Imperator. giuen to any by the Romanes, before he had in a plaine batayle, o­uerthrowne .x. M. and spending one winter like a rent gatherer, without any exercise of his soldiours, & in spoyling a Temple at Hierapoli [...] an holy citie in A­s [...], ful of marue­lous things. Hierapoli, in the entry of the which, he & his sonne, fell one vpon an other, & being offred help of the king of Armenia, if he would make his iourney thorough his countrie, which was the better way, he refused it, & went rashly through Mesopotamia. And at the passage ouer a bridge which he had▪ made, it thundred & lightned in his face, & blew downe a parte of the bridge, and after he was come ouer, his campe was twice set a fyre by lightning. These & many other tokens might haue moued him, but he went forth, Tokens. till both he & his sonne and .xx. M. Romanes were slaine, & .x. M. ta­ken, and al the despite done to them that could be deuised. Vpon Antonie goeth against the Par­ [...]ans to reuēge Crassus. Antonie did bet­ter by his Li [...] ­tenants than by himselfe. Ventidius. this occasiō did Antonie leade his army against y Parthians, & by his Leiftenāt Ventidius gaue them a great ouerthrow, whiles he was at Athens. Wherfore he made great feastings among the Graecians, and being ready to go forth, he ware a garland of holy Oliue, & to fulfill an oracle, caried with him a vessel of water. In [Page 373] the meane time Ventidius gaue an other ouerthrow, in y whiche, Pacorus y kings sonne was slaine, the which although it seemed a sufficiēt reuenge for Crassus death, yet he gaue thē the thirde euer­throw betwéene Media & Mesopotamia. Then Ventidius thought it good to stay, least Antonie should enuie him. And when he had subdued them y reuolted, he besieged Cōmagenus Antiochus, in Sa­mosatis, Samosatis▪ a citie vvhere is a lage▪ of a maruelous nature. Antonie refu­seth good offer. who promised to giue a thousand talents & obey Antony. Vnto whom Ventidius willed him to send his Embassadours, bi­cause he was at hand: which being done, he would not recerue y offer, that it shoulde not séeme that Ventidius hath done all. But Antonie retur­neth. when the citie stoode at defence, and would not yéelde, he was so­rie he had refused the condition, & was content, to take thrée hun­dreth talents, & go his way agayne to Athens, hauing done litle or nothing in Syria. He rewarded Ventidius very well, & sent him to Rome to triūph, & only he had triūph of the Parthians, a man of base bloud, & auāced by Antonie, who cōfirmed y saying of Caesar & Antonie, y they did better preuayle by their Lieftenants, than King Orodes kil­led by his sonne. Moneses to The­mistocles com­pared Antonies libera­litie, to coūter­nayle kings of Persi [...]. by themselues. Now was Orodes the king of Parthia, killed by his sonne Phra [...]e [...] frō whom many fled away, & amōg other Moneses a noble mā came to Antonie, who cōparyng his miserie, to The­mistocles, & his owne felicitie, to y kyngs of Persia, gaue him thrée cities: euē as Xerxes gaue .lij. cities to Themistocles, for his bread, drynke and meate, and as some say, twoo more, for his lo [...]gyng and apparell. And when the kyng sent for Moneses to be resto­red, Antonie was content with it, and offered hym peace, so hée would [...]nder the Ensignes and the captiues that were taken at the losse of Crassus. Then he tooke his iourney by Arabia and Ar­menia, where he increased his army by the consederate kyngs, wherof y greatest was y king of Armenia, who lent him. 6000. horse, &. 7000▪ footemē, he mustred his army, & had of Romane foote­mē. l [...]. M. of Spanish, French, & Romane horsmē. x M▪ of other natiōs of horse & footemē .xxx. M. And this great power, y ▪ did cast a ter­ror Vaine▪ lo [...]. euen to the Indians, only the vaine loue of Cleopatra, brought to none effect. For the desire he had to come againe into hir com­panie made him do al things out of time and order. He had lefte his laste wife Octauia with hyr children, and the chyldren hée Octa [...] [Page 374] had by his first wyfe Fuluia, with Octauius Caesar. And beyng now in the Easte partes, was wholy gyuen to the wanton desire of Cleopatra, to whome hée gaue the prouinces of Cypres, Caelosyria, Cleopatra. Phaenitia, and a parte of Cilicia and Iurie, wherewith he Romanes Antonie killeth the king of Iurie. Vanitie of An­tonie. were muche gréeued, and also with his crueltie to Antigonus kyng of Iurie, and with his vanitie in the chyldren hée had by Cleopatra, callyng the one, Alexander, the Sunne, and the other Cleopatra the Moone. Yet was Cleopatra not the fayrest woman in the worlde, but very wittie and sull of artificiall deuises, and had the caste to beguyle Antonie, who was easie to be ledde. For haste, hée woulde not suffer hys armie to reste after so long a iourney: for haste hée lefte his engines behinde him, whereof one was called a Ramme of foure score foote long: for haste hée Haste maketh vvaste. lefte Media, passyng by the lefte hande of Armenia into Atro­patia, whiche hée spoyled. Then hée besieged the great Citie of Atropatia one part of Media. Phraata, where hée founde hys errour, in leauyng hys artillerie behinde. Therefore to cause hys men to do somewhat, he made them caste vp mountes. In the meane tune the king [...] forth with a mighty army, and hearing that the artillerie was left be­hind, he sent a great parte of his horse men, which slew Tatianus, and ten thousand that were left for the custody of the Engines, The artillerie of the Romanes taken. & tooke and spilled the munitiō. The which did much discourage his Soldiours, & caused that the kyng of Armenia for soke him, for whose cause he made the warre. The Parthians were very bragge vpon the Romanes, wherefore Antonie tooke ten legions, and all his horsemen to range the countrie, thereby to prouoke the enimie to fight. Whē he had gone one dayes iourney, he saw the enimies round aboute him, therefore, in his campe he deter­mined to fight, yet would not so séeme, but raysed his campe as to goe away, commaundyng that when the foote men were at hande, the horsemenne shoulde sette vppon the enimie, whiche stoode in a triangle battayle to beholde the Romanes good order, shakyng their dartes. When the tyme serued, the horsemen gaue so fierce an onsette vppon them, as they tooke away the vse of theyr shotte, notwithstandyng they stucke to it. But when the foot [...] men came, with shoute and fearefull shew, the [Page 375] Parthian Horsemen were disordered, and turned their backes. Antony thinking to make an ende of the warre that daye, gaue them the chase, and yet tooke but xxx. and kyl [...]ed lxxx Whiche agayne did much discourage the Romanes, since they lost so many [...] a small victory. at their cariage, and wanne so little at this victory.

The next day Antony returned to his Camp, and by the way at the first mette with few of his enimies, afterwards more and more, and at the last all, so as being much molested with them, with much adoe he got to the Tentes, where the enimie a [...]saul­ted the trench, the which, diuers for feare did forsake. Where­fore Antony punished euery tenth man, and fedde the rest wyth Punishment. To be fedde vvith barly, vvas a punish­ment among Souldyoures. barley. The warre was gréeuous to them both, for Antony could no more goe a foraging without great losse. And the Kyng feared, that if his men shoulde lye in the fielde all Winter, they would forsake him. Wherefore he deuised this policie. The noble men of the Parthians suffered the Romanes to carrie awaye Crast of the Parthians. their prayes, with great commendation of their worthinesse, and that the king woulde be glad of peace, and so riding néerer the army, would rebuke Antony for kéeping them there in so strange a countrey, out of the whiche, though the Parthians were theyr friends, it shoulde be harde for them to escape. When Antony hearde of this, he caused to be enquired, whether these men dyd speake by the Kings consent, which they aunswered to be. Then he sente to the King, that if he woulde restore the Captiues and ensignes, he would depart. The King sayd, he would sende them to him, if he would depart quickly. Therefore Antony made vp, and retired. At his going away, he did not speake to the Souldy­oures as he was wont to doe, being very elaquente that way, whereat many were offended, committing the matter to be done Antony omitteth a Generalles part. Mardus. to Domitius Aenobarbus. Being in his way, one Mardus, well ac­quainted with the Parthian maners, whose faith the Romanes had proued before, tolde Antony it was best for him to goe so, as hée might haue the hilles on his right hande, and not to hazarde hys army laden with armour to the Parthian archers and horsemen in the playne way. Antony consulted with his counsell, preten­ding yet not to be afrayde of the breache of peace, and accepting [Page 376] the counsell as compendious. Antony required suretie of Mar­dw, he had him bind him, till he came into Armenia. So béeyng bound, he brought him two dayes quietly.

The third day when Antony loked for nothing lesse than the Parthians vpon the Romanes. Parthians, Mardus espyed the banke of a riuer to bée broken downe, and the water flowing abroade, which he coniectured to be done by the enimie to hynder the passage of Antony. There­fore he wished Antony to loke to it, for they were not faire off. Antony sette his men in order, and by and by the Parthians came vppon him, whome he receyued with his shotte. So there was muche hurte done on both sides, till the French horsemen brake vpon them, and put them by for that day. Antony being taughte hereby, went on with a square battel, fencing the same thorough­ly with the shotte. The Horsemen were commaunded to gyue repulse to the enimie, and that done, not to cha [...]e them farre. So Parthians trou­ble the Ro­manes. when the Parthians these foure dayes had receyued as much hurt as they had done, they minded to retire, bycause the winter was at hand.

The fifth daye, Fuluius Gallus a valiant man, desired An­tony Fuluius Gallus taketh an euill enterprise. to haue a greater bande of shotte, and more Horsemen, and he would do some notable feate, which when he had receyued, he put backe the enimie, not returning to the armie againe as they did before, but pursuing them along without feare, whiche when the leader of the rerewarde did sée, he called him backe, but hée would not obey. And whereas Titius tooke the banner to turne Titius. backe, he put it forward againe, and badde hym meddle with hys owne matters, and wente so farre, as he was compassed of hys enimies, and compelled to sende for helpe, wherein Canidius Canidius. that was in greate credite wyth Antony dyd not well, for hée sente but a fewe at once, which were soone put backe, and vtterly hadde bin lost, hadde not Antony come wyth hys legions in time, and abated the courage of the enimie. Notwithstandyng Romanes slayne. thrée thousande Romanes were slayne, and fyue thousande hurte, and Gallus wounded with foure dartes, of the which he dyed. An­tony Antony vvee­peth. went about wéeping, and comforting them: they desired him to be content, for all was well, if he were well. Great lone bare [Page 377] the souldyoures vnto him, for he was compted one of the best Captaynes of that time. The enimies were so encouraged by this victory, as they wayted at the Camp all night, thinking the Romanes would haue bin gone: And in the morning the number was much encreased, for the king had sent the horsemens gard of his person, but came at no fight himselfe, so as there was nowe fortie thousand horsemen. Antony woulde haue gone among the Souldyoures with a blacke gowne, but his friends woulde not Antony lamen­teth. suffer him: so he went generall like, and praysed them that hadde done well, and rebuked them that had done otherwise. They prayed him to pardon them, and to punish euery tenth man. On­ly they desired him to leaue his sorrow. Then he held his hands vp to heauen, saying: If anye disdeyne of God remained of hys Antonyes prayer former fortune, he desired it might fall vpon him, so the Romanes army might be saued, and haue the victory.

The next day, he went more warily, when contrary to theyr looking, the Parthians came [...]rolling downe the hill, thinking to haue gotten pray, and not to haue founde warre. The Romanes Policie of the Romanes. tooke in their archers and such other, into the middest of the bat­tell, causing thē to knéele, and they stouping, couered them with their shields, vppon the which the Parthians arrowes slided off. And the Parthians thinking that the Romanes had stouped for wée­rinesse, made a shoute, and came vpon them with their staues, at the whiche time the Romanes rose, and so encountred with them, Parthians repul­sed. as they droue them away. Thus were they troubled dyuers dayes, and made but little way.

Nowe was there wante in the Campe, for they coulde gette VVant in the Romanes Camp. no corne, and their Cattell was spente, partly by losse, and part­lye by carrying the wounded and sicke men. A barly lofe was Barly bread. Hearbes vene­mous. Fren [...]ye in the Camp. solde for the waighte of siluer. They eate strange hearbes and rootes, and some that brought present death, with a kinde of mad­nesse, for they coulde do nothing else but roll stones, so as all the Campe was almost occupyed in picking and turning of stones. The remedye of thys was wyne, whyche wanted in the host, VVine. therefore when they hadde vomited the melancolie, they dy­ed. Manye thus dying, and the Parthians styll commyng [Page 378] vpon them, Antony oftentimes cryed, Oh the tenne thousande, meaning the tenne thousand Greekes, which, vnder the leading of Xenophon, passed safe a farre longer way, in despight of their eni­mies. The [...] of Xenophon. Nowe when the Parthians perceyued they could not pre­uayle againste the Romanes, nor breake their order, but were al­wayes put backe, they began to deale gently againe wyth the forragiers, shewing the strings of their bowes vnbente, and to make an ende, onely a fewe Medians shoulde followe the tayle, to kéepe the Townes from spoyling. These wordes made the Ro­manes glad, and Antony minded to goe the champion way, and leaue the hil [...]es. And being entred this way, one Mithridates, a Antony vvarned cousin of that Monesis that fledde to Antony, came vnto him, and required to speake with one that coulde the Parthian tong. To whome Alexander of Antioch, a friende of Antonyes, was ap­poynted. He tolde him that Monesis, for good will to Antony, had sent him to shew, that vnder the hilles which he saw before him, nexte vnto the which the playne way did ioyne, the Parthians lay in secrete, to beguile him againe by their faire words. Therfore if he woulde saue himselfe and his host, he shoulde not leaue the way by the hilles, where in déede he shoulde finde laboure and thirst, but the other way he should not escape Crassus misfortune. This saide, he went his way. Antony communicated this wyth his friendes, and with Mardus, who affirmed it to be most lyke the truth. Therefore he sayd it was best to go by the hils, though it were paynefull, and shoulde lacke water one daye. Nowe Antony toke this way, and commaunded euery man to carrie as muche water as he coulde: but there was lacke of vessels, and VVater. the most part carryed it in their sallets. When the Parthians spies had told whiche way Antony went, contrary to theyr manner, they came vpon him by night, and by breake of day, set vpon the rereward, wéeryed with labour & watching. So they were com­pelled both to march, and to resist the enimie. Now was the fore­ward come to a floud, whiche was very cléere, but salt, that who Salt vvater. soeuer dranke of it, was full of payne. Mardus gaue them war­ning of it, but the Souldyoures would not be ruled. Then Anto­ny ranne aboute, praying them to refraine and passe on, for a [Page 379] little further was a floud of healthsome water, and so chose a way, that the Parthians could not follow them. And to cause the Souldyoures to haue some shadow, he blew the retreat, and pit­ched his tents, Which being done, and the Parthians going backe, as they were wonte, Mithridates came agayne, and spake with Mithridates Alexander, telling hym, that after the Souldyoures had rested a while, they should remoue and passe ouer the next floud, for so farre the enimie would followe. When Antony heard this, he tooke many cuppes of gold to Alexander, to giue Mithridates as Antonyes giftes. many as he could carrie away. So Antony departed, and hadde much ado, for the enimies followed so hard, as they sacked hys Antonyes trea­sure spoyled. carriage, and tooke his tables and plate of golde, and as many as hadde anye thyng, they kylled and spoyled, whereby it was thought that all the armye was disordered, and scattered, in so much as Antony called one of his chamber to hym, and wylled him, if he commaunded hym, to kyll hym, he shoulde do it vppon Antony in dread. hys oth, and take away his head, that he mighte not be knowen when he was dead. Antony being in this sorrowe, Mardus dyd comfort him, affirming that the floud was at hande, whiche hée knew by the coldnesse of the aire that there was felte. Antony, Cold ayre [...]oke [...] of vvater. to bring all to quiet, commaunded to Campe euen there. By breake of daye, the Parthians againe charged vppon the tayle, in defence of whome, the shotte was sent, and the battell defended them with their shieldes. The Parthians durst not come to hand­strokes, so as by this time the fore-ward was come to the floud, [...]uer the which, Antony sent first the hurt & sicke souldioures, and appoynted all the Horsemen to encounter with the enimie, by the whiche meane, they that wente ouer, might haue leysure to drinke. When the Parthians sawe the floude, they vnbente theyr bowes, and sayde, the Romanes myghte nowe drinke at leysure, for they had so deserued by theyr vertue.

The Romanes béeyng past the floud, did marche in order, not yet trusting the Parthians.

The sifth daye after theyr last fyghte, they came to the floude Araxes, which diuideth Media and Armenia. And bycause thys Araxes diuideth Armenia from Atropatia. floud was harde to passe, they were agayne afrayd [...] theyr eni­mies [Page 380] had [...]ayne in awayte, but passing quietly, as soone as they came to lande, they reioyced at it, as they do that s [...] it from the Sea, and embraced one another, weeping for ioy. Now followed there another inconuenience, for the Countrey being plentifull, and the Souioyoures taking too muche, fell into many diseases, [...] and dyed. Antony then mustered his men, finding he wanted Lo [...] of the [...]. twenty thousand foot [...]men, and foure thousand Horsemen, halfe of the which dyed of diseases. From t [...]e Citie of Phra [...]tis, they had b [...] comming seauen and twenty dayes, in the whiche they hadde fought eyghtéene times with the Parthians, of whome they coulde not haue perfite victory, bycause the king of Armenia forsooke them, whose army hadde bin most expert to haue dealte with the Parthians: wherefore euery man counselled Antony to be reuenged of the King: Antony vsing policies, shewed all cour­tesies to the men of the Countrey, and sent so fayre messages to the King, as he came vnto him, whome he co [...]itted by and by, and carryed him to Alexandri [...], where he triumphed ouer hym, Antony taketh the King of Ar [...] [...]i [...] by fl [...]ght. Ant [...]yes tri­u [...]p [...] displea­sant to the Ro­manes. [...]. which thing gréeued the Romanes, that Antony woulde defraude his Countrey to please his Concubine. The winter was so greate, that he lost eyghte thousande, before he coulde come to a Castell called Leuce, where he was in great agonyes, till Cleopa­tra was come. Then like a foolishe yong mā, he gaue himselfe to wantonnes and riot, running from his table to the sea side euery Antonyes [...]ond­ [...]ss [...]. day to sée if she were come. When she came, she brought muche apparell, and money to gyue the Soul [...]youres. Some say, An­tony toke them to hir▪ to gyue the Romanes.

Now was there a variance fallen betwéene the Kings of Par­thia and Media, for the spoyle of the Romanes goodes. The Median King sent to Antony to come agayne, and he woulde ioyne wyth Antony c [...]lled by the Med [...] agayne. him with all his power which was very great. Antony was not a little glad héereof, bycause the helpe of the Medians mighte bée the meane for hym to conquer Parthia, and so intended to make a new i [...]urney.

At Rome Oct [...]uia des [...]red to goe to hir husbād Antony. C [...]sar was content with it, not so muche to pleasure his sister, as to take oc­casion C [...]s [...]r seeket [...] occasion to [...] Antony. by the euill handling which he suspected would followe o [...] [Page 381] hir, to moue iust warre against Antony. When she was come to Athens, she receyued letters from Antony, to stay there, by­cause Antony forbid­deth his vvife Octauia to [...] to him. of his newe voyage. She smelling the matter, wrote vnto him to know whether she should send the things whiche she had brought him, that is to saye, many coates for his Souldyoures, great plenty of Cattell, money, and rewards for his Captaines, and two thousande freshe Souldyoures, for the gard of his per­son, all the which, were well set out to hym by Niger his messen­ger. Niger. When Cleopatra heard this, fearing that if Octauia came, she would put hir out of conceyt, she bestirred hir, she pined hirselfe, Craft of Cleo­patra. she wepte, and wayled, and woulde néedes dye for Antonyes sake, who sayd, he would take his iourney in hand. Some there were that blamed Antony as rude and hard harted, that h [...]e would put so louing a Lady and so great a Quéene in danger of hir life, eyther for his wiues sake, or for anye other cause, in so muche as Antony was made a tame foole, and deferred vnto the Antony doteth. next sommer his expedition, and returned to Alexandria to win­ter with Cleopatra. Now was Octauia returned to Rome, & hir bro­ther Octauia. willed hir to goe to hir owne house, but she went to Anto­nyes house, which she kept with so good order, and cherishing as well the children he had by Fuluia, as by hir selfe, as it did aggra­uate the fault of Antony, that he woulde forsake so vertuous a Modestie of Octauia. Romane Lady, for an Egiptian strāger. Octauia desired hir brother, that if there were none other cause of warre but by hir, that he would not moue it, for she should beare the blame. Therefore [...] all requests she did help Antonyes friends, whereby vnwillingly she hindered Antony, who was nowe so fonde waxen, as hée woulde haue Cleopatra called by the name of the Goddesse I­sis, Antonyes fo [...] ­lishnesse. Isis. Caesarion. Quéene of Aegypt, Cyprus, Affr [...]ke, and Caelosiria: and Caesarion, whome it was thought she hadde by Iulius Caesar, to be hir com­panion in these Kingdomes. The sonnes that he hadde by hir, he called Kings of Kings. To Alexander, Armenia, Medi [...] & Parthia: to P [...]olomeo, Ph [...]enitia, Syria, & Cilicia, he appoynted. In Rome Caesar accused him of this geare before y e Senate, Antony by letters, accused Caesar likewise. First▪ that he had not made him Accusations be­tvveene Caesar and Antony. partaker of Sicilia▪ out of y e which he [...]ad wrong Pompey. Then, y [Page 382] he had not restored the Shyppes which he had lent him. Third­lye, that hauing deposed Lep [...]dus his fellow in authoritie, he kepte Ob [...]e [...]o [...]s of Antony. those profites and prouinces to his owne vse, and that he had di­uided Italy to his owne souldioures, and not remembred his. To these Caesar answered, that bycause L [...]pidus ruled out of order, hée An [...]vveres of C [...]sar. had broughte him to order, his prouinces he woulde participate with him, when he would diuide with him Armenia▪ As for hys Souldyoures, they hadde no portion in Italy, no more than he in Media & Par [...]h [...]a. Whē Antony heard of this, he sent by & by Ca­nidius C [...]us. with xvj. legions to the sea. He carrying Cleopatra wyth hym, wente to Ephesus, whither all his Nauie assembled, to the N [...]i [...] of An­tony. number of eyght hundred shippes of burden, of the which, Cleopa­tra gaue him two hundreth, and two hundreth talentes for the expences of the warre. Domitius and other of Antonyes counsell, Domitius. woulde haue had Cleopatra to haue g [...]ne to Egypt, till the warre were ended. But she corrupted Cantdius to tell him, that it was [...]leop [...]t [...]a labou­reth to [...]arry vvith Antony. not honorable to remoue hir that was at suche charge for the warre, nor sure to exa [...]perate the Egyptians mind [...]s, in whome was great part of his forces by sea. So Antony must liue wyth Cleopatra, [...]l they were both brought to death. From Ephesus they Progresse of Antony and [...]leopatra. [...]. wente to Sam [...], where they made lusty théere. For as all Kings, Princes, and prouinces were commanded to bring all maner of munition for the warre thither, euen so all kind of players, and people of pa [...], wer willed also to be there, that at what time Pastime out of [...]me. all the w [...]ld as it were was in [...]orrowe for y [...]uine that was to­ward, that only Ilād was [...]n all ioy & pleasure. The Kings sente all prou [...] [...]h [...]her, stri [...]ing who should make greatest bā [...]uets, in so much as it was saide, if there be suche cheering before the w [...], wha [...] [...] will there be, when the victory is gotten. [...] they [...] P [...]en [...] where were shewed all y Come­ [...] [...]. [...] [...] [...], and the [...] [...] A [...]ens, where a [...] kinds of newe shewes were deui [...]ed. [...]éere [...] [...] emulation of Oct [...]uia, to [...] [...]. who [...] the Athenian [...] had d [...]ne great honoures, gaue a greate [...]gesse to [...]he people, and they againe made a decrée of honours Antony a [...]iti [...]ē of [...]A [...] p [...]yeth [...]he [...]. [...]o [...]e done [...]o h [...], a [...] [...]he [...]he, Antony was as a [...]zen of A­th [...] [...] [...] the [...] of the [...] a [...] [...]ra [...]on vnto hir.

[Page 383] Antonie had sent to Rome▪ to remoue Octauia out of his house. She went from it, with all his chyldren, wéeping and lamen [...]ng that she should [...]e any cause of the warre. The people lamented, [...]ctauia is put out of Antonies house. bothe hir and Antonie, specially they that had seene [...]leopatra, who did not excell Octauia, neyther in beautie, nor in floure of yeares. Caesar Octauius was afrayde, when he heard of Antonies C [...]sar in vvant. expedition and great preparation, for he had nothyng ready, nor S [...]acknesse of Antonie. money to prepare, in gathering of the whiche, if Antonie had come on, Caesar had bene in great daunger. For whyles money Exaction of mo­ney. is so e [...]acted, men are tumultours, but when it is gathered, they be quiet. Therefore it was thought a greate folie in Antonie, to detract the time. But what shal a man say, That that wilbe, shalbe.

Titius and Plancus twoo chiefe aboute Antonie, and they that Titius, Plancus▪ Antonies friend [...] forsake h [...]m. gaue him aduise he should send Cleopatra away, fledde from him to Caesar, bycause Cleopatra began to maligne at them: and they did bewray Antonies Testament, being priuie to it. It was kept Antonies testa­mēt bevvrayed▪ of the Uirgines Uestalles, to whome Caesar sente to haue it: they would not deliuer it, if he woulde take it from them, hée might. So he went, and tooke it away, and first by himselfe redde it, and noted what might be sayde agaynst it. Then he called the Se­nate, C [...]sar obiected agaynst Anto­nies testament. and redde it openly, whereat many were grieued, thinkyng it not reasonable that a mans minde for his death, shoulde bée scanned whylest he was aliue. The greatest faulte that was founde, was this, that he had willed wheresoeuer he died, that his body should be caried to Alexandria, and sente t [...] Cleopatra. Furthermore, one Caluisius a fréende of Caesars, obiected agaynst Antoni [...], That he had giuen hir the Librarie of P [...]rgamo, in the Librarie of P [...]rg [...]m [...]. whiche was two hundred thousand bookes. That he would rise from the table, and t [...]ample vpon hir féete by compacte. That he suffered the Ephesians in his presence, to call hir Soueraigne. That when h [...]gaue audien [...]e to Kings and P [...]i [...]ces, he woulde receyue letters of loue from hir written in tables of pearle and Cristall, and reade them. That when Furnius, a man of autho­ritie in Rome and very eloquent, did pleade a cause before him, [...]le [...]p [...]tra came by in a litter, & he left the court, and [...]a [...]e downe [...] [...], and l [...]nyng [...]pon [...]e l [...]tter, went away with hir. Many [Page 384] men thought Caluisius forged these crimes. Therefore Antonies fréends made meanes to the people of Rome for him. And sent Ge­minius Geminius. vnto him, to warne him to take héede, that he loste not his power, and be pronounced rebell to Rome. When Geminius was Cleopatra taūteth Geminius. come into Graecia, Cleopatra suspected he came to entreate for Octa­uia. And beyng at supper, she taunted him, and vsed him spiteful­ly: but he bare all, till he might haue Antonie alone. But what? y t would not be, but he was cōmaunded to tell why he came cuē Ansvvere of Geminius. at supper: he sayd that other things required a sober conference, but one thing he knew both sober and dronke, that all should be Geminius telleth truth and is bla­med. well if Cleopatra went into Aegypt. Antonie was angry at that. And Cleopatra sayde, Thou haste done well, Geminius, to tell the truth without any torture. Geminius went hys way out of hand. The Parasites of Cleopatra dyd cause many other to flée from them, bycause they coulde not beare their despites and contu­melies, Romanes fleeth from Antonie. among whome was Syllanius and Dellius, who sayde hée feared to be destroyed of Cleopatra, for so Glaucus the Phisitian had tolde hym. When Caesar was ready, the warre was denoun­ced VVarre pro­claymed. against Cleopatra, the authoritie taken from Antonie, bicause he had cōmitted it to a womans lust, and not in his right wits, beyng bewitched by hir. And lefte all the warre to be directed by hir Eunuches and Ruffians, who also had the commaundement in ciuill affayres. Diuerse vnlucky tokens were séene at the be­ginnyng of this warre, both in Italie and Graecia.

Antonie had a nauie of warlike ships to the number of fiue Nauie of Anto­nie. hundred, wherof 110. were made for triumph. He had an hūdred thousand footemen, & .xij. M. horsemen. B [...]chus king of Africa, Tar­condenus Confederate kings. king of vpper Cilicia, Archelaus king of Cappadocia, Phila­delphus king of Paphlagonia, Mithridates king of Commagena, and Adallas king of Thracia, were present at this war. Polem [...]n king of Pontus sent ayde, likewise Manchus of Arabia, and Herode the Iewe, and Amintas the kyng of Licaonia and Galatia. Also the king of Media sent him succour. Caesar had. 250. shippes for the warre, N [...]nie of Caesar. lxxx. M. footemen, & as many horsemē as the enemie. Antonie had rule from the floud Euphrates & A [...]enia, to the sea of Ionia and Countries of eyther side. Illiria. Caesar had al from that sea to the west Ocean, & from then [...] [Page 385] to the Tuscan & Sicilian sea. So much of Africa as bent towarde Italie, Fraunce, Spaine, and the pillers of Hercules, Caesar had. The rest from Cirene to Aethiopia, Antonie helde. So much was he thrall to this woman, that where he farre passed in good footemē, for hir pleasure he put all his strength in a nauie. And when hee vnderstoode that the Captaines of the nauie found fault for lacke of good seamen, he supplied the want with roges, cariers, haruest men, and laborers of wasted Graecia, and yet was not the nauie furnished, but many shippes voyde and vnable to fight.

Caesar made not his shippes huge & for ostentation & shew, but The maner of Caesars Shippes. light & swift, & them well furnished, whiche he helde at Tarent and Brūduse. Frō thence he sent to Antonie to require him to loose no Caesar prouo­keth Antonie. time, but to come forth, & he would giue him safe rodes & portes for his nauie, and giue him conuenient ground in Italie, to lande his men surely & quietly. Antonie on the contrary side bragging Antonie chalen­geth combat vvith Caesar. chalenged to fight with him hand to hand, which if he would not doe, then to fighte with him in Pharsall fielde, where Caesar fought with▪ Pompey. But Caesar, whiles Antonie lay at anchor at Actio, Actio. whiche is now Nicopoli, passed the sea to get the towne of Epirus, whiche is now called Toryne. Antonie beyng afeard, the enimie Toryne. should set vpon his shippes vnfurnished, made a shewe of great readinesse by shippyng oares on euery side, and so kept the porte. Wherby Caesar being deceiued, went backe, and Antonie deuised to take away the water frō him, which was scant & naught. Hée dealt gently concerning Domitio, contrary to Cleopatras opimō, for he being sicke, tooke a litle boate & fled to Caesar, y t which although it gréeued Antonie, notwithstanding he sent him all his goodes & seruants. The which, bicause it was openly knowē that he was fled, so grieued him, that he died. The kings Amintas & Deiota­ras, went to Caesar also. And bycause Antonies nauie was not suf­ficient, he was cōpelled to looke & trust to his army by land. And Canidius y t was general of the footemē, persuaded him in any wise Canidius. to send Cleopatra home, & go to Thracia or Macedonia, & try y e mater by lād. For Dicomes king of the Getes was redy to help him with great nūbers. And y t it shold be no shame to him to refuse y fight by sea, bicause Caesar had y practise of it by reasō of y e Sicilian wars: [Page 386] but it should be a great blame vnto him not to vse his forces by lande, wherein he was moste experte, and suffer the same to be Antonie heareth not good coun­sell. abused by sea. But Cleopatra vrged him to fight by sea, although she despayred of the victorie, and secretely prouided all meanes Antonie in dan­ger. to flée away. In this time Antonie was in some daunger, there was a certaine narow space of grounde, betwéene him and his nauie, ouer the whiche it was his maner to passe without feare, of the whiche, when Caesar was aduertised, he layde wayte for him, he whiche, being a little to quicke, tooke him that came be­fore Antonie, and he hardely escaped and ranne away.

When it was determined to fight by sea, they burned all the vnprofitable vessels, and kepte the Gallies of the best sorte, into the whiche he put twentie thousand footemen, and two thousand Archers. Then a certayne Captayne, that had bene a good ser­uitour, A good request of an old Capi­tayne, not graunted. and was an expert Soldiour, shewed his wounded body to Antonie, crying, O generall, why doest thou distrust these woundes and weapons, and puttest thy trust in brittell vessels? Let Aegyptians and other like make their fight by sea, giue vs the land, in the which we haue bene wonte to stande and die, or else to conquere. Antonie answered nothing to him, but with his Antonie refuseth al good coūsell. hande and head, signifying he should be of good chéere, passed by, all hope layde aside, for where as the maisters of the shippes, would haue taken away the sayles, he commaunded them to be carried into the shippes, that none of the enimies shoulde escape him, as he pretēded. That day, & .xiij. daies more, the rough wea­ther deferred the fight. The fifth day, the weather beyng fayre, they made the fight. Antonie and Publicola had the righte wing, Caelius the left, and Marcus and Iusteius the midde battayle. Caesar appoynted. Agrippa to the right, he helde the lefte. Canidius, had The fight. Antonies land Soldiours. Taurus, had Caesars, beyng in order and quiet on the shore. Antonie went about hys nauie in a foyste, e [...] ­horting his Soldiours, to fight without remeuyng, bycause of the waight of the shippes, and commaunded the maysters, that standyng (as it were) at Anchor, they shoulde not sturre at the onset of the enimie, but auoyde the disaduantage of the place, in the mouth of the porte.

[Page 387]They say, that when Caesar wente out before day to view hys nauie, hée mette a man leadyng an▪ Asse, and asking his name, A token. he sayde, my name is Fortunate, and mine Asses name, is Vi­ctorie. The forme of this place, with the figure of the man and the Asse, he did sette vp afterwarde in a table of Brasse, in the common place of Rome. When hée had ouerlooked the resi­due of his nauie, he betooke himselfe to the righte battayle, and behelde his enimies quiet in the straights: For it séemed they had lien at anchor: and so helde his shippes backe a good while, beyng twoo miles off. At sixe of the clocke, a good gale be­ganne to blowe, when as Antonies Soldiours would tarry no longer, but trustyng in the greatnesse of their ships, moued the lefte battayle. When Caesar sawe that, hée was gladde, and held still his right battaile, that he might the more get his eni­mies out of the straightes, and with his swifte shippes, fighte with the huge heauy vessels of his enimies, which were nothing well manned. When the onset was giuen, they did not couragi­ously encounter, for Antonies ships could not well stirre to giue a good assault▪ whiche is best done by mouyng. Caesars shippes were not sitte to gyue the charge vpon the front, bycause of the others sharpe and strong beakes: nor durst do it on the sides, for breakyng of their owne beakes, for the greate tymber and yron worke of those mighty vessels. Therefore it was like a fight on The diuersitie of the fight. lande, or rather, as I may say it, an assault of a wall. For thrée or foure of Caesars, did set vpon one of Antonies, and fought with theyr dartes, pykes, and fyred weapons. And Antonies menne flong downe theyr weapons from their towers out of their ca­sting Engines. Agrippa began to stretch foorth to compasse the rest, whiche when Publicola dyd sée; he was forced to do the same, and so diuided from the midde battayle. And the fighte beyng very sore on bothe sides, and vncertayne to whome the victo­rie Cleopatra fleeth. woulde fall, Cleopatra, with hyr thréescore shippes, whiche were placed behinde the greate shippes, brake thorough to their greate disorder, and tooke themselues to flight.

Here did Antonie shewe himselfe to haue forgotten his of­fice Antonie folovv­eth. [Page 388] and charge, and verified the olde saying, That the minde of a louer, liueth in an other body. For as though he had bene annexeb Louer. to hyr, and coulde neyther lyue nor die without hir, by and by, so soone as he saw hir shippe vnder sayle, he forsoke all, and left his soldiours to the slaughter of his enimie, for whom they shed their bloudes, and with two companions of Aegypt, got into a Bry­gandine, folowyng Cleopatra, to bring both hir and himself to re­prochfull death. When she did sée him commyng, she sette out Antony is hoy­sted into Cleopa­tras Shippe. a flagge to call hym, so hée beyng hoysted vp to hyr, did not looke vppon hyr, nor shée vppon him, but wente and satte solita­rie in the foreparte of the shippe, holdyng his hedde with bothe his handes.

Shortly Caesars swifte shippes that did followe hym were in sight, whome Antonie put backe, sauing one, in the whiche Eu­ricles was, who fiersly pursued, shakyng his speare with threat­nyng Antony is pur­sued. woordes. Antonie standyng still and askyng, who is hée that foloweth Antonie? it is I (quoth hée) Lacharis sonne, that Euricles. by the good fortune of Caesar do pursue thée for my Fathers death. Yet did he not take Antonies shippe but the other that was of the same goodlinesse, in the whiche was all the riche furniture of Cleopatra.

When hée was gone, Antonie satte still after one sorte Silence of An­tonie. and in one place, and spake not to Cleopatra, eyther for anger or for shame. But when hée was come to T [...]naro, the wo­menne T [...]naro, a fore­lande. that were familiar to them bothe, brought them to talke, and then to borde and bedde. Entendyng to sende from thence into Africa, he choose one of the Quéenes riche shippes, full of Golde and Siluer, and gaue it to hys fréendes, wishyng them to prouide for themselues. And when as they wepte and prayed hym to be of chéere, hée desired them to folowe hys re­queste, Antonie giueth his frends leaue to shift for thē ­selues. and wrote to Theophilus hys officer at Corinth, to gyue them quicke dispatch, and to helpe to hyde them, till Caesar might bée pacified.

Many of the shippes of burden, and some of his frendes, were come from the fight, declaryng that the nauy was loste, but [Page 389] they thought the army by lande was safe. Wherefore he wrote to Canidius to make haste by Macedonia, and bryng his armie in­to Asia.

In this case was Antonie.

Caesar had a long fighte with Antonies nauie, the whiche at Caesars victorie. length, by the vehemencie, bothe of the rage of the Sea and courage of the enimie, gaue ouer, onely fiue thousande beyng slayne, and thrée hundreth skippes taken.

There were but fewe, that knewe of Antonies fléeyng, and Men amazed a [...] Antonies mad­nesse. when they hearde it, they wondred, as at a thyng incredible, That he, hauyng ninetene legions of footemen, and twelue thou­sande horsemen, woulde forsake all and runne away, as though hée had not knowne the vnstablenesse of Fortune, and had not Soldiours good opinion of An­tonie. proued the chaunce of warre, full many a tyme. The Souldi­ours thought still hée woulde come among them, in so muche as when Caesar sente messengers to them, they reiected them, and so continued seuen dayes, but when their Capitayne Canidius was Antonies foote­men yeldeth. stolne away by night, and they left comfortlesse, they yéelded to the Conquerour, who sayled vnto Athens, and makyng vnitie with the Gretians, distributed corne among them, being afflicted before, with all kynde of exaction and seruitude. When Anto­nie had sent Cleopatra into Aegypt, from Paretonio, hée wente in­to Paretonio a port tovvne. Affrica, with twoo fréendes only, the one a Gretian, and the o­ther a Romane, and there lyued solitarily, till hée heard that hys Antonie in de­spayre. Lieftenauntes there, hadde forsaken him: Then he would haue kylled himselfe, but hys fréendes did stoppe him. And so hée wente againe to Cleopatra, who was diuising by great expenses A deuise of Cle­opatra for hy [...] safetie. to carrie hyr nauie into the nooke of the strayghtest place of the Sea, that is thought to diuide Affrike and Asia, that she might bée safe from inuasion. But, bycause the first shippes that came, had euill lucke, and for that Antonie hoped hys footemenne were safe at Actio, hée causod hyr to leaue off, and [...]ensed the mouthes of the floudde Nilus. This beyng done, An­tonie Antonie folovv­eth the trade of Timon. buylded him an house in the Sea at the Lanterne, and ram­ped it aboute, separating himselfe from the company of men: [Page 390] Affirmyng hée woulde folowe the trade of Timon, that was surnamed, Hater of men. For when as he was forsaken of his fréendes, and deceyued of suche menne, as he had brought to ad­uauncement, hée tooke this ingratitude so to the harte, that hée woulde refuse all mens societie: euen as Timon dyd, who was a Citizen of Athens, and called that house Timons Tabernacle. Timons taber­nacle. The firste that brought hym newes of the losse of hys foote­men at Actio, was Canidius hymselfe. And shortly after it was Euill nevves one after an o­ther. tolde hym that Herode the Iewe was gone to Caesar with certayne legions, and that other Prynces dyd the lyke: none of these thyngs dyd moue him but as beyng well wyllyng to leaue bothe hope and care, contented hymselfe with Timons Taber­nacle. But beyng otherwise perswaded by Cleopatra, he came to the courte to Alexandrîa, and there gaue hymselfe to feasting and banquettyng, so as the Alexandrians dyd nothyng else a Antony renueth his riot. great whyle, but make good cheere. This maner of felow­ship, vsed among them that woulde lyue, they forsooke, and be­ganne an other, whiche was called, of them that woulde die to­gither, the whiche was not inferiour to the other, in delicacie Feastes of the dying sorte. nor superfluitie, and as many as had sworne to dye togither, made suche feastes in order by course, one to an other.

Cleopatra beside all this gaue hyr selfe to the searche of moste Cleopatra seketh for poyson. spéedy poyson and venom, and caused not onely suche growyng thyngs, as were accompted moste effectuous, to be sought, but also the lyuing beastes and Serpentes, and made a proofe of them all in some of hyr folkes. Then bothe shée and Antonie Request of Cleo­patra. Requestes of Antonie. sente to Caesar. Shée requyred that the kyngdome of Aegypt myght be entayled to hyr chyldren. Antonie desired hée myght lyue a pryuate lyfe in Athens, if hée might not doe it in Aegypt. For lacke of other fréendes they were fayne to sende Euphro­nius their Schoolemayster to him. For Alexas of Laodicia had Euphronius. Alexas of Laodi­cis. Infidelitie pu­nished. deceyued Antonie, and by the meane of Herode the Iewe, gaue hymselfe to Caesar, who dyd not accepte hym, put him in chaynes, and sent him to die in his countrey. This rewarde had hée for hys vnfaithfulnesse to Antonie.

[Page 391] Caesar would not heare Antonyes requests, but promised Cleo­patra all kinde of courtesie, if she woulde reiect Antony. He sente Caesar promiseth much to Cleo­patra. his Liberte Thyrenus a learned man, that might moue that mag­nificall Lady wyth the hope of so lusty a yong Emperoure. He vsed so long and pleasing oration, that Antony had him in su­spition: therefore he toke him, and caused him to be whipped, Antony vvhip­peth the messenger of Caesar. wrighting to Caesar, that he was stirred by his pride and insolen­cie, which would moue a man though he were in miserie. And if Scornefull mes­sage of Antony. this (quoth he) doth gréeue you, take my Liberte Hipparchus y is with you, and whippe him, and then we shall be euen. Nowe Cleopatra, that she might wipe away all suspition, honoured hym maruellously, and celebrating hir owne birth daye, meanely, as Birth day. hir case required, she honoured his, so nobly and princely, that many that came pore to the feast, w [...]nt rich away.

At this time Agrippa wrote to Caesar from Rome, that in anye Caesar goeth to Rome. wise he should repaire thither, for the case required his presence. By this occasion the warre againste Antony was deferred tyll the next somme [...], when Caesar sent forces againste his Captaynes in Affrike, and went himselfe against him in Asia. And when he Pelusio a part of Egipt. Cleopatra in suspition. had taken [...]elusio, it was suspected that Cleopatra was contented that Seleucus shoulde deliuer it: but she to purge this crime, toke the wife and children of him to be punished. She had a goodly se­pulchre made, ioyning to the Temple of Isis, in the whiche she Sepulchre of Cleopatra. had placed all hir treasure, and princely things. And Caesar being afrayd, that if she were driuen to desperation, she woulde set all on fire, put hir in great hope alwayes. Now was he come wyth his army to the Citie, and his horsemen lay at the horserace, vp­pon the which Antony came out so fiercely, as he droue them to Antony issueth out of Alexin­dria, and repul­seth Caesars horsemen. Cleopatra re­vvardeth the valiant Souldy­oure. The seconde chalenge of▪ An­tony vpon Cleo­patra. the Camp. Then he returned into the Court, and tooke Cleopatra in his armes, and kissed hir, and recommended him vnto hir, that had fought best, and she gaue him an head péece, and a coate armour of golde. Yet he that night fledde to Caesar. Then Antony challenged Caesar once againe to fight hande to hand. Caesar aun­swered, there were many wayes for Antony to dye. Then seing there was no way so honourable to dye, as in fight, Antony de­termined to set vpon Caesar both by Sea & land, and at supper bad [Page 392] his mē drinke & make merry, for he coulde not tell if they should Antony cheereth his men. do so any more, or serue other Lords, for as for himself, he shuld not liue. And whē they wept at the words, he sayd, he would not leade thē to a fight, by y e which he might rather hope for a glori­ous death, thā a sure & triumphāt victorie. About midnight, was A noyse in the Citie in the night of svveete musicke. heard ouer al y e citie such a pleasant noyse & musicke, as is went to be vsed in y t sacrifice of Bacchus, the which wēt forth of y Citie into the enimies Camp. It was expounded, that the God, whom he had most serued, did now also forsake him. In y e morning, he brought forth his footemen, & placed thē vpō the hilles about the citie, where he stood to sée y t successe of his nauie, the which com­ming nigh to y t enimie, saluted thē as friends, & they did the like, & Antonyes ships forsake him. so yéelded to thē. When this was perceyued, Antonyes horsemē fled to Caesar also: his footemen did fight it out, & were ouercome, His horsemen forsake him. which being done, he retired into y e citie, crying, he was betrayd of Cleopatra to thē, against whome he had made war for hir sake. Antony com­playneth of Cleopatra. Cleopatra sleeth from Antony. Message of Cleopatra. She being afrayd of his furie, got hir into hir Scpulchre, causing the bridge to be drawne, & to be kept close and shut. This done, she sent one out to tell him that she was dead. Whē he heard it, he sayd, Why tēptest thou Antony? Thē he wēt into his Chāber & vnharnessed him, saying, O Cleopatra, I am not tormented that I am without thée, for I wil soone be with thée, but that I being Antonyes greefe so great a Captayne, should be preuēted of thée, y art but a wo­mā, in such a case of fortitude. Heros his faithful seruāt was with him, whom before he had sworne to kill him whē he should com­maund it: Now (saith he) is the time for thée to do it, and toke him his sword. He turned his face and killed himself, and fell dead at Heros Antonyes man, killeth himselfe. Antonyes féete. Ah good Eros (quoth Antony) where thou couldest not abide to doe it to me, thou hast taught me to do it my selfe, and so he thrust the sword into his belly, and layd downe vppon Antony thrusteth his svvord into himselfe. his bed. The stroke was not so great, as it could dispatch hym, there fore he commaunded them that were by, to make an end of him, but they went out of the chamber, leauing him crying and lamenting, til Diomedes came from Cleopatra, to bring Antony to Diomedes. hir, who hearing she was aliue, commanded to be caried to hir Antony is caried halfe dead into the Sepulchre. in their armes to y dore of the monument, which Cleopatra would not open, but lot downe shéetes & lines to heaue him vp, whyche [Page 393] she and hir two women did, that onely were with hir there. It was a pitifull sight to sée him all bloudy, and yéelding the ghost, A pitifull sight. to be halled vp so hardly, holding forth his hands, and stretchyng himselfe toward hir, as well as he could, the pore womē not ha­uing strēgth ynough to do it, till Cleopatra with both hir hāds, bē ­ding downeward as much as might be, got him vp, they y t were below, crying vpon hir to haue pitie vpō him. Whē she had him in, she layde him vpō a bed, lamenting and tearing hir mourning wéede, & wiping the bloud frō his face, called him Lord, husband & Emperour, forgetting hir owne sorow, for cōpassion of him. He being somewhat cōforted, desired a cuppe of wine, eyther for that he was a thirst, or y t he might the sooner be dispatched. Whē VVords of An­tony at his death he had dronke, he wished hir to prouide for hir selfe, so wel as she could, hir honor being saued, & among Caesars friēds, to trust Pro­culeius most: and that she shuld not afflict hirselfe for him, in this Proculeius. great alteratiō, but rather comfort hirselfe, y t she had dealt with him y t was most mighty & ful of power, who being a Romane, was not thorough cowardise ouercome of a Romane. This said, he yel­ded Antony dyeth. y e ghost, whē as Proculeius was come frō Caesar, for whē Anto­ny had strickē himselfe, & was drawē up to Cleopatra, Derceteus one Derceteus. of his gard toke his bloudy sword, & caried it to Caesar, telling him Caesar vveepeth for Antony. how it stood: which whē he heard, he went into his closet, & wept for Antonyes chance, that had bin a valiāt mā, & his cōpanion in many battels. Then he red his letters to his friendes, declaring how proudely & arrogātly he answered to his gentle letters, & he cōmanded Proculeius to do all y t he could, to get Cleopatra aliue, for he feared the destructiō of hir treasure, & thought it would be no smal honor to him, if he might bring hir in triūph. She wold not talke w t Proculeius w tin, but far of, so as hardly hir voyce could be heard. Hir request was, that hir kingdome might be established Request of Cleo­patra. to hir children. Proculeius bad hir be of good chéere, and remit al to Caesar, and marking y e place, sent word to Caesar, who sent Gallus to Gallus. talke with hir, and he of purpose prolōged the cōmunication, till Proculcius hauing got scalling ladders, with two more, got into y window where Antony was taken in, & went streight to y e place Proculeius get­teth into the se­cret Scpulcre of Cleopatra. wher she was talking w t Gallus. Thē one of y e womē cryed, O vn­happy Cleopatra, thou art takē aliue. Thē she would haue strickē [Page 394] hirselfe, for she ware a dagger: but Proculeus ranne quickly, and Proculeus stayeth Cleopatra [...]om [...]lling hirselfe embraced hir with both his hands, saying: O Cleopatra, you doe iniurie both to your selfe, and to Caesar, in taking from him the acte of clemencie, and casting an infamie of vnfaithfulnesse. Then he tooke the dagger from hir, and cut hir garments, that she shoulde haue no poyson about hir. Then Caesar sent his free­made man Epaphroditus, with commaundement, that he shoulde Epaphroditus. Care of Caesar to keepe Cleopatra aliue. in anye wise see hir kepte aliue, in all other thinges doing most gently and curteously. Then he entred the Citie with Arrius the Philosopher, holding him by the hande, that the Citizens mighte Caesar honoureth a Philosopher. sée in what honor he had him. Being come into the common hall, and the Citizens lying prostrate for feare, he willed them to rise, saying, he forgat them, firste for Alexanders fame that Caesars mercy to the Alexā [...]nes. builded the Citie, then for the beautie of it, thirdly, for Arrius sake. The body of Antony, Caesar was contente that she shoulde burie, which she did with hir owne hands, by the labour where­of, Cleopatra bury­eth Antonyes body very princely. Cleopatra kept from killing hir selfe by hunger. getting an agew, she was glad she hadde suche a cloke, to re­frayne from meate, and kill hirselfe with hunger, whiche, when it was perceyued, Caesar threatned hir the losse of hir Children. Then she was contente to be reléeued againe. And after a fewe dayes, Caesar came to sée hir, and comforte hir. She lying very homely in hir night gowne, lept out of the bedde, and fell downe Caesar commeth to Cleopatra. at Caesars feete with trembling voyce, and heauie chéere. Hir bo­dy was deformed with hir owne stripes, whereof the printes were séene: hir eyes were sonke, and hir couloure swart: yet dyd hir behauiour declare, that hir grace was not extinct, whiche dyd appeare out of that forepined and wasted corpse. Caesar willed hir to sit, and he sate by hir, she making excuses, that she had done al for feare of Antony, all the whiche when Caesar had reproued, she Cleopatra submit▪ to Caesar. gaue hir wholly to his mercy, and toke him a note of suche trea­sure as she had. The which, when one of hir Treasurers Seleucus had corrected, that she had hidde somewhat from him, she lepte vnto him, and knocked him aboute the pate, whereat Caesar smy­ling She beateth one of hir seruants. and blaming hir, O Caesar sayd she, is it not a gréefe, that sée­ing thou doest not disdeyne to visit me in this wofull estate, to be accused of my seruants for kéeping a fewe womens thyngs, [Page 395] wherewith I would winne thy wife Liuia, and thy sister Octauia, to make thée the more fauourable to me. Caesar was glad of these words, thinking she had desire to liue, and granted hir al that and more to, beyond all hope, thinking he hadde deceyued hir, but she Caesar granteth all things to Cleopatra. deceyued him. Cornelius Dolabella a noble yōg mā in Caesars camp, had a great desire to Cleopatra, to whom Caesar gaue leaue to come and tell hir, that he would go home by lād through Syria, and that Dolabella is sent to Cleopatra. she and hir children should be sent to Italy by shippe. When she vnderstoode it, she desired Caesar she mighte firste celebrate Anto­nyes funerall, wherwith he was content. She came to the graue with hir women, and sayde, Of late (noble Antony) I did burie Cleopatra cele­brateth Anto­nyes funerall. thée, being frée: now I honor thy buriall, being captiue, and gar­ded, that I should not consume this wretched body with too much lamenting for thée, whiche is reserued to be shewed in triumph of thée. Other honours at my hand thou shalt not looke for, being ready to be caried away from thée. Nothing did separate vs ly­uing, VVords of Cleopatra. but now in death we must be parted: thou a Romane, must lye héere, and I vnhappy Egiptian, in Italy, so farforth to be par­taker of thy Countrey: but if the Gods there can do any thyng, (for oure Gods haue deceyued vs héere) forsake not thy wife, which is aliue, neyther suffer in me a triumph to be made of thée, but burie & close me héere with thée. For of infinite gréefes, there is none so great to me, as this shorte time that I haue ly­ued without thée.

When she had ended these laments, and put on garlands, and kissed the graue, she commaunded a bath to be made readye for hir. When she was washed, she wente to meate, and had greate chéere: then a chest was brought out of the Countrie to hir by a man, and the gard asking what it was, he toke away the leaues, Cleopatra decey­ueth Caesar. and shewed them the figges. They maruelling at the forme and greatnesse of them, the man smiled, and desired them to take thē. The Gard is deceyued. They suspecting nothing, bad him carrie them in. After this, she sent Caesar hir writings sealed. Then all other being remoued, but hir two women, she shut the dores. When hir letters were come to Caesar, he redde them, and founde hir onely request to hée Cleopatras last request to Caesar. with greate petition, to be buryed by Antony, whiche when hée [Page 396] saw, he suspected by and by what was a doing, and was mynded to haue gone streight thither hymselfe, yet first sent to sée what was done, but she was dispatched suddaynely. For they that ranne thither, founde no alteration in the Gard, and opened the dores, and found hir dead, lying in a bedde of gold most royally. Cleopatra is foūd dead vpon a ded of gold, and hit tvvo vvo­men by [...]ir. One of hir women called Iris lay dead at hir féete. The other, whose name was Charmium, being ready to fall downe dead, trimming the Crowne vpon hir head, to them that cryed, is this well done Charmium? yea very weli (quoth he) for one that is des­cended of so many progenitours Kings. When she had said thus much, she fell downe dead by the beds side. They say a Serpente called Aspis, was brought among the figges, and couered wyth Aspis brought amōg the figges, did sting hir to death. the leaues, the whiche did sting hir to death, whose nature is, to giue an heauinesse and sléepe, without any shrinking or marke in the skinne, onely putting forth a gentle sweat out of the face, as ane were in a trance, and hard to be wakened. Some saye, there were two little spots in hir arme, whiche Caesar eyther [...]eléeued, or else would so haue it beléeued, for in hir Image y t he brought into triumph at Rome, he set forth the Serpent, and two markes in hir arme. Howsoeuer it was, Caesar was [...]ory it was so chan­ced, yet did he highly commend hir noble mind, and caused hir to be royally layd by Antony, and hir women to be nobly buryed also. Cleopatra was .xxxix. yeares of age, and hadde raigned .xxij. whereof .xiiij. was with Antony, who liued .liij. yeares; or at the Age of Antony and Cleopatra. most .lvj. Antonyes Images were throwen downe, Cleopatras were not remoued, for Archibius hir friend had obteyned that of Caesar for a thousand talents. Antony had seauen childrē by thrée Antonyes chil­dren. wiues, whereof Attilus the eldest was only killed of Caesar, the rest Octauia. brought vp with hirs. Attilus was betrayed of hys Scholemaister Theoderus, who tooke a goodly iewell from hys necke when he was killed, the which being required, and denyed of him when he had it, caused that he was hanged.

Cesarione, whom Cleopatra had by the first Caesar, beyng also be­trayed of his scholemaster, whō she had sent with him, & a great Caesar besto­ [...]eth. Cleopatras children. treasure into India, was slayne, after she was dead. Hir dough­ter called Cleopatra of hir name, he maried to the flourishing king [Page 397] Iuba. He promoted Antonie, that was sonne to Fuluia, to so high favour, that next Agrippa and Liutas children, he was chief. Shée He vseth one of Antonies sonnes in great fauour. had by Marcellus two daughters, and one sonne named Marcellus, whom Caesar did adopt & made him his sonne in law. The other daughter was giuen to Agrippa. Marcellus dying shortly after this mariage, Octauia desired that Agrippa mighte marrie hys Chaunge of ma­riage. daughter, & Antonie, hyrs. Hir other daughters were bestowed vpon Domitius Aenobarba, & Drusus Liuias sonne, and steppechilde to Caesar, of whom came Germanicus and Claudius. Germanicus died, Emperours of Antonies issue. & Claudius was Emperoure. Of Germanicus came Caius who was Emperour also. Agryppinae that had E. Domitio by Aenobarba, did marrie with Claudius the Emperour, who adopted Domitius, cal­ling him Nero Germanicus, and was Emperour. Thus of Anto­nies race diuerse Emperours issued. Albeit himselfe had the la­mentable end that you haue hearde, and was the only cause why the Romane state was not restored to a common wealth agayne Anthony, the cause of the al­teration of the Romane estate. as the noble Brutus protested when he died, al whose execrations came vpon Antonie before he died. Eyther for that God woulde plague Antonies euill life: or that he would chaunge the state of that mighty cōmon wealth, whiche had all the worlde at suche a becke, as they might doe what they woulde, whose outragious dealings as wel in foreine as ciuill murders, it pleased God to punish with so great alteration, or else for some secrete determi­natiō for the natiuitie of his only sonne Iesus Christ our Lord. For now is Caesar the only Monarche without any competitor at all, and yet had no childe to whom to leaue it, but adopted Tibe­rius his wiues sonne, whome, that she might sée Emperour, it is thought shée holpe to dispatche Caesar before his time, who had the title of Augustus giuen him, a thing neuer done before to a­ny Augustus. Romane, not onely for augmentyng and encreasing the Em­pire of Rome, but also for the de [...]nation and destinie, by which it was assigned vnto him. And after hée had shutte the gates of Ianus temple, for that a generall peace folowed through out the Ianus temple shutte onely tvvice before i [...] token of gene­rall peace. world, he disposed himself to set good orders in the citie, and made many good lawes for the preseruation of the same, in the whiche time diuerse tokēs appeared of the cōming of a greater Prince [Page 398] than he, the Prince of Princes & king of kings, who was borne into this worlde in his time, to the glory of God in the highest, Byrth of Iesus Christ. and the peace of the earth to men of good will.

The great enuie that Iulius Caesar his great vncle had procu­red, Enuie. neuer fell vpon him, either bicause men were weary of tu­multes, or for that they saw such modestie in him, as he would attempt no such matter that was so odious, that is to say, to be The name of Emperour. called a kyng: Eyther for that both he and the people had in me­morie the mal [...]diction & cursing of the old Decrée, against al thē that should bring in the name of a king againe, which his father Iulius did not vtterly refuse, or for that he passed not of the name, hauing the rule, or for that the name of Emperour was then so great, as Dictator was wont to be, whiche before was no other­wise than a gratification of the Soldiours to their Capitayne, when he had stroken a battell manfully, and slaine ten thousand Imperator. enimies, at which time it was lawfull for him to be called Impe­rator, as among all other, Cicero was in Asia, when he ouercame Cicero vvas cal­led Emperour in Asia. the Amanianes, at Isso, where Darius was ouercome, of Alexan­der. The which name hath continued euer since to that soueraine Magistrate, as well, when the whole Empyre was in the hands of one Monarche, as when it was diuided into twoo, the one of the East, and the other of the Weast. The which beganne with Charles the Great, and hath continued vnto R [...]dulphus that now is Emperour among the Germane nation in the weast Empire, and ended in the East, about us yeares since, when the Citie of Greeke Empe­rours. Mabumetes. Amur [...]ies. Constantinople was taken by Mabumetes the sonne of Amuretes that made himselfe a Turkishe Monke, and the Emperour Con­stantine slayne, and all the villanie in the worlde, shewed to the poore Christians. So as to him that will haue a Re­gister of the whole number of Emperours, rec­kening Iulius Caesar for the first, shall finde Germane Em­perours. them to be. 118. Whereof. 42. haue bene Germanes.

FINIS.

A Table to the fiue Bookes of the ciuill warres of Rome.

A.
  • ABoundance in Pompey [...] campe. pag. [...]
  • Aboundance in Brutus and Cassiu [...] campe. pag. 280
  • Acclamation of Pompey [...] Souldiours. pag. 10 [...]
  • Acclamation of Brutus and Cas [...] Soldiours. pag. 284
  • Acclamation of the people to [...]. Caesar. pag. 130
  • Acclamation of reuenge of Caesar. pag. 150
  • Actes of Sulpitus abrogated. pag. 37
  • Actes of Caesar ratified. pag. 151
  • Actes of Caesar briefly rehearsed. pag. 250
  • Actes of Brutus and Cassius. pag. 302
  • Actes of Pompey. pag. 123
  • Accrre a citie besi [...]ged. pag. 27
  • Adoption greatly regarded in Rome. pag. 224
  • Adrumeto [...]tie vvhere Caesar loseth. pag. 148
  • Adriaticail sea quiet to Caesar in vvinter. pag. 103
  • Adrian the Emperour ordeyneth Lieftenants pag. 25
  • Aeneas buylded Iauino. pag. 84
  • Aegles seuen in Manus lappe. pag. 38
  • Aegels tvvo flght in Casius campe. pag. 299
  • Aenobarbus touched of conspiracie. pag. 335
  • Aenobarbus cleare from conspiracie. pag. 335
  • Aenobarbus vvasted the three mens dominions pag. 31 [...]
  • Aenobarbus reconciled to Antonie. pag. 330
  • Aenobarbus sent into Pythima. pag. 336
  • Aenaria, novv Ischia. pag. 336
  • Actna affrayeth the Germanes. pag. 357
  • Aem [...]lius condemned. pag. 244
  • Affection of Lucius and Caesars Soldiours. pag. 338
  • Affrica [...] prouince of tvvo names. pag. 260
  • Affrica appoynted to Lepidus. pag. 311
  • Afranius valiantly d [...]eth. pag. 29
  • Agamemnon, a taunt to Pompey. pag. 111
  • Agrippa most trusty to Caesar O [...]lauius. pag. 320
  • Agrippa hath a victorie of the Frenche. pag. 2 [...]
  • A [...] Telemininus resembled by Pompey. pag. 110
  • Al [...]nou [...]nus ioyneth vvgh Marsus. pag. 37
  • Alexandriane killesh their kyng. pag. 61
  • Altercation of [...]ibulus and Caesar. pag. 78
  • Alexander compared vvith Caesar. pag. 100
  • Altare [...] dedicate to Caesar. pag. 157
  • A [...]naria, vvhere the meetyng vvas to make peace vvith Pompey. pag. 350
  • Antonie a light man. pag. 310
  • A [...] let vp an Altare to Caesar. pag. 10 [...]
  • A [...] kylled by Antonie pag. 16 [...]
  • Antonie vv [...]ll haue Caesars a [...]tes ratified. pag. 151
  • Antonie taketh Caesars money and vvaytinge. pag. 146
  • Antonie afrayde of the killers pag. 146
  • Antonie contemneth Octanius. pag. 171
  • Antonie gardeth his house. pag. 141
  • Antonie put out of the Senate house. pag. 92
  • Antonius the Orator killed of Marius. pag. 44
  • Antonie giueth cities to the Atheniens. pag. 300
  • Antonie seeketh henenolence of the people. pag. 166
  • Antonie recryueth Cas [...]us brother. pag. 300
  • [...] taketh Cassius campe. pag. 200
  • Antonie crovvneth him that brought Cicero [...]t head. pag. 140
  • Antonie sendeth Brutus body to his mother. pag. 304
  • An ou [...] [...]placable to the conspirationes. pag. 300
  • Antonie ordeyneth kingdomes at his pleasure. pag. 300
  • Antonie vieth the Greeke fishion. pag. 3 [...]1
  • Antonie vvinteth vv [...] Cleopatrae. pag. 3 [...]1
  • Antonie calleth Octinus [...] busie Long man. pag. 182
  • Antonies ansvvere to Octunius. pag. 1 [...]4
  • Antonies ansvvere to the messengers of the kil­lers. pag. 145
  • Antonies ansvvere to [...] decree [...]. pag. 204
  • Antonies ansvvere to the Capitaynes. pag. 184
  • Anth [...]ses & P [...]nus, Caesars [...]uncellers. pag. 163
  • Antonie helpeth Octanius. [...] pag. 338
  • Appolonia, novv Pallo [...], got by Caesar. pag. 110
  • Antium citie a treasurie. pag. 317
  • Arabio, king taketh Pompeye parte. pag. 26 [...]
  • Api [...]l [...]ns renoi [...]e from the Romanes. pag. 25
  • Antonie ouercome at, Actio. pag. 4
  • Ar [...]o taken by Caesar. pag. 93
  • As [...]ulames kill the Romane officers. pag. 25
  • Asinius Polli [...], agaynst S Pompey. pag. 2 [...]5
  • Arsinoe deliuered to death to please Cleopatra. pag. 310
  • As [...]ius killed sacrifising. pag. 35
  • Attiliu [...] Seran [...] kylled. pag. 44
  • Aurilia [...]r [...]stilla causeth Cateline to kil his sonne. pag. 73
  • Ait [...]ius, in Orphane bevvray eth himselfe. pag. 246
  • Augustus, title first gyuen to Octanius. pag. [...]4
  • Augustus moste mighty. pag. [...]4
  • Antonie vseth Pompey [...] helpe. pag. 333
  • Antonie fonde on vvomen. pag. 342
  • Antonie chalengeth Menedorus for his slaue. pag. 343
  • Archegeta, an image of Apollo. pag. 354
B.
  • B [...] Alh [...] killed of the three men. pag. 141
  • Basillus Minutius killed. pag. 227
  • [...], cause of renolre from Lucius. pag. 320
  • Bebius killed of Maruis. pag. 44
  • Beginning of ciuill vvarre. pag. [...]4
  • Beginning of vvarre betvveene the three mē. pag. 33 [...]
  • Beneuolence of the people, turned to hate Anto­nie. pag. 166
  • Tibulus leaueth his office. pag. 7 [...]
  • Tibulus chiefe of Pompeys nauie. pag. 10 [...]
  • Bibulus receyned to Antonies sauour. pag. 252
  • Pocchus taketh Cyrta. pag. 120
  • Bocthus agaynst Carinas. pag. 318
  • Bo [...]ano taken by Sylla. pag. 53
  • Boldnesse of, Antonie at Philippi. pag. 202
  • Boldnesse of Clodius. pag. 81
  • Boldnesse of Caesar. pag. [...]28. 133
  • Boldnesse of Sylla. pag. 36
  • Boldnesse of Iucius Antonius. pag. 320
  • Bolde acte of Carbo. pag. 55
  • [...]rytaine sea sayled by Caesar. pag. [...]51
  • Brundus [...]ins receyue Sylla. pag. 48
  • Brundusians reiect Antonie. pag. 333
  • [Page] Brutus killeth a flane accusing his Maysters pag. 274
  • Brutus speaketh boldely of his facte. pag. 153
  • Brutus inuadeth the Lycians▪ pag. 271
  • Brutus all night in a [...]ni [...]e on an hill. pag. 301
  • Brutus taketh Octauius his campe. pag. 200
  • Brutus getteth treasure by chance. pag. 271
  • Brutus nameth Antonie Caesars drudge. pag. 301
  • Brutus ouerruled of his Souldiours. pag. 207
  • Brutus bad angell appeared to him. pag. 303
  • Brutus ouerthrovv, the vvorke of God. pag. 303
  • Brutus most gentle and learned. pag. 303
  • Brutus [...]a [...]to against Caesar punished by God. pag. 303
  • Byth [...]cu [...] killed by S. Pompey. pag. 33 [...]
  • Brutus vvarned of his death. pag. 303
  • Britt [...] sea first sayled by Caesar. pag. 160
C.
  • CAssius plagueth the [...]odes. pag. 268
  • Cassius excuseth his fa [...]te. pag. 152
  • Cassius deliuereth his nau [...]e to Caesar. pag. 124
  • Cassius loseth his campe. pag. 200
  • Cassius dispayte [...]h to soone. pag. 2 [...]
  • Cassius offi [...]th himselfe to be killed. pag. 201
  • Cassius of Parma gathereth the scattered. pag. [...]6
  • Caesar pr [...] to Ca [...]nes conspirac [...]e. pag. 76
  • Caesar spendeth all to get the peoples fauour. pag. 80
  • Caesar letteth Pompeys soldiours go free. pag. 97
  • Caesar planteth his campe at Pharsalo. pag. 110
  • Caesar exhorteth his Souldiours to take Pompeys campe. pag. 120
  • Caesar receyneth C [...]tos sonne to grace. pag. 131
  • Caesar sayth he is no king. pag. [...]36
  • Caesar recey [...]eth. 200. da [...]tes on his shselde. pag. 133
  • Caesar putteth avvay his gard [...]. pag. 136
  • Caesar hath the fallyng sicknesse. pag. 136
  • Caesar consult for tenne yeares if he vvill. pag. 135
  • Caesar asketh the consu [...]ship by his friends. pag. 77
  • Caesar vvise counsell in sauing the Romanes▪ pag. 134
  • Caesar killed of them he lo [...]ed. pag. 14 [...]
  • Ca [...]sius ouerthrovvne of Pompeys father in lavv. pag. 107.
  • Caesar body brought into the commō place. pag. 157
  • C [...]l [...]i [...] prese [...]e [...]rius. pag. 330
  • [...] killed of Octauius. pag. 330
  • Car [...] ouerthrovvne. pag. 55
  • Carinas killed of Sylla. pag. 56
  • Capitol set a fire. pag. 50
  • Capitol a common treasure house. pag. 3 [...]7
  • Capitol taken by the killers of Caesar. pag. 143
  • Capito killed in his ovvne house. pag. 243
  • C [...] [...]isteth Caesar. pag. 130
  • Ca [...] [...]leeth to Pompey▪ pag. [...]0
  • Causes of Soldiours disorder. pag. [...]43
  • C [...]egus ioyneth vvith Ma [...]us. pag. 37
  • C [...]gus put to death by Cic [...]o. pag. 76
  • Cic [...]o made Consull. pag. 74
  • Cic [...]o [...]led father of the countr [...]. pag. 76
  • Cic [...]o most eloquent. pag. 74
  • Cic [...]o and his brother condemned. pag. 239
  • Cic [...]o his sonne sent into Gre [...]. pag. 259
  • Cinna cruell. pag. [...]9
  • Cinna killed of his Soldiours. pag. 4
  • Cicero accuseth Clodie. pag. 87
  • Clodie accuseth Cicero. pag. [...]
  • Clodius killed of Milo. pag. 84
  • Clu [...]tius dieth valiantly. pag. 37
  • Cassius killed on his birth day. pag. 2 [...]0
  • Caluisius put from his office. pag. 349
  • Causes of Lucius hinderance. pag. 32 [...]
  • Cocc [...]us, friend to Antonie and Octauius. pag. 334
  • Comparison of [...]rutus and Cassius. pag. 138
  • Commo [...]on [...] Italie for diuision of land. pag. 311
  • Consp [...]racie three headed. pag. 7 [...]
  • Competitours Pompey and Crassus. pag. 77
  • Competitours Pompey and A [...]n [...]barbus▪ pag. 8 [...]
  • Concord of the three men. pag. 229
  • Cōditiōs of peace betvven Antonie & Octaui [...]. pag. 338
  • Con [...]u [...]ation of Cat [...]line. pag. 74
  • Constancie of Iutius. pag. 332
  • Condition of Lucius to his Soldiours. pag. 324
  • Constancie of Metellus agaynst Marius. pag. 20
  • Consulles created in Sylla his time. pag. 60
  • Contempt of lavv among the Romanes. pag. 2
  • Contention betvvene Gracchus and Octauius. pag. 10
  • Contention for diuision of lande. pag. 22
  • Counselles diuerse in folovving of Caesar. pag. 110
  • Copon [...]us is saued by his vviues meanes. pag. 252
  • Co [...]elius Scipio made arbiter. pag. [...]
  • Cornelia Pompeys vvife fayre. pag. [...]2 [...]
  • Cornutus saued by his seruaunts. pag. 44
  • Crovvnes of golde in Caesars triumphe. pag. [...]3 [...]
  • Clodius bodie brought to the Senate house. pag. 84
  • Crastinus his valiantnesse. pag. 120
  • Crixus svverdplayer ouerthrovven. pag. 69
  • Crueltie of Sylla against the Romanes. pag. [...]7
  • Curio most accepted to the people. pag. 8 [...]
  • Curio succeedeth Ca [...]o in Sicilia. pag. 98
  • Curio, defendeth Caesar. pag. [...]
  • Curio his head brought to luba. pag. 99
  • C [...]opatra iustifieth hir selfe to Antonie. pag. 30 [...]
  • Cleopatre fauoureth Dolabella. pag. 264
  • Cleopatra cause of Antonies destruction. pag. 306
  • Curio vvorketh for Antonie. pag. 217
  • Curtesie in a Capitayne is hinderance as i [...] proued by Pompey and Brutus. pag. 296
  • Conditions of peace vvith yong Pompey. pag. 340
  • Conditions vvith Antonie. pag. 337
  • Contamelie of Soldiours. pag. 312
  • Conditions betvvene Octauius and Antonies Sol­diours. pag. 315
  • Codropoli [...], a citie of Illyria. pag. 336
D
  • DAtus citie novv Philippi, somtime Cr [...]nides. pag. 277
  • D [...]mostheues compared vvith Cicero. pag. 81
  • D [...]mus besieged in M [...]tina. pag. 206
  • D [...]cimus killed. pag. 226
  • Deceipt of riche Romanes. pag. 6
  • Death of Caesar. pag. 141
  • Death of Ca [...]lin [...] pag. 76
  • [Page]Death of Curio. pag. 99
  • Death of Dolabella. pag. 262
  • Death of Trebonius. pag. 1 [...]0
  • Death of [...]ntidius. pag. 2 [...]1
  • Death of Ca [...]o. pag. 130
  • Death of Brutus and Cassius. pag. 301
  • Death of Hircius 2nd Pansa. pag. 213
  • Death of Brutus. pag. 24
  • Death of Fuluia vexed Antonie after a [...]orte. pag. 334
  • Death of Pompey the great. pag. 122
  • Death of Pompeys elder sonne. pag. [...]34
  • Death of Pompeys yonger sonne. pag.
  • Death of Mem [...] and Drusus. pag. 21
  • Death of Scipio. pag. 14
  • Death of S [...]torius. pag. 67
  • Di [...]deme set on Caesars head. pag. 133
  • Dictator perpetuall Sylla. pag. 59
  • Dictator perpetuall Caesar▪ pag. 334
  • Discipline destroyed. pag. 314
  • Di [...]ssention in the Senate for Caesars death. pag. 146
  • Discorde of Citizens. pag. 33
  • Dissention of the Senatours & Gentlemen. pag. 24
  • Dissention of Antonie and Oct [...]uius. pag. 336
  • Diuision of Italie to the Soldiours. pag. 311
  • Discouragement of Lucius Soldiours. pag. 323
  • Dolobella against Cinna. pag. [...]48
  • Donatiue of Cassius to his Soldiours. pag. [...]84
  • Donatiue of Brutus to his Soldiours. pag. 294
  • D [...]mitius ouercome of Caesar. pag. 94
  • Dyrhacus slayne of Hercules. pag. 95
  • Dy [...]achio, vvhereof so named. pag. 95
E.
  • EDict for money. pag. [...]49▪ 338▪
  • Edict of the proscription. pag. 232
  • Eloquence of Caesar. pag. 73
  • Eloquence of Curio. pag. [...]8
  • Eloquence of Cicero. pag. 74
  • Epitapho of Pompey. pag. 122
  • England inuaded by Caesar. pag. 154
  • Enimie to the country Caesar. pag. [...]1
  • Enimie to the countrie Cinn [...]. pag. 47
  • Enimie to the countrie Dolobella. pag. 204
  • Enimie to the countrie Sylla. pag. 45
  • Enimie to the countrie Antonie. pag. 25
  • Errour of Caesar at Dyrrachio. pag. 1 [...]
  • Errours of Pompey. pag. 116
  • Errours of the Senate. pag. 218
  • Eruptions out of Perugia. pag. 323
  • Example of Fortune in Mur [...] & Barb [...]l [...] pag. 2 [...]8
  • Example of Fortune ut Mari [...] pag. 38
  • Example of a vvicked father in Catiline. pag. 73
  • Example of a vvicked sonne. pag. 239
  • Example of a good sonne. pag. 252
  • Example of a good li [...]ter. pag. 2 [...]0
  • Example of good seruauntes. pag. 253
  • Example of good vviues. pag. 253
  • Example of a kinde Soldiour. pag. 252
  • Execration for mony of the Capitoll. pag. 100
  • Exclamation of Pisa against the killers. pag. [...]
  • Excuse of Antonie to Octauius. pag. 174
  • Excuse of Caesar to Cocceius. pag. [...]5
  • Excuse of Octauius to [...]uci [...]. pag. 315
  • Excuse of Sylla to the people. pag. 36
  • Exclamation agaynst Octauius. pag. 312
  • Extremitie of famine in Perugia. pag. 322
  • Expectation for death gil [...]ou [...]. pag. 347
F.
  • FAble of the oxe [...] of the sunne. pag. 357
  • Fable of the plovv man. pag. [...]0
  • Famine causeth Caesar to fight. pag. 115
  • Famine causeth Antonie and Octauius to fight. pag. 280
  • Famine in Perugia. pag. 322
  • Famine in the Citie. pag. 314
  • Famine causeth peace. pag. 339
  • Famine in the citie by Pompey. pag. 337
  • Fauour gotten by liberalitte. pag. 278
  • Fauour of the people agaynst Sylla. pag. 36
  • Faith of seruaunts to their Masters. pag. 256
  • Faith no vvhere to the miserable. pag. 117
  • Feare vvithout cause in Pompeys campe. pag. 10 [...]
  • [...]sul [...] taken by Manlius. pag. 74
  • Freedome denied, causeth dissention. pag. 14
  • Fanius assayleth the Roodes by land. pag. 270
  • Fagio killed. pag. 31 [...]
  • Fagio killeth himselfe. pag. 318
  • Felic [...]ie of C. Caesar. pag. 129. 350▪
  • Feare in Caesars campe at Corduba. pag. 133
  • Fiers at Fulgin [...] signifying ayde. pag. 32 [...]
  • Fight betvvene Sextius and Ventidius. pag. 26 [...]
  • Fight first in the citie. pag. 36
  • Fight betvvene Caesar and Pompey the great. pag. 118
  • Fight betvvene Caesar & Pompeys elder sonne. pag. [...]33
  • Fight vvith Petreius in Affrica. pag. 128
  • Fight vvith the Alexandrines. pag. 12 [...]
  • Fight vvith Pharnac [...]. pag. 126
  • Fightes at Philippi. pag. 102
  • Fight on the sea vvith Mur [...]us and Caluisius. pag. [...]3
  • Fight by sea betvvene Caluisius and Pompey. pag. 246
  • Fight of the Martiall legion agaynst tvvo. pag. 208
  • Fight by sea vvith equall number. pag. 357
  • Fight by sea vvith Cal [...]sius. pag. 345
  • Fight by sea vvith Cor [...]ficius. pag. 200
  • Fight betvvene Mened [...] and Menecrates. pag. 344
  • Fight betvvene Agrppa and Papia. pag. 354
  • Fortune forsakes [...] second Pompey. pag. 359
  • For [...]itude of Lucius soldiours. pag. 323
  • Frutes of peace. pag. 341
  • Frendship [...]ayleth Pompey▪ the yonger. pag. 339. 340
  • Frends and fortune forsaketh S. Pompey. pag. 3 [...]7
G.
  • GAbinius most deere to Caesar. pag. 80
  • Gabinius destroyed. pag. 106
  • G [...]a escapeth by his sonne. pag. 252
  • Gra [...]hu [...] both, die in s [...]d [...]e [...]on. pag. 12
  • Gra [...]lation made to Ci [...]ro. pag. 76
  • G [...]atians hate vs [...]rie. pag. 33
  • Goodes of Octauius solde. pag. 176
  • Goods of the condem [...] set to sal [...]. pag. 247
  • Gen [...]rall ta [...]e by the three men. pag. 249
  • [Page]Good actes of Pompey the yonger. pag. 3 [...]9
  • God vvrought the change of the Romane state. pag. 237
  • Grasse eaten in C [...]s [...]rs campe. pag. [...]07
  • G [...]ph [...] taken and a vvonder there. pag. [...]10
  • Gricuously taken the fleyng at D [...]a [...]. pag. [...]
  • Gricuous impositio [...]vpon the people. pag. 24 [...]. 338
  • G [...]euously taken the reuolt at Placentia. pag. 100
  • G [...]dy desire of rule. pag. [...]43
  • G [...]dus [...] to the Rhodian [...]. pag. 100
  • Galles detested enimies of Rome. pag. 161
  • Germans afrayde of the noyse of A [...]. pag. [...]57
  • G [...]g [...] floudde. pag. 387
  • G [...], faire vvom [...]n of Cappadocis. pag. [...]00
  • Graple inuented by Mac [...]na [...]. pag. 358
  • Grace giuen by An [...]oni [...] at [...]ph [...]s [...]. pag. 3 [...]
  • Golde and siluer taken from the Rhodes. pag. 270
  • Golde re [...]ected of Spar [...]cus. pag. 70
  • Good men vnco [...]p [...]ed. pag. 174
  • Godd [...] haue care of iust vvarre. pag. 1 [...]4
  • Golde [...]ines called Sanct [...]e. pag. 284
  • Godde [...] reueng [...] C [...]sars death. pag. [...]
  • God vvould haue i [...] so. pag. [...]14
  • Gladnesse for the death of Fuluia. pag. 334
  • Gladnesse for the peac [...]. pag. [...]40
  • God str [...]keth Pompey vvith discourage. pag. [...]12
  • God striketh C [...]s [...]us vvith desper [...]ion. pag. 124. 2 [...]
  • Glorie of Antonie great. pag. [...]12
H.
  • HArnesse made in Spartatus campe. pag. 70
  • Hate of Drusus hovv [...] came. pag. 23
  • Hate of people against Scipio. pag. [...]4
  • Harpalus destroyed Xan [...]u [...]. pag. [...]73
  • Harde happe of [...]tus and C [...]ssiu [...]. pag. 30 [...]
  • Hardines [...]e of Antonie. pag. 200
  • Hazard of Oc [...]ui [...]. pag. 338
  • Harte fayleth [...]. pag. 330
  • Harpessus a floudde pag. 285
  • Herodes [...]de a king by Antonie. pag. 343
  • He [...] is driuen on [...] of [...]. pag. 337
  • Het [...]ians destroyed. pag. 30
  • H [...]mpsal restored by Pompey. pag. 48
  • H [...]rpines returne to the Rom [...] socie [...]. pag. [...]
  • Hartius ouerthrovveth A [...]o [...]. pag. 209
  • H [...]siu [...] fleeth to [...] Pompey. pag. 253
  • H [...]no [...]r [...] done so C [...]. pag. [...]4
  • Hor [...] speaketh for the con [...] vvom [...]n. pag. 247
  • Hos [...]a C [...] taken. pag. 41
  • Holy hyll. pag. [...]
  • Hope, not to he gi [...]en ouer. pag. [...]4 [...]
  • Hu [...]te done by [...]er at [...]. pag. 320
  • Hu [...]te by sea to O [...] and Anto [...]. pag. [...]
  • H [...]te by sea to [...] [...]. pag. 107
  • Hu [...]te done by fire in Rome. pag. 84
  • Holy money taken by [...]s [...]. pag. [...]
  • Holy money taken by [...]. pag. [...]17
  • Hono [...]r [...] not accepted of [...]. pag. 1 [...]5
  • Homely piaces fought for [...]. pag. 245
  • H [...]nge [...] killed many. pag. 24 [...]
  • Hu [...] done by naked Si [...]. pag. [...]
  • H [...]derance of Senate by Soul [...]our [...]. pag. 230 [...]
  • Honours giuen to Oct [...], and he consecrated a­mong the Goddes. pag. 36 [...]
  • Hephessiones death, susp [...]tio [...]s for Alexander. pag. [...]
I.
  • I [...]ius escapeth, yet onely denying Octauius. pag. 245
  • Ides of Marche, day of C [...]sars deat [...]. pag. [...]63
  • In [...]u [...]ion agaynst the killers. pag. 225
  • Ini [...]r [...] offered [...]o Octauian. pag. 313
  • Ignorant of vvarre Pompey the elder sonne. pag. [...]32
  • Ignorant of vvarre Pompey the yonger. pag. 318
  • Ingratitude of [...]ru [...]s and Cassius plagued. pag. 303
  • Immun [...]i [...] giuen to the [...]rundusians. pag. 48
  • Indignation present d [...]ovvneth fauour paste. pag. [...]4
  • Iniu [...]es [...]ause of contemp [...]. pag. 2
  • Inu [...]e of Soldiour [...] agaynst Perpenna. pag. 68
  • I [...] beset by Antonie. pag. 3 [...]
  • Itali [...] vexed by yong Pompey. pag. 318
  • Iuba and P [...]r [...]us kill one an other. pag. [...]31
  • Iuba helpeth Pompeys part [...]. pag. [...]28
  • I [...]da [...]l [...]s succoureth the Asculan [...]s [...] pag. 29
  • I [...]da [...]l [...]s dieth. pag. [...]9
  • Iudges made of gentlemen. pag. 15
  • Iul [...]a, Antonies mother sent by Pompey. pag. [...]
  • Iuste se [...]meth Pompeys cause to the people. pag. 8 [...]
  • Iul [...]a Pompey [...] vvise dieth. pag. 8 [...]
  • Idlenesse corr [...]pte [...]h Italians. pag. 6
  • [...] father and sonne, killed at one stroke. pag. 24 [...]
  • [...] of Soldiours. pag. 34
  • I [...]cement of vvomen. pag. 73
  • Intertainement of A [...]o [...]e and Oc [...]uius. pag. 340
  • Intertainment by Oc [...]. pag. 348
  • In [...]arle [...]one to please Cleopatra. pag. 310
  • I [...]l [...] Sextus killed. pag. 213
  • Ire ouervvhe [...]eth reason. pag. 140
  • I [...]os temple spoyled by S. Pompey. pag. 164
  • I [...]uasion of Italie. pag. [...]49
  • Insa [...]lenesse of Souldiours. pag. 3 [...]
  • Insole [...]cie of Souldiou [...]s. pag. [...]
  • I [...]o honored of the T [...]s [...]es. pag. 330
L.
  • LAbeo burned quicke in his tent. pag. [...]04
  • Labienus calleth for the killers. pag. [...]44
  • Lamentations for diuision of lande. pag. [...]
  • [...] a treasure house. pag. [...]17
  • [...] a citie spoyled. pag. [...]6 [...]
  • Lavve of landes. pag. 6
  • Lavve of Iudgementes. pag. [...]5
  • Lavve of corne. pag. [...]5
  • Latines called to the freedome of Rom [...]. pag. 30
  • Lavve of [...]. pag. [...]7
  • Lavv of the three men. pag. 23 [...]
  • Legions of Antonie se [...] to [...]nhabite. pag. 315
  • Legions reuol [...]e from An [...]on [...]. pag. 103
  • Legions of Macedonia punished by Anto [...]. pag. [...]
  • [...] killeth C [...]c [...]ro. pag. [...]
  • [...] killed. pag. 262
  • Lepidus depriued and restored. pag. [...]
  • Lepidus con [...]ull next [...] [...]yll [...] [...] in [...]. pag. 6 [...]
  • [Page] L [...]pidus depr [...]ued vtter [...]ie. pag. 360
  • L [...]pidus vvayteth, and is hardly heard. pag. 2 [...]8
  • [...], vvhere M [...]o dvvelt. pag. 84
  • Licenc [...]ous dealing after Cl [...]dius death. pag. 85
  • Licencious behauiour of Souldyoures. pag. 244. 314
  • Likenesse of language and a [...]mour breedeth cō ­fusion. pag. 358
  • Liburnians people and Shippes. pag. 95
  • L [...]bo t [...]eateth for peace. pag. 33 [...]
  • Letters redde by yong Cicero of Antonyes fall. pag. 25 [...]
  • Lucanes reuolt from the Romanes. pag. 3 [...]
  • Luceius saued by hy [...] syster. pag. 250
  • Lucius Antonius louer of the common vvealth. pag. 315
  • Lucinus taken for [...]. pag. 304
  • Loue [...]hevved to the condemned. pag. 250
  • Loue of Antony and Cleopa [...]a. pag. 306
  • Lycians deny ayde to Brutu [...]. pag. 271
  • Lalius kylleth himselfe. pag. 26 [...]
M.
  • MAcedonia taken from [...]rutus and Cassius. pag. [...]63
  • Marius kylled of Antony. pag. 337
  • Martius headed of Sylla. pag. 56
  • Mar [...]us s [...]pt. killed by his vviues meanes. pag. 243
  • Marius fleeth to Mint [...]ie. pag. 37
  • Marius taken into the Citie by a rope. pag. 52
  • Marius the yonger killeth himselfe. pag. 56
  • Marsi [...]ns a valiant nation. pag. 29
  • Martiall legion forsaketh Antony. pag. 103
  • Martiall legion named for their vallan [...]ness [...]. pag. 202
  • M [...]ssala fleeth to [...]rutus, and after is [...] great credit vvith Antony and Octauiu [...]. pag. 251
  • Merula killeth hymselfe. pag. 45
  • Metellus the pit. full. pag. 22
  • Metellus banished. pag. 21
  • Maru [...]llous to Octaui [...], is the noble hearte of Iucius. pag. 328
  • Mi [...]bridates ouercome by Sylla. pag. 46
  • Minutius a P [...]etor killed. pag. 228
  • Macenas punisheth the seditions. pag. 356
  • Men [...]dorus fleeth to Pompey agaynt. pag. 340
  • Minturni [...]s vvil not kill Mari [...]s. pag. 38
  • Miserable state at Rome. pag. 249. 337
  • Menedorus fleeth againe to Octa [...]i [...]s. pag. 352
  • Menedorus forsaketh Sextus Pompey. pag. 343
  • Menecrates succeedeth Menedorus. pag. 345
  • Mutia compelled to sue for peace. pag. 330
  • Mutius S [...]cuola kylled. pag. 52
  • Mutat [...]on suddaynely of Antony. pag. 166
  • M [...]ta [...]ion suddayne in the Senate. pag. [...]1
  • [...] Ach [...]cu [...] b [...]nished. pag. 24
  • M [...]rcus saued by [...]arbula. &c. pag. [...]58
  • Mule brought forth. pag. 93
  • [...] killed by Sextus Pompey. pag. 33 [...]
  • Mationes of Rome condemned. pag. [...]4 [...]
  • Miseri [...] of Italy. pag. 312
  • Missaia presetu [...]th Octauius, a rare example of [...]. pag. 356
  • [...] procur [...] of vvar [...]. pag. [...]15
N.
  • NEvves of C [...]sars death. pag. [...]20
  • Nevv men. pag. 74
  • Negatiue Kingdome. pag. 61
  • Neptune countersayted by Pompey. pag. 350
  • Nevv Como [...]u [...]lded. pag. 87
  • Negligen [...]e of Pompey. pag. [...]6 [...]
  • Noble men of Pompey. pag. 120
  • Noble men of [...] and Cas [...]i [...]. pag. 304
  • Non [...]us k [...]led of the Souldyoures. pag. 313
  • Norba [...] fleeth and dyeth. pag. [...]
  • No faith to the afflicted. pag. 266
  • No s [...]riuing against fate. pag. 237
  • Na [...]ye purged. pag. 349
  • Nonius receyueth Iuci [...] into Rome. pag. 320
  • N [...] auntiente inhabitants of Si [...]lie, dedicated Arch [...]geta to Apollo. pag. 354
O.
  • O [...]lla killed. pag. 60
  • O [...]il [...]s kylled. pag. 362
  • Octauius Consull killed contrary to o [...]h. pag. 43
  • Octauius C [...]s [...]r accepteth hys adoption. pag. 224
  • Octauius C [...]sar conte [...]ed of Antony. pag. 17 [...]
  • Octauius shevveth courage from his youth. pag. 172
  • Octauius speaketh holdly to Antony. pag. 172
  • Octauius goeth for Sou [...]youres. pag. 18 [...]
  • Octauius is forsaken of his Souldyoures. pag. 1 [...]0
  • Octauius is resorted to agayne. pag. 1 [...]1
  • Octauius practiseth agaynste Antony. pag. 1 [...]2
  • Octauius is ho [...]oured of the Senate. pag. 1 [...]
  • Octauius is ioyned vvith the Consuls. pag. 206
  • Octauius suspecteth the Senate. pag. 206
  • Octauius and Hirtius ouerthrovveth Antony. pag. 210
  • Octauius conferreth vvith hys Souldyoures. pag. 210
  • Octauius standeth all a rayny night vnder a fren [...] Target. pag. 357
  • Octauius burneth all letters vvritten in time of troubles. pag. 363
  • Octauius causeth al slaues to returne to seruice. pag. 363
  • Oppression of Cities by Octauius. pag. 313
  • Octauius denyeth to deale vvith D [...]imus. pag. 21 [...]
  • Octauius pract [...]seth reconcil [...]a [...] vvith Antony. pag. 217
  • Octauius stirre [...]h soul [...]yours against the Senate. pag. 2 [...]
  • Octauius commeth to the Citie vvith [...]error. pag. [...]2 [...]
  • Octauius enquireth of his fathers death. pag. 222
  • Octauius is chosen Consuli, he taketh the money that vvas co [...]yd, a [...]oken of [...]lici [...]e appea­red a [...] did to Romul [...]s. pag. 224
  • Octauius is agreed vvith Antony. pag. 225
  • Octauius agreeth to the horrible proscription. pag. 2 [...]0
  • Octauius d [...]deth vvith Antony and I [...]pidus. pag. 22 [...]
  • Octauius sendeth S [...]l [...]d [...]nus against Pompey. pag. 276
  • Octauius promiseth priuided ges to the [...] & Hipponeās▪ to haue fre his passa [...]e into Sicilie. pag. 2 [...]7
  • Octauius passeth the Sea, for all that M [...]cus could do [...]. pag. 2 [...]7
  • Octauius is left sicke at Epidamnum. pag. 287
  • Octauius is not at the first field [...] at Phili [...]pi, beeyng vva [...]ed by a dreame. pag. 20 [...]
  • [Page] Octauius is made Tolbane perpetuall. pag. 363
  • Octauius falleth goyng out of his Shippe. pag. 354
  • Octauius putteth of the generall habite. pag. 355
  • Octauius is daunger ou [...]ly sicke at Brunduse. pag. 311
  • Octauius is troubled by [...]l [...] and Manius. pag. 315
  • Octauius put goth [...]de [...] touching this nevve stirre by A [...]o [...] beather. pag. 310
  • Octauius is [...] by his ovvne soldiours. pag. 313
  • Octauius picketh quarels agaynst Pompey. pag. 342
  • Octauius besi [...]geth and getteth Perugia. pag. 331
  • Octauius seeketh to discredite Antonie. pag. 331
  • Octauius seeketh a mariage to setue his turne. pag. 331
  • Octauius and Antonie at debate. pag. 333
  • Octauius and Antonie agreed, & deuide the vvhole Empire betvveene them. pag. 3 [...]6
  • Octauius is desponsed to Antonie. pag. 336
  • Octauius sicke at Canusio. pag. 333
  • Octauius dedicate a temple to Caesar. pag. 357
  • Octauius is driuē to make peace vvith S. Pōpey. pag. 330
  • Octauius in daunger [...]eyng vvith one page. pag. 357
  • Octauius stroken in the breste. pag. 366
  • Octauius is saued by Antonie. pag. 338
  • Octauius in distresse. pag. 346
  • Octauius afflicted. pag. 347
  • Octauius subtile for his commoditie. pag. 348
  • Octauius dallieth vvith Antonie. pag. 348
  • Octauius dealeth betveene Antonie & Octauius. pag. 348
  • Octauius hath more losse by tempest. pag. 350
  • Octauius leapeth a shore and lieth all night in a cotage, and hath greate losse by sea through tempest. pag. 346
  • Octauius hath shipvvrecke at the poynt of Mi­nerus. pag. 347. 350
  • Octauius beareth vvith Souldiers insolencie. pag. 317
  • Octauius an inuincible minde. pag. 351
  • Octau. cōueyd frō boate, to boate, to be saued. pag. 355
  • Octauius driueth Pompey out of Sicelie. pag. 359
  • Octauius ouer commeth Antonie at Actio, vvhiche is not tolde in this Historie: he vvrote it in his booke of Aegypt, and that booke is lost among others. The matter shal be▪ [...] forth by another meane, vvherin it may appeare that it vvas the o dinaunce of God, to bring Octauius to the rule of al, that the state of Rome might be in the beste kinde of gouernment, as the Author say­eth, that the birth of the king of kings might be in his time, as vve say, vvhen there vvas peace thorough out the vvorlde. VVhich if it had not bene the determination of God, it had bene impossible for Octauius to haue escaped so ma­ny perils. pag. 4
  • Orders of Caesars and Pompeys battayles. pag. 116
  • Order of Antonie [...] and [...] battayles. pag. 288
  • Order of the last battayle by sea. pag. 358
  • Ou [...] h [...]ovv of S. Pompey vtterly. pag. 359
  • Order of inuading S [...]lie praysed by Octauius. pag. 352
P.
  • PAulus vvon by. 1500. talents. pag. 87
  • Patara vvonne by Brutus. pag. [...]74
  • Papias vexeth Lepidus Shippes. pag. 352
  • Peace pleaseth not Menodorus. pag. 339
  • Peace broken betvveue Octauian & Pompey. pag. 342
  • Pe [...]tation of men and Shippes. pag. 349
  • Perpenna killeth Sertorius. pag. 68
  • Perpenna is killed of Pompey. pag. 69
  • Petitions of Pompeys. pag. [...]7. 340
  • Perugia oppressed vvith famine. pag. 329
  • Philippi, the fielde of tvvo battayles. pag. 286
  • Pierie of Arrianus to his father. pag. [...] 253
  • Pietie of seruaunts. pag. [...] 254
  • Pindarus page to Cassius. pag. 2 [...]0
  • Plancus a fearfull man. pag. 337
  • Plancus vseth Antonies signet. pag. 87
  • Plancus hindreth Iucius. pag. 322
  • Polemociatia a noble vvoman yeeldeth hi [...] trea­sure and childe to Brutus. pag. 273
  • Policie of Antonie p [...]enayleth. pag. 290
  • Pompey appoynted by the Senate. pag. 91
  • Pompe of Caesar and Antonie. pag. 341
  • Portion of lande giuen to Sittius. pag. 260
  • Pompey the yonger, had great aduantage. pag. 318
  • Pompeys deuice to vvinne the Senate. pag. 83
  • Portius Cato killed of the Marsians. pag. 31
  • Pompey called king of kings. pag. 111
  • Pompeys embassadours are taken, and brought to Antonie. pag. 364
  • Pompeys golde is taken. pag. 305
  • Pompeys great folie. pag. 368
  • Pompey the yonger cannot vse victorie. pag. 374
  • Pompey loseth occasion. pag. 35 [...]
  • Pompeyes three, the father and tvvoo sonnes had like aduauntage of the enimie and lost it. pag. 111. 133. 351. 347.
  • Proscription to death. pag. 233
  • Promise made to Souldiours. pag. 117. 230
  • Presidentes sent by Caesar. pag. 40
  • Prenestines sacked by Sylla. pag. 56
  • Punishment omitted. pag. 249
Q.
  • QVestion vvhat death vvas beste. pag. 39
  • Quarell of riche agaynst poore; pag. 7
  • Quarell of poore agaynst riche. pag. 8
  • Quintus Ancharius killed. pag. 45
  • Quintus Lucrecius killed. pag. 50
  • Quintus Cepio killed. pag. 28
  • Quintus Flaccus choseth his ovvn death. pag. 18
  • Quintilis, named, Iulie, in the honour of Caesar. pag. 134
  • Questions ciuill, first tried by fight. pag. 34
  • Quicknesse of Caesars. pag. 103
  • Quicke attempts, preuente in vvarre. pag. 103
  • Quintus that betrayed Dolabella, denied pardon. pag. 30 [...].
  • Quareling betvvene Octauius & Antonie. pag. 331. 334
R.
  • RAscus and Rascopolis tvvoo brethren, diuide themselues, to saue themselues. pag. 304
  • Rauenous flaues punished. pag. 45
  • [Page] Re [...]io saueth his master. pag. 254
  • Rebulus saued folovving Themistocles example. pag. 257
  • Reggio exempt from Soldiours. pag. 277
  • Rhodes taken by Cassius. pag. 270
  • Romane soldiour killeth Pompey. pag. 122
  • Romane Empire enlarged. pag. 131
  • Romanes vse in subdued landes. pag. 5
  • Romane discipline decayed. pag. 314
  • Romane vertue shevved in Messala. pag. 356
S.
  • SAburra killed by Sittius. pag. 206
  • pag. Sabinus, appoynted by Octauius, to punish ma­lefactours.
  • Sacrifice for the nauie. pag. 337. 350
  • Sacrifice to Venus and Mars. pag. 112
  • Salerno taken. 27. Salapia burned. pag. 33
  • Saluius the Tribune killed. pag. 238
  • Saluidienus killed. pag. 337
  • Sardinia taken vvith Menadorus. pag. 337
  • Scapula burneth himselfe. pag. 133
  • Scaurus bevvrayeth Pompey. pag. 367
  • Scaua his valiantnesse. pag. 107
  • Scipio killed. pag. 14
  • Scrapion deliuered by Antonie to die to please Cleopatra. pag. 310
  • Sextus cause of the burning of Perugia. pag. 392
  • Sedition in Caesars campe. pag. 100. 126
  • Sedition in Octauius campe. pag. 313
  • Sedition for debte. pag. 33
  • Sedition for inhabitaunce. pag. 24
  • Sedition for Amatius. pag. 106
  • Sedition of the countrey men. pag. 20
  • Senatours and Gentlemen cōdemned by Sylla. pag. 57
  • Senatours and Gentlemen condemned by the three men. pag. 231
  • Sertorius an other Anniball. pag. 67
  • Securitie giuen to Pompeys men. pag. 119
  • Seregius escapeth. pag. 255
  • Sepulchre of Pompey restored by Adrian. pag. 123
  • Serpent borne of a vvoman. pag. 50
  • Shoppes shutte vp in Rome. pag. 314
  • Sittius banished in his ovvne countrie. pag. 257
  • Sittius escapeth Rome, serueth vvell in Affrica. pag. 261
  • Soldiours perisheth vvith hasty drinking. pag. 356
  • Solitarie vvay disclosed by to much ioy. pag. 286
  • Soldiours practise frendship. pag. 334. 337
  • Southsayer of Tuscane killeth himselfe. pag. 230
  • Spartacus reiecteth siluer and golde. pag. 70
  • Statius the Samnite killed. pag. 243
  • Stratageme of Antonie. pag. 207. 289
  • Stratageme of Pomponius and Arnutius. pag. 255
  • Syria vnder kings till Seleucus, Antiochu s laste successour. pag. 261
T.
  • TAbles deliuered to Caesar of his death. pag. 140
  • Taberius Caesars secretarie. pag. 167
  • Tempest destroyeth Octauius nauie. pag. 347
  • Temples dedicate to Caesar alone, and to him and clemencie, hande in hande. pag. [...]34
  • Testament of Caesar published. pag. 15 [...]
  • Temple of reuenge dedicate by Caesar at Alexan­dria, pulled dovvne of the Ievves in [...]raianes time. pag. 125
  • Temple of Venus dedicate by Caesar vvith the I­mage of C [...]opatra. pag. 132
  • Theatre put dovvne by Scipio. pag. 1 [...]
  • Theodotus hanged by Cassius for being vvorker of Pompeys death. pag. [...]35
  • Thoranius being Octauius tutor is condemned to death. pag. 235
  • Three mens povver hatefull. pag. 276
  • Title see vpon Sylla his picture. pag. 58
  • Titius vnkin de to S. Pompey. pag. 368
  • Titinius killed himselfe. pag. 290
  • Title and honours giuen to Octauius. pag.
  • Token euill in Antonies campe. pag. 343
  • Token vnlucky to Octauius. pag. 290
  • Trouble by naked men. pag. 356
  • Tribuneship perpetuall offered to Caesar. pag. 134
  • Trebonius killed of Dolabella. pag. 180
  • Triumphes foure of Caesar. pag. 131
  • Triumphe of Lepidus. pag. 247
  • Tributes vpon the Grecians. pag. 308
  • Tributes vpon Asia pag. 308
  • Tribunes ought to be considered pag. 15
  • Tribunes killed. pag. 12
  • Tumult at Rome. pag. 338
  • Tumult at Alexandria. pag. 125
  • Tumult of Soldiours in Sicelie, in the vvhich Ofi­lius vvas flayne: pag. 303
V.
  • VArinius Glaber, against Spariacus. pag. 69
  • Varro escapeth. pag. 257
  • Varus is killed. 245. Vatinius accused. pag. 80
  • Venus, the vvorde of Caesar. pag. 127
  • Venus temple dedicate to Caesar. pag. 171
  • Ventidius repressed the Parthians. pag. 337
  • Venusians rebell from the Romanes. pag. 32
  • Vestall virgins keepe the lavves of peace. pag. 340
  • Vestines reuolte. pag. 25
  • Vesu [...]iu [...]s hyll vvhere Plinie perished, taken by Spartareus. pag. 58
  • Vetius Cato ouerthrovveth S. Iulius. pag. 26
  • Vertue is not caught of the euill. pag. 300
  • Ventidius escapeth. 256. Ventidius slayne. pag. 261
  • Viboneans exempt from bondage. pag. 227
  • Victorie of Caesar at Pharsalo. pag. 126
  • Victorie of Caesar in Spayne, vvhere he sayde hee fought for his life. pag. 97. 133
  • Victorie at Alexādria. 125. Victorie in Affrica. pag. 129
  • Victorie of Pompey at Durazzo. pag. 103
  • Victories of Sylla at Rome. pag. 36 55
  • Victories of Octauius at Mutina. pag. 209
  • Victories of Octauius and Antonie. pag. 290. 300
  • Victories of Cassius. pag. 213. 264. 269
  • Victories of Brutus. pag. 214. 272 273
  • Victorie of Octauius by Agrippa. pag. 246
  • Vnskilfulnesse of Pompey. pag. 318. 355
  • [Page]Victory of [...]rutus and Cas [...]ius by sea. pag. 202
  • Victory of Octauius at Perugia. pag. 320
  • Victory of sextus Pompey at Cuma, pag. 345. 346
  • Victory of Octau [...]is. pag.
  • Vitulinus dyeth manfully. pag. 243
  • V [...]l [...]sius fleeth to Pompey. pag. 253
  • Vaginius escapeth. pag. 257
  • V [...]ca forsaken and pardoned. pag. 130
  • Vultures tvvelue to Octauius. pag. 224
  • Vnkindnesse of Antony to his vviues. pag. 33
  • Vria [...], Antony taketh part of Octauius horsemen. pag. 334
  • Vision of tautus. pag. 303
VV.
  • WAterlesse place of Sicelie, called the floud of the fire. pag. 356
  • VVater infected, killeth Caesirs men. pag. 98
  • VVife of Coponius saueth his husband by spilling hir selfe. pag. [...]52
  • VVant of Corne in Rome. pag. 322
  • VVatches first appoynted in Rome. pag. 364
  • VVant of floud, forceth Pompey to yeelde. pag. 307
  • VVolle eateth a man in Antonyes tent. pag. 343
X.
  • XAnthus diuers times sacked in defence of their libertie. pag. 273
Y.
  • YEarely offices appoynted vvith a promise of auntient forme of rule. pag. 364
  • Yeare ordered by Caesar, according to the course of the Sunne. pag. 164
Z.
  • Zygactes a floud, taking his name of the broken yoke of Plutoes Chariot. pag. 27
  • Zeale of Countrey passeth all. pag. 332
FINIS.

The Table of the Continuation of the ciuill warres.

A▪
  • ACcusations betvveene Octauius & Antonie. pag. 381
  • Age of Antonie and Cleopatra. pag. 396
  • Amuretes a Turkishe monke. pag. 398
  • Antonies footemen yeelde. pag. 380
  • Antonie in despayre. pag. 380
  • Antonie folovveth Timone trade. pag. 300
  • Antonie [...]enevveth his ryot. pag. 300
  • Antonie vvluppeth a messenger of Octa. Caesar. pag. 301
  • Antonie repulleth Octauius horsemen. pag. 301
  • Antonie [...]he [...]reth h [...]s men. pag. 3 [...]2
  • Antonies shippes forsake him. pag. 392
  • Antonies horsemen forsake him. pag. 3 [...]2
  • Antonie complayneth of Cleopatra. pag. 3 [...]2
  • Antonies griefe. pag. 3 [...]2
  • Antonie shyketh himselfe. pag. 393
  • Antonie halle dead, is haled into Cleopatras sepul­chre. pag. 3 [...]2
  • Antonies children. pag. 306
  • Antonie the c [...]tt [...]e of the alteration of the state of Rome. pag. 3 [...]
  • Antonies pictures throvven dovvne. pag. [...]
  • Antonies [...]ld [...]en. pag. 3 [...]
  • Antonie [...]eth [...]. pag. [...]1
  • Antonies fortune is ouercome of Octauius for­tune. pag. [...]1
  • Antonie did better by his [...] then by [...]m [...]elle. pag. 3 [...]1
  • Antonie omitteth a generalles part. pag. 3 [...]
  • Antonie vvcepeth. &c. pag. 3 [...]6
  • Antonie doteth. pag. 381
  • Antonie forsaketh his namie. pag. 183
  • Antonie is hoysted into Cleopatras sp [...]ppe. pag. [...]
  • Antonie is pursued. pag. 38 [...]
  • Antonie is buried princely. pag. 394
  • Artillerie of the Romaines taken. pag. 344
  • Aspis Serpent brought to Cleopatra among figges. pag. 596.
  • Augustus vvhat name. pag. 397
B.
  • BArly for foode, a punishment. pag. 375
  • Barly bread dere in the Romanes campe. pag. 377
  • Blame put to Antonie if he should forsake Cleopa­tra. pag. 381
  • Blame put to him because he did not forsake hir. pag. [...]8 [...].
  • Byrth day of Antony celebrated by Cleopatra. pag. 3 [...]2
C.
  • CAnidius forsaketh Antonie. pag. 384
  • Canidius errour. pag. 3 [...]6
  • Canidius in [...]n [...]ed by Antonie. pag. 3 [...]6
  • Casar g [...]a [...]nteth all things to Cleopatra. pag. 3 [...]5
  • Change of M [...]age. pag. 397
  • [...] called Imper [...]t [...]r. pag. 3 [...]8
  • Cleopatra [...] for po [...]ion. pag. 3 [...]0
  • Cleopatra celebrateth his byrth day. pag. 3 [...]1
  • Cleopatra in insp [...]tion. pag. 3 [...]
  • Cleopatra vv [...]ndeth the valiant soldiours. pag. [...]
  • Cleopatra fleeth [...] Antonie. pag. [...]
  • Cleopatra celebrateth Antonies s [...]ciall. pag. [...]
  • Cleopatra deceyueth C [...]sar. pag. [...]
  • Cleopatra [...] last request to Caesar. pag. [...]
  • Cleopatra founde [...] vpon a bedde of gold. pag. [...]
  • Cleopatra beateth one of his treasourers. pag. [...]
  • [Page] Cleopatra fleeth. pag. 387
  • Cleopatra vvould haue killed hir selfe. pag. 394
  • Cleopatra vvould pine hir selfe to death. pag. 304
  • Cleopatra dieth like a Queene and is royally bu­ried. pag. 304
  • Countries confederate. pag. 386
  • Combat chalenged by Antonie. pag. 385
  • Crassus goeth to vvarre against order. pag. 372
  • Crafte of the Parthians. pag. 375
  • Crafte of Cleopatra. pag. 381
  • Crueltie of Antonie. pag. 374
D.
  • DAnger of Antonie. pag. 380
  • Death of Cleopatra [...] pag. 396
  • Death of Antonie. pag. 392
  • Death of Heros. pag. 392
  • Death of Carmium. pag. 396
  • Death of Iris. pag. 396
  • Death of Caesarion. pag. 396
  • Decree of honours at Athens for Cleopatra. pag. 382
  • Despayre of Antonie. pag. 380
  • Determinatiō of vvarre against the Parthians. pag. 371
  • Diuersitie of fight. pag. 387
  • Deuise of Cleopatra to keepe hir frō inuasion. pag. 399
  • Dotyng of Antonie. pag. 381
  • Doubte of Antonie. pag. 372
  • Doubte of Octauius. pag. 383
E.
  • EMperour vvhat name. pag. 398
  • Emperours of Antonies issue. pag. 307
  • Enuie eschevved. pag. 398
  • Errour acknovvledged. pag. 379
  • Euill nevves one after an other. pag. 390
  • Euphronius is sent to Octanius. pag. 300
  • Euricles persueth Antonie. pag. 383
  • Exaction of money. pag. 388
  • Execration agaynst Crassus. pag. 372
F.
  • FAyre figges deceyueth the garde. pag. 395
  • Feare of Antonies furie is fled by Cleopatra. pag. 393
  • Feare of Antonie. pag. 379
  • Feastes of the dying forte. pag. 300
  • Fight by sea. pag. 387
  • Folie in Antonie. pag. 383
  • Fondnesse of Antonie. pag. 380
  • Frensie in the Romanes campe. pag. 377
  • Furie of Antonie.▪ pag. 391
G.
  • GArde deceyued. pag. 305
  • Germane Emperours. pag. 3 [...]8
  • Geminius blamed for truth. pag. 384
  • Geminius is sent from Rome to Antonie. pag. 384
  • Generals part omitted by Antonie. pag. 375
  • Giftes of Antonie. pag. 370
  • Giftes of Cleopatra. pag. 3 [...]1
  • Good counsell not accepted of Antonie. pag. 386
  • Good offer refused. pag. 373
  • Greeke Emperours. pag. 398
  • Griefe of Antonie. pag. 392
  • Grace comely in the vvasted corps of Cleopatra. pag. 394.
H.▪
  • HAte hyndreth. pag. 374
  • Heros Antonies man killeth himselfe. pag. 3 [...]2
  • Hearbes venemouse. pag. 3 [...]
  • Herode king of Iurie forsaketh Antonie. pag. 390
  • Horsemen forsake Antonie. pag. 3 [...]2
  • Horsemen repulsed. pag. 391
I.
  • IAnus temple shutte for peace vniuersall. pag. 3 [...]
  • Iewes kyng, killed by Antonie. pag. 3 [...]4
  • Ielousie of Antonie. pag. 3 [...]2
  • Imperator, hovv the name came. pag. 3 [...]2
  • Imbassage sente to Antonie from the people of Rome to leaue Cleoparra. pag. 384
  • Iniuries done by Antonie, reuenged at last. pag. 367
  • Iri [...] lieth dead by Cleopatra. pag. 360
  • Isi [...], name of a goddesse giuen by Antonie to Cleo­patra. pag. 3 [...]
  • Iuste iudgement of God, the punishment of An­tonie. pag. [...]97
L.
  • LAmentation of Cleopatra. pag. 3 [...]3
  • Lamentation of Antonie. pag. 377
  • Last vvordes of Antonie. pag. 393
  • Last vvordes of Cleopatra. pag. 3 [...]9
  • Last request of Cleopatra. pag. 3 [...]5
  • Leaue gyuen by Antonie for his men to shifte for themselues. pag. 388
  • Librarie of Pergamo. pag. 383
  • Liberalitie of Antonie. pag. 388
  • Losse of the Romanes. pag. 374
  • Loue, losse of all to Antonie. pag. 373
  • Louers mynde, in an others body. pag. 381
M.
  • MAhu [...]netes taketh Constantinople. pag. 3 [...]8
  • Mardu [...] true to the Romanes. pag. 2 [...]8
  • Men amased at Antonies madnesse. pag. 389
  • Moneses fleeth to Antonie. pag. 373
  • Modestie of Octauia. pag. 373
  • Moneses vsed by Antonie, as Themistocles by the Persian kyng. pag. 373
  • Munificence of Antonie. pag. 373
N.
  • NAnie of Antonie at Ephesus. pag. 382
  • Negligence of Antonie. pag. 383
  • Niger, messenger from Octania to Antonie. pag. 381
  • Nilus defended by Cleopatra. pag. 380
  • Noyse in Alexandria like to musike in the night. pag. 392.
  • Number of Antonies shippes. pag. 384
  • Number of Octauius shippes. pag. 384
  • Number of the Romanes losse. pag. 380
  • Number of the losse of Crassus. pag. 372
O.
  • OCtauius bestovveth Cleopatras childrē, one of Antonies sonnes in great fauour vvith Octa­uius. pag. 3 [...]6. 397
  • [Page] Octauius is forbidden to come to Antonie. pag. 381
  • Octauius is put out of Antonies house. pag. 383
  • Octauius v [...]epeth for Antonie. pag. 3 [...]
  • Octauius honoreth Arriue a Philosopher. pag. 394
  • Octauius ruleth alone. pag. 398
  • Octauius secketh occasion against Antonie. pag. 380
  • Octauius prouoketh Antonie. pag. 385
  • Orodes king of Parthia, killed by his sonne. pag. 373
P.
  • PAstime out of tyme. pag. 382
  • Phraata citie belieged. pag. 374
  • Pictures of Cleopatra saued. pag. 3 [...]6
  • Plenty soden, cause of snif [...]te. pag. 380
  • Playes exhibited to Antonie & Cleopatra. pag. 382
  • Plague vpon Antonie. pag. 367
  • Pompey a please vvife. pag. 372
  • Policie of the Romanes. pag. 377
  • Progresie of Antonie and Cleopatra. pag. 382
  • Player of Antonie. pag. 377
  • Prounces giuen to Cleopatra. pag. 374
R.
  • REquestes of Cleopatra and Antonie. pag. 300
  • Recorders part playde by Antonie. pag. 382
  • Revvardes of Cleopatra pag. 380
  • Renuyng of [...]ot by Antonie. pag. 300
  • Reuengment of Antony. pag. 307
  • Romanes fleeth from Antonie. pag. 384
  • Romanes great lo [...]e. pag. 380
  • Romanes praysed of the Parthians. pag. 37 [...]
  • Rude dealyng of Antonie. pag. 3 [...]
  • Ruyne of Antonie. pag. 388
S.
  • SEpulchre of Cleopatra. pag. 301
  • Seconde chalenge of Antonie agaynst Octauius. pag. 301.
  • Scornful message of Antonie. pag. 301
  • Sight pitifull. pag. 393
  • Science of Antonie. pag. 388
  • Slacknesse of Antonie. pag. 383
  • Soldiours good opinion of Antonie. pag. 289
  • Soldiours great loue to Antonie. pag. 377
  • Son [...] sayer vvarneth Antonie. pag. 371
  • Suspition agaynst Cleopatra. pag. 391
T.
  • TAti [...]nus killed. pag. 374
  • Testament of Antonie. pag. 383
  • Timo [...]es Tabernacle. pag. 390
  • Tunon of Athens, vvho for his inhumanitie vvas called [...] an hater of men, and he made this Epitaphe of himselfe: After a poore and wretch [...]d life, so here in graue like, Aske not my name, and so the Goddes, O reader, thee destroy. pag. 300
  • Token to Octauius. pag. 387
  • Tokens of the comming of Christ. pag. 3 [...]0
  • Tokens to Crassus. pag. 372
  • Treasure of Antonye spoyled. pag. 379
  • Triumph of the king of [...]. pag. 380
  • Triumph displeas [...]nt. pag. 380
  • Trust fayleth in aduersitie. pag. 38 [...]
V.
  • VAyne loue. pag. 373
  • Vanitie of Antony. pag. 374
  • Ventidius is sent by Antony to triumph at Rome. pag. 373
  • Ventidius plagueth the Parthians. pag. 373
  • Victory of Octauius Caesar by sea againste Anto­nie. pag. 380
  • Victory of small importance. pag. 375. 380
VV.
  • VVAnt in the Romanes Camp. pag. 377
  • VVater salt hurtfull. pag. 377
  • VVarre proclaymed. pag. 384
  • VVant of Octauius. pag. 383
  • VVarning vvoulde not serue Antony at none of his friends. pag. 383. 385
  • VVine remedie against melancoly. pag. 377
  • VVords of Antony at his death. pag. 393
  • VVofull end of Antony. pag. 393
  • VVofull end of Crassus. pag. 372
  • VVords of Cleopatra. pag. 3 [...]5
X.
  • Xenophon his army of tenne thousande, oft re­membred of Antony, by an acclamation af­ter [...] sort, Oh the tenne thousande, bycause vvith them onely Xenophon passed vvithoute hurt, as long a vyay as the Romanes vvent. pag. 378
FINIS.

Faultes escaped in the printing of the Bookes of Ciuill vvarres.

Page. Line. Faulte. Correction.
1 18 (for should (reade shall
3 35 Liabia [...]by [...]
4 1 Duke of Loma guife of Ionia
4 vlt. Colligant Colligauit
5 20 of that of them that
12 13 Paperius Papirius
16 33 pastune pasture
25 25 Hirsians Hirpians
29 17 Falernio Falerno
32 16 Ca [...]ne Canne
38 21 Cithegus Cethegus
50 17 meanes malice
54 14 warres wayes
69 vlt. Garinus Garganus
70 [...] birdes burdens
73 20 Cateline Catiline
83 35 that Milo Milo that
85 26. 28. 29 Ptotolomie Ptolomie
95 3 Dirrachium Dyrrachium
97 2 Sypris Sycoris
100 22 that any that only
102 14 mnaly manly
103 1 Baron Barne
107 34 of .viii. C. sauing. 800.
110 1 Vetona Velona
114 7 slingers slingers
115 18 fortie 400.
115 27 so see
126 9 Methridates. Mithridates
128 33 which with
129 5 Corta Clita
140 17 came comming
161 2 40 400.
ibid. [...] horse holie
ibid. 18 Titurus Titureius
167 14 Phaberius Taberius
172 33 These words, but as a succes­sor of his tyran­nie, must be red in the text. after thys worde (thinke)  
174   the thy
[Page]175 1 striker strikers
178 1 hart hast
210 3 hest hurt
ibid. 22 fouing folowing
213 30 Crassus Crispus
223 19 Cornurꝰ himself Cornutus [...]i [...]eth himselfe
232 33 leaue out all the line  
248 27 for or for
27 [...] 2 [...] Ciceronians Cizicenians
285 7 Caldeans Calcidonians
ibid. 15 of Saporea for Saporea
289 3 of with
ibid. 21 Case Thaese
290 9 flocke flanke
292 17 legates legion
294 21 yet after
296 11 Achis Achaia
ibid. vlt. Generalles Generall
30 [...] 1 [...] naue none
307 30 Pergama Pergamo
309 8 adde this, other Tributes were commanded to Kings & Prin­ces & free Ci­ties, according to euerye ones habilitie  
ibid. 25 Galace Galaceans
ibid. 22 Paleshia Palestina
ibid. 31 Sinna Sicinna
315 17 adde this, that the Consulles shoulde rule af­ter the auntient manner, with­out any lette of the three men.  
324 2 enuies enemies
326 4 and state estate
339 21 Bithinus Bithinicus
341 15 wife ncese
343 11 Menedorus his Menedorus as one ruling his
358 2 cingle circle
359 10 adde but Pompeis part was sad
380 19 flight sleyght
378 14 Antioch Antioche
379 vlt. of that
382 1 sent lent
ibid. 38 as all

❧ The second part of Appian of Alexandrîa.

Wherin be contained so manie of the Romanes expeditions against forraine Nations, as haue bene defended from the spoyle of War, o [...] the decay of time, and bin brought into light and come to our handes.

That is to say:

  • 1 Against Mithridates King of Pontus, with his mi­serable end.
  • 2 Againste the Hiberians, nowe called Spaniardes, and among many notable things, the pitiful ouerthrow of the Citie of Numantia.
  • 3 Againste the Carthagies, with the lamentable de­struction of that Citie.
  • 4 Againste Antiochus the Great, who after manye losses, made a dishonorable peace.
  • 5 Againste the Parthians, where Crassus was slaine, and Antonie foyled.
  • 6 Againste the Illyrians, of whose Conquest Octauius Caesar glorieth.
  • 7 A fragment of the war with the Frenche, with whom Iulius Caesar fought tenne yeares togither, and triumphed of them.

Translated into English by W: B. Imprinted at London by Ralph Newberie and Henrie Bynniman.

Anno. 1578.

¶ TO THE RIGHT HONO­rable, his singular good Mayster, Sir Christopher Hatton, Knight, Ca­pitaine of the Queenes Maiesties Garde, Vizchamberlaine to hir Highnese, and one of hir Maiesties most honou­rable priuie Counsayle.

THe first translatour of this Author into Latin, did make his dedicatiō to two sūdry Princes: but we haue thoughte good to make your Ho­nor the vvhole patron of our eng­lish Appian, as vvholy as vve could set him forth.

In the former parte hee she­wed to youre Honoure, the con­questes that the Romaynes made, one of another. In this parte hee sheweth the conquestes that they made of other nations: vvherein they vvente so farre, that at laste they fell dovvne, beeyng ouerpreste vvith their ovvne vvayght. To these tvvo kindes of conquests, a thirde is to be added, vvhen a man conquereth himselfe, as Alexander did in conteyning from Darius most faire vvife and daugh­ters, and Caesar, in sparing to punish his greatest enimies. To vvhom Cicero say de, that in other victories, fortune, policie, and souldiours, might claime a parte, but in this, he alone should haue al the glorie. And vvhen Darius died, and vvas holpen therto, by Polycrates, he sayd, for thy paines Alexander shal giue thee thanks, but the Gods immortal, shal giue A­lexander [Page] thankes, for his magnanimitie shevved to my mo­ther, vvife and childrē. By such maner of conquest, your honour shall attaine to moste sure triumphe, the guide of vvhose Chariot, shal be Grace giuen from aboue, that shal neuer fayle you. Hovv vvorthy this author is to be read in Stephanus in his Greeke ad­dition to the Greeke Pre­face. these matters, his testimonie may be ynough to proue, that vvisheth him to be read in the same, afore all other. Then may it please your Honour to accept him at the hands of your most humble seruaunt, that cōtinually prayeth for your increase of fame and honour, to the seruice of your Prince, and the glorie of God.

Your Honors most bounden seruaunte: H. BYNNIMAN.

[Page]

[coat of arms or blazon]

¶ The Authours Preface to the bookes of the Romane wars, with for­raine Nations.

BEginning to write the Historie of the Romaines, I haue thought it necessa­ry to declare fyrst, the borders of the nations that the Romanes ruled. In the mayne Sea, the moste parte of the Brittaines is theirs. And goyng to the sea, by the pillers of Hercules, and sayling aboute these pillers, they bee These pillers or hylls of Hercules be in the strai­ghtes of Gades, beyōd the vvhi­che it vvas thoughe no mā could go. Moores inhabite Ma [...]ni [...] vvest vvarde. [...]bi [...], othervvise called Affrica, is the third part of the vvorld, diui­ded frō Asia by the floude Nilus, and from Europa, by the sea, that is called Med [...] [...]rrancum. Nomades vvere they that alvvai follovved theyr flocks, and chan̄ ­ged their places of past [...]re There be tvvo [...]hallovve seas called Syrtes. Marmaridans bee those people of Affrica, among vvhych be they that be called Psilli, vvhose spettle killeth serpents, as Cato proued vvhen he vvent against Iub [...]. The holloyve parte of Syri [...] is called Calosyri [...]. P [...]lusium is the furthest Cittie of the coasts of Egipt. Palmyra is a free Cittye in the confines of the Rom [...] and Parthian kingdomes. Lordes of al the Ilands, and the firme land, that is inhabited alongest the sea.

The firste on the right hande of that sea, be the Marousians, the other be the nations of the Lybians as farre as Carthage, beyonde whome be the Nomadians, whome the Romaines call Numidians, and the Country Numidia. The other Lybians do inhabite about the shallowe seas, to Cyrene. Then Cyrene, the Marmaridans and Ammonians, and they that dwell at the lake of M [...]ea, and the great citie which Alexander bid build in Egipt, with Egipt it self, as farre as a man may sayle in Nilus to the Easte Ethiopians, and by sea, to Pelusio.

Then tourning the course to Syria and Palestina, and beyond them you go to parte of the Arabians. The Phaenitians bordure vppon the Pal [...]stines at the sea, and beyond the Phaenitians, the hol­low part of Syria, vnto the floude Euphrates. From the sea aboue the porte Minaris, and the sandes of Palmiria to Euphrates. They had the Cilicians of Syria, and the Cappadocians their neighbours, & parte of Armenia, called Armenia the lesse. And all the nations about Euxinus Pontus, obeyed the Romaynes. And the Syrians and Cilicians that be toward the sea. The Armenians and Cappadocians inhabiting the nations of Pontus, & they of the middle land, which [Page] they call Armenia the great, of the whyche the Romaines take Prop [...]tis is novv called Marc d [...] San Georgio. Pamphilia is in Asia the lesse, named as some thinke, of the plentye of t [...]e [...] Euxinus is the sea that begin­neth at [...]spho­r [...] Trac [...]s, and goeth easte and not the: it vvas first called. Axe­nu [...], that vvas Inhospitalis, bi­cause the m [...]abi taunts dyd kyll and eate the passengers: but af­ter beeing mad [...] ci [...]ll by the Gre [...]an [...], it vvas called Euxinus no tribute, but they receiue kings by their appointment. From Cappadocia and Cilicia to Ionia, is the great lande like an Ilande whiche hathe Pontus Euxinus and Propentis, and Hedesp [...]nt on the right hande, and the Aegaean, Pamphilian, and Egiptian sea on the lefte side, for they say it maketh almost an Ilande on both sides, and as men go to the Egiptian Sea, there be the Pamphilians, Lyci­ans, and after them Car [...]a to Ionia, and the Galatiās, Bythinians, My­sians and Phrygians be aboue Euxinus. In the midde land, the Pisi­dians and Lydians. So manye nations inhabite Cherronesus, of all the whiche the Romaines haue rule. On the other side of that sea, they gouerne the nations about Pontus and Mysia in Europa, and the Thracians that be aboute Euxinus. From Ionia beginneth the Gulfe of Aegeo, and the other from the sea of Ionia, and the narrowe sea of Sicelie, and the Tuscane sea to the pillers of Hercu­les. So great is the length from Ionio to the Ocean sea, and in that coaste,, these be the Romaine prouinces. All Grecia, Thessalia, Ma­sedonia, and al y ioyne vpon Thracia and Illyria, and the nations of Panno nia. Then Italie it selfe, the longeste of them all, reaching from the Ionian, to the moste parte of the Tuscane sea, to the Celti­ans, Rbenus is the floude that diui­deth Germany from Fraunce. Iberia &c. novv Spaine. which they call Galatiās, and of the people of the Galls, some belong to this sea, and some to the north Ocean, and some at the riuer of Rene. And all Iberia and Celtiberia, that ende in the weast and north Ocean, and Hercules pillers. I wil declare euidently of all these Nations, when I shall wryte of euerye Nation by it selfe.

Nowe we haue tolde with howe great borders their Empire is compassed by sea. To him that will trauaile on the land, ther is a parte of Mauritania that goeth towarde the Weaste to the Aethiopians, then the other more desert, and wylde parte of Lybia, to the Easte Aethiopians: Thys is the bordure of the Romaines in Lybia.

Of Asia, the floude Euphrates, and the hill Caucasus, and the Euphrates is a floude of Meso [...] potam [...]. Caucasus an hy [...] dunding I [...]di [...] from Scythi [...]. kingdome of Armenia the great, and the Colchians that be about the Sea of Euxinus, and the rest of that sea. In Europa two flouds Renus and Hister doth chiefly diuide the Romane Kingdome. Of [Page] these, Renus runneth to the north Ocean, and Hister into Euxinus [...]ster, is the s [...]e floud in [...]llyria, that Da. [...] in G [...]r manie the grea­test floud in Europe. Dae [...] novv Val­lichia, the peo­ple vvere cal­led Da [...] or D [...]a ioyuing to the G [...]t [...] of vvhom the A [...]b [...]a [...]s take their names o [...] i [...] [...]u [...]unts in C [...]d [...] as Da­ [...]us, [...]t [...]. Cy [...]la [...]e [...]. be the [...]les in the A [...]ge [...] Sea. S [...]o [...]ade▪ be [...]es about Creta in the Carp [...]i [...] Sea. Echi [...]es, be big Iles next to Aca [...]i [...]. Tyr [...]nide [...] be the lands in the Tus­can [...] Sea. Myr [...]o [...]n sea, is part of the Aeg [...]se [...]. [...] novv England so gret as t [...]seemeth a moyne lande. A [...]stacrasia is a rule of the best sort of men. C. Caesar. Kings Emperours. Emperor [...]s hee that is generall of an army. Pontus. And in some place they goe beyond, and rule the nations that bee beyonde Rene, and the Getes that bee beyonde Hister, whom they call Dacies. These be their boundes by land, as neare as I coulde gather. All the Ilandes that be in the Sea, Cyclades, Sporades, H [...]ades, Echi [...]ades, and Tyrrenides, & M [...]esia, or whatsoeuer other name they haue, about Libya, Ionia, Aegipt, My [...]ro, or Sici­lie, or what otherwise they be called in the Sea: Al these be sub­iect to the Romanes, and they that for their excellencie, be named of y Romanes great Ilands, as Cyprus, Creta, [...]hodes, Lesbus, Eu­boi [...], Sicelie, Sardus, and Cyrnas, and whatsoeuer other else. Then passing the north O [...]ae [...], into y Ile of Brittaine, which for y t great­nesse maye some an other continent, they haue y e best parte of it, more than halfe, the reste they passe not of. For that parte which they haue, is not fruitfull to thē. As great as al these natiōs be, was y t greatest labour to thē to conquere Italy, which they could hardly do after. 500. yeares, halfe of y t tyme being vnder kings.

But when they had e [...]p [...]sed their kings and sworne that they woulde no more receiue them, they vsed the rule of the best meane, and hadde them yearely chosen twoo hundred yeares af­ter the .v. C. Their Empire waxed moste greate, and they were Lordes of [...]nite for raine power, and subdued the most nati ōs. Thē Caius Caesar getting the vpper hand, made it a sure state, he kept still the forme and name of a Commō wealth, but made himselfe a Monarchie ouer all, and so the rule hath continued in one to thys daye, whome they call not kings, as I thinke to a­ [...]o [...]e their olde othe, but name them Emperoures, whiche is the title of them that rule armies for a tyme: but in all purpo­ses they bée kings. And Emperoures haue continued to thys tyme aboute two hundred yeares more, in the whiche the Cit­ty hath bin chiefly be [...]tisied, and the reuenue moste encreased, & all things being in long and sure peace, brought to perfect feli­citie. For the Emperoures haue made some of these to be of theyr dominion by force, and haue holden in, them that reuol­te [...]. Therefore by good skill they hadde rather kéepe that be most profitable aboute the Sea, and encreace them, than to ex­tende theyr dominson to barbarous nations, poore, & vnprofi­table [Page] of whome I haue séene Embassadoures come to Rome, to yéelde themselues subiect, and not receyued of the Emperoure, as vnprofitable to him. To other many nations they appoint Kings, bycause the Empires hadde no néede of them, some sub­iectes must be kepte, for a shame to forsake them, though they be pore. Greate armyes be in euery place, as in a circle, by the which they kéepe so greate lande and sea, as one place. There was neuer Monarchie that was so great, or continued so long.

The state of Grecia, if a man will begin frō the tune of Darius army, in the which they most flourished, vnto the time of Phill [...], Amyntas sonne, though he put togither the power of the Atho­nians, Grecia. Darius the first king of Persia, that had Cyru [...] daughter to vvi [...]. Lacedemonians, and Thebanes, shall not appeare so mighty a thing, for they contended rather for [...]ig [...]itie among themselues, thā to get dominiō, and thought no matter so noble, as to maine­teine their libertie againste strange kings that molested them. If some of them sayled as farre as Sicel [...] in hope of rule, they were ouerthrowen. If any went into Asia, they did little there, and returned. And to cōclude, the power of the Grecians, though The Ath [...]ni [...]ns vver [...] ouer­throvven in Italy. it were [...]ōtētions for y rule, it proceded not surely out of Grecia, but shewed they would kéepe it from seruitude, & vnconquerable as muche as they could; but after Philip & Alexander, I thynke they haue done very euil, & vnworthy thēselues. The Empire of The povver of Grecia. Asia, is not to be cōpared to the least of y feates and vertue of Europe, for the weakenes & faintnesse of their nations, the which The rule of Asia. this present wrighting shal declare; for the Romanes with a few battels got so many nations of Asia, as now they cōmaund, al­though they were defended by y M [...]ced [...]nians; but they had great Europe. labour about Europe & Libya; the dominiō of the Assyrians, Medi­ans, & Persians, thrée of the greatest powers, til Alexander, Philips sonne, though he recken y . C. yeares y they cōtinued, can not cōpare with the Romane Empire as it is now, and y greatnes of Asia. their Empire, is lesse by halfe I thinke, if it be well considered, for the Romanes reach frō the West Ocean, to the hill Caucasus, & the floud Euphr [...]s, and to the Aeth [...]pians that be about Ae­gipt and Arabia, to the East Ocean. And their boundes is, the O­cean of the sunne rising and setting. They rule all the inward [...] sea, all the Ilands, and the Brettanes that be in the Ocean.

[Page]The Medians and the Persians, when they had most of the sea, Pers [...]c [...] Si [...]s from the east hath the red sea and from the vveast Arabia. it was no further than the Gulfe of Pamphilia, and one Ile of Cy­pres, or berie little of the Ionian sea, for the sea of Persis which they had, was no greate matter.

The Macedonians before Philippe, had very little power, and Macedonia. Phillip. to some they were subiects. The labour and trauaile of Philippe, is not to be accompted light, but it was onely aboute Grecia, and one region.

Under Alexander, for the greatnesse, multitude, felicitie, and spéedynesse, this dominion in a shorte space, became infinite, and incomparable, but bycause of the short time, it was like a bright Alexander. lightning. The whiche beyng diuided into manye Prouinces, part of them continued noble a good whyle. But our kings only dyd maintaine two hundred thousande footeinen, fortie thousand The povver of the kings of Ae­gipt. horsemen, thrée hundred Elephants vsed to the warre, two thou­sande armed Chariots, and so muche armoure as woulde serue thrée hundred thousande. Besides this prouision for the lande, they had two thousande of the small vessels, and of galleys little and greate a thousande fyue hundreth, with double furniture: eyghte hundred shippes of shewe, whiche they vsed for pompe, with stems, and sternes of golde, seauen hundred and fortie ta­lents of Egipt, in their treasure, al the whiche appeareth by the Princes recordes, which be yet extant.

The seconde king of Egipt, after Alexander, who of al other, was moste able to spende, most bountifull to bestow, & most de­sirous to get, lefte this behinde him: Other Princes were not [...] Lagus, vvas the mightiest af­ter Alexander. muche inferiour, but by mutuall discorde of their posteritie, which is the onely destruction of great kingdomes, they came to nothing.

But the Romane Empire passed for greatnesse and felicitie, for continuaunce, and wisedom in the Senate, neither wanted they At [...]. At the lake of [...]. Al Canne novve [...]. manhoode, nor patience, nor painefulnesse, til they had established their power, nor gaue place to misfortune: they loste sometime twenty thousande, sometyme fortie and fiftye thousand at a bat­taile▪ diuerse tymes the Citie was in daunger by famine, pesti­lence and sedition. Yet all this woulde not abate their ambition, [Page] by the space of seauen hundred yeares, stryuing with paine and perill, till they brought their dominion, (kéeping stil [...]one [...]rade▪) to this heigth, as they receyue moste ample fruits of their wise­dome and happinesse.

These things many Gretians and Romanes haue put in wri­ting, and the Historie is farre excéeding the Macedonians: and where as I haue considered their valiauntnesse, and would sée it in euery nation, my penne hath carried me, from Lybia to Vberia, & from Iberia into Sicilie or Macedonie, or to embassages, & confe­deracies of sundrye nations, and then brought me againe as a forced man to Sicilie and to Carthage, and eftsoones carried mee away from these vnperfect, til I had gathered by partes, howe of tthey sent ambassadours or armyes into Si [...]ily, and what they did in that Iland, til they had conquered it. Thē how many am­bassages, how many leagues were made betwéen them, what o­uerthrowes on bothe sides were giuen, till Carthage was ouer­come, and Africa made a prouince, and then Carthage restored a­gaine, to the state that it is nowe. I haue done the like in euerye prouince, bycause I would know, what the Romaines did euery where, that I might sée the manhoode or fayntnesse of al natiōs, and the vertue and fortune of them that conquered, and what­soeuer other matter chaunced. Thinking this woulde be accep­table to other also, to vnderstand the Romaines actes, after thys sorte, I haue written of euery nation by it selfe, leauing to write what was done in the meane time of other, placyng them seue­rally.

To set the times to euery thing I thought it too much, the moste notable, I will expresse by their distance of time.

At the firste the Romaines had one name, as al other: after The Romaines haue diuerse names. came another, and at length, the thirde also was added to some of them, to be known by some marke of body or vertue of mind, as the Grecians had surnames ioyned to their names. Some time I wyll put all, chiefly of the noble men, that they may be the bet­ter The diuision of the vvorkes. knowen, the most I will name by the one or the other, as shal be moste fitte. And where there be thrée bokes that declare the Romaines doings in Italie, I call them thrée, the Romaines [Page] actes with the Italians, and for the multitude of matter, are thus diuided. The firste, conteyneth the reignes of the seauen kings, therefore I call them, The Historie of the Romane Kings.

Then followeth the Booke of matters done in Italy, beside them that dwell in the coast of Ionia, the which Booke for a dif­ference is called, The Romanes warre after the Kings. The last of all in that land were the Samnites, next the Ionian sea, a nation most fierce and warlike fighting with the Romanes fourescore Samnites, novve Abruzo, part of the Kingdome of Naples. yeares, till they and the Grecians their fellowes that inhabite Italy, were subdued; and this booke, for the difference from the o­ther two, is called, The Romanes warres with the Samnites. All the other haue their seuerall titles, as, The Romanes warre with the Galles, the Sicilians, the Iberians, with Hanniball, with Carthage, with Macedonia, and so forthe. The order of the whiche, is after the order of the time in the which they were done, though that many other things happened by the way.

The ciuill seditions and warre among themselues most hor­rible of all the rest, shall be declared by their names that were chiefe doers of the same, as Marius and Sylla, Pompey and Caesar, Antony and Caesar Augustus, and the killers of Caesar the elder.

Then shall be shewed of Antony and Caesar, whiche made an end of ciuill warre, when Aegipt came vnder the Romanes domi­nion. So all the warres are diuided into bookes of their nation, or to the names of the Captaines, if they be ciuill.

The last booke shall declare what armies they haue, what re­uenue they take of euery Nation▪ what charges they be at with their ordinarie garrisons by sea, and suche other. And séeing I shall wright of their vertue, it shall be fitte to beginne of theyr originall. Who I am that haue written these things, many knowe, & I haue shewed it before, and to tell it more playnely▪ I am of Alexandria, accepted in my Countrey, and exercised at Appian a co [...] [...]ellou [...] to the Emperoures in [...] causes. Rome in causes of Justice, touching the Emperoures, til it plea­sed them to thinke ine worthy their seruice. He that will know the rest, may learne it of the Bookes that I haue written.

¶ The Romanes warre with Mi­thridates King of Pontus: by Ap­pian of Alexandria.

WHen the Romanes had ouercome Mi­thridates the King, after. xl [...]j. yeares warre, they made Bithinia, Cappadocia, and other nations, bordering vppon thē, inhabiting the sea called [...]xinu [...], subiecte vnto them. And in the same warre they wonne of Cilicia, those that were not yet of their obedience, and of Syria, Phoenitia, & Coelosiria, and Pale­stina, C [...]le is one of the pa [...]tes of Syria, the vvhich is hollovv, for so signifyeth the vvord. and the midde land, to the floud Euphrates, not béeing vnder Mithridates, but by the violence of that victory. And to some they put tributes by and by, & to some afterward. Paphlagonia, & Gala­tia, and Phrygia, and Mysia, ioyning to Phrygia, and after them Ly­dia, and Caria, and Ionia, and all the rest of Asia, that is aboute Pergamo, and old Grecia, and Macedonia, whiche Mithridates hadde gotten, they recouered soone agayne: and to manye of them ap­pointed tributes, that neuer had payd any. For y t which I thinke they call this chiefly the greate warre, and the victory of it also greate, and the Captayne of it that was Pompey in their proper language they name greate to this day: for the number of the nations that they toke or recouered, and the long time of fortie yeares, and the boldnesse and paynesulnesse of Mithridates, migh­tie (as appeared) at all assayes. He had aboue foure hundreth Shippes of his owne. He had fiftie thousand Horsemen, and two hundred and fiftie thousande footemen, engines, and munition accordingly. Kings and Princes were his confederates. The Armenian, the S [...]ythian, and Pontus, and the fenne of M [...]otis, and from thence to the streightes of Thracius He sente to the Romane [...], [...] novv the st [...] eightes of [...]. Captaynes that were at warre togither, and to stirre Spayne a­gainst them, he made amitie with the French to moue agaynste Italy. He filled the Sea with Pirates from Cilicia, to the pillers of Hercules, whiche made, that no trafficke nor sayling could bée [Page 2] from one Citie to another, and wrought a great famine in eue­ry place. And generally, he lefte nothing vndene or vndeutied that coulde be done, to stirre vp the greatest motion among all men, from the East to the Weast. For either they made warre, or sent ayde, or robbed or vexed their neyghbours. This warre was variable, and in the end brought the Romanes to greatest do­minions, for by this, their rule stretched from the West, to the floud Euphrates. It was not easie for me to deuide it by seuerall nations, being done togither, and one wrapped with another. Those that could be separated, be told particularly. The Greekes thinke, that the Thracians did serue at Troy vnder Rhesus, and that Rhesus was killed by Diomedes in the night, the whiche matter, Rhesus King of Thracia. 10. Iliad. Homere telleth in his Verses, and that they fledde to the month of Pontus, which is most streight to sayle into Thracia, and that they that wanted Shippes, did remaine there, and tooke the lande na­med Bebrycia in Asia the lesse. Bebrycia. They that had shippes, wente beyonde Byzance, to that part of Thracia called Bithinia, and did inhabite at the floude Bithia, and being driuen by famine, returned to Bebricia, and na­med Byzantium is novv Constant tinople. it Bithinia in stead of Bebricia, of the floud at the whichē they dwelled, and so the name not vnlike in time to be changed, by­cause there is not much difference betwéene Bebricia and Bithinia. So do some thinke. Other suppose that Bythis the sonne of Iupi­ter Some call hir Seta, that vvas fister to Rhesus. and Thrace, did first raigne héere, and so the name was gyuen to both the lands. This I thought good to shew firste of Bithiania. Of the Kings that were before the Romanes, in number nine and fortie in order, it is méete for me to make some mention in these matters of the Romanes, Prusias that was called the hunter, mar­ried Prusias Cyrigus. the daughter of Perseus Kyng of Macedonie, and the Romanes and Perseus making warre not long after, Prusias stoode as neu­ter.

Perseus being ouercome, he mette with the Romane Captaines, wearing a Romane garmente called Toga, and hauyng shoes af­ter The Romanes vvere called Tog [...], and the Greekes [...] the Italian manner, and hys head shauen, wyth a cappe, after the whyche manner they goe which be made frée by testamente, béeyng an euill fauoured man to beholde, and a little shorte one. Méeting wyth them, he spake in the Romane tong, I am a freemade [Page 3] man of the Romanes, which they call Libertus. He appearing a sighte The behauioure of Prusias dis­guised. Libertus that of a seruant is made free. to be laughed at, was sent to Rome, where being laughed at also, he had pardon. Not long after, vexing Attalus the King of A­sia that is about Pergamo, he wasted hys lande in Asia. Whyche when the Senate of Rome heard, they sente to Prusas, that hée shoulde not molest Attalus, a friend and confederate to the Ro­manes. And when he thought muche to obey, the Embassadours sharply commaunded him to obey the Senate, and to come with a thousande Horsemen to the confynes to decide the matter, and willed Attalus to bée there with as many.

He despising the small number that was wyth Attalus, and thynkyng he myghte entrappe hym, sente hys Embassa­doures afore, as though he woulde followe with his thousande The craftie a [...] [...] of Prusias. horse, but bringing all his army, went as to a battell. When Attalus and the Embassadours hearde of it, they fledde, euerye man where he coulde. He tooke the carriage of the Romanes, and destroyed the towne of Nicephor [...], and burned the Shippes that were there, and beséeged Attalus in Pergamo.

When the Romanes heard of thys, they sente other Embassa­doures, who commaunded Prusias to restore Attalus his losses. Then Prusias was afrayde, and obeyed, and wente hys waye. The payne that they put vpon him, was this, that hée shoulde presently gyue hym twentye armed Shyppes, and in time, fiftie talentes. The Shyppes he gaue out of hande, the talentes he Prusias is forced to recompence Attalus. payde in time. He was hated of his subiects for his crueltie, and his sonne Nicomedes well beloued of the Bithinians. Wherefore Prusias suspecting him, sent him to lyue at Rome. And vnderstan­dyng that he was well beloued there, he wylled hym to ob­teyne Prusias practi­seth to kill his sonne Nicomedes of the Senate, a release of the money he ought to At­talus, and sent Mena to deale with him, and commaunded Mena that if he coulde gette hym discharged of the money, he shoulde spare Nicomedes, but if he coulde not, he should kill him. Hée sente to thys purpose certayne greate Shyppes, and two thou­sande Souldyoures. Mena, bycause the penaltie was not for­giuen (for Attalus hadde sente Andronicus to tell, that the payne was lesse than the spoyle,) neyther durst hyll the [Page 4] yong man, whome he sawe to be worthy to be loued and honou­red, nor goe agayne into Bythinia. The yong man, knowing of his tarrying, came to talke with him with his good will, and con­spired againste Prusias, and tooke to their practise the Embassa­dour of Attalus, that he should persuade him to get Nicomedes to the Kingdome of Bythinia. They met togither in Bernice, a little Citie of Epirus. In the nighte they wente into a Shippe, there they consulted what was to be done, and were secrete all nighte. When day was come, Nicomedes came forth of the Ship, cladde Nicomedes she­vveth himselfe as King. with a Kings robe of purple, with a crowne on his head. Andro­nicus méeting with him, saluted him as King, and sent him forth with fiue hundreth Souldioures, which he had ready. Mena dis­sembling, as though he had not séene Nicomedes till then, ranne to the two thousand, as though he had bin discontented. Béeyng come to the talke, he sayde:

‘You haue two Kinges, the one at home, the other going on. [...]en [...] to the Souldyoures. You must néedes foresee safetie, and coniecture your well doing, as in this, to establish you securitie, by well appoynting, whych of the two you will haue raigne. The one is olde, the other is yong. The Bithinians hate the olde, but they loue the yong: and the chiefe of the Romanes loue this yong man: and Andronicus being his defendoure, hath promised Attalus friendship, hauyng a greate Kyngdome ioyning to Bithinia, and an olde enimie of Prusias.

When he had sayde thus, and withall declared the crueltie of Prusias, and what mischiefe he had done to all men, and the com­mon hatred of the Bithinians againste him, and perceyued that they abhored the wickednesse of Prusias, he ledde them strayght to Nicomedes, and was the seconde after Andronicus that called him King, and garded him with two thousand. Attalus receyued the yong man gladly, and required Prusias to giue the yong man some Cities to dwell in, and landes to finde him. He aunswered, he would shortly giue him all Attalus Kingdome, for whose sake he had inuaded Asia before. When he had said thus, he sente to Rome to accuse Attalus and Nicomedes, and to call them into iudgement: but Attalus wente with his armie into Bithinia, to [Page 5] whome the Bithinians by little and little reuolted. Prusias distru­sting all men, and hoping that the Romanes woulde deliuer hym from this danger, obteyned fiue hundred Thracians of Diegelies hys father in lawe, and to these onely he committed his body, fleeyng into the Castell at Nicaea, the Pretor of Rome not bringing Prusi­as Nicaea vvas first called [...] aftervvard Ni­caea, [...] vvife. messengers to the Senate spéedily, bycause he fauoured Atta­lus, but at last being brought, and the Senate commaunding him to choose Embassadors that might ende the warre, he chose thrée men, of the whiche one had his head stricken with a stone, and Embassadors to be laughed at. had an euill fauoured scarre left: another had his féete festered with a sore: the thyrde was compted an ydiot. In so muche as Cato iesting at this Embassage, saide, it had neyther minde, féete, Cato. nor head. The Embassadors went into Bithinia, and comman­ded them to ceasse warre. Nicomedes and Attalus dissembling to obey the Senate, the Bithinians being set on, sayde, they coulde not any longer beare the crueltie of Prusias, now especially that they were knowen to be against him. The Embassadors bycause the Romanes hadde not yet heard of this matter, departed, doing no­thing. Prusias despayring of the Romanes, in whome he had most trust, no help comming by them, he went to Nicomedia to get the Novv Nich [...], and of saylers Comidia. Citie, and to defend himselfe against his enimies, but they for­sooke him, and shutte the gates against him: and Nicomedes came with his army, and certayne of Nicomedes host being sent of him, killed Prusias, fléeing to the Temple of Iupiter. Thus Nicomedes Prusias killed. raigned in Bithinia for Prusias, and he in time ending his life, hys sonne Nicomedes that was called Philopater▪ succéeded, the Romanes▪ giuing him his fathers kingdome, by decrée of Senate. Thus The Romanes made heyres of Labi [...]a by testa­mente. wente the state of Bithinia, and if we will learne all, the nephewe of this another Nicomedes, leste the Romanes hys heire by testa­ment.

Who ruled Cappadocia before the Macedonians, I can not well tell, whether they were vnder a King of their owne, or vnder Darius. It should séeme that Alexander left these nations tribu­tarie Arisus a sayre tovvne in the confines of Pa [...] ­phligon [...]a and Cappadocia. to the rulers, when he went against Darius: and so it semeth that Amisus, a Citie of the Athenian kind, did bring in the peo­ples rule, according to the Countreys manner. And it is sayde [Page 4] [...] [Page 5] [...] [Page 6] of Hieronimus, that he did not subdue all these Cities, but by the Hieronimus vvas an Historievvri­ter of Rhodes. coast of Pamphilia and Cilitia, turne another way againste Da­rius. Perdiccas that succéeded Alexander in Macedonia, did put to death Ariarathe, ruler of Cappadocia, eyther for that he reuolted, or woulde haue made it for the Macedonians, and appoynted for these nations Eumenes of Cardia. When Eumenes was destroyed, being iudged an enimie to the Macedonians, Antipater that after Perdiccas ruled the Countries that Alexander had gotten, sente Nicanor to rule Cappadocia. And the Macedonians not long after béeyng at ciuill debate, Antigonus gote Syria, and expuised Laome­donta. Mithridates béeyng hys familiar, and of the bloud royall of Persia. Antigonus dreamed that he did sowe the grounde wyth golde, and that Mithridates dyd carrie the golde to Pontus, when Dreame of An­tigonus. it was reaped, wherefore hée tooke hym, and woulde haue kylled hym, but he fledde wyth syre Horse, and fenced a place in Cappa­docia, many reuolting to hym.

In thys tumulte of Macedonie by little and little, he gotte Cap­padocia, and the Nations confynes to Pontus, and greately enlar­ging hys Realme, hée lefte it to hys Chyldren. They raigned one after another, tyll the sirth after the fyrste Mithridates, whi­che made warre with the Romanes. Of this stocke the Kynges of Cappadocia and Pontus conuning, I thynke it to bée knowen who diuided the Kingdome, some reigning in Cappadocia, and some in Pontus.

Thys Mithridates was first a friend to the Romanes, and sente Shyppes and some little helpe agaynste the Carthaginiens, that was called Euergetes, whyche ouerranne Cappadocia as a straun­ger. [...] be­neficiall. And Mithridates hys some succéeded, who was named Dio­nisius and Eupater. The Romanes commaunded hym to gyue place in the Kingdome of Cappadocia and to Ariobarzanes, that sought to them, and thought himselfe to be nygher to that King­dome, than Mithridates, or else bycause they suspected the Kyngdome of Mithridates growyng so greate, and vnder the hande, woulde diuide it into more partes, and hée suffe­red it, but agaynste Nicomedes, that was of Nicomedes Prusia hys sonne, and by the Romanes appoynted to reigne, as in [Page 7] his fathers kingdome, he sent Socrates, brother to Nicomedes, that was called Chrestus, with an armie, & Socrates toke the kingdome Chrestus, good or profitable. of Bythinia to himself. At this time, Mithrias and Bagoas, expuising Ariobarzanes whom the Romanes had set in the kingdome of Cap­padocia, put Ariarathes into it. The Romanes did restore bothe Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes into their proper kyngdomes, sen­dyng certaine Embassadours for that purpose, whereof Manius Acilius was chiefe: and commaunded Lucius Cassius that had a litle armie in Pergamo in Asia, to helpe to it, and also Mithrida­tes Eupator. But hée beyng offended with the Romanes for Cappa­docia, and by them beyng put from Phrygia, as wée haue shewed in the Gréeke matters, did not helpe. Cassius and Manius with that armie they had, and gatheryng a greater of the Galatians and Phrygians, sent Nicomedes into Bithynia, and Ariobarzanes in­to Cappadocia, and persuaded them bothe, beyng neyghboures to Mithridates, to molest hys countrey, and prouoke hym to warre, and the Romanes woulde be their mayntayners in it.

But bothe they alyke affected, durst not prouoke Mithridates fearyng hys mighty power. But the Ambassadours [...]rgyng them, Nicomedes, that had promised to gyue the Embassadours muche money for hys restitution, and to the Souldiours, which yet hée ought, and beyng in debte further to the Romanes for mo­ney lente hym for hys other matters, vnwillyngly hée inuaded Mithridates lande, spoyled as farre as the Citie Amastris, none Amastris, the ch [...]ese c [...]e so ca [...]ed of a vvo­man of Persia, before beyng named C [...]n [...]. resistyng hym or méetyng with hym. For albeit Mithridates had hys armie ready, yet hée refrayned, to haue the more and iuster cause of warre.

When Nicomedes was returned home with a great pray, Mi­thridates sente Pelopida to the Romane Capitaynes and Embassa­dours, not ignorant that they were his enimies and causes of this inuasion, yet he dissembled, & sought more manifest causes of The Embassador of Mithri­dates to the Romanes. the warre to come. Pelopida told them that Phrygia was taken frō them, and Cappadocia, that had alwaies bene his auncestours and left him of his father: Phrygia was giuen him of your general, as a rewarde for the victorie gotten of Aristonico, & neuerthelesse redéemed of the same generall with a great summe of money.

[Page 8] ‘Nowe you sée (sayde he) that Nicomedes shutteth the mouth of Pontus, and spoyleth his land as farre as Amastris, and carried a­way so great a bootie as your sel [...]e well know. My Kyng, hauing power & will, sufficient to reuenge▪ doth suffer that you may be witnesses of sight of his iniuries. The which bycause you know and sée, Mithridates desireth you, friends and confederates, as a friende and confederate, for so do the couenants tearme vs, that you woulde helpe vs against Nicomedes that dothe vs wrong, or forbid him to do vs any more.’ Thus sayd Pelopida.

Nicomedes Embassadors making aunswere to the contrarye, Emba [...]dors of Nicomedes. sayde, that Mithridates had long layd traynes for Nicomedes, and sent Socrates with an army for that kingdome, which would haue bin quiet, and iustly suffered his elder brother to raigne. Thus did Mithridates againste Nicomedes, whome you (O Romanes) ap­poynted Kyng of Bithinia. Whereby it is manifest, that these things be done not more againste vs, then against you. By the like authoritie, it being commaunded to the Kings of Asia, that [...]. they should not meddle with Europe, he hath taken much of Cher­ronesus, and these be his a [...]es against you, of despighte, disdeyne, and disobedience. His great preparatiō and so great furniture, as to a great and notable warre, as well of his owne armye, as of consederates of [...]racia and Scythia, and other nigh nations. He hath married with the King of Armenia. He hath sente into Egypt and Syria, to allure those Kings. He hathe thrée hundreth armed Shippes, and is making more. He hath sent for maysters and gouernoures of Shippes into Phen [...]ia and Egypt. All this is not against Nicomedes, but against you (O R [...]manes) done by Mi­thridates, disderning euer since you haue commaunded hym to leaue Phrygia, as no right possession, which by decepte he bought for money of one of youre Generals. Being gréeued also that Cappadocia is giuē by you to Ari [...]barzanes, fearing your increase, and taking occasion against you by vs, and if [...], to deceyue you. It is wisedome not to tarrie, till he conf [...] make warre against you, but rather to looke to his actes than to his wordes, nor to be deceyued with his counterfet na [...] of frendship, and to forsake youre true and firme friendes in déede, neyther to sée [Page 9] your iudgemente of our Kingdome to be despised of him that is an enimie both to vs and you. Thys sayde Nicomedes Embas­sadoures.’

Pelopidas came agayne to the Romanes audience, once more ac­cusing Nicomedes of the things that were done of old, and prayd the Romanes to be Judge. These things that now be done (sayde he) he hath done in your sight. Mithridates Kingdome he hathe diminished, the Sea he hath shutte, spoyles he hathe carryed a­way. This néedeth no debating or consultation, but we once a­gayne pray you, eyther to correct that is done, or to help Mithri­dates do that, that hath suffered the wrong, or lastly (O Romanes) not to forbidde hym to reuenge himselfe, but let them two trye it out. This aunswered Pelopidas.

It was certayne that the Romanes fauoured Nicomedes, and for a fashion heard their controuersies: but somewhat they were moued at the wordes of Pelopidas. ‘And bycause Mithridates was yet in league with the Romanes, and stoode in doubt what to aun­swere presently, and hauing with wisedome considered the mat­ter, they aunswered thus. Neyther will we haue Mithridates The Romanes aunsvvere. suffer any thing wrongfully of Nicomedes, neyther suffer warre to be made vpon Nicomedes, for we thinke it not good for the Ro­manes, that Nicomedes should be hurt. When they had thus sayde, and Pelopidas woulde haue made aunswere to their sentence so doubtfull, they wente from the seate.’ When Mithridates sawe that he was manifestly iniured of the Romanes, he sent his sonne Ariarathes with a great army, to reigne in Cappadocia, and he ex­pelled Ariobarzanes, and had the kingdome. Pelopidas commyng agayne to the Romane officers, said thus:

‘What Mithridates hath borne at your hāds (O Romanes) being spoiled of Phrygia and Cappadocia, you haue heard. What hurt Ni­comedes hath done him, you sée, & let it passe, we appealing to your amitie and leage. And as though we were the accusers, and not accused, you aunswere, that you thinke it not profitable for the Romane state, that Nicomedes shoulde be hurte, as though he were iniured. You (O Romanes) are the cause that things be done in Cappadocia, againste the state of Rome. For thorough youre con­tempt [Page 10] of vs, and your subtill aunsweres, Mithridates hathe done thys, and now he sendeth Embassadoures againste you to youre Senate, to whome he sendeth you worde to aunswere: and that you attempt nor begin any thing to kindle this warre, withoute the common consent of the Romanes. And that Mithridates hathe in his fathers kingdome conteyning in length twenty thousande furlongs, gotten many nations about hym, Colchos a warlike na­tion, Eight of these furlongs ma­keth a mile. and the Gréekes that dwel at Pontus, and the Barbarians that be next them. He hath friends ready to do his commaundement, Scythians, Taurians, Basternians, and Sarmatians, and all that be a­bout Tanais, and Hister, and the fenne of Maeotis▪ T [...]rbanes of Arme­nia Maeotis the great fenne in Scyth [...]. is his sonne in lawe, and Arsaces the Parthian hys friende. He hath a nauie of Shippes, whereof some bée readye, and some to be made▪ and a furniture conueniente in all poyntes. The Bi­thinians dyd not nowe saye vntruely to you, of the Kynges of Egypt and Syria, who be lyke, not onely to take oure parte, if warre bée made, but also Asia, that you haue lately gotte. Grecia and Libya, and many nations of Italy, that can not beare youre ambition, do make an endlesse warre wyth you, whych bycause you cannot ceasse, you sette Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes vppon Mithridates by turne. You say you are friends and confederates, and you aunswere so, but you vse hym as an enimie. Nowe then go to, if of things past you repente yée, eyther forbidd [...] Nicomedes to molest your friends, and if you doe this, I promise you that Mithridates shall ayd you against the Italians, or breake that fay­ned friendship▪ or let vs goe to be iudged at Rome. This sayde Pelopida. And bycause it séemed too presumptuous▪ they com­maunded that Mithridates shoulde not deale with Nicomedes, nor Cappadocia, and that they woulde sette Ariobarzanes in his king­dome agayne, and that Pelopidas shoulde depart frō their Camp, and no more returne as Embassadoure, except the King woulde stand to this order. Thus they aunswered▪ and sente hym awaye wyth kepers▪ that he shoulde corrupte none as he wente. The Embassa­dors make vvarre vvith­out the consent of the Senate.

When this was sayde, not tarrying the Senates wyll for the warre, or the peoples consente, they gathered an army of Bithi­nia, and Cappadocia, and Paphlagonia, and Galatia in Asia. Theyr [Page 11] owne armye which Lucius Cassius had in Asia was ready, and all their confederates gathered togither, whyche they diuided into The Romanes force. diuers Campes. Cassius in the middest of Bithinia and Galatia, Manius that way that by Bithinia was against Mithridates. Ap­pius with another army at the hylles of Cappadocia, hau [...]g horse and footemen, to the number of fortie thousand. They had a na­uie of Shippes, whyche Minutius Rufus, and Caius Popilius gouer­ned, kéeping the mouth of Pontus. Nicomedes came to them wyth fiftie thousand footemen, and sixe thousand horsemen. So greate an army had they ready. Mithridates had of his owne two hun­dreth and fiftie thousande footemen, fortie thousande horsemen, Mithridates forces. thrée hundred armed Shyppes, and a hundreth Gallyes, wyth munition accordingly. His chiefe Captaynes were Neoptolemus, and Archelaus bréethren, the greatest parte he ledde himselfe. His sonne Arcadias brought the ayd of tenne thousand horse out of Armenia the lesse. Do [...]laus ledde thē that were in order of the mayne footemen, and Craterus broughte a hundred and thirtie Chariots. So greate prouision was on both sides, when the Ro­manes and Mithridates began the warre, the CLXX. Olimpiade. In the large field at the floud Ammeum▪ did Mithridates and Ni­comedes [...] a floud. Captaines sée one another, and prepared for the fighte. Nicomedes [...]et al in order, Neoptolemus & Archelaus the light harne­sed only, and y horsemen y Arcathias brought, & some Chariots. The fotemē wer yet cōming They sent a few to take a stonyhil y was in y playne, y they shoulde not be cōpassed of the Bithinians which were the greater nūber. Whē they saw them beaten frō the hill, Neoptolemus fearing to be enclosed, came to the rescue with spéede, calling with him Arcathia▪ Nicomedes séeing that, set vpon them, and there was a great fight and slaughter. But Ni­comedes The fight. fiercely following, Mithridates men fledde, till Archelaus comming on the righte side, did repulse the chacers. Then they cōming all vpon him, he gaue place a little, that Neoptolemus & his might returne frō the flight. And whē he saw that to be done in déede, he set the armed Chariots vpon the Bithinians, which with their violence, did teare some of thē into two partes, & some into more. This acte did muche▪ discourage Nicomedes host, when they [...]en [...]ut asunder yet breathing, or torne in many péeces, or [Page 12] violently carried of the Chariots. The vnpleasantnesse of the sighte, rather than losse by the fight, disordered their battell for feare. Vpon them being thus broken, came Archelaus on the front, and Neoptolemus and Arcathias returning from the flyght vpon the backe. They resisting on both sides, defended them­selues a good whyle, but after many of them were slayne, Nico­medes fledde with the rest into Paphlagonia, the fotemen of Mithri­dates, Nicomedes fleeth not being at the fight. The Camp, and the money, and ma­ny prisoners were taken, all the which, Mithridates vsing gently, Mithridates v­seth courtesie. gaue them conduct money, and sent them home, making a shew to his enimies of humanitie. This first feate of the great warre with Mithridates, affrayd the Romane Captaynes, as begunne rashly, without the common consente. For a fewe did ouercome many, without any help of the place, or fortune of the fighte, but by the vertue of the Captaynes, and valiantnesse of the Souldy­oures. Nicomedes Camped by Manius. Mathridates wente to the hill Scoroba, that is, the bankes of Cappadocia and Pontus. Hys Scoraba. scoutes being a hundreth horsemen of the Sauromatanes, méetyng with eyghte hundreth Horse of Nicomedes, tooke diuers of them, whome Mithridates agayne suffered to goe to their Countrey An other cour­tesie of Mithri­dates. with money for the way. Manius going backe, Neoptolemus and Nemanes an Armenian méetyng with him, about the towne Pa­chius, constreyned hym to fighte, Nicomedes being gone to Cassius, Pachius a tovvn at Proponsid. hauing four thousand horsemen, and tenne times so many foote­men, of whome they killed tenne thousande, and tooke thrée hun­dred prisoners, whome Mithridates being brought to him, did let goe, to winne the heartes of his enimies. Manius campe was ta­ken, A third curtesie of Mithridates. The Romanes discontented. Sangaris is o­thervvise called Corallus. Lentocephale. he fledde to the floud Sangaris, and passed ouer by night, and saued himselfe at Pergamo. Cassius and Nicomedes, and the Romane legates, sette their Camp at Leontocephale, which is a very strong towne in the further part of Phrigia, and trayned the people that they had of newe husbandmen or artificers, and ioyned more to them of the Phrigians. And when both these people were vnwil­ling, they durst not meddle with men expert in battell, therefore they licenced thē, and departed, Cassius into Apamed with his ar­my, Nicomedes into Pergamo, and Manius to the Rhodes. They that [Page 13] kept the mouth of Pontus, hearing of this, forsooke it, and the keys & ships that Nicomedes had in Pontus, were deliuered to Mithrida­tes. Thus he at one brunt, getting all Nicomedes land, went to it, Mithridates lieth in an harbo­rough, vvhere great Alexander once did lye. and set order in the Cities. Going into Phrigia, and comming to an Inne where Alexander rested, he tooke it for a lucky tokē, that Mithridates might lye where Alexander had lodged. And he gote the rest of Phrigia, and Misia, and Asia, that the Romanes had lately wonne. And sending to the places there aboute, he got Lycia and Pamphilia, and so as farre as Ionia, and the Laodiceans that inhabit about the floud Lycus, and resisted, for Q. Oppius a Romane Captaine Lycus. Q. Oppius. hauing Horsemen and some footemen hyred, got into the Citie & kept it. He sent his Trumpet to the walles, commanding hym to say, that King Mithridates did giue suretie to the Laodiceans, if they would bring Oppius to him. When they hearde this Procla­mation, Laodiceans be­tray Oppius. they lette the hired Souldiours goe fréely, and brought Oppius to Mithridates, with his mace-berers in scorne: and Mithri­dates Oppius ledde prisoner. did no hurt to him, but ledde him lose aboute with him, she­wing he had a Romane Generall in Captiuitie. Not long after, Manius is de­spighted of Mi­thridates, and cruelly handled. he tooke Manius Acilius, that was best of y e Embassadors, & chiefe cause of this warre, and ledde him about, being set vpon an Asse, and telling them that loked vpon him, that he was Manius, till he came to Pergamo, wher he put moltē gold in his mouth, reprouing the Romanes for taking of giftes. Appoynting rulers in the coun­trey, he came to Magnesia, Ephesus, and Mitelena, euery one recey­uing him without resistance, and the Ephesians, throwing away the Images of the Romanes that were there, for the whiche they were punished afterward. Going from Ionia, he tooke Stratonicaea, and punished it in money, and set a garrison in the Citie, and sée­yng Mithridates ta­keth a vvife at Stratonicaea. Monime is made a Queene. a fayre mayde, he made hir one of his wiues, and if any man be desirous to know hir name, it was Monime, y e daughter of Phi­lopaenos. The Magnesians, Paphlagoniās, and Lycians, yet resisting, hée ouercame by his Captaynes. And thus did Mithridates.

The Romanes hearing of thys first force, and inuasion of A­sia, determined warre against hym, although they were troubled with ciuill strife incessantly in the Citie, and Italy was occupyed with great warre at home almost in euery place. The Consuls [Page 14] takyng their charge, Asia fell to Cornelius Sylla, and the warre [...] appoyn­ted to the roome. agaynst Mithridates. And where they had no store of money, they enacted to sell the things, that Numa Pompilius the kyng had VVant of trea­sure in Rome. appoynted for the Sacrifices of y Goddes. So great want was ther then, & so great ambition. Some of these thyngs were sold, whereof was raysed .ix. thousand pounde waight of golde, and gaue no more to so great a warre. But Sylla was long kept with sedition, as wée haue shewed in the ciuill dissentions. In this meane time, Mithridates made many shippes agaynst the Rho­dians Mithridates de­cree of murder. and wrote secretely to all Princes and rulers of Cities, that they shoulde at the thirtie day, beyng obserued, kyll all Ro­manes and Italians, men, women and chyldren that were frée, and when they had killed them, to caste them out vnburied, and to diuide halfe theyr goodes to the kyng Mithridates, and halfe to themselues. He appoynted a payne to them that buried any or hidde them, and a rewarde to them that bewrayed or killed them that were hidde. To seruantes, libertie, to kill their Ma­sters: to debtours, halfe their debte, to kill their creditours. These Mithridates sente secretely to all at once. The daye be­ing come, diuerse calamities were séene in Asia, whereof these were some.

The Ephesians dragged them that were fledde into the Tem­ple of Diana, and embraced the images, and killed them. The Pergamenians, shotte them to death that were fledde into the tem­ple of Aesculapius, and woulde not be pulled from the images. Adramitte, a ci­tie of the coaste of Mysia. Cruelty in Asia, agaynst the Ro­manes. C [...]us, novve Ro [...]e, a tovvne of Caria. The Adramiteans killed them that swamme into the Sea, and drowned their chyldren. The Cauneans beyng made tributarie to the Rhodians in the warre of Antiochus, and restored by the Romanes a litle before, pulled the Italians out of their holy com­mon place, whether they were fledde, and first killed the children before the mothers faces, then the mothers, & laste the fathers. The Trallians, to kéepe themself from the infamie of murderers, hyred Theophilus of Paphlagonia a cruell man, to do this acte. And Theophilus killed them beyng shutte in the temple of peace, & cut of the hāds of some, that imbraced the images there. The Italians and the Romanes suffred these calamities in Asia, men, women, [Page 15] children, frée & bonde that were of the Italian generation. Wher­in it was euidēt that Asia did not this so much for feare of Mi­thridates, The Romanes hated. as for hate of the Romanes. But they suffred double pu­nishment, Mithridates shortly after vsing them cruelly contrary to his fayth, and after him, Cornelius Sylla.

Mithridates sayled to Coo, the Coanes receyuing him willingly: Co▪ Iland novve Lo [...]go. and he tooke the sonne of Alexander that reigned in Aegipt, leste in Co with much money of his grandmother Cleopatra, & brought him vp princely. And of Cleopatras treasure, he sent much riches, workes, stones, womens aray, and plenty of money into Pontus. In this time the Rhodians fortified their walles & their portes, & Of C [...]ri [...] and of [...]yria. prepared al defence, some Telmisians and Lycians being con [...]odered with thē. All the Italians y t fledde out of Asia, came to the Rhodes, among whom was L. Cassius, the gouernour of Asia. Mithridates cōming thither, they pulled downe their suburbes, that y e enimie should take no profite by thē, & prepared for the fight by sea, some at the front & some at the sides. Mithridates cōming with his ga­lies, cōmaunded his men to extend thēselues into winges a flote, The vvarre of Muthridates a­gaynst the▪ Rhodes. that by their swifte rowyng they mighte inclose their enimies which were fewer. The Rhodians being afraid of cōpassing, gaue place a litle, then turned & fledde to their porte, & shutting it with barres, they resisted Mithridates from the walles. He encamping at the Citie, & drawing nighe the porte, & attemptyng the same, tarried for footemen to be brought out of Asia. And there was shorte and continuall skirmishing with them at the walles, in the which the Rhodiās hauing the better, were a litle encouraged; and had their ships at hande to encounter the enimy when occa­sion should serue. A great shippe of the kings passed vnder sayle, the Rhodians sent a litle galie against it, and either side helping o­ther diligently, a great fight began on the sea, Mithridates beyng superiour in anger of minde, & multitude of shippes, the Rhodians with arte setting vpō his nauy, & disordering thē so, as they toke one galie with the men, & much munition & spoyle, & brought hir into the hauen: and being ignorāt y t a great Galie of theirs was taken of the enimie, they sent .vj. of their swif [...]est to recouer hir, & Damagoras their admiral wēt with thē. Mithridates sent .xxv. after [Page 16] hym, who gaue place till it was night. Waxing darke, the kings shippes retourned, and he set vpon them and tooke two, and cha­sed other two into Lycia, and returned by nighte. This was the ende of the fight betwéene Mithridates and the Rhodians, doone a­gainst all hope to the Rhodians, for their fewnesse, and to Mithri­dates for his multitude. In the fight the king sayling about to encourage his men, a shippe of Chia, in hys nauie, crushed the kings shippe in the confusion, the whiche the Kyng not dissem­bling, The Kings Shippe crushed by chaunce. punished both the Captaine and the Maister, which offen­ded all the Xians.

At thys time, the kings footemē being brought in great ships, & a Pery risyng vpon them, they were driuen to Rhodes, & the Rho­dians quickly comming vppon them, being yet troubled with the strome, they tooke some, they crushed some, and some they bur­ned, and tooke four hundred prisoners. Mithridates preparyng Sambuca, vvas an engine vsed at the siege of Cities, bycause the ropes vvere to stretched in it as the strings in the instrument of Musicke that is so called. for to fight by sea againe, and to force the towne, he made a cer­taine engin called Sambuca carried in two ships. The fugitiues tolde him, there was a side of an hill that might be scaled, where the Temple of Iupiter Tabyrius was, with a weake wall. He put his army in the ships by night, to other he gaue scaling ladders: He commaunded both to goe with silence, till a fire was made from the Temple, and then with a crye as loude as coulde bee made, some to assaulte the towne, and some to force the Porte, and they with silence drewe nighe. The watche of the Rhodians knowing this, made a fire, and the army of Mithridates, thin­king this had bin the fire at the Temple, from déepe silence they cried all togither, as well the Scalers, as the Marriners. The The Rhodians put the kyngs men avvaye. Rhodians cried as fast chearefully, and came togither to y wal, so as the Kings men did nothing that night, and in the daye, were putte backe, althoughe the Sambuke, affraid the Rhodians much, casting out once, and many dartes, arrowes and shotte, beeing Isis is a God­desse in Aegipt. broughte againste the Temple of Isis, and the Souldiours with many scalyng ladders, from their shippes, came forth as they woulde haue giuen an asiaulte. The Rhodians defended them­selues manfully, till the engine brake for waight, and a vision of Isis was thought to caste a greate fire vpon it. Mithridates des­pairing [Page 17] of this enterprise, sayled from the Rhodes.

Being at Patara at siege, he cut down the holy woode of Latone Patara, a Cittye of Lycia. to make engins, till he was feared with a vision: then he left the woode. Leauing Pelopida to continue the warre in Lycia, hée sente Archilous into Grecia, to winne it by force or friendship so much as was possible, and committing many things to his Captains, he trayned and furnished his army, and passed the time with his woman of Stratonicede: He sate in iudgement of them that were thought to watch him, or make any mutinie, or helpe the Ro­maines. And whiles hée was thus occupied, these thinges were done in Grecia. Archelous sayling with a great nauie well victu­alled, he tooke Delos that was reuolted from Athens and other places, by violence and power, killing twenty thousande men, of the whiche the moste were Italians, the places he appointed to the Athenians, by the whyche, and by other meane they extol­ling Mithridates, and greatly praysing hym, he brought them and other to his friendship. He sent the holy money of Delos to them Delos an Ile in the Aegian sea. Aristion by occa­sion of money plaieth the tyrā. by Aristion a man of Athens, and two thousand with him for y gard of the mony, the which Aristion vsing to his purpose, play­ed the Tiranne in his country, and some of the Athenians he kil­led oute of hand, as fauourers of the Romaines, and some he sent to Mithridates: yet was he a scholer of Epicurus learning. And not he alone in Athens, nor Critias that was before him, and they beyng professours of Philosophie with Critias, were tyrannes, but in Italy they of Pythagoras schoole, and in the other Grecia, they that were called the seauen Wise men, when they had rule, they Philosophers Tirannes. tooke vpon them and vsed tyranny more cruellye, than y vnlear­ned tyrannes. Therefore there is a doubt and suspition of other Philosophers, whether for vertue, or for pouertie, or for lacke of experience, they comforted themselues with Philosophie: Of the whiche now, many being priuate & poore, & couering néede by sa­piēce, they speake bitterly againste rich men and Princes, not for cōtempt of riches, and rule in their opinion, but rather for enuy being caried there vnto. But they that bée slaundered of them, do more wisely contempne them. This one maye thinke to bée spoken of Aristion the Philosopher, as by occasion of matter [Page 18] moued by him. The Acheans, and Lacedemonians did relent to Ar­chelous, Thespia a free Tovvne in Boeotia. Magnesia in Ionia Demetriada in Thessalie. and all Boeotia, except Thespia, whome he beséeged.

At this time Metrophanes being sente of Mithridates with ano­ther armye, did make warre vppon Eubea and Dimetriades, and Magnetia, that resisted Mithridates. And Brittius comming from Macedonia with a small nauie did fight with him by Sea, and sin­king one greate Shippe and a foyste, he killed all that were in them. Metrophanus beholding it, he being afrayde, fledde, and ha­uing a good wind, Brittius could not ouertake him, but tooke Scya­thus that was a receypt for the Barbarian rouers, he hanged vp the Scyethu [...] [...] [...]e. slaues, and cutte off the hands of the frée men. Then turning to Boeotia, a thousand other Horsemen and footemen comming out of Macedonia, at Cherona he foughte thrée dayes with Aristion and [...]. Archelous, with equall and indifferent fortune on both sides: but when the Lacedemonians and Acheans were come in ayde to Ari­stion, and Archelous, Brittius thinking himselfe too weake to match Pire [...], novve Portolione, The port of Athens, able to hold four hun­dred Shippes. with them all, went to Pire [...], till Archelous came and kept it.

Sylla béeyng chosen generall for the warre againste Mithrida­tes, then tooke his iourney out of Italy with fyue legions, and some other bandes and companyes, and arriued in Grecia, gathe­ryng money and mon and victuals from Aetolia and Thessalia. When he thoughte he was sufficiente, he wente into Attica a­gainste Archelous, and as he came, all Boeetia sauing a few reuol­ted to him, and so did the greate Citie of Thebes, very lightly ta­king Thebes in Boeotia. Mithridates parte againste the Romanes, and nowe more swiftely turning from Archelous, to Sylla, before they came to tryall. He went to Attica, and sending one parte of his armye a­gainste the Citie to beséege Aristion, he wente to Pireo, where Archelous was within the walles, the heygth whereof, was fortie cubites, béeyng the worke of Pericles, made of greate stone Pireus vvas made of p [...] ­nacles, vvalled tvvo myles of length. Megara is in Achaia. Ele [...]sina in At­tica. and square, when the Athenians made warre with the Pelopene­sians: and bycause he putte all the victory in Pireo, he made it the more strong. Sylla being come to the wall, gaue the assaulte forthwith, where muche hurte béeyng done on both sydes, the Cappadocians manfully defendyng, béeyng wéery, he wente to E­leusina, and Megara, and made engines against Pireo, by mountes [Page 19] and rampires. Artificers, and stuffe, yron, and slings, and suche other, were broughte hym from Thebes. He cut downe the wodde of Academia, and made greate engines, and toke a­way Academia vvas a shadovvie place, a mile from Athens. the long sides, to cast stones, timber, and earth vppon the rampire.

There were two slaues of Athens in Pireo, fauouring the Ro­manes, Fidelitie of slaues to the Ro­manes. or foreséeyng theyr safetie if anye thing shoulde happe: they wrote in pellets of leade euer what shoulde be done, and threwe them to the Romanes with their slings.

Thys béeyng often done, and come to knowledge, Sylla ha­uyng regarde to the matter, founde it thus written, To mor­rowe, the footemen shall come vppon the face of youre labou­rers, and the Horsemen shall sette vppon the sydes of the Ro­manes. Therefore he layde an ambush ready, and when the eni­mie had thought to haue come ou y suddayne, he more suddayne­lye dyd sette vppon them, kylled many of them, and droue the other into the Sea. And thys was the ende of thys at­tempte.

Nowe many greate towers béeyng sette vpon the mounte, Archelous dyd make the lyke on the other side, furnished wyth weapons. He sente for more power out of Chalcidonia, and o­ther Ilandes, and armed hys mariners, as he that woulde ha­zarde all, Archelous hadde a greater armye than Sylla, and nowe it was muche bigger. At midnighte he issued wyth lyghtes, and burned one of the greate engines, with all that belonged to it, Sylla in tenne dayes made another, and sette it where the other was, and Archelous erected a Tower a­gaynst them on the wall. Another army beyng come vnto hym from Mithridates, whiche Dimoxetes ledde, he brought them all forth to the fighte, wyth whome he mixed hys shotte, and stoode vnder the wall, that the warders myghte throwe vppon the enimies. Other stoode at the gates wyth fyre, lokyng for the token to sallie forthe. The fyghte was a long tyme equall, and nowe one and then another gaue place. The Bar­barians beganne to flée, tyll Archelous commyng vppon them, made them turne agayne, whyche greately afrayed the [Page 20] Romaines, so that they fledde from them, but Murienas met them Romaines flee and returne a­gayne. The reproued sorte, vvere no­ted o [...] some co­vvardlinesse, and called v [...]t [...]pera [...]i. and returned them, and an other bande was come from Foragyne with them, they that were reproued, which séeing the fighte so hotte, gaue a couragious onset vpon Mithridates menne, and kil­led two thousand of them, and droue the other into the walles. Archelous woulde haue tourned them backe againe, and in the fyghte tarrying long bycause of his earnestnesse, he was shutte oute, and taken in by a rope. Sylla released them of rebuke that were noted, bycause they had fought valiauntlye, and re­warded the Souldioures wyth gyftes accordingly.

Winter being come, hée placed hys army in Eleusine, and Eleusine. made a ditche from the highe places to the Sea, that the en­nimies horsemen shoulde not easilye breake vppon them. The whyche hee working euerye daye, there were diuerse skirmi­shes sometime aboute the ditche, sometyme at the walles, the ennimyes commyng & vsyng stones, dartes and pellets▪ Sylla wanting Shippes, sente to the Rhodes, and where the Rhodes coulde not passe, bycause Mithridates helde the Sea, hée com­maunded Lucullus diligēce Lucullus a Noble manne of Rome, and Generall of thys warre after Sylla, to goe priuilye into Alexandrîa and Syria, and to gather an armye of the Kynges and Citties, and to sende it to the Rhodians. Hée not fearing the Sea besette wyth Shyppes, tooke a light vessell, and chaunging Shippe after Shippe, to be vnknowne, he came to Alexandrîa.

The bewrayers at Pireo, wrote againe in the pellets, that the nighte following Archelous woulde sende to Athens being in want, corne vpon soldiors backes. Sylla laying in wayte, tooke the corne and carriers.

The same daye Minutius didde hurte Neoptolemus an other Chalcide novve Negropon [...]ey, chiefe cuttie of E [...]boe [...]. Captaine at Calcide, and killed a thousand fiue hundred, and tooke moe prisoners.

Not long after in Pireo in y e night, y watch being asléep, the Ro­manes brought their seales frō y e next mounts, & got the wal, and killed the watch y t was next: wherfore some of y e Barbariās leapt down, forsaking the wall, as though al had bene takē: other tur­ning to force, killed y e leader of thē that scaled, and flung downe [Page 21] the other headlong: other getting out of the gates, hadde néere hande burned one of the Romaines Towers, had not Scylla come with the army, and fought wyth them all that nyght, and the day after, and with greate labour saued it. Archelous made an other tower at the wall against the Romaines, that they might fight to­gither vpon the towers, whiche they did so oft and so furiously, as it was harde, tyll Scylla▪ did caste twentye greate pellets out of his sling, and killed many, and so beate Arthelous tower, as it was vnprofitable, & Archelous was fayne to lie behind the wall for feare. And they in the Citie being more & more pressed with hunger, the slaues signifyed againe in the pellets, that victuall shoulde be sent that nighte into the Cittie. Archelous suspecting some treason in bewraying the carying of the victuals▪ sente the victuall, and set some at the gates with fire, to runne vppon the Romaines if Sylla woulde force the victuall: and both happe­ned, for Sylla toke them that carried the corne, and Archelous burned certaine of the engines.

At this time Arcathias Mithridates sonne inuaded Macedonia A [...]athias dieth at Tid [...]o. with an other army, and easily ouercame the fewe Romaines that were lefte there, and subdued all Macedonia, and appointed ru­lers, then he marched against Sylla, and falling yet sicke at Tid [...]o, died. At Athens the citie being in great daunger of famine, Sylla made many forts about it, that none shoulde flée, but remaining there, be the more vexed for the multitude, and erecting the moūt at Pir [...]o very hygh, he planted his pieces vppon it. Achilous dig­ging vnder the mount, and taking away the earth long before it was knowne, they made the mount to sincke, whiche being soone perceiued, the Romanes toke away the engines, and filled vp the earth againe▪ and they vsing the like waye in vndermining the wall, they met togither, and fought with their short wepons A fight in the night. as much as might be in such a darkenes. Whiles this was a do­ing, Sylla went against the wall with many engines, till parte of it fel, and made way to burne the nexte tower, and carried many lightes to caste vppon it, and commaunded the boldest men to go to the assault. Much beyng done on bothe sides the tower was burned, and Sylla had cast downe a parte of the wall, to the which he set a garde by and by. The foundations of the wall being cast [Page 22] downe which was bound with woode▪ and being ful of sulphure, pitche & flare, al was sone burned, one p [...]e fel after an other, and ouerthrew them y t stoode vpon it. This tumult beyng soden and great, troubled all the warders, as though that had fallen also whervpō they were. Wherfore turning euerywhere hastily, be­ing doubtful in minde for feare, they resisted their enimies faint­ly. And Sylla came vpon thē stil being thus affected, & chéered his The assaulte of [...]. owne mē, euer putting fresh to them that were weary, & he went to the assault, giuing thē courage by voyce & person, & threatning thē that were vnwilling, y in this short labour they might make an end of all Archelous likewise came forth with freshe men for them y t were afrayd, exhorting & stirring all, as by y e onely paine to worke their weale. The great courage & boldnesse being a­gaine on either side, great slaughter on both sides was equall & alike, till Sylla comming forth & very wery, blewe the retreate, & praysed the soldiours vertue. Archelous by & by in the night re­payred the breaches, making vp y was brokē, against the which Sylla brought his whole army, thinking he might easily beate downe y which was new made & soft. But being t [...]r [...]d againe in that straight place, & beaten both at the face & the side, as in slip­pery places, left of the getting of Pireus by assault, & entended to winne it by famine, & to continue the siege. And when he vnder­stoode that they in the citie, were in greater want▪ & had spent all their beasts, & sodde their skinnes & hides, and vsed the broth for [...] gotten by [...]. meate, & that some did eate dead flesh, he commaunded his army to cōpasse the citie, that not one should escape: & when this was done, he went straight to the assault, & won [...] the wall. And the weake men being fledde, he entred the Citie. And againe great slaughter & murder was in Athens, for they: coulde not flée for S [...] A [...] [...]y. weakenesse, there was no p [...]ti [...], neither of children nor women, Sylla cōmaunding to kill euery man that they mette, for anger, that so soone, without cause, they had reuolted to the Barbarian [...] & [...] vvas the [...] the [...], in the vvhiche they sang and daun­ced, & [...]hersed their verses, and vvente vp to it, as to a vsed Theatre. resisted him so obstinatly. An so much as many hearing the pro­clamation, did cast themselues▪ willingly to be killed. A few wēt no great pace into the castle, & among them Aristio▪ the place of pastime being first burned that Sylla should make no matter of it, for to force the fort. He would not suffer y cirie to be burned, [Page 23] but gaue the spoile to the soldiours. They found mans flesh rea­dy Mans fleshe dressed for su­stenance. Libertie giuen to the posteritie of the Athenians not to thēselues. dressed for sustenance in many houses. The next day Sylla sold the seruāts to the fréemen, that escaped frō the murder by night▪ which were very few. He sayd he gaue libertie, and that libertie their posteritie should haue, & also in frée elections, which he for­bad to thē that were aliue. Thus was the citie of Athens filled ful of miserie. Sylla besieged the castle▪ the which be easly tookes Aristion & they y t were fled in with him, being ouercom with hun­ger & thirst. Of the whiche, Sylla put to death Aristion, & thē that Aristion put to death. serued him, & such as had borne any office, or done▪ anything cō ­trary to the Romanes order, since the taking of [...]. The other he pardoned, & appointed lawes to al▪ the same▪ almost that were giuen them before of the Romanes. He tooke out of the [...] ▪ poūd waight of golde, & of siluer [...]oq. This was done at the ca­stle a litle after. Sylla immediatly after the citie was take, not be­laying to take Pireo by stege, he braught engines & munition▪ and many men y should vndermine the wall with their instruments and beate downe many of them that kept the wall by shooting & darting vpon them▪ and ouerthrew the bowing part of the wall, which was moyst & weake being new ma [...]e. Which Archelous▪ thinking before, made many y like within▪ that Sylla might euer haue somewhat to do, finding a new one like y other. But he v­sing cōtinual assault w t incessable violence, going among them▪ [...] exhorting thē to y mater, as a thing of great importāce & praise▪ in y which al the hope that they had done, did lie. They of them­selues being redy inough, for y glory of so great a feat as to win y wal, wēt to it so fearcely, y Archelous being astonished at their vehement motion beyond reason, left▪ the wall vnto thē, & ranne to the strongest parte of Pireo, that was compassed with the sea, the whiche Sylla for lacke of shippes coulde not attempt. From Thermopyle [...]is the greate hill that diuideth Grecia, & be the streyght of it vvith ho [...]e vva­ters. thence Archelous sayled into Thessalia by Boeotia, and gathered at Thermopyle the rest of all his owne army, and that was brought of Syndromichate. Hée called also those that came into Macedonia with Archatias the Kings sonne a freshe bande and full, beside them that Mithridates continually sent, for hée neuer lefte sen­dyng: and this was done with great vehemencie.

Sylla burned Pireo, whiche was greater labour to him than Pireo burned. [Page 24] the Cittie not sparing, na [...]y, munition, nor other preparation and then he went against Archelous into Boeot [...]a. Being nigh to­gither, Pho [...]is a litle re­gion of Grecia. they went from Thermopyle to Phocida, they being Thra­cians, and Scythians of Pontus, and Cappadotians, Bithynians, Galatians, and Phrygians and al other that fauored Mithridates, al the which were Cxx▪ M▪ euery one had their chiefe captaines, & Archelous was the generall ouer all. Sylla hadde Italians, Greekes, and those Macedonians that were reuolted from Archelous, and some other of the borderers, not the thirde parte of the enimies number. Being encamped togither, Archelous▪ setting his men in order, alwayes prouoking to the battayle, Sylla delayed, considering the places and multitude of the ennimies, and followed Archelous that went into Calcide, expecting time and place, when he sawe Cherona. him vnquered at Cherin [...] in hilly places, from the whiche they that wer ouercome could not flée. He being in a plain very nigh, [...]t his men redy, to prouoke Archelous to fight against his wil, the playne being for him commodious to marche forth, or to re­tire at his pleasure, wheras Archelous was baset with she hils, so as he coulde not vse his men as he would, nor altogither place them for the inequalitie of the ground▪ And if they should turne, the harde place woulde hinder their flight. He waying the mat­ter Sylla taketh the aduantage▪ of the place. with th [...]se difficulties, gaue she onset, knowing that that great multitude would litle profit Archelous, who did not think the Romanes would haue fought, therfore kept his campe negly­gently. Whē the battel was begon, then he felte the hardenesse of the place, and perceyued it to late, and sente his horsemen to kepe him of, but they returning, and being oriuen to the hils, he sent out l [...]. armed Chariots, to sée if he could, by their violence, breake and cut the maine battel of the Romanes, the which they The armed▪ chariots defeated. suffred to passe the front to the ende, diuiding themselues where they were ouerthrowen of the shot, they being vnweldy to turne again. And though Archelous might thus haue kepte his campe, being soone at the hils for their defence, yet he set the whole mul­titude in order, & came vpon Sylla on the sodeyne in these streight places, bycause now he was at hand. First he brought forth the horsemen with grat violence, and cut asunder the Romanes bat­tayle, and easilye compassed both, for their small number.

[Page 25]They fighting very valiātly, kept themselues in a ring. They were in greatest daunger that fought vnder Galba and [...]orten­sius, against whome Archelous fought himself, and the Barbarians in his sight, shewed great manhoode, till Sylla came thyther with his horsemen. Archelous thinkyng Sylla was hée that came, by the shewe of the Ensignes, and the raysing of so much duste, lea­uyng hys compassing, went to hys battayle. But Sylla brought his horsemen that were beste, and twoo newe bandes that lay in ambushe, and charged vpon them as they were settyng them­selues in order, (for they were not yet al come from compassing, nor in due forme at the fronte,) and brake them, so as they were confounded, and turued to flée, the whiche he followed. Begin­nyng the victory thus, Murena in the lefte wing, furthered the The ouer­throvv of Ar­chelaus. same, very lustily, and with encouraging of his men, manly fo­lowed the chace. When the wings of Archelous were turned, the midde battayle did not holde, but fledde also. And then all that Sylla had foreséene, fel vpon the enimie, for not hauing a frée place to turne them, nor a playne to flée, at the hilles they were slayne of them that folowed them: some fell into his hādes, some that were wiser, got to their campe, whom Archelous, ignorant of the feates of warre, commaunded to turne vpon the enimies, when there was no way. They obeyed readily, but wāting cap­taines, to set them in order, not knowing their proper Ensignes, and beeing fouly disordered, wanting place bothe to fighte and to flée, beeing driuen into a straighte by them that chaced, they were killed with ease: some of their ennimies, whom they could not kill againe: some of themselues, as in a cōfusion in so straight a place. They went againe to the gates, and there gathered to­gyther, rebukyng them that shutte them out, rehearsing theyr countrey Goddes, and other naturall familiaritie, that not so much of their enimies, as of their disdayne they were destroyed, tyll Archelous séeyng the néede, opened the gates too late, and re­ceyued them running in with disorder. The Romanes perceyuing this, callyng one an other, with vehemencie & swiftenesse gotte into the cāpe with thē that fled, & brought the victorie to an end. Archelous & the other fledde as they could, & saued themselues at [Page 26] Calcide, of a hundred & .xx. M., not many more than .x. M. remay­ning of the Romanes, they say there died but .xv. & two of them re­turned, this was the end of the field betwene Sylla and Archelous Cheronea is a tovvne in B [...]otia vvhere P [...]t [...]rch vvas borne. capitain general of Mithridates at Cheronea, chiefly by y e wisedom of Sylla, & the foolishnesse of Archelous, this happe had they both. Sylla hauing got much armure & spoyle, & taken many prisoners, y e vnprofitable things gathered on an heape, being girded after the Romane maner, he burned to the Gods of warre. Resting his army a while, he went to Euripus, with y e light horse against Ar­chelous, Eurip [...]s is the streight sea that flovveth seuen times a day. w [...]o wādred the Ilandes without dread, the Romanes ha­uing no ships to folow him, & tooke the coast townes. And going to Zacynthus he cāped, as to besiege the citie: & where certen of y Zacynthus an Ile of the Ionian sea. Romanes cāpe, came vpō him by night, departing in hast, he went to Calcida, more like a Rouer thā a warriour. When Mithridates heard of this losse, he was troubled againe, & afrayde, as in such a case he might, & gathered an other army of all natiōs about him in hast. And thinkyng y t many would now forsake him for this ouerthrow, or for same other occasion, he gathered togither all thē y he had in suspitiō before the warre did wa [...]e sharper. First Crueltie of Mi­thridates against the Galatians. he killed the gouernours of the Galatians, which were with him as frendes, & not yet subiect to him, with their wifes & chyldren except thrée that fled. To some he layd traynes, some he killed in a night at a banquet, thinking none woulde kéepe their fayth, if Sylla came, & confiscating their goodes he made Eumachus presidēt of that nation. The rulers that escaped gatheryng an army of their tenaunts of the countrey, droue him & his garrisons out of Galatia, so as Mithridates had nothing of that nation but money only. And being angry with y e Chians, euersince their ship crushed the kings shippe in the battaile at the Rhodes, he came secretely vpon them, & first leased vpō their goodes that were fled to Sylla. Then he sent to inquire of them that tooke the Romanes parte in Chio. And Zenobus that ledde the third army, as though he would Chio, novv S [...]io. haue hasted into Gretia, came to the walles of Chio & other naked places by night & tooke them, and setting a garde at the gate, pro­claymed that strangers should not stirre, & assembled the Chians, Mithridates spite agaynst the Xi [...] for a s [...]l cause. as to say somwhat to them from the king. Whē he was come he [Page 27] sayde the king had the citie in suspition bycause they fauoured the Romanes. Your ease must be, to deliuer your armure & your best children for pledges. They seing theyr citie already taken, deliuered both. The which Zenobus sente by & by to Erythea, com­maunding Erythea is a citie of Asia, not far from S [...]io, of the vvhich vvas one Sybilla. the Chians to tarrie for the kings letters. Mithridates letter came to this effect. You be yet frends to the Romanes with whom many of your Citizens be, & you enioy the Fermes that they haue let you, for the which you pay nothing to vs. Further Mithridates let­ter to the Ch [...]. a Galley of yours at the fight at Rhodes did shake and crushe my shippes, which fault I would put onely vpon the guyders of the ship, if you could be recouered by loue. But secretly you haue now sent your chief men to Sylla, & you haue accused none of thē, as doyng it without cōmon consent, nor you haue punished any of them, as not priuie to their doyngs: and whereas I might pu­nish you by death, beyng so counsayled by my friends, as séekers of my life, and traytours to my kingdome, I punish you in two thousand talents. This was the tenor of the letter. They would haue sent Embassadours to him, but Zenobius woulde not suffer them. And when their armure was gone, & their chiefe children taken away, & so great an army of Barbarians at hād, with heauy hearts they tooke the treasure out of the temples, & their wiues Jewels, that they might make the .ij. M. talents. Whē they had done this, & Zenobius finding fault with the wayght, he called thē al into y e Theatre, & setting his soldiours about y e Theatre with The lamentable▪ destruction of the Chians. their weapons drawne, & the waies downe to y e sea side, he called thē out seuerally & put them in the ships, the men by thēselues, y e womē likewise, & the children by thēselues, barbarously scoffing at thē. Thus being spoyled of their countrey, they were sent into Pontus Euxinus to Mithridates. After this sort were y Chians vsed. The Ephesians required Zenobius y t was come to thē, to leane his army at y e gate, & to come in with a few. He did so: and went to Philopaemena father to Monime, whō Mithridates loued, & had made The Ephesians kill Zenobius. ouer [...]ee [...] of the Ephesians, & willed the Ephesians by proclamatiō to come togither in their assembly. They lokyng for no good at his hāds, deferred it till the next day. And in y e night gathering togi­ther & exhorting one an other, they tooke Zenobius & killed him [Page 28] in pryson. They fenced their walles, they put their people in or­der, they gathered in their corne, & kept all the Citie by strength. The Trallians, Papenians, and Mesopolitans, and some other afrayed Trallis, at the floud Me [...] [...]rus. Papen [...] of Tri­phylia. by the calamitie of Chio, did as the Ephesiās had done. Mithridates sent his army against them that reuolted, and vsed them cruelly whom he tooke, and fearyng the rest, he made the cities of Greece, Mithridates re­leaseth debtes, maketh free. frée. He proclaymed forgiuenesse of debtes, and the fermours he made Citizens, & the bondmen, frée, hoping, as it was in déede, that the released of debt, the new made citizens, & fréemen, would be sure vnto hym, thinkyng these things could not be sure vnto them, but by Mithridates rule. In the meane season Mynio and Philotimus of Smyrna, and Clisthenes, and Asclepiodotus, Lesbians, al A conspiracte bevvrayed. fréendes to the king, and Asclepiodotus, sometime captayne of the straungers, did make a conspiracie against Mithridates. Of the which Asclepiodotus was the bewraier: & for the more credite, he brought to passe, that the kyng, vnder a bedde, hearde what My­nio sayde. The cōspiracie being bewrayed, they were cruelly kil­led. The like suspition was vpon many moe. The Pergameneans doyng the like foure score of them were takē, and other, in other cities, Mithridates sending searchers to euery place, who finding out his enimies, killed a thousād sixe hundred men, the accusers of the which, not lōg after, were soone punished of Sylla, some kil­led themself, & some fled to Mithridates into Pontus. Now had Mi­thridates gathered an army of .lxxx. M. the which Dorilus did leade into Grecia to Archelous that had .x. M. left. Syllas had his army Orchomenus at the floud of that name. nigh to Archelous at Orchomeno, & when he saw so great a nūber of horsemen, he digged many pittes in the plaine, x. foote broade. And had his army in order to receyue Archelaus. And when the Romanes did fayntly come to y fight for the multitude of horsemē, he rode about, & exhorted them, & beside threatned thē. But whē he could not so bring them to the matter, he lept of his horse and tooke the Ensigne & ranne to the enimies with his garde, crying: The boldnesse of Sylla. If any man aske you (O Romanes) where you betrayed your ge­nerall, Sylla, say, when he fought at Orchomeno. The Capitaines ranne frō their bandes to hym beyng in this daunger. Then the multitude beyng ashamed, chaunged their feare into courage. [Page 29] And when the victory began to appeare, he mounted on horse a­gayne, The victory of the Romane [...]. and rode about the host, praysing them, and in euery place exhorting them, till he had brought it to end. There dyed of the enimes aboute fiftéene thousande, whereof the most part were horsemen, & among them Diogenes, that was Archelous son. The footemen fledde to the Campe, and Sylla fearing least Archelous woulde flée againe to Thalcida, he hauing no Shippes, all that night he set watches in y playne, and in the day, not fully a fur­long frō Archelous, he cast a trench (he not comming forth,) & ex­horted earnestly his army to finish the rest of al this battel, seing their enimies durst not come out, and brought them to the trēch of Archelous. The like mutation was among the enimies, for necessitie the Captaynes running aboute, shewing the presente daunger, and rebuking them, if they woulde not defende theyr Camp against their enimies that were fewer than they. Force and crye being made on eyther side, there was great might she­wed on both parts. The Romanes couering themselues with their shields, did now digge downe a corner of the Campe, but the de­fendours put them backe with their shorte weapons, and none durst enter, till Basillus the Captayne of that legion firste lept in, The valiantnes of Basillus. and killed him that resisted him, al the army followed, then flight and slaughter was made of the Barbarians, of some as they went, of other being driuen into a lake that was nigh, and where they coulde not swimme, made prayers in their Barbarian tong to the killers of them that vnderstoode them not. And Archelous was hidde in a Fenne, where getting boates, he sayled to Chalcida, and gathered togither all the rest of the Kings army with diligence. This garland or crovvne vvas called Vallaris, vvhich vvas gi­uen to him that first scaled the trench. Sylla the nexte daye gaue Basillus a garland, and rewarded others with giftes accordingly, and then spoyled Soeotia that was euer wauering. And being come to Thessalia, wintered, and tarried for the Shyppes that Lucullus hadde. And bycause he could not tell where Lucullus was, he made other Shippes. In this time, Corne­lius Cinna and Gaius Marius his enimies in Rome, proclaymed him Sylla is proclay­med Rebell at Rome. Rebell, spoyling his house and his Villages, and destroying his friends. He notwithstanding did all thinges as with authoritie, hauing an army valiant and obedient. Cinna chose Flaccus for his Flaccus. [Page 30] fellow in the Consuls office, and sente him into Asia with two legions in the place of Sylla that was declared an enimie to be ru­ler of Asia, and make warre with Mithridates. Flaccus being vn­expert in the warres, a man of the Senate, of good will, and belo­ued of the army, named Fimbria, wente with him. They sayling Fimbria. from Brunduse, many of their shippes were lost by winters wea­ther, and a nauie sent of Mithridates, burned their Shippes, that went in espiall. All the army forsooke Flaccus, being a malitious, couetous, and cruell man, and part of them that were sente into Thessaly, turned to Sylla. The rest, Fimbria being thought of them a better Captayne, and of a more gentle nature than Flaccus, stayed from reuolting, and chancing that there was a cōtention for a lodging betwéene him & a treasurer, and Flaccus leauing the matter vniudged, and somewhat touching the honor of Fimbria, he being disoeynefull, threatned to returne to Rome, and Flaccus appointed a successour to him for y things that were to be done. Then Fimbria wayting him as he went to Calcida, first tooke the maces from Thermo, whom Flaccus had made officer against him as so receyuing the charge by the cōsent of the army, & following Flaccus with anger, til he droue him into an house, out of y which escaping by night, he fledde first into Calcide, & then into Nicome­dia, and shut the gates. But Fimbria came vpon him, and killed Fimbria killeth Flaccus. him, being crept into a pitte, being Consull of the Romanes, and generall of the warre, where he was but a priuate mā, and was Ā rare crueltie of a Romane. come with him as his friend at his request. He cut of his head, and threwe it into the Sea, his carcasse he cast out vnburied: so making himselfe Generall, he foughte diuers fightes valiantly with Mithridates his sonne, and droue the K himselfe frō Pergamo, Pitane a Citie of [...]lide. whither he followed him to Pitane, where he beséeged him, till by shippe he fledde to Mitylene. Fimbria inuading Asia, punished y faction of Cappadocia, and spoyled the lands of them that woulde not receyue him. The Ilians being beséeged of him, fledde to Sylla, [...]i [...], vvhere Troy vvas. who promised thē to come, and willed thē to say to Fimbria, that they were yéelded to him. When Fimbria heard this, he praysed them as friendes to the Romanes, and desired them to receyue him as a Romane also, [...]estingly shewing that the Ilians and [Page 31] the Romanes were of affinitie. Being entred, he killed all that he mette, and burned euery thing, and the Embassadors that were sente to Sylla, he tormented dyuers wayes, neyther sparing holy things, nor them that were fledde into the Temple of Minerua, whome he burned in the Temple. Crueltie of a Romane.

The next day he bet downe the walles, and went about to sée, if any thing stoode in the Citie, which was worse vsed by hym a Troy vvorse v­sed of a Romane. man allied, than it was in Agamemnons time, no house, no temple, no image being left. The Image of Minerua which they called Palladium, sent from heauen as they thinke, some suppose Palladium the Image of Miner­ua sente from Heauen. was vnbroken, being couered with the walles that fell, excepte Diomedes and Vlisses carried it away at the warre of Troy. Thys did Fimbria against Iliū, the. CIII. Olimpiad thē ending, which some thinke was a thousand and fifty yeares after Agamemnon.

When Mithridates heard of the losse at Orchomeno, considering the multitude he hadde sente into Grecia, and the continuall and greate ouerthrowes, he sent to Archelous, to make truce in as good manner as he could, and being come to the parley, sayde to Sylla. Mithridates being an auntient friend to you (O Sylla) hath made warre for the couetousnesse of other Generalles. He is Archelous to Sylla. content to leaue warre for thy vertues sake, by the which thou wilt commaund him that shall be iust. Sylla for wante of Ships and money, none being sent him bycause of his enimies that had iudged him a Rebell, hauing gathered money of the Pythians, O­limpians, and Epidaureans, and giuen them▪ by reason for their holy things, halfe the Thebans land that so oft rebelled, and hauing an army valiant and experte, to leade agaynste the Rebellion of hys enimies, he was bent to peace, and sayd:

If Mithridates had bin iniured, he should haue sent Embassa­doures, but doyng iniurie, he hath inuaded many lands of other mens, he hathe slayne very many, the common and holy thyngs of Cities, and the proper goodes of them he hathe spoyled, béeyng a like vnfaythfull to his friendes and to vs, of whome he hathe killed many, and slayne the Princes that were at a banquet with him in the night with their wiues and children, and hath shewed to vs rather crueltie of nature, than necessitie of warre, and [Page 32] vsed the Italians in Asia with all kindes of euils, destroying and murthering men, women, children, and slaues that were of the nation of Italy, so great an hate had he againste Italy. He allead­geth now auntient amitie for a fashion, but not before he hathe lost a hundreth and thréescore thousand men by me, he maketh a­ny mention of it. Wherefore reason would, we should take him for vnfaithfull, yet for thy sake, I will vndertake to get him for­giuenesse of the Romanes, if he repente his doyngs: but if he dis­sembleth Talke of peace. now also, loke thou wel to it Archeloe, and consider the present state, as well for thy selfe, as for him. Consider howe hée hath vsed his friends, and how we haue vsed Eumenes, and Massi­nissa. Hee speaking thus, Archelous disdeynefull brake his tale, as spoken to proue him, and sayde, that he woulde neuer betray the army that was committed to him, yet hope I for peace at thy hand, if thou makest reasonable cōditions. Sylla ceassing a while, sayd, Archeloe, if Mithridates doe deliuer vnto me all the Nauie which thou hast, and deliuer our Captaines, Embassadours, pri­soners, fugitiues, and slaues fledde frō vs, and let go the Chians beside forth, and all other that he hath made Captiues in Pontus, and take his garrisons from euery place, except those which he had before the breaking of peace, and defray the charges of the warre whereof he hathe bin the cause, and conteyne himselfe within the limits of his fathers dominions, I trust to persuade that the Romanes will no more remember what he hathe done. Thus he said. Archelous by and by tooke his garrisons from eue­ry place, and of the rest sent to the King. Sylla to do somewhat in this vacation, spoyled the Enetanes, Dardaneans, and Eiutians, nati­ons [...] [...]eople of Paphlagonia. nigh the Macedonians, and alwayes molesting Macedonia, he exercised his souldyoures, and gotte money likewise. Embassa­doures were nowe come from Mithridates, who agréed to all things, hauing then excepted Paphlagonie, saying that Mithridates mighte haue more, if he would make peace with the other gene­rall Fimbria. Sylla was angry at that, and said, he would punishe Fimbria well ynough, and whē he was come into Asia, he would sée whether Mithridates hadde more néede of warre than peace. When he had said thus, he went into Cypsela by Thracia, and sent [Page 33] Lucullus afore to Abydus, whether he was now come, being in daunger of rouers many times. He brought a Nauie of Shyps from Cyprus and Phoenitia, frō Rhodus and Pamphilia, spoyling ma­ny coastes of the enimies, and skirmishing with the Kings Shyppes. Sylla from Cypselos, and Mithridates from Pergamo, mette agayne to talke, and commyng both into the playne with a fewe. Mithridates recorded his, and his fathers a [...]t [...]e and confederacie, and accused the Romane Embassadoures and Lieu­teuantes, whiche hadde vsed him vniustly, setting Ariobarzanes into Cappadocia, and taking Phrygia from hym, and winking at Nicomedes, that dyd hym open iniurie. And all this they did (quoth he) for money, taken as well of me as of them. In this thyng Talke of peace betvvene Sylla and Mithridates. (O Romanes) are you most to be blamed, bycause you will be cor­rupt with money. The warre being broken by youre Gene­ralles, what soeuer I haue done in defence, it hathe bin rather of necessitie, than of will. When Mithridates had sayde thus, hee ceassed. Sylla thus aunswered. Although thy comming is for peace, and yet doest renue other matter, I will not refuse to speake briefely of it. When I was lieutenant of Cilicia, I sette Ariobarzanes into Cappadocia, by decrée of the Romanes, and thou diddest obey. Thou shouldest then haue spoken against it, and not wrangled afterwarde, or swarued from the order. Manius Manius actes reproued. gaue thée Phrygia for money. The iniustice is indifferente to you both, and by this thou doest confesse, that thou gottest it vn­lawfully, by giuing of money. Manius, both in this, and other things done for money, was reproued of vs, and the Senate dis­solued all that he had done, by reason whereof, they woulde not make Phrygia tributarie vnto them, béeyng gyuen vniustly to thée, but lefte it frée. Then by what reason doest thou vsurpe the things that we haue taken by warre, and wyll not yet haue thée to rule? Nicomedes accuseth thée and Alexander for woundyng hys bodye, sendyng Socrates Chrestus into his Kyng­dome. He to reuenge this, inuaded thy Realme. If he dyd thée wrong, thou shouldest haue sente Embassadoures, and haue tarried for aunswere. ‘If thou dyddest make spéedy reuengeance on Nicomedes, why dyddest thou inuade Ariobarzanes that hadde [Page 34] done thée no wrong, for when thou hadst begunne with him, the Romanes were compelled by their couenantes to restore hym, and béeyng restored, to defend him. Thou madest warre, béeyng thus persuaded, and in hope, that if thou didst ouercome the Ro­manes, thou shouldest reigne ouer all, making these pretences of thy purpose, of the whyche we haue thys coniecture, that before there was any warre, thou madest league wyth the Thracians, Scythians, and Sauromatians, and sendest to the Kings thy ney­boures. Thou madest Shippes, and gatheredst maisters and mates, and the time doth bewray thyne intente. For when thou hardest that Italy was reuolted frō vs, wayting for our trouble, thou didst inuade Ariobarzanes, Nicomedes, the Galatians, and Pa­phlagonia. Thou dydst inuade Asia our lande, and when thou hadst got it, what didst thou against the Cities, ouer which thou madest slaues and fellowes in debt, rulers, by giuing of libertie, and releassing of debt? and agaynst the Grecians, of whom, for a small occasion, thou didst kill sixetéene hundreth? or the princes of Galatia, whome being at a feast with thée, thou didst murther? And the Italian nation, in one daye thou didst kill and drowne, with their wiues and childrē, not sparing them that were fledde into the holy places. Howe greate crueltie, how great impietie and extremitie of hate, didst thou show agaynste vs, gathering e­uery mans mony? Thou didst sayle into Europe with greate ar­myes, we forbiddyng all Kyngs of Asia, to enter into Europe. When thou wert come, thou didst ouercome Macedonia oure prouince. Thou tokest from the Grecians theyr fréedome. Ney­ther didst thou repente thée, or make Archelous the meane for thée, tyll I hadde recouered Macedonia, and delyuered Grecia from thy violence, and slayne a hundreth and sixtie thousand of thyne army, and taken thy Campes with theyr munition. Therfore I maruell now thou doest iustifye thy selfe in those thyngs, which thou desirest to be forgyuen by Archelous, whyche I being farre off, thou didst graunte, but being nigh, thou doest call into que­stion whose tyme is past, thou making warre, and we resisting mightily, and will resist thée to the ende.’

Sylla speaking this with anger, the King was afrayde, and [Page 35] graunted and confyrmed the conditions made by Archelous, and deliueryng the Shyppes, and all other things, he went into Pontus his fathers Kingdome onely. Thus the firste warre be­twéene the Romanes and Mithridates ceassed.

Sylla encamping two surlongs from Fimbria, commaunded VVarre be­tvveene [...] and Sylla. hym to deliuer the army whiche he helde agaynst the lawes. He taunted him again, that he did not rule lawfully, and being be­séeged of Sylla, and many openly forsaking him, he called the rest to a counsell, and exhorted them to tarrie: and when they sayde Fimbria is forsa­ken. they woulde not fyght with their Countreymen, he tore his gar­mente, and besoughte them: and when they refused that also, and many still went from him, he went to the tentes of the Cap­taines, and winning some with money, he called them agayne to a counsell, and commaunded them to sweare: and when the E­netans cryed, that he must call them to sweare by name, he called them that had bin benefited by hym, and first Nonius, that was Nonius refuseth to svveare. priuie to all his doings. But when he refused to sweare, he drewe hys sworde, and threatned to kill hym, tyll a crye was made of all, and then he ceassed for feare, and hyred a slaue, for hope of libertie and money, to goe as a fugitiue and kyll Sylla. He béeyng about the thyng, and troubled, beyng thereby suspe­cted, was taken, and confessed it. And Syllas army with rage and disdeyne, standing aboute Fimbria hys trenche, dyd reuile hym, and call him Atheniona, who a fewe dayes was a King ouer Athenion. the seruantes in Sicelie that rebelled. By the which Fimbria de­spayring of all, came to the wall, and desyred to speake wyth Sylla vvill not speake vvith Fimbria. Sylla. He sente Rutilius in his place, that chiefly gréeued Fimbria, that he would not speake with him, which is not denyed to eni­mies, and desired pardon, if he hadde offended, being yet a yong man. Rutilius sayd, Sylla would let him goe quietly to the Sea, if he would giue place in Asia, in the which Sylla was Lieutenant. He sayde, he would find a better way, and went to Pergamo, and in the Temple of Aesculapius kylled hymselfe, and the wounde not béeyng sufficiente, he badde hys P [...]ge dispatche, who Fimbria killeth himselfe▪ kylled hys Maister fyrste, and then himselfe.

[Page 36]Thus ended Fimbrias, doing muche mischiefe in Asia after Mithridates, whome Sylla gaue to his freemade mē to bury, say­ing, Hi b [...]ly is gi­ven to be b [...]ry­e [...] othervvise then Marius v­sed at Rome. he woulde not follow Cinna and Marius in Rome, who kylled many men, and woulde not suffer them to be buried, receyuing Fimbrias armye that came vnto hym, and sette them with hys owne, and commaunded Curio to restore Nicomedes and Ariobar­zanes into Cappadocia, and wrote to the Senate of all thyngs, not seemyng he was declared a Rebell. Then setling his pro­uince, he recompenced the Ilians, the Chians, the Lycians, the Rho­dians, and the Magnesians, and others that were confederates, or that for their good will, had suffered, for the whiche cause hee The revvardes of the faithfull people. dismissed them frée, and registred them friendes of the Romanes. To the rest, he sent his army, and proclaymed that all seruantes that hadde freedome by Mithridates, shoulde be restored to theyr maisters. Whereof manye disobeying, and some Cities rebel­ling, The punish­ment of the re­uolting people. there followed great slaughters, of frée, and bond, for diuers occasions, the walles of many were pulled downe, and made ser­uile people very many. They that were of the Cappadocians facti­on, both men & Cities were sharply punished, and chiefly the E­phesians, which did impudently reuile the Romanes cōmandemēts. After this, was there a proclamation made, that the chiefe of e­uery Citie should come before Sylla at Ephesus, who being come into the common hall, he thus sayd vnto them.

‘We first came into Asia with our army, when Antiochu [...] king Sylla to the Ephesi [...]s. of Syria did ouerrunne you, and driuing him away, and makyng Aly and Taurus the limits of his Kingdome, we toke not from Holy a floud running out of Taurus. you that was made ours by him, but lefte it frée, excepte some, which we gaue to Eumenes, and the Rhodes our confederates, not to be tributaries, but tenants. In proofe whereof, we toke the Li­cians from the Rhodians, making their complaynt. Thus did wée for you. And you did help Aristonicus four yeares against vs, af­ter▪ Attalus Philomêter had left his kingdome to vs by testament, till Aristonicus was taken, and many of you came againe for ne­cessitie and feare. Thus doyng, and in foure and twenty yeares comming to great riches and substance as well publike as pri­uate, thorough peace and abundance, you wrangle agayne, [Page 37] and wayting our trouble in Italie, some of you brought in Mi­thridates, and some receyued him when he came. He the moste cruell of all men, in one day killed all the Italians with the chyl­dren and mothers. And you did not spare them that fledde into the temples to your Goddes: For the whiche some punishment you haue had by Mithridates, beyng vnfaythfull to you, and [...]l­lyng you with murders and banishments, makyng diuisions of your landes, and releasing of debtes, and libertie of slaues: and to some putting tyrannes, and causing many robberies both by sea and land, that by your experience you may know, by compa­rison, what gouernour you haue receyued, & what reiected. The beginners of these things haue bene partly punished by vs, but the payne must be publique to you that haue done the lyke, that it may be correspondent to that you haue done. But the Romanes will not vse wicked murders, or sudden confiscations, or risings of seruants, or other barbarous things which the minde abhor­reth. Regarde shalbe had to the nation and name of Greece, and to the glorie of Asia, & to the fréendes of the Romanes for honours sake. Wée put vpon you the tribute of fiue yeares onely to be brought presently, and the expences of the warre which I haue bestowed. For the rest I will take order, and make the diuision accordyng to the Cities, & I declare frendship to them that shall kéepe these orders, and to them that will not, I appoynt punish­ment, as to enimies.’

When Sylla had sayde thus, he diuided the payne to the Em­bassadours and sente them for mony. The Cities beyng poore & oppressed with debte, some did let to Ferme their Theatres to creditours, some their common houses, their wals and portes, and any other thing that was publique, not without despite of the Souldiours that gathered it. This money was brought to Sylla, and Asia had inough of euils: for it was full of manifest robberies, rather like to armies thā to pirates. For Mithridates not long before had set thē in the sea, when he wasted al things, as not long to kéepe it, then beyng moste aboundant, not onely Inconueniences. in Asia. Iassus▪ an Ile of Ca [...]a. troubling men on the sea, but spoyling portes, townes and cities euidentlye. Iassus, Samos, Clazomene, and Samothracia, Sylla being [Page 38] there, were taken, and the Temple of Samothracia, was robbed of the value of a thousand Talents. He eyther willingly, or lea­uing to punishe the offendoures, or bycause of the sedition at Rome, wente into Grecia, and from thence to Italy, with all his ar­my, & what he did, we haue writtē in y bookes of Ciuil dissentiō.

The second warre with Mithridates beganne of this occasion: The seconde vvarre vvith Mithridates▪ Colchis is next Pontus.

Murena being l [...]e of Sylla with two legions that were Fim­brias, shewed certayne formes of warre for desire of Triumph. Mithridates being gone to Pontus, made warre vpon the Colchians and Bosphoriā [...]. The Colchians desired his sonne Mithridates might be giuen them for King, whome when they had receyued, they o­beyed Mithridates kil­leth his sonne. forthwith. But the king hauing his sonne in suspitiō, that he coueted the whole kingdome, sent for him, and held him with cheynes of gold, & after killed him, when he had done him muche good seruice in Asia against Fimbria. Against the Bosphorians hée gathered a gret army, and made a great nauie. The mightinesse of the whiche preparation, raysed an opinion, that it was not a­gainst the Bosphorians, but against the Romanes, for he had not re­stored all Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, but kepte parte of it styll, Archelous fleeth frō Mithridates. Comana, a Citie dedicate to Bel­lona. Murena cauil­leth. and had Archelous in suspition, that he granted more in Grecia, than he néeded to Sylla, in making the peace: the which Archelous perceyuing, and fearing, fledde to Murena, whome he incensed, and persuaded againste Mithridates. Murena by and by entered through Cappadocia, to Comana, the greatest Citie vnder Mithrida­tes, hauing an holy temple and treasure, and killed certaine horse­mē of Mithridates: and when the Embassadors alleaged y leage, he answered he had none such, for Sylla did not wright it, but con­firmed it by word, and so left it. Whē Murena had sard thys, hée fell to spoyle by and by, not refrayning from the holy money, & wintered in Cappadocia. Mithridates sent to Rome to the Senate, & to Sylla, to cōplayne of Murenas doings, who in y time passed the floud Aly that was great, and thē very déepe, bicause of y raine, Calidius com­meth from Rome vvith counter­ [...]e [...] commaunde­ment. and spoiled. 400. of Mithridates townes, the king not yet méeting with him, but loking for his Embassadors from Rome Hauing got a great bootie, he went into Phrigia & Cappadocia, whither Cali­dius came to him from Rome, touching Mithridates complayntes, [Page 39] but brought him no decrée, onely sayde vnto him in the midst of the hearers, that y Senate cōmanded him to spare the king their confederate. When he hadde said thus, he was séene to speake to him alone. And Murenas ceassed not of his inuasion, but still mo­lested y land of the king, who euidently perceyuing that he was vsed as an enimie of the Romanes, he bad Gordius to take the nigh townes. He gathered many beastes of cariage & munition, & pri­uate men and souldyours, and camped at the floud ouer agaynst Murena. Neither of them began y fight, til Mithridates came with a great army, then was there a mighty fight at the floud. Mithri­dates Murenas fleeth. by violence passed the floud, being otherwise too good for Murena, who fled the kings force into a strong hill, and hauyng lost many, departed by the mountaynes withoute anye way into Phrigia, being followed & oppressed. This victory being euident & quickly gotten, was soone spred abroade, and turned many to Mithridates. He putting out Murenas garrisons of euery place w t great spéede, did make his sacrifice to Iupiter y warriour, after y maner of his coūtrey, in y top of an hil, wher they make a great pile of wood, to y which the kings bring the first stick. Then they The manner of the sacrifice of the kings in Asia made by Mithri­dates for the victory. make another lesse in a circle. Vpon the higher, they put hony, milke, & wine, & oyle, & all kind of perfumes, they giue bread and meate of the best to them that be present. And they make y pile after y fashiō of the Persian kings sacrifice in Rarsardis, the which for the greatnes, is euidently sene to many, a thousand furlongs off, and y one cā not come nigh the place many days after, y aire is so hote. This sacrifice did he make, after the custome of hys countrey. Sylla not cōtent y t Mithridates being in league, should haue war made vpō him, sent Aulus Gabinius, to cōmand Murena not to molest Mithridates, and that he should agrée Mithridates, & [...] refuseth Mithridates gold Ariobarzanes. Mithridates at y méeting, making sure a sonne of Ariobarzanes of .iiij. yeares of age, and by y meane holding still that he had in Cappadocia, & getting more, feasted all, & put gold in y cup, and y meate for the iesters & singers, & al other, as his vse was, of y which only Gabinius touched none. Thus y second war of Mithridates did end at y thirde yeare. Being now at quiet, he subdued Bosphorus, & apointed thē his son Macharis for their king.

[Page 40]He inuaded the Acheans that be aboue Colchos, (which seme to be of them that fledde from Troy, and lost theyr way) and losing twoo partes of hys armie with fighte and colde, and deceiptes, he returned, and sente to Rome to haue the league ratified. Ario­barzanes sente also, eyther of hymselfe, or stirred of others, that hée had not receyued Cappadocia, but that Mithridates kepte yet the better parte from hym. Sylla commaunded Mithridates to gyue place in Cappadocia, and hée did so, and sente other Embas­sadours Cochieus, came from Troy. for to haue the conditions of peace registred, but Sylla being dead, and the Senate not to be assembled, bycause of the vacation, he sent to Tigranes his sonne in law, to inuade Cappado­cia Tigranes by per­suasiō of Mithri­dates inuadeth Cappadocia. as of himself. This cautele was not vnknowen to the Ro­manes. The Armenian compassing Cappadies as with a neste, ledde away thrée hundreth thousande men into Armenia, and made them dwell with other at a place, where he first toke the Crowne of Armenia, and of hys name called it Tigranocertos, whiche is, the Citie of Tigranes. And these were the doyngs in Asia.

Sertorius a Captayne in Spayne, dyd stirre it, and all the places about it, against the Romanes, and made a Senate of them that were with him, for to counterfeyte the Romanes. Two of his fa­ction, Mithridates sen­deth to Sertorius. Lucius Manius, and L. Fanius, persuaded Mithridates to ioyne with Sertorius, putting him in hope of a greate parte of Asia, and the nations about him. He being persuaded, sent to Sertorius. He ledde the Embassadoures into his Senate, and made a glorious tale, that his renoume spredde as farre as P [...]ntus, and that he be­séeged the Romanes from the West to the East. He couenanted to giue Mithridates Asia, and Bithinia, Paphlagonit, and Cappadocia, and Gallogrecia & sent him a Captayne Marcius Varius, and Lucius Manius, and L. Fanius, that were of that counsel. With these dyd Mithridates begin the thrid and last war with the Romanes, in the which he lost al his kingdome. Sertorius being dead in Spayne, and Generals, sent from Rome, first Lucullus that was admiral of Syl­las Nauie, then Pompey, vnder whome, all that Mithridates had, The thirde vvarre vvith Mithridates. and all that was nigh it, to the floud Euphrates, by the pretence & violence of the war against Mithridates, did fall to the Romanes. [Page 41] Mithridates hauing proued so oft what the Romanes were, and Medimnus vvas a measure that contayned six [...] Modij, & Modius contayned syxe Sextures, vvhych in commonlye called a Bushell. Calybes people in Poute that dig yron naked. Heniochi, people of Ponius liuing by theft. Thermodon. thinking that this war, made without cause, and of the sodaine, would not be appeased, made al the preparation that hee coulde, as now to try the whole, and the rest of the somer, & al y winter, he made shippes and armoure, he brought to the sea, ij. C. M. Medimnes of grayne, and got confederates, beside hys former power, the Chalibyans, the Armenians, the Scythians, the Tauri­ans, Achuians, Heniochans, Leucosyrians, and all that inhabite about the floud Thermodon, that was called the land of the Amazones.

These had he gotte in Asia, to them he had before, and go­ing into Europe, the Sarmatians, Basileans, Iazugeans, and Coralleans, and al the nations of the Thracians, that inhabite aboute Hister, Rodope, and Aemos, and the Basternans, a most valiaunt people.

These hadde Mithridates in Europa, he hadde gathered an hun­dreth and fortie thousande footemen, and sixtéene thousande horse­men, another great number of venturers, piouers, & victualers.

‘When the Spring was come, he viewed his nauy, and sacri­ficed Mithridates [...] his souldiours. to Iupiter warriour, the vsuall sacrifice, and to Neptunus, he did cast into the sea a Chariot of white horses, and wente to Paphlagonia, Taxilus, and Eumocrates, being his Generalls. When he was come, he made a solempne oration to the armye, setting forth his progenitors and himselfe verye highly, that he had en­larged his kingdome from little to great, and was neuer ouer­come of the Romanes, being presente, whome he accused for their ambition and vnsatiablenesse, by the whiche, (said he) they haue made Italy and their Countrey seruile. He repeated the last conditions, whiche they woulde not subscribe. Séekyng tyme to inuade him againe, and making this the cause of the warre, hee extolled his power and prouisiō, and shewed the Romanes trou­bles, being molested in Spayne by Sertorius, and at home in Italie, by ciuil warre. Therefore (saide he) thorough their negligence, the Sea hathe long tyme béene full of Pyrates. Confederates haue they none, nor willingly auye wil be vnder them.’ Do you not sée these noble men, (sayde hée) shewing Varius and the Luci­ans,) to be enimies to their Country, and friends to vs?

When he had said thus and stirred his armye, hée wente into [Page 42] Bythinia, Nicomedes beyng dead, without a chylde, and leauyng Nicomedes leaueth his king­dome to the Romenes. Cotta fleeth. his kingdome to the Romanes. And Cotta that was presidēt there, a man of litle skill in warre, fledde to Calchida with his power, and Bithynia was agayne vnder Mithridates, all the Romanes flée­ing to Cotta into Calchide. And Mithridates comming thither, Cot­ta Nudue commeth to Chalcide vvhere the port coloyse is lette dovvne, & ma­ny Romanes stayne. for lacke of experience came not foorth. Nudus his admirall, with part of the army, tooke the stronger parte of the fielde, from the whiche beyng driuen, hée fled to the gates of Chalcide, by ma­ny hedges, with great paine. At the gate there was great thrust of them that would get in, so as no darte was caste in vayne, of them that folowed. Wherefore the kéepers beyng afrayde of the gates, they let the barres fall from the tower, and tooke vp Nu­dus and other Capitaynes by ropes. The other did perishe be­twéene their fréendes and their enimies, holdyng vp their hāds to the other. Mithridates vsing the course of good fortune, brought his shippes that day to the porte, and breakyng the barre that was of yron, he burned foure of the enimies shippes, and tooke the other thrée score, neyther Cotta nor Nudus resistyng, kéepyng thēelues within the walles. Thrée thousand were slayne of the Romanes, & Lucius Manlius a Senatour. Mithridates loste twentie of the Basternians, that first wente into the porte.

L. Lucullus, beyng Consull and chosen generall of this warre, Lucullus is gene­rall. brought one legion from Rome, and had two of Fimbrias, and be­side them, two more, hauing in all thirtie thousand footemen, and sixtene hundred horsemen, and encamped agaynst Mithridates at Cyzico. And vnderstandyng by the fugitiues, that the king had thrée thousande men, and his victuals brought by the foragers, and from the sea, he sayde to them that were aboute him, that he would take his enimies without any payne, and bad them re­member Lucullus espieth his aduauntage. it. He espied an hill very fitte for his campe, from the which he might get forage, and kéepe it from his enimie. He en­tended to get it, as by it to winne victorie without daunger. Be­yng but one way very straight to it, Mithridates kepte it with strength. For so did Taxiles & the other Capitaynes aduise him. Lucius Manius that came frō Sertorius, and made league with Mi­thridates, Sertorius being now dead, reuolted secretly to Lucullus, & [Page 43] sayth beyng receyued, he perswaded Mithridates, to lette the Ro­manes Mithridates abu­sed. go and campe where they would, for the two legions that were Fimbrias, would straight reuolt and come to the kyng then what néede he vse force and slaughter when he might ouercome without fight? Mithridates consenting to this very vnwisely and vncircumspectly, suffered the Romanes to passe the streight with­out feare, and to encampe at the hyll, by hauyng of the whiche, they might haue victuals behinde them brought without feare, and Mithridates beyng shut with fennes, hilles and floudes, could haue none by lande, but very litle, neyther hauyng way to do it easily, nor by force to compell Lucullus for the hardenesse of the passage, whiche when he had in his power, hée neglected, & win­ter beyng at hande, the commyng of it by Sea woulde fayle. Which when Lucullus perteyued, hée put his fréendes in remem­braunce Errours of Mi­thridates. of his promise, and that hée spake, to bée as it were per­formed. Mithridates mighte then peraduenture haue passed tho­rough the middes of hys enimies with hys multitude, but hée lette that passe also, and gaue himselfe onely to the gettyng of Cyzico, thynkyng by that, to remedy bothe the wante and harde Cyzico, an Iland and citie in Pro­pontide of great renovvne. way, and hauyng plentie of Souldiours, wente aboute it by all meanes possible. His nauie hée enclosed with a double wall, and entrenched the rest of the Citie, and set vp many rampiers and engines vpon them, and towers, and rammes couered, and one called Helepolis, of an hundred cubites, vpon the which an o­ther Helepolis, is an engine to beate the vvall. tower was set, casting arrowes, and stones, & diuerse wea­pons. At the portes two Gallies ioyned togither, bare an other tower, from the which, bridges were caste from the engine nigh the wall. When all this was ready, hée sente thrée prysoners to Cyzicus in shippes to the citie, holding vp their hands, and pray­ing them to spare the people that were in daunger, till Lisistra­tus Lisistratus. their Captaune, came to the walles, and by a trumpette ex­horted them to beare patiently their mischaunce. When Mithri­dites was deceyued of this purpose, hée brought the engine by shippes, which threwe sodenly bridges vpon the wall, and foure men ranne vpon them, at the whiche the Cyzians amased, for the straungers gaue place, but no more commyng forth, they tooke [Page 44] courage againe, and killed those foure without, and threwe fire and pitch vpon the shippes, and made them tourne with theyr engine. This at this enterprise of the sea the Cyzians had the bet­ter. That day the third time, he brought al his engines by lande at once, they within labouring and putting them backe for all their violence. The rammes they bet with stones, or put them by with collats, and brake their dint with peltes of wooll. The The valiantnes of the Cyzians. fierie dartes, they quenched with vineger and water, and other with clothes cast against them, or with sayles wrapped togither stopped the throwe. They lefte nothing vndone, that menne might doe: and although they suffered all labour, and resisted the euill, yet at night parte of the wall was burned and fell: but no manne durste enter for the heate, and their Cyzianes made it vp again in the night. And not long after, a great storme of wind did breake the reste of the kings engines. It is reade that this Cittie was in dowrie, of Iupiter to Proserpine, and the Cyziens ho­nour hir most of all gods. When their feast day came, that they should sacrifice a blacke cowe, they not hauing one, made one of paaste, when as a blacke cowe came to them by sea, whyche going vnder the barre of the hauen, ranne into the Cittie, & came A sacrifice to Proserpina. to the temple and stoode at the aulter. The which the Cyzians sa­crificed with good hope. Mithridates friendes counselled him to go from the Cittie being holy, but he would not. He went to Dindi­mus an high hill, and made a trench from it to the Cittie, and set it with towers, and with mines digged the wall. He sente hys horses, leane for lacke of meate, and lame for labour, into Bythinia, Lucullus mette with them as they wente to Rindacus, and killed and toke many prisoners, of men fiftéene M. of horses sixe thousand, and many beasts of burden.

At this time, Eumachus a Captaine of Mithridates ranne ouer Eumachus kil­leth the Romanes [...]sau [...]i, a people Asia the lesse. Phrygia, and slewe the Romanes both women and children: then he inuaded Pisidus and Isaur [...]s and Cilicia, till one of the Princes of Galatia, Deiotar us, stopped his course and killed manye. And this was done in Phrygia. Winter being come, Mithridates was without his victual that was wont to come by Sea. Where­fore all hys armye was famyshed and many dyed.

[Page 45]Some eate dead men barbarously. Other eate hearbes, and were sicke, and casting the dead bodyes vnburyed, broughte pestilence with hunger. But Mithridates continued, hoping to get the Ci­tie with the engines that he had at Dindymus: but when the Ci­ziceans Dindymus the hill of Idea. defeated his purpose, and burned his engines, and made many salyes vpon their enimies, being féble for hunger, Mithri­dates intended to flée, which he did in the night with his shippes to Par [...], and his armye wente by land to Lampsaco. When they came to the floud Aesepus, whiche was growen high, Lu­cullus Aesepus a floud in the lesse Nisia▪ flovving from the hill Ida. set vpō them as they were passing, and killed many. Thus the Ciziceans did escape the greate preparation of the King, both by their owne manhoode, and by the helpe of Lucullus that oppres­sed him with famine, for the whiche cause they make playes at this day, whiche they call Lucullus playes. Mithridates conueyed Lucullus playes. away his army that was come to Lampsa [...], and beséeged of Lu­cullus, and the Lampsatians also with Shippes that he sente them. And he committed tenne thousande of the best to be guided of Varius, that was sente to him from Sertorius, and Alexander a Paphlagonian, and Dionisio an Eunuch: he with more, sayled to Ni­comedia, and winter weather destroyed many of them.

Whē Lucullus had wrought this feate by lād through famine, he gathered shippes out of Asia, & betooke them to Lieutenants. Triarius tooke Apamea, and killed many that were fledde into the Apamea in the coast of Bythinia. Temples.

Barbas tooke Prusiade, builded vnder an hill, and Nicea, the gar­risons Prusias called before Chius. of Mithridates fléeing.

Lucullus tooke of the enimies Shippes thirtéene, at the portes of Achaia. He ouertoke Varius, Alexander, and Dionisius, at Lem­nus Lennus novv Statimene. The monument of Philoctetes. a desert Ile, where the alter of Philoctetes and the serpent of brasse, the bowe and the brestplate, tyed about with bendes, is séene, as a shewe of his calamitie. He sayled vpon them wyth great hast and contempte. They remayning still, he sente forth two Shyppes at once, and stayd the rest, to prouoke them to come out, but they not comming out, but defendyng themselues from the land, he sayled about the Ile with other Shippes, and [...]et footemen a lande, whiche made them to take their Shyppes. [Page 46] But they woulde not come aflote, fearyng Lucullus army, but Lucullus ouerco­meth three Ca­ptaynes of Mi­thridates. sayling by the lande, & being folowed both by lande and sea, they were hurte, and great slaughter and flighte was among them. Varius, Alexander and Dionysius the Eunuche were taken hidde in a caue, of the whiche Dionysius, hauyng dronke poyson, as it is thought, died by and by. Lucullus cōmaunded Varius to be killed, for it was not séemely to bring a Romane Senatour in triumph. Alexander was kepte for the pompe. And Lucullus wrote of his victorie, letters wrapped in Laurell to the Romanes, as the ma­ner Letters in Lau­rell. is in victories. And he wente to Bythinia.

As Mithridates sayled into Pontus, he had two tempestes and Mithridates hath losse by sea, and is [...]ed in a ro­ [...]ers barke. In Sinope vvas an vniuersit [...]e. lost about ten thousande men, & thréescore shippes, the rest were scattered as the winde droue them, his owne shippe falling in a leake, he went into a rouers barke, his fréends being against it, and going with the rouers they set him safe at Sinope, frō whence he went to Amiso to trie all, and to his sonne in law Tigranes the Armenian, and to Machares his sonne reyguing in Bosphoro, hée sente, that bothe shoulde prouide helpe. And to the Scythiās that Diocles, fleeth to Lucullus. were confines, hée sente golde, and many giftes by Diocles: but he fledde to Lucullus with hys golde and his giftes. Lucullus goyng forwarde boldely after the victorie, ouercame euery thyng as he wente, and winnyng a wealthy countrey that had bene long without warre, a slaue was solde for foure drammes: an Oxe A dramme vvas a Romane penny. for on: Goates, shéepe and garments, and al other things after the like value. Lucullus be [...]reged Amison and Eupatoria, whiche Eupatoria. Mithridates buylded next Amiso, and named Eupatoria▪ of himself, and made it a kings Palace, and with an other army, besieged Themiscyra, that had the name of one of the Amazones at the Themiscyra a re­gion of Pontus. [...]o [...]dde Thermodonta. They lying at Themiscyra, sette vp towers and made trenches, and wrought so great [...]nes, that there was [...]ightyng vnder the grounde. The Themiscyrians opened them a­boue, and threw in Beares and other wilde beastes, & swarmes of Bées vpon the workemen. They at Amisus went an other way to worke, the Amisians defendyng themselues, and many [...]imies issuyng out, and prouokyng also to fight hande to hande. Mithridates sent them much vi [...]ual, armure and munition from [Page 47] Cabeiris, where he wintered and gathered his army. He had o [...] Cabeira a tovvne of higher Asia. fotemen fortie thousande, and of horsemen foure thousand.

When the Spring was come, Lucullus wente against the king by the mountaynes, whyche he hadde garded to kéepe off Lucul­lus, and to make continuall [...] if any happe should b [...]. A man of the Kings bloud named Phoenix, was chiefe of this gard, who when Lucullus approched, made fires to Mithridates, but yéelded himselfe and all his power to Lucullus, so as he without stoppe, went to Cabeira, and hauing a fighte of horsemen with the Kyng, Lucullus is ouer­come in one fight of horse­men▪ Pompey the ge­nerall of horse, brought before the King, aun­svvered boldly. A princely say­ing of the king. and being ouercome, he retired to the hilles, and when Pompeyus, the Captayne of his horsemen was taken, and broughte to Mi­thridates wounded, he asked him what thanke he woulde giue him if he were saued. He answered, if thou art a friend to Lucul­lus, I will giue thée very great thanke, if thou béest his enimie, I will not deliber of it. Thus aunswered Pompeyus, and the Barba­rians woulde haue had the King to haue killed him. The King sayd, he would not hurte vertue that was destitute of Fortune: Preparing continually to fight, and Lucullus refusing it, he sought a way to come vpon him on the hill. There was a certaine Scy­thian, named Olcabas, that hadde bin a long fugitiue with Lucullus, and bycause he hadde saued many at the fight of horsemen, hée was admitted to Lucullus table, and priuie to his counsell and se­cretes. Octauius fleeth from Lucullus. He came to his tent at midde day when he was at rest, and would haue gone in by force (being girded only with a short sworde after the manner) and being angry that he was kepte backe, saying he hadde an earnest thing to tell him, and there­fore woulde haue them awake him, they aunswering, that Nothing so good as health of a ruler. there was nothing so good for Lucullus as his health, he tooke hys horse by and by, and fledde to Mithridates, eyther meaning euill, and suspected for hys doyng, or for anger, compting himselfe dis­honored. And he accused another Scythian called Sobadacus, that he woulde flée to Lucullus: therefore Sobadacus was taken. Where­as Lucullus woulde not goe into the playne, bycause the enimies Horsemen were the better, and could sée none other way, he foūd in a caue an Hunter of wilde beastes, that was expert in vnkno­wen wayes, by whome he passed by secret wayes, and came vpō [Page 48] the head of Mithridates, and came downe, auoyding the fieldes, for the horsemen encamped at a flash of water, at the enimyes face. Wanting victuals, he sente into Cappadocia for corne, and skirmished with the enimies, and made them to flée, till the king came out of his Camp in hast, and amazed them, and made them The Romanes in a great feare ac [...]. to turne, and so afrayd the Romanes, as they fledde vp to the moun­taynes, and did not perceyue when the enimies ceassed, but thoughte them that fledde with them their enimies, as well as they that chaced them, so greatly were they made afrayde. Mi­thridates sent letters euery where of this victory. A great part of Mithridates vvrighteth of his victory. his horsemen, and they of the best, lay in awaite for them that brought victuall to Lucullus from Cappadocia, hoping to bring thē to famine, as they themselues were at Cyzico. And it was a great argument so to be, bycause Lucullus had only from Cappadocia, frō the which, he might be shutte. The Kings horsemen méetyng with the first of the forragers in a streight place, and would not tarrie, till they came to an open place, they made their horses in that streight vnprofitable vnto them. The Romanes therefore be­ing quickly in order by the helpe of the place, came forthe to the fighte, and killed the kings men, being holpen by the streyghte way, as fotemen, they droue some vpon their fellowes, and some they made flée by heapes, and flong them downe. A few escaping A right of the Romane forra­gers, and the Kings horsemen in a streight. by night, ranne to the Camp, and affirmed that they onely were saued, and as the nature is, made the losse greater than it was. Mithridates before Lucullus shoulde knowe of this losse, and thin­king that Lucullus for lacke of horsemen woulde by and by haue The Kings feare. sette vpon him, determined to flée for feare, and told his friends in his tent. They before warning was giuen, sente away theyr geare hastily by night, and their cariage made a great thrusting The Kings ar­my fleeth. togither at the gates. The whiche the armye perceyuing, know­wing them that caried, and coniecturing worse for feare, and being gréeued that no token was giuen, they brake vp their trenche, and fledde aboute the fielde confusedly, euery man as well as he coulde without Captaynes, or staying for warning.

When Mithridates hearde of these hasty and disorderly do­ings, he ranne from his tent among them, and would haue sayd [Page 49] somewhat to them, but no man giuing eare to hym, and beyng [...] is thrust do [...] & flyo [...]. thruste of the people, he had a fall, and getting to his horse, hee fledde to the mountaines.

Lucullus vnderstāding of the feate of y foragers, and séeing the flight of his enimies, sent many horsmen to follow them, & brin­ging his footemen to the cariera, and the reste that were in the campe, he commaunded them not to spoile, before they had kylled al. But they seeyng the vessels of gold and siluer, and costly gar­ments, The souldiours [...]lvvayes gyuen to spoyle. forgot the commaundement, and where they had taken Mithridates, and chaūced to cut the burden that one of the Mules bare, and the golde falling out, they were so buy about it, that they let the King go, who fledde to Comans, and from thence to Mithridates fle­eth to Tigranes, vvho vvoulde not see hym. Tigranes, with tenne thousande horse. He woulde not see hym, but commaunded to vse him like a King in hys Townes. Where­fore Mithridates being in desperation of his kingdome, sente Bac­chus an Eunuch to his Palace, to kil his sisters and his wiues, The king sēdeth to kil his sisters, vvlues & daughters. and his concubines. They wer dispatched some with the sword, some with poyson, some with halters pitifully. When the capi­taines of Mithridates garnisons sawe this, the moste parte yeel­ded to Lucullus. He setting things in order, sayled aboute the cit­ties of Pontus, and tooke Armast, Heraclea, and other. Sinope helde out iustily, and by sea fought valiantly. But whiles they were besteged, they burned their great ships, and fled with their smal. A dreame of Lu­cullus saueth the Citie of Sinope. Antolycus vvas one that liued by the [...]t. Lucullus lefte the citye frée againe, by reason of a dreame, whych was this. They say Antolycus didde make warre with Hercules againste the Amazones, and being driuen by tempest to Sinope, he tooke the Cittie, and ruled there, and the Sinopeans had hys I­mage in greate veneration. The whiche when they fledde, they wrapped it in linnen, and bound it fast, to cary with them.

Lucullus knowing nothing of this, nor hauing hearde of it, hee thought he sawe hym call him, and the nexte daye, commaun­ding them that carried that Image, to shewe what it was, hee saide it was the same that he did sée in the night. This was his dreame, and he caused Sinope to bee still inhabited, and Amysios also, oute of the whyche they fledde by sca. For vnderstanding that it was inhabited of the Athenienses, when they were Lords [Page 50] of the sea, and made a populare state of it, it sometime obeyed the Sinope restored to libertie. Persian Kings. And being restored to their libertie by Alexander, were subiects againe to the Kings of Pontus: and he taking pit­tie of them, and desirous of honour, after the example of Alex­ander, and the Athenienses nation, hée lefte it in libertie, and wyth all spéede reuoked the Sinopeans to their owne Cittie.

When he had thus restored them after their taking, he made league with Machare, Mithridates sonne, king of Bosphorus, offring him a crowne of golde.

Then he soughte Mithridates that was with Tigranes, and being come into Asia, whyche dydde owe the fourthe parte of the fruits that Sylla putte vppon them for a payne, hée tooke a taxe of their houses and seruauntes, and made the sacri­fices of victorye, as thoughe the warre hadde beene fyni­shed.

When the sacrifice was ended, he marched with two choise Lucullus vvyth a small armye a­gainst a greate King. legions, and fiue hundred horse, against Tigranes that woulde not deliuer Mithridates. And passing Euphrates, requyring an­lye money of the Barbarians, he wente on. The men made no warre vpon him, as they that thought not good to intermedle betwéene Tigranes and Lucullus.

No man durste tell Tigranes, that Lucullus was commyng: Telli [...]g of truth euill re­vvarded. for he that tolde it fyrste was hanged, as one that troubled hys Cities.

But when he hearde it, he sente Mithrobarzines wyth twoo thousande horse, to stoppe Lucullus course. Hée appointed Man­caeo Mancaeus kee­peth the chiefe Cittie. to kéepe Tigranocerta, the whiche Cittie, as I haue sayde, the King builded in his owne honor, to the whiche he called his no­bles, and appointed a paine, that whosoeuer broughte not hys The defence of Tigranocerta. goodes thither, shoulde be confiscate. Hée made a wall aboute it of fifty [...] cubites hyghe. The bottoms of whyche, were full of stables for horse, and in the Suburbes, hee hadde builded hys Pallaice, and Gardens verye faire, with Parkes and fishe­pondes: and harde by, bee made a strong Forte, all the whiche committing to Mancaeo, he rode aboute his countrey togather men.

[Page 51] Lucullus at the first conflict ouerthrewe Mithrobarzane and cha­sed him. And Sextilius shut Mancaeus in Tigranocerta, spoylyng all the places that were without wall, and entrenched the Forte and the Cittie, and broughte his engines, and vndermined the wall. Thus was Sextilius occupied.

Tigranes, gathering two hundred fyfty thousand footemen, and fyftye thousande horsemen, sent sixe thousande horse afore to Ti­granocerta, They passing thoroughe the Romanes, carried away the Kyngs Concubines that were taken. The rest of the armie, Tigranes sente agaynste Lucullus. Then Mithridates commyng fyrste into hys sight, counselled hym not to fyghte with the Ro­maynes, but to range with hys horsemen, and waste the coun­trey, to driue them to famine, if he coulde, by the which mean, hée was vsed of Lucullus at Cyzico, and loste hys féeble armye. Tiranes laugh­eth at Mithrida­tes. A quicke saying of Tigranes. Tigranes laughed at this counsell, and came forth in order of bat­taile: and séeyng the little number of the Romanes, sayde: If these bée Ambassadors they be too many, but if they be ennimies, they bée too fewe.

When Lucullus hadde perceiued a fytte hill beyond Tigranes, Lucullus vvin­neth an hill. he commaunded hys horsemen to giue a charge on the front, and then to tourne and giue place of purpose, to bring the army oute of order. He in the meane tyme ledde his footmen to the hill, not perceyued. And when he sawe the ennimye disordered, and runnyng by partes as thoughe they hadde the victorie, and all their carriage vnder the hill, he cried: We haue gotte the vi­ctorye (my fellowes.) And firste hée sette vppon the carriage.

They fléeyng with confusion, ranne vppon the footemen, and the footemenne vppon the horsemenne, so as there was a fowle fléeyng oute of hande. And they that were gone farre to pursue the Romaynes, were killed of them tournyng vp­pon them, and the other disordered with the carriage, that they came as driuen among thē, al being afflicted, & none knowing y e Lucullus hath the victorye. truth, how the ouerthrow began, there was excéeding slaughter, without anye spoile, for Lucullus had forbiddē that with threats. Therfore treading vpon bracelets and chaines, they continued y murder an hundred & twenty furlōgs, til night came vpon thē. [Page 52] then in their returne they spoyled, for Lucullus was contente.

After this victorie, Manceus that was lefte at Tigranocerta, vn­armed The valiantnes of the Greeke souldiors. al the Gréeke mercenarie souldiours as suspected. They fearing to be taken, got them staues and went togither, and wer quiet.

But when Manceus came vpon them with the Barbarians armed, they wrapped their cloakes aboute theyr armes in stead of tergales, and with courage fought against them, and euer as they killed any, they kepte their armoure, and diuided it betwéen them. And when they thought they had got sufficient, they tooke some of the little Tents, and called the Romanes, and receyued them in. Thus was Tigranocerta taken and spoyled, being verye riche, and new builded, and inhabited moste honorably.

Tigranes and Mithridates went about gathering another ar­my, of the whyche he made Mithridates Generall, the other thynkyng it fytte, beeyng taught with his owne losses. Hee sente also to the Parthians, requiring aide of them. And when Lu­cullus sent his Ambassadors also, requiring the Kyng eyther to A policie of the Parthians King. help him, or not to medle with either, he secretly promised both, but performed with none.

Mithridates gathered armour in euerye Cittie, and had in a manner all the Armenians in Campe, of the whyche hée chose thréescore tenne thousande footemen, and halfe of the horsemen, and lette the other go. These being diuided into bands and com­panies after the Italian discipline, he tooke them to be trayned of his men of Pontus. Lucullus comming towarde them, Mithridates helde all his footemen, and halfe his horsemen vpon an hill. The reste of the horsemen Tigranes ledde, and méeting wyth the Ro­maine foragers, was ouercome: after the whiche the Romanes foraged more safely, euen in the places next Mithridates, and en­camped there.

By raysyng of muche duste, it was perceyued that Tigranes came, whose purpose was to haue shutte Lucullus in the middst of them both. Which when he perceyued, he sent his best horse­men, to encounter with Tigranes as farre off as they coulde, and to compell him to leaue his raungyng, and kéepe his campe. [Page 53] He prouoked Mithridates to fight, and encamped about him, but Tigranes amd Mithridates flyelli. he could not moue him, tyl famme oppressed him, and disolued al their purpose. Tigranes went into the furthest parte of Armenia, Mithridates into Ponius with the rest of hys owne army, hauyng foure thousand, and as many of Tigranes. Lucullus folowed him, being driuen also for want. Mithridates outgoing him, he mette Mithridates ouer throvveth Fabrus. with Fabio, that was lefte there of Lucullus, and ouerthrew hym, killing fiue hundred: Fabio taking fresh seruauntes that were Fabius ouer­throvveth Mi­thridates vvhich is sore hurt. in the campe, foughte againe the whole day, and the fighte was doubtfull, till Mithridates was hurt on the knée with a stone, and vnder the eye with a darte, and was caried away with spéed, and many dayes the one refrayned from fight, for feare of the kings health, the other, for the multitude of them that were hurte. The Agarians a nation of Scythia, did cure Mithridates, vsing the Agarenes the kings plusitions. poyson of Serpents for their medicines, and for that cause be e­uer about the king. To Fabius came Triarius another Captaine of Lucullus with his owne army, and receyued the power and au­thoritie of Fabio: and not long after Mithridates and he comming A maruelous vvinde, brea­keth the fight. to the fight, there was such a winde as neuer was felt. It tore the tentes of them both, it beate the beastes abroade, and stroke downe some men, and thus both went backe. When it was told Triarius for hast is ouerthrovve [...] that Lucullus was comming, Triarius desirous to fight before he came, he set vpon the former watch by night, and the fight being equall, the king with his wing, got the better, and dispersed the enimies, driuing the footemen into a foule mire where they wer A Romaine cap­taine like a ser­uant, vvoūdeth the king. killed, bycause they could not stirre. The horsemen he sent to be chased in the playne, vsing valiauntlye the brunt of the victorie: til a Captaine of a Romane band, running by him as his seruant, gaue him a great wounde on the thyghe, bycause he thought hée could not strike through his harnesse on the backe. They that were next, streight killed him. Mithridates was carried out to y hinder part. The kings frends caused their retreat to be blowē, the soldiours hauing a manifest victorie, and folowing it egrely, and bycause it was straunge to be called from it, they wer much troubled, and in feare leaste some other inconuenience badde [...]ene.

[Page 54] Timotheus that was the Kings Phisition, stopped the wound, & shewed the king vnto thē, from aboue, that were come into the The Kyng is shevved to the souldiours. field & stoode thronging aboute his bodye, euen as Alexander in India, when the Macedonians were afrayde for him, shewed him selfe to be cured in a Shyppe. When Mithridates came to hym­self, he blamed them that caused the fight to ende, & that daye led The Romaynes forsake their campe. A great number of Romayne captaines flaine. his army against the Romaynes campe. They were fled from it fearfully. Whē y dead were spoiled, thē were found .xxiiij. Tri­bunes, &. Cl. Centurians, such a number of Captains as seldome hath bin found slaine in a Romaine army. Mithridates went in to Armenia, which the Romaynes call Armenia the lesse, taking with him the victuall that coulde be carried, and that that could not, he burned, that Lucullus, whome he thoughte did follow hym, shold haue none of it. A Romane Senator named Attilius, fled Attilius is killed of suspition. from his countrey, bicause he was condemned, and in great cre­dite & fauor with Mithridates, was then taken as one that would betray him: & bicause he was a Senator, the king would not put him to the torture, but killed him. They that were of his coūsell he tormented cruelly. His frée made men he suffred al to departe vnhurt, bicause they did but their maisters cōmandement. Lucul­lus now was encamped nigh to Mithridates, when the Lieutenāt of Asia sent about & proclamed to the army, that the Romaynes Di [...]entiō vvyth the Romaynes. accused Lucullus, bicause he made war longer than he oughte to do, & that his army shold go from hym, they that didde not obey, to haue their goodes confiscate. Whiche béeing tolde, the armye went al away saue a fewe, which being very poore, & not fearing Lucullus is lefte alone. the paine, tarried stil with Lucullus. Thus the war betwéene Lu­cullus and Mithridates, not surely ended nor finished, was broke vp. For Italy being rebelled, & they molested, & the sea being full of théeues, & they with famine oppressed, they did not thinke it good for them to take another so great a warre in hande, till they were deliuered of those incommodities. When Mithridates heard of this, he went into Cappadocia, & fortified his own kingdome, the Romanes winking at hys doings, till they had scoured the seas: whiche when it was done, and Pompey that was y worker of it, was in Asia. The war with Mithridates began againe, & Pompey was sent to be the General. Therfore bicause y acts that Pompey [Page 55] did in the sea, before hée came againste Mithridates, is a parte of Pompeis feats, and can be put into none other proper writing, I will shortely repeate & run them euer. When Mithridates made Mithridates fil­leth the sea vvith Pyrats. his first war againste the Romanes, and ruled in Asia,, and Sylla was busied about Grecia, thinking he should not long holde A­sia, he spoyled euery place, as I haue saide, and set Pirats in the sea, the whiche at the first with a fewe litle boats, vexed such as they met. As the war grew, they were more, & had gotten great ships, & taking of great gaine, they did not ceasse, though Mithri­dates were ouercome, & had made truce, or was fled. For they y had loste their liuyngs and countries thorow the war, and were fallen into extreame pouertie, left the land, & sought commoditie by y sea: and first with brigandines & foists, then with little gal­leys they roued, the Archpirats being their leaders as generals of an army, vnwalled Citties they spoiled, them that were wal­led, The myshappes of the Rouers. they vndermined or beate downe, or got by siege & destroyed. The best men they brought to the sea for their raunsoms: and to auoide the infamy of their rauine, they called themselues hy­red souldiours, in stead of sea-rouers. They hadde workemen in chaines to do their businesse, & carying matter of woode, brasse, & yron, they neuerrested. Being prowde of their gaine, & not thin­king to leaue their piracie, they thought they were lyke Kings & Tirans or gret generals, & supposed y if they gathered togither, they shold be vncōquerable, they made ships & all kind of armor, specially aboute Cilicia, that is called (the hard,) the which they made their common receptacle, or vsed it, as their campe, ha­uing Cilicia, full of rockes on [...] Mountaynes on the coaste. Cilices vvere compted rouer [...]. manye forts & towers, & voyde Ilands & shipping in euery place. Their chiefe trade was at Cilicia the harde, beyng without ports, & ful of great hills, of the which, by a common name, they were called Cilices, the whych euill begunthere, of the hard part of Cilicia, brought vnto them Syrians, Cyprians, Pamphilians & Ponti­cans, and almost al the nations of y East, the whiche in the time of Mithridates war, rather choosing to do, than to suffer, they vsed the sea for the lād, that in short space they were many thousāds, and they were not Lords only of the east seas, but all that which is within the pillours of Hercules. For they had ouercome some of the Romane Admirals in sea-fight, and some in Sicelie.

[Page 56]In Sicilia, no mā durst saile, & the land wanted their labourers, bycause of their robberies, and the Cittie of Rome found this in­conuenience moste of all, all their subiectes being in want, and they, for their great multitude, in grieuous famine. This matter séemed great and harde vnto them, to dispatch so many armies of men and shippes, diuided by the whole circle of the lande and sea, easie to flée with their prouision, and not to be set vpon from their countries, or euident places▪ not hauing any house or pro­pertie, but al that euer came to hande. So that the consideration of this warre was farre beyond the rest, hauing no certentie, no suretie, nor euidēce, it wrought a doubt with a fear. Murenas be­ing sent against them, did nothing, nor Seruilius Isauricus, after Murenas. Serui. [...]. Murena: but nowe they were come to the coaste of Italy, and the rouers were bragge at Brunduse and Tosc [...]ne, and had taken noble women, and two armies with their ensignes. Therfore the Ro­manes no longer suffering this losse nor shame, did choose by law▪ Pompey chosen admirall against the Pyrates. Pompey, a man of so great fame, to be chiefe Admirall for thrée yeares, of al the Seas within the pillours of Hercules, and foure hundred furlongs of lād from the sea, they sent al kings, princes & Citties to helpe Pompey with all things, & gaue him aucthoritie to gather armies & money. They sent also a great army of their owne ordinarie, and as many shippes as they had, and sixe M. talents of Athens. So great & difficult a thing did they thinke it to be, to ouercome so many armies in so great a sea, lurking in so many holes easily, and fléeing safely, and appearing againe of the sodain. Neuer was there man before that, was sēt with such a power as Pompey was. To whom an army was giuen of cxx. thousande footemen, sixe thousande horsemen, shippes with smal vessels two hundred lxx. and ministers, whiche being of the Se­nate, they call legats, xxv. to whome Pompey deuided the sea, and gaue them Shippes, and horses and footemen and ensignes of war. So was euerie man an absolute ruler of that parte that was committed to him: and he as king of kings, went about to sée if they kepte the order that he appointed: neyther woulde he haue thē chased so▪ as they should be carried from one to ano­ther without profitte, but to méete with them, as they mighte [Page 75] serue one anothers turne, and shut them vp within the compas­ses. The maner of the appo [...]mēts. Pompey hauing thus ordered all, he appointed Tiberius Nero, to Spaine and the pillers of Hercules, & with him Manlius Torqua­tus: Marcus P [...]mpetus, to the Ligurian and Cel [...]can sea: Lentulus Mar­celinus, and Publius Attilus, to Lybia, Sard [...], Cyrnus, and al the nigh Ilands aboute Italy. He appointed Lucius Ge [...]ius, and Gaius Lentu­lus, Plotius Varius, and Terentius Varius, to Acarnania, and to kéepe Sicelie and the Ionian sea. To Lucius Cinna, Peloponesus, and the coast of Attica, with Euboea, Thessalia, Macedonia and Boeotia. To Lucius Cull [...], the Ilandes and all the A [...]gean and Hell sp [...]. To Publi­us Piso, Bithynia, Thracia, and Pelopida, and the mouth of Pontus. To Metellus Nepos, Lycia, Pamphylia, Cyprus and Phoenitia. Thus hée ap­pointed his Captaines to make their courses and their onsets, and to kéepe their places, and to receiue, when they fledde from the other, that in their chase, they should not exceed too far, nor be The diligence of Pompey. caried aboute in their fighting, that it mighte be spéedily done: and he sayled to them all, and hauing ouerséene all in the Weast in fortie dayes, he came to Rome, and from thence to Brunduse, & from Brunduse into the East, so long a way, he afrayde them all with his sodayne and quicke passage, and great preparation, and feare of his glory▪ insomuche as the Pirates that hoped to haue bin too good for him, or truely to haue put him to paine ynoughe, beyng afraid by and by, left their expugnations of other cities, and resorted to their wonted holdes and holes. So that the Sea was scowred by Pompey without any fight, and the Rouers were taken of the Captaines in euery place by parts. He wente into Cilicia, with a great army and many engins, thinking he should haue hadde manye fyghtes and besiegings, at their rocky To­wers: but he néeded none, for his glory and greate power, ma­king The Pira [...] gyue ouer. them afrayde, and thinking that if they came not to fyght, they shoulde finde the more gentlenesse: fyrst they deliuered Cra­gus Cragus and An­ticragus▪ hilles [...] Lycia, parte of Taurus. and Anticragus the greatest forts they had, then the moun­taine men of Cilicia, and in order all yéelded themselues, and also muche armour, some ready, some to be made readye, they deliue­red: and shippes, some vpon the stocks, some apte to sayle: brasse and yron gathered for that purpose, and sailes, cables and other [Page 58] diuerse matter, and a number of prisoners, some being in bands for their ransome, and some for to worke. Their stuffe Pompey burned. Their ships he toke. The prisoners he sente into theyr Countreys, of the which, manye founde their gra [...]s made, by­cause Many restored beyond hope. they were thought to be dead. The Pirates that séemed to come to this warre, not of malice, but for lacke of liuing, hée commaunded them to inhabite Mall [...], [...]dana, Epipha [...], or any The Pirates ap­poynted to in­habite hard pla­ces in the coast of Cilicia. other place, desolate, and voyde of men, in the hard parte of Cili­cia: some of them he sent to [...]yma in A [...]hai [...]. Thus the Pyrats warre that was thought to be most daungerous, was ended in few dayes of Pompey. Of shippes he tooke. [...]xij. Of the that were deliuered three hundred and sixe. Of Cities, Fortes, and other strong places. 120. Of the Pirates were slayne in fighte. [...]. These things being done spéedely, and beyonde opinion, the Ro­manes highly extolling Pompey being yet in Cilicia, those him the Generall of the warre against Mithridates▪ with like authoritie of a ruler alone, where he would inuade, and make warre, and to make friends or foes of R [...]me, whome he thought good, and of all the armye that was out of Italy gaue him the authoritie, The large commission that Pompey had. whiche was neuer so giuen to none before him, and peraduen­ture for this, they called him Great, for the warre of Mithrida­tes was now ended by other Captaynes.

Pompey gathering hys armye out of Asia, dyd encamp in the confynes of Mithridates. Mithridates hadde a choyce army of hys owne, of thirtie thousande footemen, and thrée thousande horse­men, and he defended the place, whiche being wasted before by Lucullus, he had want of victuall. Wherfore many fugitiues wēt from him, some of the which, he threwe downe headlongs, some he pulled out their eyes, and some he burned, therefore the fewer fugitiues wēt frō him for feare of punishmēt. He was cō [...]umed with want, & therfore he sent Embassadors to Pompey, to knowe with what condition he might make peace: he answered, if thou Ansvvere of Pompey to Mi­thridates. deliuer our fugitiues, and commit thy selfe to vs: which when Mithridates heard, he asked y fugitiues what they thought, and whē he saw them afraid, he sware, he would neuer make peace with the Romanes, for their couetousnesse: and he deliuered none, [Page 59] nor did nothing, but they were pryuye to it. Thus didde he.

Pompey laying an ambushe of horsemen, bad other go to the front of the Kings battaile, and prouoke them. And if they came foorth, to gyue place as thoughe they were ouercome, and Fight of horse­men. bryng them to the place of the ambushe, at the whyche, they retournyng, they mighte gette into the Kynges Campe with them that fledde: Whyche hadde beene done in déede, if the King fearyng it, hadde not broughte oute hys footemen: and so they retired.

Thys was the ende of the fyrste attempt of the horsemen be­twéene Pompey and Mithridates:

The King being molested with want, was compelled to go backe, and suffer Pompey to come into that parte, thinking that being in that wasted place, he shoulde suffer many inconuenien­ces: but he had prouided victuall to come behind hym, & going eastwarde againste Mithridates, made many Towers and tren­ches againste him, and compassed him in the space of fyue hun­dred Furlongs, that he coulde not nowe easilye come by victu­alls. And the King did not stoppe his entrenching▪ eyther for feare, or for ignorance, or for that all euils were nowe to come vppon him: and being oppressed againe wyth want, he kylled all beasts of cariages, onelye horses he spared, whiche scarcelye The King fle [...]th. seruing for fyfety dayes, in the night he departed with great si­lence by harde wayes, whome Pompey coulde hardly ouertake in a day, sauing the tayle. Then the King being counseled by his friends to set hys men to the battell, would not fight, but with his horsmen onlye kéepe backe them that approched, and in the night hyd himselfe in thicke woodes. The day folowing, he tooke a rocky place, to the which, was one way only to come, and there he was kepte with foure handes. And the Romanes kept on the contrary side, that he shold not escape. The next daye, eyther of thē armed their men. The forewarders of either part, at the side of the hyll skirmished, and the horsmen of the Kings were com­manded to help their fellows without horses. Vpon whom, whē y Romanes came with their horsmen, y kings mē ran on heaps to y cāp, to get their horses, & to match with y Romanes [...]gallye. [Page 60] They that were aboue and armed, séeing them come running with showt, and not knowing what was done, but thinking they A discom [...]iture vpon an errour. hadde fledde another way from the Campe that was taken, threwe awaye their armoure and fled, and the place being hard, one fell vpon an other in the thruste, til they fell from the rocks. Thus the army of Mithridates, thorow the lacke of them that woulde without order take vpon them to helpe their former se­lowes, falling into a consusion, was loste. The reste of the mat­ter was easy to P [...]mpey, killing and taking the vnarmed, and bée­yng shut in the rockes, of the which tenne thousand were slain, and all the Campe with the treasure of gold was taken. Mithr­dites with his guarde onely, fléeing thoroughe the rocky places, met with some of the hyred horsemen, and thrée thousande foote­men. They conducted hym to Sinoregia a castle, where he had laid [...]. vppe muche money, and giuing gyfts and a yeares wages to the companions of his flight, he carried with him sixe thousan [...]e ta­lents, and wente to the fountaines of Euphrates, minding to goe from thence to Colchos: and vsing continua [...]l spéed, passed Euphra­tes the fourth day [...]. Tarrying there thrée dayes, he tooke them [...]. that were with him, or came to him, and wēt to Chotena of Ar­menia, there ouerthrowing the Cotenians and Iberians that kepte hym off by slings and darts, he wente to the floude Apsares.

These Hiberians of Asia, some say were the progenitors, & Hiberians of [...]r­menia & Spaine. some the posteritie, of the Hiberians of Europe: and some say, they were onely of one n [...]me, for their maner and tongue is nothing like. Mithridates wintred at Dioscuride, which Citie they of Chol­cide, [...] a citie in C [...]hide. vvhere some­tyme occupved three h [...]n [...]red n [...]ons of dy­uers language. thinke to bée a Monument of the trauaile of Castor and the Argonants: and thought he were yet flée [...]ng, he conceyued no litle matter in his mynde, but to go [...] aboute all Pontus in a circle, and the S [...]y [...]hians beyond Pont [...]s, and the Fenne of Meot [...], and at­temp [...] B [...]sphorus, and to take the kingdome of Machares his sonne, as vnprofytable to him, and then to make open warre againste the Romanes, and to begin it from Euro [...]e, they béeing in Asia, and to put Porus in the middest, whiche some thinke to be called Bespheros, of [...] swimming ouer, when she was made a Cowe, and Porus. [...]. fled [...]he [...]elousie of Iuno.

[Page 61]Thus muche beyonde all reason didde Mithridates thinke to bring to passe. He passed by the Seythian nations both that were enimies or otherwise, eyther by perswasion or violence. Thus fleing, and in miserye▪ he was honoured and seared. He p [...]d by the He [...]iochians, they receyuing him. The Achaeans that wold haue resisted hym he put to flight. They as it is saide, came frō A [...]hain [...] of Troy to P [...]ntus, beyng driuen by tempest, and these suffered muche of the Barbarians, bycause they were Grecians. And when they sent into their countrey for shippes, and were demed, they so hated the Greekes, that as S [...]ythians, they sacrificed as many Greekes as A [...]acri [...]ice of men. came fyrste all for anger, then the fairest onely, at laste, them to whome it fell by lotte.

And thus muche of Acheans and S [...]ythians. Mith [...]idates com­ming to Meotis, of the which were many Princes, they all recei­ued him, and sent to him for the glorye of hys actes, kingdome, and power, yet worthy to be hanored, bringing him many gifts and sending others. He made lignage with them, thinking to do straunge frats, as to go from Thracia to Macedonia, from Mace­donia to Pannonia, and so to Italy, and the mountains of the Alpes, and made marriages for his daughters, with the mightiest of his confederateurs.

When his sonne Machares hearde that he had come so gret a way in so little time, thorowe so many fierce nations, and the places called the Locks of S [...]ythia, that no man had gone before, hée sent certaine Ambassadors vnto him, to excuse hym, that for necessitie, he obeyed the Romanes. And when he sawe his anger extreame, he fledde into Ponto Cherron [...]so, burning his shippes that hys father shoulde not folow him. But he sending other to take Machares killeth himselfe for fear of his father. hym, he kylled himselfe. Mithridates killed all his friendes that he betooke to him▪ when he went to that Kingdome. The fami­liars of his sonne, that were come by priuate friendship, he lette goe vnhurte. Thus did Mithridates.

Pomp [...] [...]llowed hym flée [...]ng as farre as Cholcos, not thinking good to follow him an [...] further, nor to passe aboute Pontus or the Fenne of Meot [...], nor supposing, that in that case he woulde at­tempt any great matter, he went to Cholcos, to sée the historie of [Page 62] Argonante, and Castor, and P [...]lux, and the iourney of Hercules, [...] vvere [...] [...] that vvente [...] Iason. P [...]omethe [...] vvas tyed at the hy [...] [...] Stre [...]es of golde. A [...]os. and thiesly to see the passion of Prometheus, which they say he suf­fered at the hyll of Caucasus. There be many springs that runne from Cau [...]s [...], that carry shr [...]ddes of gold that can not be seene: and the inhabitants put fleeses into the strea [...], where it is dee­pest, and so gather the gold sand that is conteyned. And perad­uenture such a one was the golden fleese that Aet [...]s bare on hys backe. Whilest Pompey was b [...]holding this story, other nations that were nigh, sent vnto him: but O [...]azes the Kyng of Alban [...]a, and Artocus, the king of Hiber [...]a, with [...]00. thousant, lay in wayt Artocus leyth [...]in vv [...]yre for Pompey. for him at Circus, the floud flowing into the Sea of Cas [...] with twelue mouthes, many riuers running into him, & Ara [...]os grea­test of all. When Pompey hearde of the trayn [...]s, he passed the floud, and droue the Barbari [...]s into the thickest woddes. They Pompey destroy­eth the en [...]rutes in a vvodde. are good fighters in woddes, hiding themse [...]ues, and appearing suddain [...]ly agayne. He compassed the wodde with his army and burned it, and chaced them that fledde, vntill all sent hostages & giftes, of whom he trumphed in Rome. Amōg the hostages and prisoners, there were sound women, hauing no lesse woundes than men, and they were thought [...] to be Am [...]z [...]s, [...]yther by­cause VVomen [...]ound vvoūded. the Amazones that be a nation therby, were c [...]me to help them, or for that the Barba [...]ta [...]s call all warlike women Ama­zones. Amazones vver the vvomē that [...] one of their breastes. Pomp [...]y going from thence, [...]nc [...]mped in Arme [...]ia, accusing Tigr [...]es for helping of Mith [...]d [...]ies, marching to A [...]t [...]zata wher the kings pallace was Tigranes would not haue warre. He had children by Mithridates daughter, of the whiche Tig [...]anes kylled two, one in fight making him warre, the other, [...]icause he would Tig [...]anes ki [...]leth [...] of his children. not take him vp when he had a fall at hunting, and bycause he did set the crowne on his head. The third, byc [...]use he lamented his father in that hunting, was crowned of him, but rebelling shortly after, he was ouercome of his father, and fledde to Phra­a [...], king of the Parthians, that now succeeded in the Kingdome to his father Sintrico. When Pompey was at hande, conferr [...]ng with Phraates, and he agrée [...]ng, and séeking priuate f [...]endship with Pompey, the yong man humbly fledde to Pompey, being Mi­thridates [...] in great [...] for [...] daughters sonne. But great was the estimatiō of Pom­pey among the Barbarians, for iustice and faithfulnesse, to the [Page 63] which, his father Tigranes also trusting, came vnto him, withou sen [...]ing any messengers a [...]ore, [...] himselfe & all his, to T [...]granes sul [...]t­teth [...]o Pompey. Pompey, and the [...]dg [...]ment b [...]tw [...]e him and his so [...]e. Pompey sent his chiefe Cap [...]aynes, commanding them to mee [...]e y King with all honor: they that were with Tigranes, bycause they had not sent before, fledde, but Tigranes wē [...] on, & honoured Pompey as the better, after the Barbariā fashion. Some say, he was brought by y sergeants, whom Pompey had sent to setch him. Howsoeuer he came, he made an accompt of his doyngs, and gaue to Pompey sire M. talents, & to euery common Souldioure. 50. drammes, & to a Captayne of a band a M. and to a collonell tenne M. Pom­pey The [...] of Tigranes. forgaue all y was passed, and agreed him with his sonne, and appoynted him to reigne in Sophene, and Gordene, (these be no [...]e Armen [...]a the lesse) and his father, in the rest of Arme [...]a, in the which his sonne should succéede him. The land that he had con­quered, he commanded him to leaue, and he left Syria frō Euph [...]a­tes to the Sea, for Tigranes had this, and a part of Cili [...]ia, putting out Antiochus that was called the dutifull. The Armentans that for [...]ooke Tigranes, when he went to Pompey, remayning in suspiti­on, persuaded his sonne, being yet with Pompey, to entrappe hys father. He was taken and bounde, and in that time stirring the Parthians ag [...]inst Pompey, was brought in triumph, & dispatched. Pompey thinking all warre had bin ended, builded a citie, where Tigranes sonne is taken, [...] caried in triumph. Pompey [...]lde [...] Nicopolis. be ouercame Mith [...]i [...]ates, and of y acte, called it Nicopolis, & it is in Armen [...] y lesse. He restored y kingdome of Cappado [...]ia to Ario­barz [...]n [...]s, and added Sophene & Gordene which he had giuē to Tigra­nes sonne, the which now [...]e subi [...]ct to Cappad [...]cia H [...] gaue him also Cab [...]la a citie of Ci [...]icia, & others, y which kingdome Artobar­zanes gaue vnto his sonne whiles he was aliue, in the whiche was manye mutations, till Augustus time, in the whiche it was made a prouince as other kingdomes were Pompey passing ouer y hil Taur [...]s, made war vpō Antiochus Con [...]gemus▪ [...]l he was accepted to peace. He ouercame Darius y Media [...], either bycause he holp Antiochus or Tigranes before. He ouercame y Arabiās, y Ar [...]bians. be called Nabathei▪ Areta being their king, and y Jesues y t re­ [...]olted frō their king Aristobulus, and toke Hierus [...]lem y is y most Pompey take [...] [...]. holy city to thē, & the rest of Cilicia y was not y [...] subiect to Rome, [Page 64] and that parte of Syria, that is aboute Euphrates, which is called Caele, Ph [...]nice and Palestin [...] and the Idumeans, and [...]reans, and al other names of Syria, he brought vnder the Romanes dominion, without any warre, hauing no matter againste Antiochus the A straight inter­pretation of [...]ight. pittifull, being present and suing for his fathers Kingdome, but bycause he thought, that it being taken from Tigranes, who had put out Antiochus, it might wel ve iudged to the people [...] Rome.

Whiles he was aboute these matters, Ambas [...]adors came vnto him from Phraates and Tigranes, that were at warre. They that came from Tigranes, desired helpe as of their fryende. They that came from Phraates, desired to be receyued into amitie with the Romaines. And Pompey not minding to make war vppon the Parthians without the decrae of the Senate, sent arbitrers to re­concile them. And thus he did.

Mithridates had nowe gone about Pontus, and hauing taken Pa [...]ticup [...]on a ci­tie at [...]sphorus [...]eris Mithridates kyl­l [...]th his sonne. P [...]ticup [...]on, that is the chiefe cittie of Marchandise in Europ [...] at the entrie of Pontus, he killed hys sonne S [...]phares at P [...], for hys mothers faulte, whiche was this:

Mithridates had a castle, in the whiche were hidde vnder the grounde in brasen vessels bounde with yron, muche treasure se­cretely. Stratonice, one of Mithridates wiues or women, whyche had the gouernement and kéeping of this Castel, whiles Mithri­dates went about Pontus, deliuered the Castle to Pompey, and re­uealed the treasure that was vnknowne. Onely wyth this con­dition, that if Pompey tooke hir sonne S [...]phares, [...] should saue him. He hauing the money, promised to saue hir sonne, and gaue hir leaue to carie awaye hir owne things. When Mithridates knew what was done, he killed Siph [...]res at the narrowe sea, and threw hys b [...]ye vnburyed, hys mother s [...]yng it on the other shoare.

Th [...]s he killed the childe, to be reuenged of the mother.

He sent Ambassadors to Pompey being in Syria, & not hearyng whither he were aliue or dead, that hee might enioy his fathers kingdom▪ and pay Tribute for it to the Romaines. Pompey bad h [...] come, and speake for himselfe as Tigranes had done. That he saide he woulde neuer doe, being Mithridates, but h [...] woulde sende some of his children and friendes.

[Page 65]Thus he sayd, and withall gathered an army togither of frée and bond, bringing much armour, shot, and munition, sparing no mans wodde, nor labouring Oxe, to make strings. He [...]ette taxes vpon euery man, though he were but of small substance, the collectors whereof did much spight, which he knew not of. And being sick in his face of a bile, he was healed of y Eunuchs, Mithridates sick in the [...]ace. and only sen [...] of thē. When he was whole, and his army gathe­red, there was thréescore choyce▪ bandes, with sixe hundred in a company, and there was another great multitude, and shippes, and places which his Captaynes had got whilest he was sicke. He sent a part of his army to Phanagorea, whiche was another mart towne at the mouth, that he mighte haue his entries on both sides, Pompey being yet in Syria. Castor of Phanagorea b [...]yng iniured of Triphon, an Eunuch of the Kings, he killed Triphon as A mutenie at Phanagorea. he entred, and called the people to libertie: and they bycause the Castell was holden of Artaphernes, and other sonnes of the Kings, did bring woodde, and burned the tower, by the whyche feare, Artaphernes, Darius, and Xerxes, Ozethres, and Eupatra, Mi­thridates children, gaue themselues to be taken. Artaphernes The kings chil­dren taken. was about fortie yeares olde, the other were faire yong men. There was another daughter of Mithridates called Cleopatra, who tarried still, whome the father louing for hir noble heart, sent diuers Foystes, and toke hir away. Other Castels there a­bout lately taken of Mithridates, following the b [...]ldnesse of the Phanagoreans, reuolted from Mithridates, Xerronesus, The [...]dosia, Cities reuolte. Nymph [...]on, and all other that were fitte for the warre aboute Pontus. He séeing these many reuoltings, and hauing his army in suspition, not faithfull, being compelled to serue of necessitie, and for the great tributes, and the infidelitie of armies always toward the Generalles that be in miserie, he sent his daughters by his Eunuchs, to be married to the princes of Scythia, requy­ring an army to be sente him with spéede, sending fiue hundreth Souldyoures with them. They, being not very farre off, Mi­thridates, killed the Eunuchs, bycause they were euer iniured of The Kings Ea­nuchs be killed. the Eunuchs, that might do most with Mithridates, and led the maydes [...]o Pompey. Mithridates being spoyled of so many childrē, [Page 66] Castles, and of his whole kingdome, and not fitte nowe for to make battell, nor loking for anye helpe of the Scythians, yet not conceyuing any small matter, as one that was in calamitie, but sent to the Frenchmen, whome he hadde made friends long be­fore, intending to go to them, and inuade Italy with them, thyn­king many of Italy were wéery of the Romanes, and hearing that Anniball▪ began the warre in Spayne, and was most fearefull to the Romanes. He knew that of late almost all Italy rebelled from Rome, and kepte a long warre with them, and that Sparta [...] [...] swordplayer, was stirred vp of them, a man of no regard. With this opinion he marched toward France. This most bold enter­prise the army disappoynted, being not content with so great a boldnesse, nor so long a iourney, to be ledde into a strange coun­trey, against men, whom they could not ouercome in their owne countrey, thinking Mithridates to be in despaire of all things, and would in labour and like a king end his life, rather than in rest. Yet a while they abode, and were quiet, for he was no smal king; and not to be contemned euen in aduersitie. They stan­ding thus, Pharnaces that was most déere to him of al his sonnes, P [...]arnaces [...]he kings sonne. whome he had many times declared to be the successour of his kingdome, eyther for feare of his kingdome by this army, be­ing yet like to obteyne pardon of the Romanes, but if his father shoulde make warre in Italy, like to lose all his heritage, either for other causes and reasons, and desires, he laide wayte for his father. The conspiratoures being taken and put to the racke, Menophanes persuaded Mithridates not to kyll his sonne that was [...] sa­ [...] [...]ces. [...]o much estéemed now in his voyage, for (sayde he) suche muta­tions happe in warre, whyche béeyng ceassed▪ they be stayed also. He being persuaded, granted pardon to his sonne: but he fearing the remembrance of it, knowing the army was wéery of the iourney▪ in the nighte went to the fugitiues of Rome that serued next his father, and shewed what daunger they shoulde be in if they wente into Italy, whiche they euidently sawe, and The army re­uolteth from the King, by the practise of his [...]e▪ promising them many benefites if they woulde tarrie, brought them to rebell from his father. When he had persuaded them, Pharnaces sente to the other that were next in the army, they also▪ [Page 67] [...]onsenting, the fugitiues were the firste that departed in the morning, that forso [...]ke the king, and other that were euer nexte, made a great shoute, and the Nauie aunswered them, not bée­ing all alike disposed peraduenture, but readye to mutations, and despising him that was in aduersitie, alwayes hoping for Princes for [...] in calamitie. better at euery change. Other being ignorāt of that was done, & thinking all other to be corrupted, and that they alone should be despised of the more part, for feare and necessitie, rather than of good will, agréed to theyr purpose.

Mithridates being stirred by the crye, sente some to knowe what they meante by theyr crye, they not dissembling, sayde, they required the sonne to reigne for the father, à yong man for an olde, that was ruled by his Eunuches, and that had killed so many children, Captaynes, and friends. Whiche when Mithri­dates hearde, he came forthe to say somewhat to them, and euen then a number of his gard fledde to the fugitiues. They sayde they would not accept them, vnlesse they did some notable feate, and withall shewed Mithridates. They killed his horse, and now The kings horse killed by his gard. A crovvne of paper in stead of golde. as obteyning their purpose, saluted Pharnaces King, and one brought a broade paper out of the Temple, and crowned hym with it in stead of a diademe. Whiche when Mithridates did sée from aboue, he sente one after another to Pharnaces, to requyre safe flighte, no man of them that were sent returning, fearing least they should be giuen to the Romanes. He praysing the gar [...], and such friends as yet tarried with him, sent them to the new king, and the armye killed some of them without anye cause, he takyng out of hys sworde a poyson that e [...] he dyd carrie aboute hym, tempered it. Two of hys daughters, named Mi­thridates Tvvo of the kings daughters die constantly before him. The poyson vvould not vvorke in the king, bycause he had vsed dayly medicines a­gainst poyson, vvhich of hys [...]e be called M [...]rida [...]. and N [...]ssa▪ espoused to the Kyngs of A [...]gipe and Cy­pres▪ that were broughte vppe wyth hym, desyred they myghte take the poyson fyrste, and were verye instante, and woulde not lette hym drynke it, tyll they hadde taken it: and the po­tion soone dispatched them, but it woulde not worke vppon Mithridates hymselfe▪ though hée walked fast for the pur­pose, bycause hée vsed to eate other medicines, whyche hée tooke euer agaynste the violence [...] poyson, whyche [Page 68] medicines at this day be called Mithridatum Seing then one [...]i­taeton, a Captaine of the Frenchmen, he sayde vnto him, I haue had much profite of thy right hand against mine eniemies, I shall now receyue greatest pleasure, if thou wilt take me away, that The vvords of Mithridates be­fore his mise­ [...]able ende. am in danger to be carried to the pomp of a triumph, that haue bin a ruler and a king of so many and so greate a dom [...]mon, and can not dye of poyson, bycause of the continuall receits of other medicines. But the greatest and most ready poyson whiche kings alwayes faele, is the treachery of armye, children, and Treachery the greatest poyson to Kings. friends, I did not foresée, but all things, concerning my dyet, I did foresee and kéepe. Bitaetus wéeping, obeyed the necessitie of the king. Thus Mithridates dyed, the eleuenth after Darius last king of Persia, and the eyght from Mithridates that for sooke the Macedonians, and possessed the kingdome of Pontus. He liued eyght or nine yeare aboue thréescore, and had reigned fiftie and seauen yeares: for being yet an Orphane, the kingdome came to him. He subdued the nigh nations of the Barbaria [...]s, and ouercame many of the Scythians, and made a sharpe warre against the Ro­manes fortie yeares, in the whiche he ofte conquered Bithinia and Cappadocia. He ouerranne Asia, Phrygia, Paphlag [...]i [...], Galatia, and Macedonia, and sayling into Grecia, did manye greate actes, and was Lord of the sea from Cilicia to I [...]nia, till Sylla shutte hym a­ga [...]e within his fathers kingdome, ouerthrowing 140. M [...], and after so great a [...]e, renued the warre ca [...]y, fighting with the best Ca [...]tayn [...] Being ouercome of Sylla, Lurullus, and Pom­pey he had many [...]m [...]s the better hande of them. Lucius Cassius, Oppius Q [...]i [...], and M [...]ius Acili [...], he t [...]ke pri [...]oners, and l [...]dde The actes of [...]. them about with him, til he killed him that was the cause of the warre, and the other [...]e deliuered to Sylla. He ouerthrew Phim­bria▪ Murena, and C [...] the Co [...]ll, and [...] and Triarius. He [...] [...] [...] [...] [...] heart, and [...]uen in his mi [...]erie was mighty and [...] a [...]a [...]full▪ He left nothing vnattempted against the Romanes, no, not when he was ouerthrowen. He was consedered with the M [...]tians and [...] and sente to [...] into [...]. He was wounded many times in his p [...]rson of his enimies and others The courage of the King. by treason, yet [...], though he were [...]e. Neyther [Page 69] was any of the conspiracies hidde from him, no not in his last dayes, but where he willingly let it p [...]sse, he was destroyed by [...], so vnthankefull a thing is malice o [...]teyning pardon. Bloudy Mallce obtey­ning pardon vnthankefull. A cruell King. he was, and alwayes cruell. He killed his mother and his bro­ther, and of his children thrée sonnes and thrée daughters. Hys body was bigge, as his ar [...]oure do declare, whiche he sente to Nemea and Delphos. He hadde good strength, and euen to the last, Nemea the place vvhere teates vvere shevved in the honor of Hercules. The strength of the King. The learning of the King. He loued Musicke. could ride and throw his dart. He ranne in one day a thousand furlongs by changing of horses. He guyded a chariot with. xv [...]. horses. He was learned in the Gréeke letters, and thereby dyd vnderstand the Gréeke Ceremonies. He loued musicke. He was temperate and paynefull in all things, and onely he was ouer­come of pleasures with womē. Thus Mi [...]hridates called E [...]ipator Dionisius dyed. When the Romanes heard of it, they made great ioy, as deliue [...]ed of a sore enimie. Pharnaces sente his fathers corpse to Sin [...]pe to Pompey in Gallies, and them that toke Manius [...]other many pledges, as wel of Greci [...] as Barbaria: he desired his fathers kingdom, or to be king of Bosph [...]rus only, the which king­dome Muchares his brother had of Mithridates. Pompey gaue allo­wa [...]e The body of the King buryed▪ at the charges of the Romanes. for the burying of Mithridates body, and appointed them that loked to it, to burie it royally, and to place it in Sinope amōg the kings Sepulchres, louing him for his noble heart, as a king most worthy in his time. He made Pharn [...]ces that had deliuered Italy from great trouble, friend and confederate of the Rom [...]nes, and gaue him [...]sphorus for his kingdome, Phanagorea excepted, Thanag [...] [...]r [...] which he left free, and of their owne iurisdiction, which were the first that re [...]isted Mithridates after he renued force, and had got­te [...] ships, and another army, and places of receipt, and were leaders of rebe [...]on to other, and causes of his destruction. He in this one war ouerth [...] the pi [...]s, and subdued the mightiest king, and [...]oing brought to fight without [...] the warre of Pontu [...], the Ch [...]leans, Albanians, T [...]erians, Armenians, Medians, Arabians, and Iewes, and other nations of the East, he suboued, and I [...]ni­ted the Empire of the Romanes vnto Aegip [...], into the whiche he would not enter, though they [...] at [...]ision, and the king cal­ling him, and sending him [...], and [...]ey, and garmentes, [...] [Page 70] to all his armye, eyther fearing the greatenesse of that kyng­dome yet flourishing, or a [...]oyding the hate of his enimies, or o­racles, forbidding it, or for other reasons whiche I will shewe in the story of Aegipt. Of the nations that he wanne, some he left Aeg [...] [...] at tou­ched. frée, bycause they were of the Romanes amitie. Some he made subiect to the Romanes, some he gaue to be kingdomes, as Ar­menia to Tigranes, Bosphorus to Pharnace, and Cappadocia to Ari [...] ­barzanes, with the rest that I spake of. He committed Seleu [...]ia t [...] Antiochi [...], Comagines [...], and al the other that he had got in Mes [...]p [...] ­tamia. He appoynted Tetrarches of [...]allogrecia, whiche [...]e nowe Galatians, bordurers vpon Cappadocia, D [...]otaro, and others. At [...]a­lus Pompey appoin­teth kings [...] pr [...]ces. The minister of Com [...]gena equall to king. Castor. Cities b [...]ilded of Pompey. had power ouer Paphlagenia, and Aristarchus of Colchus. He appoynted Archelaus, the holy minister of the Goddesse in Comage­na, which is as good as a kings dominion, and declared Castor of Phanagorea, a friend to the Romanes, and he gaue to other muche land and money. He builded Cities in Armeni [...] the lesse, Nicop [...] ­lis, bycause of his victory, in P [...]ntu [...], Eupatoria, whiche Mithrid [...] Eupator builded, and named it of himselfe, and destroyed it, by­cause it receiued the Romanes, and Pompey erected it againe, and called it Magnop [...]l [...]. In Cappadocia he reedifyed Mazaria, that Magnop [...]. was vtterly destroyed, and others that were decayed or afflicted he restored. In Pontus, Palestina, and C [...]losyria, and Cilicia, where he placed the Pirats. The Citie that of old time was called Sole, [...] Pompe [...]op [...]li [...]. [...] ful of treasure. now Pompei [...]pol [...]. In Talauris, which Citie Mithridates had as a storehouse for his munition, were found two thousande cuppes made of precious stone, bound about with barres of gold [...], and pottes, & cannes, & lauers, beddes, and cha [...]ers most rich. Ther [...] were bridles, saddles, and caparisons for horses, beset with gold [...] and pre [...]ious stone, the whiche were so many, as thirtye dayes was spent in the deliuerie of them. Part of them were giuen by Darius Hi [...]apsis, some of y king P [...]l [...]ei, which Cleop [...] gaue to y Coans, and they to Mithridates, and made and gathered more, be­ing desirous of precious appar [...]. At the end of [...]inter Pompey distributed gifts to his army, to euery man fiue [...] of Ci [...]es to the [...]. A [...]hens, and to the Captaines accordingly. They say the [...] came to xv [...]. M. Talents▪ He went to [...] and s [...]ye [...] [...] [Page 71] and from thence wēt to Rome, leauing his army at [...], and sending euery man ha [...]: whiche acte being so [...] to the people, made the Romanes to wonder. There came to méete hym The receyuing of pompey o [...] Rome. by seuerall companyes, the yong men furthe [...], then in order as euery man could for age, last the Senate, extolling his actes, [...]or the [...]e was no man that had ouerthrowen so many enimies, nor taken [...]o many nations, and measured the Romane Empyre with the floud of Euphrates. He triumphed most gloriously [...] e­uer did mā at the .xxxv. yeare of his age, which continued two The triump [...] of Pompey. dayes of many nations, front Po [...]tui, Ar [...]enta, Capp [...]d [...]cia, Cilicia, and all Syria, of Albania, Heniochia, Achaia, and S [...]ythi [...], and the East Hiberians. And he brought into the portes seauen hundred sound shippes, and to the pompe of his tri [...]ph Cha [...]iots, and Here a Millon is ten thousande. Cartes wrought with gold, and other fu [...]l of diuers treasure, as a bedde of Darius Histapsis, and the chaire and Scepter of Eu­pater, and an image of golde of eyght cubites to the breastes, of siluer coyned seauen thousand milions, fiue hundred and ten, an infinite number of cartes with armoure, and s [...]mes of shippes, and a multitude of prisoners & picates, none bound, but clad after their countr [...]y. Before Pompey wente the Captaynes of the kings that were ouercome, or their children or generalls, some being captiues, some giuen for hostages, in number thrée hundred. xxiii [...]. Then was there T [...]gran [...]s, sonne to Tigranes, and fiue of Mithridates, Artaphernes, Cyrus, Oxathres, Darius, & Xerxes, and two daughters, Ors [...]baus and Eupatr [...]. There was brought [...] Olthaces, sceptr [...]bearer of Colchos, and A [...]istobulus, king of the I [...]es, and the Tirans of Cili [...]a, and women of the kings bloud of Scythia, thrée Dukes of Iberia, and two of Albania, and Me­nander of L [...]dicea, that was generall of the h [...]rsemen to Mithri­dates. The Images of them that came not, were broughte: of Tigranes and Mithridates fighting, being ouercome, and fléeing: of Mithridates the beséeging, and the night, when he was fledde was represented, and the silence, and last it was shewed howe he dyed. The Virgines that chose to dye with hym were figu­red, and descriptions of hys Sonnes and Daughters that dy­ [...] before him, the pictures of the Barbarian Goddes, and the [Page 72] ornamentes of their countrey. There was borne a table she­wing these things. The Shippes that were taken, were eighte hundreth, with beakes of brasse. Cities builded, eight in Cappa­docia, in Cilicia and C [...]l [...]fyria twentie, and in Palestina, that whiche is now called Seleucus. Kings ouercome, Tigranes of Armenia, Artoces of Hiberia, Orizes of Albania, Darius of Media, Aret [...] of Nabathea, Antiochus C [...]m [...]genus, all these did the picture shew. Pompey himselfe was in a Chariot full of precious stones, ha­uing on the cloke (as they saye) of Alexander of Macedony, if it The glory of Pompey. may be beléeued, that by like he had it in Mithridates Guarde­robe, being broughte to Co [...] by Cleopatra. The Captaynes of the confederates followed the Chariote, some on horse, and some a foote. Being come to Capitoli [...], he killed none of the prisoners as other in triumphes had done, but sent them to their Countreys with the common expences, except the Kings, of the which only Aristobulus was streight killed, and shortly after Tigranes. This was the triumph.

Pharnace beséeged Phanagorea, and the borderours of Bosphorus, Pharnaces ma­keth vvarre. till the Phanagoreans driuen by famine came forthe and foughte, & were ouercome, of whome he hurt none but tooke pledges, and went his way.

Not long after he toke Sinope, and coueting Amisus, he made warre with Caluisio the Lieutenant, at the which time Caesar and Pompey were at debate, till Asander his priuate enimie drone Asander. him out of Asia, the Romanes being otherwise occupyed.

He made warre with Caesar after he had ouercome Pompey, re­turning from Aegipt at the hill Scotio, where his father ouer­came Trian [...], and being ouercome, he fledde to Sinope with a thou­sand horsemen. Caesar hauing no leysure to follow him, sente Do­mitius against him, to whome he deliuered the Citie, and vppon conditions of peace, went away with his horsemen, whose horse he killed, they being much gréeued at it. Being conueyed by shippe, he fledde to Pontus, and gathering some S [...]ythians and Sau­romatians, tooke Theudocia and Panticapaea. His old aduersarie A­sandro comming againe vpon him, and his horsemen wantyng horse, and not vsed to fight on foote, they were ouercome, Pharn [...] ­ces [Page 73] alone fighting valiauntlye, till hée was wounded, and died Pharnaces slaine by a priuie [...]o [...]. when he was fiftye yeares olde, and x [...]. yeares king of Bosphorus. This Pharnaces loste his kingdome, whiche C. Caesar gaue to Mi­thridates of Pergamo, that had holpen hym well in Aegipt. Nowe they be frée, but to Pontus and Bythinia, a president is sent euery yeare.

The other coutries that Pompey had giuen, although Caesar bla­med Spiritual office of Comagene. them for taking Pompeys parte against him, yet he let them haue it, sauing the spiritual office of Comagene, which he transla­ted from Archelous to Nicomedes: but not long after, bothe these and those that C. Caesar and M. Antonius gaue to other, wer made prouinces of the Romaynes, by Augustus Caesar, when he hadde w [...]e Aegipt, the Romaines taking lighte occasions againste euery man. Therfore their dominion encreasyng by thys warre of Mithridates, into Pontus Euxinus, and to the sandes of Aegipt, and the floude Euphrates from the Hiberians that be at the pil­lers of Hercules, it maye wel be called a greate Victorie, and Pompey the Captaine euen so. They haue also Affrica to Sirene, which Appion the king of the house of Lagida, being base, gaue them by his Testament: only Aegipt was left for the compasse of their inwarde sea. (⸪)

The ende of the Romaine ciuill vvarres vvith King Mithridates.

¶ The Romanes warre with the Spanyardes: by Appian of Alexandria.

THe mountaynes of Pyrene, stretche from [...]he Tosc [...]ne sea to the North Ocean. The Celtes which Iberia that parte of Spayn [...] on ey­ther fide of Ibe­ru [...] the floud novv Ebr [...]. Ce [...]iberia that part vvhiche novv is called Arragon. now be called Galles, do inhabit part of them to­ward the East. The Iberians, and Celtiberians from the Toscane Sea also, to the pilloures of Hercules, and the North Ocean, be towarde the Weast, so as Iberia is compassed with the Sea, except the moū ­taines of Pyrene, which be the greatest and highest hilles of Eu­rope. The nations make a nauigation with this compasse, and come to the pillers of Hercules. They doe not go by the winter and Weast Ocean, but to passe into Brittayne whyche they doe, by Brittayne novve Englande. the commoditie of the tydes going and comming: and this pas­sage is made by sayling halfe a day. Other places of this Ocean neyther the Romanes themselues, nor none of their Empire haue passed. Therefore the greatnesse of Iberia, which now is called Spayne, being confedered as one prouince, is almost incredible, Spayne a great region. [...]ight furlongs maketh a mile. for the brea [...]th of it is terme thousand furlongs, and the length as muche. Manye nations inhabite it, and be diuers in names, and there be many nauigable flouds in it. What people did in­habite first, or who got it after, and suche other matter, I am not minded to shew, but only so much as may apperteyne to the Romanes. Only this I will saye, that I suppose the Celtes passed the Pyrenian hilles, aud dwelled among the other inhabitants of the Countrey, of the whiche it is manifest, that the name of the Celtiberians came: and the Phoenitians long before, sayling often thither, I thinke did inhabite a part of it. Likewise other Greci­ans, that sayled to Tartessus, to Arganthonius king of the same, did Tartessus novv Taressa in Ger­mania. Arganthonius ly­ued a hundred and fifty yeares. stay in Iberia, for as I suppose, Arganthonius reigned then in Spayne at Tartessus, whiche was then a Citie at the Sea coast, that is nowe named Carptesse. And I beléeue that the Temple [Page 75] of Hercules, was builded of Iphenia, in that place which is called There vvere diuers Hercules, vvhereof one vvas of Tirus borne of A [...]leria another of Th [...]bes borne of Al [...]umena. the pillers, in the whiche at this day Ceremonies be vsed after the manner of the Phoeni [...]ians, and he that was borne at Tirus, not he that was borne at Thebes, was counted the God of that Countrey. But we leaue this to them that haue care to search antiquities.

This coast so plentifull and rich, the Carthagies deuised to get before the Romanes, and subdued one parte, and vexed the other with continuall inuasions, till the Romanes put the out, & posses­sed al their places. Other townes after ward came to their Em­pire by muche labour and long time, whiche reuolting diuers times, were againe su [...]ued by the Romanes, who diuided that region into thrée parts, and sent to many presidents to it. Now they got euery place, and what warre they kepte with the Car­thagies, and then with the Iberians and Celtiberians, I will shew in this volume. The Romanes firste made warre with the Cartha­gies, The first vvarre of Carthage fo [...] Si [...]l [...]. but bycause that warre was made for Spayne, I must nedes shew it in this historie, whiche I wright of Spayne, and for that cause I haue comprehended in the booke of the warre of Sicelie, what [...]doe was betwéene the Romanes and Carthagies for that Islande, and that was, when the Romanes sayled into Sicelie to subdue that place.

The first warre with the Carthagies was in Sicelie, for the do­minion of that Island.

The second was in Spayne, for the possession of it, at the whi­che tyme, eyther of them inuaded others lands wyth greate ar­myes and Nauie. The Carthagies destroying Italy, and the Ro­manes Li [...]ya.

This warre beganne aboute the C [...]L. Olimpiad, when the The olde a [...] ­compt of yeares vvas by the O­limpiades, vvhich vvere playes made euery fiue yeares, in the honour of [...]pi­ter, institute of Hercules at O­limpia, a Citie of [...]lide. Amilchar [...]. Carthagies had broken the truce that was made in the warre of Sicelie, the cause whereof was this. Amilchar surnamed Bar­cha, promised great rewards to the Celtes and Libyans that were with him in Sicelie, the whiche rewardes being required of A­milchar when he was come to Carthage, was the cause of the warre with Affrike, in the whiche the Carthagies suffered muche hurte, for they delyuered Sardinia to the Romanes, [Page 76] for the iniurie they had done to the Romane Merchantes in that warre. For these causes, when Amilchar Barcha was accused of In the first vvar vv [...]o the Care th [...]gies. the contrary faction, as by whome came so greate detriment of the Citie, he, by the fauoure of them that gouerned the com­mon wealthe, whereof H [...]sdruball called the Greate, was one, H [...]sdruball. to whome he had giuen his daughter in marriage, and well be­loued of the people, was not only pardoned, but also chosen a Captayne, togither with Hanno that was called Great, against Hanno. the Numidians, the accusation yet depending, by the whyche, Amilchar muste gyue an accompte of his doyngs in the warre.

When the warre of Numidia was ended, and Hanno called to Ca [...]thage for certayne complayntes, Amilchar remayned Captayne of the army alone, hauing wyth hym Asdr [...]a [...] hys sonne in lawe. And wyth thys armye, he sayled to G [...]d [...]s, and [...]de [...] novve Cale [...]. They bee evvo [...]lands in the [...]thest part of [...]ra [...]a [...]a next the stre [...]ghte of [...]lla [...]ar. did molest the Iberians, spoyling theyr lande, not that they hadde deserued anye such thing, but that he soughte occasion to be ab­sente from hys Countrey, making that warre, to wynne the fauour of the people. For deuiding the pray, he gaue parte of it to the Souldyoures that were with him, and parte hée sente to Carthage, and parte he gaue to the chiefe of the Citie that fauoured hym.

Whilest he dyd thus, certayne of the greate men, and others of Iberia, conspired togither, an [...] kylled hym thus.

They sent certayne Cartes laden wyth wodde, whyche they followed wyth their armoure. At thys the Carthagies laughed Stratageme of the Iberians. at the fyrste, not perceyuing the policie, but when it was per­ceyued, and the fygh [...]e begunne, the Iberians selte the Cartes on fyre, whereby the Oxen were dryuen vpen the Numidians. And when the fire was dispersed euery where, and the Oxen ra [...]e hyther and thyther, it muche disordered the Affi [...]canes, and brake their aray, whereby the Iberians came vppon them, Amilchar is [...]yne. and kylled Amilchar Barcha, and the rest that fought: but the Carthagies béeyng allured by the pray of Iberia, sente a­nother arm [...] to Asdruball that was Barchas sonne in law, and Asdruball. committed the rule of that army to him. He ioyned to him An­niball [Page 77] that was sonne to Barcha, as his Lieutenant, and his wiues [...]. brother, who after got so great a name by his valiant actes, be­ing very yong, but expert in the warre, and accepted to the soul­dyoures.

He wanne manye places of Iberia by fayre wordes, as he was verye apte to persuade, and when any thing was to be done by force, he did vse the seruice of the yong man. By thys meane, he wente ouer Spayne, from the O [...]identall Sea, to the floud Iberus, and made all sub [...]ect to the Carthagies Empire, the Iberus [...] from [...], [...]o the sea o [...] [...] ­ [...]or▪ a &c. Sag [...]nt vvas [...]c­yond [...] Iberus, novve [...], o [...] No­men [...]ro. [...], of an Iland of the Ioman sea. which floud diuiding Spayne in the middest, floweth into the O­c [...]n towarde the North, fiue dayes iourney from the Moun­taines.

But the Saguntines, an olde inhabitance from the Zathin­tians, which be in the middest, betwéene the mountaynes and the floud, and all other that were come of the Greekes, aboute the place called Emporio, and all other that inhabited any part of I­be [...], being afrayd, sent four Embassadors to Rome, wherfore the Romanes not willing the power of the Carthagies to growe too much, sent Embassadors to C [...]thage, where it was agréed, that Iberus should be the end of the Carthagies dominion in Spaine, and The coad [...]tiēs. that the Romanes should not make warre vpon their subiects be­youde that floud, nor the Carthagies to g [...] beyonde that floud to moue warre, and that the Saguntines, and other Greeke people which were in Iberia, shoulde be frée, and liue with their owne lawes, all the whiche were expressed in the league, that was made betwéene the Romanes and the Carthagies. When this was done, a slaue killed Asdruball, whose maister he had cruelly kyl­led Asdruball killed. before▪ whilest he was taking order for that parte of Iberia that obeyed Carthage, and gone a hunting, whome Ann [...]ball af­ter tormented most cruelly, and kylled. The army made Anni­ball Barcha their Captayne, a very yong man, and welbeloued of them.

The enimies of Amilchar Barcha in the Senate of Car­thage agréed to it, who fearing the power of Asdruball and Amilchar, did laughe at Anniball as a rong man, and beganne [...]o molest in lawe, the friendes of them, accusing them of [Page 78] the same [...]aults that they accused the other that were deade, vsing the peoples fauour, whiche hated them for the losses they had, in the tyme of Barcha and Asdruball. They required those gifts that Barcha or Anniball sent to them being of the spople of the ennimies. They sent to Anniball for helpe, [...]hewing that he also would be despised of his fathers ennimies, except hée hadde nowe some regard of them that might defene his matters there. This was not vnknowne to Anniball, for he knew well ynough that the beginning of deceyts would be vppon him and thought it not good to suffer suche enmities continuallye with seare, as his father and grandfather had done, nor to liue all his lyfe, af­ter the lightenesse of the Carthagies, vs [...]ng them vnthanke fullye that were of their syde, and hadde doone well for the common wealth.

There was a rumor, when Anniball was a childe, and at hys Anniball vvas [...]vv [...]ne in hys youth to bee an [...]n [...]ye to the Romaines. fathers commandement, y he brought hym into the place where hée made sacrifices, and made hym laye his hand vppon the Al­tare and sweare, that so soone as he had any rule in the common wealth, he shoulde bée a mortall ennimie to the Romanes. Ther­fore he purposed to put his country to great and continuall dan­gers, that by that feare, he might preserue hys own & his friends matters from per [...]ll. Therfore, when he saw that Aff [...]ca was in good state, and the Iberians that were vnder the Carthagies, lyke to continue in obedience, he thoughte he shoulde winne unmortall fame, if he made warre agayne vppon the Romanes, by the feare whereof, the Carthagies shoulde be occupied, and mighte, by good fortune, suboue to hys Countrey the Empire of all the worlde. For hée hoped, that if the Romanes were broughte downe, that none shoulde be able to matche wyth hym, but if it cha [...]nced o­therwise, yet hys enterprise shoulde be honorable. And that the beginning myght bréede his estimation if he pasied the floude I­ber [...], he caused the Torboletanes, whych be nexte the Saguntines, to Anniball pic­ [...]th a [...]ua [...]el▪ g [...]y [...]te [...] [...]. come & comylaine that the Saguntines had made r [...]des vpō them & [...]one them other hurts: Which being pers [...]aded by him, he sēt theyr Ambassadors to Carthage, and he wrote letters priuilye, in the whiche he signified that the Romanes practised with [...]he I­berians [Page 79] of the Carthage iurisdiction, to reuolte from them, and that the Saguntines didde procure the same from the Romaynes, and that there was no deceit left vndone. And of this he wrote ma­ny letters, till the Senate appointed him to do with the Sagun­tines that shoulde be profitable to the common wealth. Hee ha­ning got this occasion, practised with the Torboletans agayn, that they should come to him and complaine againe of the Saguntines, who also sent fiftéene Ambassadoures to hym. And when Anni­ball wylied them to declare their controuersies, and they anū [...]e­red, they woulde make the Romanes their Judges, they were commanded of Anniball to go out of hys campe. And that night passing the ryuer, he inuaded that lande, and set hys artillerie a­gaynst Sagunt besteged. their Citie, which, when he could not take, he compassed with ditche, wall, and trench. Then placing many garrisons, he continued the siege, and in fewe dayes, wente and came dy­uerse tymes. The Saguntines being in great feare, with these so­daine euils, sent Ambassadours to Rome, to whome the Senate ioyned their Ambassadoures, and sent firste to Anniball, to put The Romaine Ambassadoures forbidden to [...] ­ter Anniballs Campe. him in remembraunce of the league, who, if he would not obey, they shoulde go to Carthage, and aceuse hym. Wyth these Am­bassadoures they went to Iberia, and when they came from their Shyppes to the Campe, they were commanded of Anniball to go no surther: Wherefore they went to Carthage wyth the Sa­guntine Ambassadors, where they she [...]ed that the league was broken.

They on the other side accused the Saguntines, and saide they had done hurte to their Subiectes. The Saguntines on the con­trary side, called them to the iudgement of the Romanes. They sayde the iudgement was in vame, when the matter muste bee tryed by force.

Whiche when the Romaines vnderstoode, some thought ayde to bée sente out of hand [...] to the Saguntines, some denyed it, affyr­myng the Saguntines not to be comprehended in the league, but The Romaynes helpe not the Saguntines. lefte frée. So as bothe the bes [...]gers and the besieged, muste vse their own lawes, whiche sentence pr [...]ua [...]ed.

But the Saguntines being destitute of the help of the Romanes, [Page 80] and oppressed of famine, and continuallye assaulted of Annibal: for he (hearing the Cittie was riche and full of golde) gaue them no time to rest: they commaunded all the golde and siluer both publique and priuate to be broughte into the market, and mix­ed it with lead and yron, that it shoulde bée vnprofitable to An­nibal. And bycause they hadde rather dye by sworde; than by hunger, at mydnyght, when it was most darke, they came out, and assailed the watch of the Carthagies, looking for no such thing, and killed many of them whiles some sought and some putte on their armour. The sight was long, many Carthagies were slaine, and all the Saguntines [...], whose decay beyng séene from the wals, some of the women leapt from the top of their houses, some han­ged themselues, some killed first their little childrē, & then them­selues. This was the end of Sagunt, which was a great & migh­ty city. When Annibal vnderstoode what was cone with y mo­ny, he tooke as many of the youth as was left, whom he tormen­ted Annibal, nameth Sagunt Carthage Spart [...]gena. and killēd. And not thinking it good for a Citie situate at the sea, and in a fertile soyle, to be vnhabited, he made it an inhabi­tation of Carthage, whiche nowe, as I thinke, they call Carthage Spart [...]gena. The Romaines sent Ambassadours to Carthage, whi­che shoulde require Annibal as a breaker of league, vnlesse they wold confesse it to be done with y e common consent, & except they The manner of the Romaines de [...]ance to the Carthages. wold deliuer hym, to denounce thē war presently. They dyd so, and where the Carthagies would not deliuer Annibal they gaue the desyaunce, and they saide it was done after this sorte. The Carthages scorned the Romane Ambassador. Hee tooke vppe the [...]irt of his gawne, and saide: In this garment, O Carthagies, I bring you war and peace, chose which you wil. They aunswe­red, giue vs which thou listest, he giuing war, they cried al with one voice, and we receiue it: & by & by they sent to Hannibal to o­uerrun al Iberia, for the league was broken. Wherfore he raun­ging euerye where, got some by flattery, some by threats, and some by force. He gathered many souldioures, not shewyng to what purpose he didde it. Hys meaning was to goe into I­taly, to sende Ambassadors to the Galles, to search the way of the Alps, to carry his army to Rome, & leaue Asdrubal in Spaine. The [Page 81] Romaynes thinking they must make war with the Carthagies in Spaine and Affrica, not once suspecting their comming into Italy, sente Tiberius so [...] into Affrica with one hundred, thrèescore and twoo ships, and two [...]. What [...] Longue and other Generalles didde in Labya, all is shewen in the booke of the Libyan warres. They sente into [...], [...] [...] Scipio with thréescore Shyppes, and ten thousande s [...]temen and seauen hundred horsemen, to whome they ioyned for [...], his brother C [...], Cornelius Scipio. But one of them that is, [...], [...] when he heard of the Marchants of [...], that Anniball was comming into Italy, and had passed the Alpes, being a [...]ra [...] he shoulde haue taken the Italians vnp [...]c [...]ted, he deliuered the ar­my to hys brother, and in a Galley sayled into [...]. What he or other Captaynes did, that succeeded hym in thys war, tyll Anniball was driuen out of Italy after sixteene yeares, it is she­wed of vs in the booke that followeth, wherein also wee shewe all Annibals actes, and therefore name the booke by Anni­bals name.

Cneus in this warre of the Romanes, didde nothing worthy of wrytyng, till his brother retourned vnto hym. For when hys tyme was expired, the Romanes sent the Consulls for hys succes­sors, to make the warre againste Anniball, and hée was vnder­consull to them, and sent againe into Spaine. And so the twoo Sci­pio [...] didde make warre agaynste Asdruball in Spaine.

The Carthagies being prouoked to fight, of Syphax kyng of Numidia, they called home Asdrubal w t part of his armye, wher­by the Scipios did easily gette the reste of Spaine, and mayne Cit­ties yéelded fréely. For they were apte to gouerne armyes, and also by persuasion, to winne Cities to their obedience. The Car­thagies, compounding with Syphax, sente Asdruball into Spaine wyth more menne, and wyth thyrtye Elephantes, adioyning other two Captaines to them, that is, Mago and Asdrubal, Gys­gons sonnes.

After that tyme, the Scipios had sharpe warre, and yet were superiors, of the whiche, manye souldiours of the Carthagies and Elephants were consumed, till the winter beyng come, the Car­thagies [Page 82] went to winter at the Turditanes. And Pub. Scipio stayed at Ca [...]ulone, and Cncus, at Orsonae. To whom, when it was shewed Pub. Scipio killed. that Asdrubal was comming, he went out of the Citie wyth a fewe, to sée his enimies power, but going too far vnaduisedlye, he was circumuented of the contrary horsemen, and killed, and al that were with him. Cneus Scipio, not knowing the chaunce of hys brother, sent hys souldiors to fetche artillerie, wyth whom [...]. [...] killed. the Affricanes made a fraye. Whiche Cneus vnderstanding, came foorth in haste with the light harnessed to helpe hys men, wherof the former being killed and putte backe, Scipio was driuen into a Tower, the whiche they sette a fyre, and burned hym and hys companye. Thus the two Scipios were killed, men certainly of great worthinesse & greatly loued and lamented of the Spaniards, that had committed themselues for their sakes, to the Romaine obedience.

When this was knowen at Rome, the Romanes tooke it ve­ry grieuously, and sent Marcellus, which a little before was come out of Sicilie, and with him Claudius, wyth a nauy and ten thou­sande footemen, two thousand horsemen, and mony and victuall sufficient to make warre in Spaine. Of the whiche, no notable thing being done, the Carthagies encreased very much, for nowe they had wellnigh gotten all Spaine, the Romaynes béeing dry­uen into a little streight, so as they were caste to the Pyrene hils.

The whiche when they at Rome hearde, they were more grie­ued and afraide, least, whiles Anniball wasted those Regions, whiche were at the sides of Italie, the other army shoulde inuade another way: therfore thoughe they woulde neuer so muche, they coulde not leaue Spaine, fearing the warre of Spaine woulde stretch to Italy. Therefore they appointed a day to determine a Generall for the war in Spaine.

To the whiche prouince, when none nowe offered hymselfe, they were in more trouble and feare than before, for all the Se­nators were still for feare, till Cornelius Scipio, sonne to Publius Carnelius Scipio offereth his seruice in a time of feare. that was slaine in Spaine, a yong man of. xxiiij yeres of age, but wise, & accompted noble in mind, did step forth & boldly spake la­mentably the harde happe of hys father & vncle, affirming that [Page 83] he alone was left to reuenge both their deaths, and other things he added with great eloquence and vehemenete, so as it were by The [...] of [...]. a diuine inflamation, he promised to restore, not onely Spaine, but also to take Carthage: wherefore he was thoughte to boaste too muche lyke a young man, but he got the fauoure of the people, whiche was stroken with greate feare. For they that [...]eare, when better hope is promised them, they be comforted. And so Spayne was decréed vnto hym, as by a foresyght, that he would do some thing worthy the noblenesse of hys mynd, which the an­tients did not call greatnesse of minde, but rashnesse rather of courage.

Which when Scipio perceyued, he spake to the people again, after that sorte that he spake of himself before, adding this, that his youth should be impedunent to no man. He exhorted the El­ders The modestle of Scipio. to take that prouince, if any of them woulde: he willingly gaue place. But whē no man was found to take it, he went with the more estimation and admiration of all men into his pro­uince, into the whiche hée led with him. [...]M. footemen, and fiue hundred horsemen. For Annibal vexing Italie, a greater num­ber could not be spared. He had mony for their wages, and other furniture, with eightéene Galleis, wyth the which, hée sayled in­to Spaine, where reteining the footemen and horsemen that were left, he putte them to other, and mustered and purged his whole army, and then spake to them very nobly, so as hys fame wente shortelye ouer all Spaine, whiche was wearye of the Carthagies rule.

The vertue of the Scipians stucke in their mindes, and they thought the house of Scipio was sent to them, by the will of God. Whiche thyng Scipio vnderstanding, pretended he did all things by diuine instigation.

And when he vnderstoode that hys enimies were lodged in foure sundrye places, and that in euery campe was fiue & twen­ty thousande footemen, and two thousande horse, and further, that al mony, & munition, as well for Sea as land, and also the cap­tiues and pledges of Spaine, were in the Cittie that béefore was called Sagunt, and nowe named Carthage, and that Mago [Page 84] was there to kéep that treasure with .x. M. mē, he thought good to make his [...]st attempt there, being moued by the small num­ber, the great abundance, and the seate of that Cittie to be as a Forte and a receipte of the warre both by sea and land, against Spaine, & the shorter passage into Liby [...]. By these considerations, The diligence of Scipio. conferring wyth no man, he marched at the sunne set, riding all night toward this Carthage, & by daye he was there, and made a ditche and tre [...]che about it, the Carthagies being amazed, and the same daye prepared to giue the assaulte. He sette engins & scales Scipio besiegeth nevve Carthag [...]. against al parts, but only one, where the wall was very lowe, but compassed with a poole & the sea, wherefore that place was negligently kepte of the souldiors, but y they made it strong in y t night with arrowes and stones. Scipio tooke the streightes of the Porte, that the enimies ships should not escape, as hee that tru­sting in his vertue, haped to take the Citie. Before day he com­manded part of the souldiors to mount the engines, & to throwe vpon the enimies from aboue, & other to run the engines at the wall by lawe, by sorce. Of the other side, Mago placed. r. M. men at the gates, which taking their occasion, should sally with their swords only: bicause in those streights thei could not vse spears: other he cōmaunded to kéepe the wals and towers, and they there with their engines stones, darts & arrows boldlye abyd y n̄ght. The alarm being made, both parts omitted no endeuor, whiles the stones or arrows were cast from hands, or engines. Some vsed slings, and euerym [...]n did his best in that kinde of armoure that he coulde handle. A band of Scipio was hardly handled, for y Carthagies that kept the gates, issued with their swords, & made a hotte fray with them that brought the engines, and did as much hurt as they tooke, till the Romaynes, whose courage encreaseth [...]p [...]ril [...] made them to retire they that defended that wall, be­ [...] [...]t [...]ed, and they that fought without sl [...]ng, the Romaynes mighte eas [...]e sette their engines to the wall. Agaynst whom, they that hadde skirmished, wente vppe to the wall, and so a­gaine the R [...]ma [...]nes were putte to fighte. Scipio that looked aboute him and exhorted them in all places▪ perceiued toward y south, y e place where the wall was low, and that y e water did fall [Page 85] frō it, according to the course of the sea, so that y e was before to the breast, was now but to the [...]d legge. Whiche thing being perceyued, and the matter diligently examined, he spent the rest of the day, that the sea did encrease, by going aboute, and encou­raging his souldyoures to doe it. My Souldyoures (sayde he) nowe is the time, and whilest the help of God commeth to vs, scale the wall on this side, where the Sea openeth a way vnto vs, I will goe before you: and saying thus, he toke the ladders first, with the which he beganne to mount before any other, but his ga [...]d and others staying him, and the souldyoures takyng the matter in hand, the Romanes got vp, whome, when he percey­ued to be vpon certayne towers, he badde the trumpetours and drummes goe vp the wall, and encourage the Romanes wyth their noyse. This thing affraying the enimie, they fledde as the Citie had bin taken, some of the Romanes fought with them, seme ranne, and opened the gate to Scipio, who entred with his army. Nevv Carthag [...] is taken. Mago yeeldeth. They of the Citie fledde into houses, and other places. Mago broughte his souldyoures into the market place, whiche béeyng soone ouercome, fledde into the Castell with a few, which when Scipio assaulted, he not being able to defend it, all his men vtterly discouraged, he yéelded to Scipio. This so greate a Citie beyng taken in one day, which was the fourth day after his comming, he was extolled with infinite prayse of all men, beléeuing that he did all things rather by the councell of the gods than of men, An opinion of Scipio, that he did all things by inspiration from God. and so he persuaded himselfe, the which opinion he mainteyned all his life, taking beginning at this time. For this cause hée woulde many times goe alone into the Capitoll, and shutte the dores, as to be taught of God. Wherefore at this day, only Sci­pio▪ image is broughte out of the Capitoll, whereas all others are taken from the common place. Then Scipio hauing taken the Citie whiche shoulde be as a receptacle, and a storehouse of all things for warre and peace, in the whiche greate plentie of ar­moure, shotte, and engines, and furniture for the Name, and thirtie and thrée shippes, and corne, and manye other things were layde vp as in a common market, beside [...]rie, golde▪ and siluer, as well coyned, as vncoyned, and the pledges of Spayne, [Page 86] and the captiues of Rome. He made sacrifice to God, and y e next day triumphed. Then after he had praysed his souldyoures, hée turned his tale to the townesmen, renuing the memorie of the Scipios, and deliuering all them that were in bondage, that w [...]ē they came to their countreys, they mighte winne them to hym. These things being thus done, he rewarded him most liberally Revvards of the Romanes to him that firste mounted the vvall, [...] grounde of golde vvas giuen. that firste mounted the wall, and to the seconde he gaue halfe so much, and to the third, and others by like proportion. The yuo­rie, gold, & siluer, that was left of the pray, he put in shippes, and sent to Rome, where thrée dayes togither holy dayes were made, bycause it séemed, that the Citie was restored to the auntiente dignitie, after so manye euils. All Spayne, and the Carthagineans were astonished with the great acte that was done so valiantly, and so spéedely. Scipio leauing a strong garrison in the Citie, commaunded that parte of the wall that was next the fenne, to be made higher, and he went to subdue the rest of Hiberia, which he did by going himselfe to some of them, and sending his friēds to other, and taking them by force that resisted. Of the Cartha­gies the Captaynes being both Asdrubals, the one sonne of [...]ilcare, and hauyng an army of strangers in the furthest part of Spayne, the other, the sonne of Gisgo, exhorted the Cities that remained in the Carthagies obedience, to continue in the same, for a greate armye should come shortly to help them. He sent ano­ther Mago into the next places to gather men, and he entred the Countrey of Lersanes, which reu [...]lled from the Carthagies, to be­séege Lersan [...] [...]a Granata. a Citie. But Scipio comming vpon him, he wente into Gra­nata, and set his Camp at the Citie, where the next day he was easily ouercome, for Scipio put him from his Campe, and got all Grannata. Mago was occupyed in gathering of Souldyoures, Cerbona. which were yet in Spayne at Cerbona, that with all his power, hée myght encounter with the Romanes. Many Spanyardes ioyned with Mago, and many Numidians being commaunded of Massi­nissa. Asdruball kepte in his Campe with the footemen of these nations. Mago and Massinissa, with the horsemen, had their camp before the army. They being thus, Scipio diuided his horsemen, and sent one part with Lelio against Mago, and he went agaynst [Page 87] Massinissa. The fight was long, sharp, and dangerous, the Numi­dians setting on, and going backe, and comming againe to the fighte with their shotte. But when Scipio gaue a token to hys Souldyoures, that the Romanes shoulde follow them, and fyghte with them with their speares, the Numidians being destitute of shotte, were putte to flight, and retired to their tentes. Scipio en­camped tenne furlongs from them, in a strong place as he desi­red. The whole strength of the Carthagies was .lxx. thousande footemen fiue thousande horse, and thirtie Elephants. Scipio had not the third part, therefore he was doubtfull a while, and durst not ioyne with the whole battell, but continued with skirmi­shing, whose victuall béeing almost spent, and the army begin­ning to lacke, he thought it vnhonorable to departe and doe no­thing, The valientnes of Scipio. therefore making sacrifice, and bringing his armye where he mighte well be hearde, framing his countenance and looke, as though he had bin inspired of God, he said, his accusto­med Angell hadde bin with him, and exhorted him to fighte, by reason whereof they shoulde rather trust in the power of God, Scipio taketh oc­casion of euery thing to encou­rage the Soul­dyoures. than in the number of men, chiefly bycause his other attemptes were brought to good effect, by the power diuine, and not by the multitude of Souldyoures. To make credite to his wordes, hée caused the southsayers to shew them the sacrifices. And whiles he spake thus, hée espyed certayne birdes fléeyng, vnto whome turning hym selfe, he badde the Souldyoures beholde them, saying that God dyd sende them that token of victory also, and that way the birdes flewe, he turned hys bodye, as one rapte with a diuine furie, and wyth hys eyes fixed, cryed. Wherfore all the armye turned with him hither and thither, and euerye man exhorted other, as to a certayne victory. When he sawe the thing come to passe as he woulde, not suffering the courage of the souldyoure to relent, he made no delay, but as one taken with all one diuine furie, the tokens and ceremonies of theyr good lucke being shewed, he sayd, it must be obeyed, and y battell must be made. Whē the Souldyoures had refreshed thēselues, he cōmanded to take armor. He cōmitted y horsemē to Sillano, the [...]otemē to L [...]lio & Martio, Asdruball, Mago, & Massinissa. Whē they [Page 88] saw they were taken of the suddaine of Scipio, being but tenne [...]urlongs betwéene the Camps, they blow the [...], nor with­out consusion and tumult: therefore the battell being [...]eg [...], the Romane horsemen vsing their old arte, were sup [...]our [...], fol­lowing hard their enimies, and beating thē with their spear [...]s, though they fayned to flee, and turne againe, for the Romanes be­ing continually at their heeles, kepte them from their shooting, bycause they were so nigh.

The footemen being ouerlayd with the Libyans, continued all day, and although Scipio ranne aboute and exhorted them to the fight▪ they would neuer giue any fierce onsette til he delyuering The courage of Scipio. his horse to his squire, toke a souldioures target, and wente a­lone into the middest betwéene both armies, crying, helpe Ro­manes, help your Scipio in this perill. Therefore they that were nigh, seing him in so great perill, and they that were further off, hearing him, all being moued, both with shame, and danger of their Generall, exhorted one another, and went against their e­nimies with great vehemence, which when the Affricanes were not able to abide, they turned their backes, therfore partly wée­rie with fight, and partly weake with samine, the nighte being at hand, they were vtterly ouerthrowne. This was the ende of the fighte at Cerbona, in the whiche the victorye was doubtfull: [...] victory [...]t Cerbona. eight hundred Romanes were slaine, and tenne thousand fiue hū ­dred of the enimies. From that time, the Carthagies made hast to be gone, Scipio followed and endamaged them al wayes that was possible, but when they were come to a place strong and well watered, and full of their necessaries, so as the matter re­quired a séege, Scipio left Sillanus to hold them in and he wente to winne the rest of Spaine.

The Carthagies that were beséeged of Sillanus remoued, and went to Cales to passe the Sea, and when Sillanus had done them as much hurt as he could, he returned with his army to Scipio.

Asdruball, Amilchars sonne, whiche was gathering of men at the North Ocean, was called of his brother Anniball, to come into Italy so soone as he could. The whiche, that he mighte doe Asdruball pas­seth the moun­taynes. vnknowen to Scipio, be passed the Pirenian hilles that were nexte [Page 89] the North, with the Celtiberians that he had, and so the Romanes being ignorant, Asdruball came to Italy with great iourneys.

In the meane season, Liuius comming from Rome, tolde Scipio, that the Senate minded to make hym Captayne of the warre of Carthage, which thing Scipio loked for, and trusting it woulde be so, sent Laelius with fiue Shyppes to King Syphax, with many giftes, to remember vnto him the friendship that had bin be­twéene him and the Scipios, and to aske him, if he came into Africa, whether he would be friend to the Romanes, whiche Sy­phax promised to doe, and receyued the giftes, and sente Scipio others. When the Carthagies vnderstoode that, they sente Embassadors to Siphax also, to remember him of societie and league, which Scipio vnderstanding, and minding to preuent the Cartha­gies, [...] [...] in [...]g to Syphax. bycause it was a matter of greate importance, with two Gallies onely, and with Laelius, wente vnto him, and when he came to the porte, the Carthages whiche were come before him, brought out their Gallies, vnknowen to Syphax, against Scipi [...], but he hauing the benefite of the winde, with full sayle, entred the port before them. Syphax receyued them both courteously, and talking priuately with them, and giuing his faith, sent them away. He commaunded the Carthagies that layd new traynes againste him, to be stayd. This perill Scipio escaped, when he came to the coast, and when he went from thence. And it is said, that whilest Scipio was with Syphax, he sate at the table wyth Asdruball, who when he hadde asked him many questions, hee The opinion o [...] the Carthage Embassador o [...] Scip [...]. greatly wondered at the sight and modestie of him, and turnyng to his friends, sayd, that he was a man to be scared, not onely in the warre, but also at a table.

At this time, some of the [...]erians and Celtiberians did yet serue vnder Hanno, with whome Martius did encounter, and kylled a thousande fiue hundred of them, the rest fledde home, other seauen hundred horsemen, and seauen thousand footemen, being with Hanno, Martius droue into an hyll, where wanting all ne­cessaries, they sent to Martius for composition, whome hée com­maunded to delyuer their Captayne Hanno, and the sugitiues, and [...]en tell their message: so they tooke Hanno that was hea­ring [Page 90] of matters, and deliuered him, and the fugitiues to Martius▪ he required also the captiues, whome, when he had receyued, he commaunded the Souldyoures to bring a certaine summe of siluer into a playne, bycause it was not fitte for them that aske pardon, to keepe highe places: whiche when they were des­cended, Martius sayde vnto them, you are well worthy deathe, The victorie of Martius. for where as euery of you haue youre countreys subiect to vs, you had rather make warre against vs, than oure enimies, yet I am content, and giue you leaue to goe safe, putting off youre armour.

Whiche when they hearde, being all gréeued with it, and denying to do it, a sharp fight was made, in the which, halfe Souldyoures vvill not deli­uer their ar­moure. of them were slayne, the other halfe escaping to Mago. He not long before, was come to Hannos Campe wyth sixtie Shippes, but hearyng of hys calamitie, he returned to Gades, where beyng in wante, he was put in greate feare, and there hée re­sted.

Sillanus was sente to the Citie of Castaces, where, when hée Castaces. was receyued as an enimie, he sette hys Campe before the Towne, and made Scipio to knowe of it, who sending afore what was fytte for the séege, followed, and by the way gotte Illiturga. the Citie of Illiturga, the whyche in the tyme of olde Scipio, was friende to the Romanes: and when hée was slayne, they re­uolted priuily, and pretendyng to receyue the Romanes armys as a friende, delyuered it to the Carthagies. Wherfore Scipio béeyng angrie, ouercame it in foure houres, and tooke it.

Héere Scipio hadde a wounde in hys necke, but not so greate, Scipio vvoun­ded. as hée woulde departe from the fyghte, tyll hée hadde gotte the Citie, for thys cause, the armye despising the pray, kylled women and children, and vtterly destroyed it.

When they came to Castace, he beséeged it in thrée partes, but dyd not assaulte it, that hée myghte gyue the Castaces tyme to repente, bycause he heard they were aboute suche a matter. And when they hadde kylled the Captain of the garrison which resisted, they deliuered the Citie to Scipio: he leauing a certayne The Castaces Yeelde to Scipio. honest man of the Citie to kéepe it, wente towarde Carthage, [Page 91] sending Sillanus and Martius to the Sea, to spoyle and wast all that they could.

There was a Citie called Astapa, whiche was alwayes of Astapa. the Carthagies deuotion. When they sawe they were beséeged, and knewe that if they came vnder the Romanes power, they shoūlde be solde as slaues, they brought all theyr goodes and ri­ches into the market place, and compassing the same wyth wodde, they badde their wiues and children goe vp to it, and sware fiftie of the chiefe of the Citie, that if the Citie were taken, they shoulde kyll their wiues and chyldren, sette the The desperatiō of the Astape [...]. wodde on fyre, and burne them and themselues.

When they hadde called the Gods vnto witnesse of the same, they issued vppon Martius, looking for no suche thyng, with the whyche violence, the shotte and the Horsemen were putte to flighte. The footemen stayd. The Astapeans fought valiant­lye withoute hope of remedye. The Romanes were more in number, but the Astapeans were not inferioure in vertue, who, when they were all slayne, the fiftie whyche were in the Ci­tie, kylled all the women and chyldren, and then kindled the fyre, and lepte into it. Martius maruelling at the vertue of them, refrayned from burning their houses.

After these doyngs, Scipio fell sicke, and Martius ruled the Scipio sicke. army, and so the Souldyoures that had spente all vppon plea­sure, and thought they hadde not receyued worthy rewardes for theyr seruice, bycause they hadde nothyng lefte, and to whome Scipio ascribed the glory of all hys noble actes, they re­uolted from Martius, and hadde their Campe by themselues, and manye of the garrisons and nygh Castels ioyned vnto The Roman [...] souldioures [...]tine. them, and some were sente of Mago with money, to persuade them to him.

They receyued the money, but makyng Captaynes and officers of themselues, they did all thyngs of their owne autho­ritie, and bounde them to it by oth.

Scipio hearing of thys, wrote vnto them that were au­thoures, The pruden [...] of Scipio. and sayde, hée coulde not yet rewarde them as [Page 92] they were worthy, bycause of his sicknesse, and to other he The prudence of Scipio. wrote, to appease them that were in rage, and wrote to all ge­nerally, as though they had now bin reconciled, that he woulde shortly rewarde them all, and willed them so soone as might be, to come to Carthage for forage. These letters being redde, some suspected some euill, other thinking no hurt, thought good to giue credite to them, and agréed to goe to Carthage, whither when Scipio vnderstoode they were comming, he commanded all the Senatoures that were with him, that cache one of them should goe with one of the Authoures of sedition, and recey­uing them into their tentes in shewe of friendshippe, to take them priuily. Then he commaunded the Tribunes of the soul­dyoures, that the next morning, euery of them with their most trusty friendes, with their swordes, shoulde goe priuily, and place them in diuers partes of the citie, and when they had fitte places, not looking for any other commaundement, shoulde im­mediately kill them, if they made any stirre while he spake hys Oration.

When it was daye, he called all the Souldyoures to an assemblie, and caused himself to be borne to the Generalles seate. They hearing the sounde of the trumpet, being ashamed not to awayte vppon their Generall, being sicke, and thinking they shoulde haue receyued their rewardes, came from euerye place, part without swords, part couered with a little coate, by­cause they had not time to make them ready.

Scipio hauing a garde secretely aboute him, did firste rebuke Scipio to the souldioures that made the mu­tinie. them for their déede, then said, he would put all the blame in the authors of the sedition, whome O Souldyoures, by your helpe I will punish.

Then he commaunded the officers to remoue y multitude further, which being done, the Senatoures brought the authors The authors of seditiō punished and the multitude pardoned. of seditiō forth, who crying, and praying their fellowes of help, the Tribunes that were commanded, killed them that durst once make any noyse. The multitude when they saw them thus handled, and the other armed, they were sorrie, and helde their peace, Scipio commaunding them to bée fyrste [Page 93] killed, that cried, the other he bound to the pale and beate them with roddes, and after beheaded them. To the reste of the multitude he signified by the Trumpet, that he forgaue them, ʒ by this order the army was reformed.

Indibil [...] a certaine Prince, that béefore obeyed Scipio, during [...]. the sedition of the souldiours, raunged the dominion of Scipio, he being followed, would not refuse battaile as a cowarde, and kil­led a thousande two hundred of the Romane souldioures. But losyng twenty thousande of his men, he was compelled to aske peace, whome Scipio punished by the purse, and receyued hym to grace.

Massinissa, vnknowen to Asdrubal, sa [...]led into Spaine, & made Mas [...]inis [...] all [...] Ro­manies [...] the Carthagies had [...] to [...] enemies. amitie with Scipio, and promised if he came into Affrica, to be his aider. Thus he did being otherwise a cōstāt man for this cause. Asdrubal, that ledde him with hym, had espoused his daughter to him, whome Syphax loued. Whereof the Carthagies thoughte it néedefull for them, to holde Syphax agaynste the Romaynes, and gaue the maide in marriage vnto him withoute Asdrubals prinitie, whiche thing being done, Asdrubal was ashamed, and kepte it secreate from Massinissa. Whiche when he vnderstoode, he made league with the Romanes.

Mago the admirall of the Carthagies, despayring of the state This is parte of [...] and Liguria of Italy. of Spaine, went into Gallia and Liguria, and gathered men with al his mighte.

The Romanes tooke Gades being lefte of Mago, and from that time, beganne to send yearely officers to gouerne Spaine a little before the. C [...]L. Olympiade, which in peace had the office both of a Captaine and a Justice. In the which with no greate army, Santio was broughte into the forme of a Cittie, whiche of the name of Italie, was called Italica, and after, was the Countrey of Adriane and Traiane, who were chosen to the rule of the Ro­maynes. Sant [...], the coun­trey of Adriane and Traiane. Hee returned to Rome wyth a nauie well furnished and and filled with Captines, mony and spoyle of al sorts, and was receyued of the people of Rome, wyth all Ilandes, especiallye of the North, for the greatnesse and maruellous expedition of his doyngs. And euen they that firste enuied him, and noted him Scipio honored of all sortes. [Page 94] of boasting, confessed the thing to be brought to a glorious end. Indibilu after Scipios returne, reuolted agayne. Wherfore the lieutenaunts of Spaine, gathering the ordinarie garrisons togy­ther, Indibili [...] is killed and other of the prouince, killed hym, and condemned the authors of the rebellion, and confiscated their goodes. Then y were priuie to the mutinie, they punished in money, spoyled them of their armoure, and tooke pledges of them, and put grea­ter garrisons in their Towns. These things were done streight after Scipios departure.

This was the ende of the Romanes first warre in Spaine. After This is Gallia To gate, that did in▪ [...] there the place [...]alled novv [...]m [...]der. the which tyme, the Romanes making war with the Galles that dwell aboute Poo, and with Phillip king of Macedonie, the state of Spaine beganne to be troublesome againe. Sempronius Tuditanus, and M. Claudius, and after thē Minutius, were chosen Generalls, and after, when there was greater stirre, Cato was sent wyth a greater army, a young man, but seuere and painefull, and very notable for hys wysedome and eloquence, insomuche, as of the people hée was called another Demosthenes, who was the princi­pall Emporium Cato compared to Demosthenes [...]is courage. Oratour of all Grecia.

When he was come into Spaine, to the place called Emporium, and vnderstoode that the enimies were togither in a place to the number of sortie thousande, he kepte hys Souldioures certaine dayes in exercise, and when he determined to fighte, he sent the ships which he had with hym to Massilia, admonishing the soul­dioures that it was not to be feared though the ennimie was more in number, séeing the vertue of the minde is muche more of price, than the multitude. And that he had therfore sent away his shippes, whereof they had no néede, nor were kept, but for them that ouercame. And when he had saide thus, he gaue a fierce onset vpon the enimye, and afraying his Souldioures, rather than exhorting them, as other were wonte to doe, when the fight was begunne, he ranne to euery part, and encouraged the souldiors. The fight continued doubtfull night, manye [...]t [...] rather re­buketh than chydeth his ho [...]t The valtantnes and diligence of Cato. falling on both sides, and when he wyth thrée thousand had béen vpon an hill, to sée al partes of the fight, and saw his men were compassed of the enimie, he came downe with haste, offring him­selfe [Page 95] to re [...] with the formost, & so crying & fighting, he brake the The victory of Cato. enimies aray, & laid the first foundation of victory. He chased y enimy al night, he got their camp, & killed an infinite multitude. As he returned, al mette with him, embraced and congratulated with him as the Authour of victorie. These things beyng done, he gaue rest to the armye, and made destribution of the spoyle. Ambassadors came to him from al people, of whom he receyued pledges. Besides he sent letters sealed to the Citties, commaū ­ding the bearers to deliuer al in one daye, appointyng the daye, A people of Cato pulling dovvn the vvals of al Citties at once. as by coniecture he considred the distance of place, as they might make their iorny to the furthest Cittie: He cōmanded the rulers of euery citie, to pul down their wals, & threatned destruction to them y made any delay. Al obeyed, being mindful of y losse they had receyued, & seuerally they durst not resist, thinking it had bin cōmāded to them only & not to other, and if it were to other, they were afraid if other did obey, they should be punished, if they did disobey. And if they alone did obey, it was a matter of no greate moment. There was no respite for them to send to their neigh­bors, & of the souldiors that brought the letters, they were vrged to it: wherfore euery citie, to saue themselues, pulled down their wals, and that they might haue thanke for their quicke obedi­ence, they did it with great spéede. By this meane all the Citties that be about the floud Iberus, did cast downe theyr walls in one day, by the only wisedome of their Captaine, & they were quiet to the Romanes, for the space of foure Olympiades. But after the Fiue yeres vvas betvveene the Olympiades. C L. Olympiade, great parte of Spaine rebelled from the Romanes bicause they wer in wāt of al necessaries for food. Wherfore the matter comming to light, Fuluius Flaccus Consull, ouercame Fuluius hath victory. them, and manye fled to their possessions. But they that were in most want, and got their liuing with robbing, assembled al togi­ther at Complega, a Citty new made & wel defenced, that had en­creased Compolega. in a short time: frō hence they many times molested the The vvord is Sagum vvhich is core that soul­diours vvere in vvarre. Romanes, and sēt to Flaccus, that he shold leaue a cloake, an horse, and a sword for euery one that he had killed, and flée out of Spaine before worse hapned vnto him. Flaccus answered, he would bring many soldiors coats, & folowing their messēgers, cāped at y city.

[Page 96]They not doyng any thing according to their great crakes fledde, and dayly spoyled the Countreis. They vse a certaine garment double, of thicke w [...]ll w t a buckle fastned like a cloke, and that they count a Souldiours coate.

Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, succeeded Flaccus. The Celtiberians [...] besieged Carab [...], a Cittie friend to the Romaynes wyth twentye thousande souldioures, and thought to gette it quickly. Where­fore Gracchus, comming to helpe them, and not hauing any mean to signifie it to the besieged, a certaine capitaine of a bande, na­med [...] [...]ploy [...] of [...]. Cominius, tolde Gracchus what he had deuised with himselfe, he put on a Spaniardes coate, and wente among the slaues of the campe, and as a Spaniard came with them to the Campe, and from thence into the Citie, and tolde them that Gracchus was at hande with helpe. Wherefore they abode the siege valiaunt­ly, and within thrée dayes Gracchus came, and so the C [...]l [...]berians left the siege.

One daye twenty thousande came from Complega, bringing [...] o [...] the [...] braunches of Oliue lyke petitioners, asking pardon, whiche comming nighe the Romanes Generall, gaue a violent onsette on the Romanes, and put them in great daunger. Gracchus went from the Campe of purpose, and made as thoughe he fledde, and whiles they were aboute the spoile, he returned, and sette vpon them and killed many of them and got Complega. He appointed their la [...]e and the neighbors to them that had néede: and made league with the inhabitants of that countrey, with certaine con­ditions, whereby they were receiued into the Romaines amitie, to the whiche he bounde them by [...]th [...]. These conditions were Conditions o [...] [...]. much desired in the wars that followed, and for these things, the name of Gracchus was greate bothe in Spaine and Rome, where he triumphed gloriously.

A fewe yeares after, great warre was renewed in Spayne▪ There was a Cittie in the borders of the Celtiberians that is called [...], named Seged [...], great and mighty comprehended in the [...] of Gracchus. This Citie enticing other little Townes [...]d their walls, the compasse whereof was forty [...]ur▪ [...]. [...] example induced the Ti [...]ans, an other [...] [Page 97] of the Celtiberians to do the lyke. Whyche thing the Senate vn­derstanding, forbadde them the building of their wal, and requi­red the tribute appointed by Gracchus, and commanded them to goe to warre with the Romanes, to the whiche they were also bounde by the league of Gracchus. They aunswered, that tou­ching their walles, they were bound by Gracchus, not to builde a­ny newe Citties, but not, that they should not defend their olde. As touching tributes and seruice in war, they were released by the Romanes, and so they were indéede, with this condition, so long as it shoulde séeme good to the Senate and people of Rome, wherefore Q. Fuluius Nob [...]or, was sent against them with an ar­my of thirty thousande.

The Segetanes hearing that he was comming, their walls not Segetanes. being yet finished, desired the Araschians to receiue them, and so Araschians▪ Carus. they fled to them. They made their chiefe Captaine, Carus, whom the Segetanes thoughte to be a man expert in war. He thrée daies after he was created Generall, laide an ambushe of twentye thousande footemen, and fyue thousande horse in a shadowy and woddy place, and from thēce gaue a charge vpon the Romanes. The fight was doubtfull a greate while, at length Carus hadde a Carus victorie of the Romaines. noble victorie, for he [...]ewe sixe thousande Romaines, whiche was a great losse to the Citie▪

But when they vsed the victory rashlye and too proudlye, the Romaines horsemen that garded the carriage, set vppon them, and [...]ew Carus fighting valiantly for himselfe, and sixe thousand Carus is slaine. with hym, tyll the fyghte was ended by the darkenesse of the night.

This was done the same daye that the Romaynes kepte the feaste of Vulcane. After that daye, none of them woulde come to The feast of Vulcane vvas in August. Arathon, Leucon. fight, but by compulsion. The Araschians assembled that night at Numanti [...] which is a very strong citie. They chose Arathon and Leucon, Captaines of the warre. Fuluius came thither the thirde daye, and camped foure and twenty furlongs from the ci­tie, to whom, Massinissa had sent thrée hundred horsmen, and thir­tye Elephants, which being come, he went straight to the fight. Fuluius vvinneth and looseth. He placed the Elephants at the backe of the army, and when [Page 98] the fight was begonne, opened a way for the Elephants▪ whom when the Celtiberians sawe, they and their horse, were afraid, and fled to the walles. The Romayne had the Elephants shoulde be brought to the wal. There was a fierce fight, till one of the Ele­phants being hurte in the heade with a stone from the wall, be­ganne An Elephant hurt loseth the victorie. to rage and be vnruly, and with furie turne vpon his fel­lows, thrusting and treading downe euery one he met, no diffe­rence betwéene friend and foe: and the rest of the Elephants be­ing made afrayde did the lyke, and trode and thruste downe the Romaine souldiours. The whiche thing the Elephants, when they are in feare, are w [...]nte to doe, taking euerye man for their Elephants common enimies. ennimye: wherefore for this falshoode, they are called common e­nimies. Therfore the Romanes without order fled away, which when the Numantines saw from the walles, they came forth and chased them, and flewe foure thousande of them, and tooke thrée Elephants, and muche armour, and many ensignes. Of the Celti­berians The flight of the Romaines. two thousand were killed. When Fuluius hadde gotten from that slaughter, he besieged Axenium, which was as a cō ­mon Axenium. market for the enimyes, for there was all thinges to sell▪ Where, when he did no good, but lose his men, he retired by night Blesus killed. to his campe. Wherefore hée sente Blesus the Capitayne of the horsmen to a nation that was nigh and his friend, (for he wan­ted horsemen) with a bande of horse. In the way, they fell into an ambushe of Celtiberians▪ whiche beyng knowne, the friendes fledde, and Blesus fought and was killed, and many Romanes with him.

For the whiche losses and ouerthrowes, Ocile, a Cittie in Ocile in Galacia. the whiche the Romanes had their treasure and munition, yéelded to the Celtiberians.

Then Fuluius distrusting himselfe, and afraid of al things, kepte within his campe that winter, defending it as well as hée The mountains be the cause of colde in hote countries. coulde, and getting victuall▪ yet was greatly troubled for lacke and for bitternesse of colde, wherfore many Souldyours partly goyng for wood, partly for the sharpnesse and great colde, did pe­rishe.

The yeare following, Claudius Marcellus, came in Fuluius Claudius Marcellus. [Page 99] place, bringing eighte thousande footemen, and .v. C. horsemen, againste whome, when the enimies likewise ha [...] saide traines, Ocile taken and pardoned. he, by another crafte, auoyded them, and went streight to Ocile, & there camped with all his power: and fortune fauouring hym, tooke the Cittie at the firste assaulte, whome he pardoned, recei­uing some pledges, and thyrtie talentes of golde. When thys modestie was hearde, the Nergobriges sente messengers to Mar­cellus, Nergobriges vse crafte. to know what they might do to haue peace. He commaun­ded them to sende him an hundred horsemen. They promised so to doe, yet they folowed the tayle of the armye, and tooke some of the cariage. Notwithstanding, they came after, and brought a hundred horsemen, and saide, their hurte in the carriage, was done by the errour of some, that knewe not the couenauntes.

Marcellus made the hundred horsmen prisoners, and solde their horses: then he ranged their lande, and gaue the pray to the soul­dioures, and encamped at their Cittie, where, when they sawe their engines broughte, and their trenches made, they sente oute an Heraulte wearing a Woolfs skinne, to aske pardon, whiche The vvar vvas ended by him that brought a rodde called Ca­duceum vvherof embassadours of peace are called Caduceatores. he denyed to giue, except the Aruacceans, Bellans, and Titthians, woulde sewe for them, the whiche those nations did willinglye, praying that a reasonable payne beyng putte vppon them, they mighte be broughte to the league of Gracchus. Some of them de­nied that, bicause they hadde bin at strife. Marcellus sent the Am­bassadoures of both parts to Rome, there to dispute their contro­uersies, and secretly wrote to the Senate to compounde the mat­ter, for he desired the war might be ended in his time, thinking it would be for his glory.

The Ambassadoures of the friendes were receyued into the Embassadors diuersely vsed in Rome. Cittie, they of the enimies were lodged without the Cittie as the manner is.

The Senate would haue no peace, being grieued they were not brought into y e Romanes power, as Nobilior would haue done, that was Generall in Spaine before. Therefore the Senate aun­swered the Ambassadors, that Marcellus should declare their ple­sure there, & forthwith sent an other army into Spaine. And then Souldiours ta [...] by lotte▪ was the first time that souldiors wer takē by lot, & not by choice, [Page 100] as had béene before. For manye did reproue the Consulls, as not vsyng themselues truely and sincerely in the choise of soldi­ors, that they might sēd to lighter enterprises as cause req [...]d. Therfore it séemed good then, to take their soldiors by lotte, of whome L. Lucullus, was made Generall, to whom Cornelius Scipio Lucullus. Scipio. was lieutnant, that shortely after gotte Carthage, and Numantia.

Whiles Lucullus was comming, Marcellus proclaimed warre againste the Celtiberians, to whome he rendred their pledges, they requiring them, yet he deteyned hym long with him that wente Embassadoure for them to Rome, for what cause it is vncer­taine.

There was a suspition then, which was beléeued much more, by a thing that happened, that is, that he persuaded these people to committe their matters to him, for he didde what he could to Marcellus pro­cureth peace. make an end of the warre before Lucullus came. For after those controuersies, there were fyue thousande Aruacceans, that tooke Nergobrigem, and Marcellus wente to Numantia, and encamped within fyue myle of the Citie, and droue the enimies into it.

Wherfore Linteuon Captain of the Numantines, cried and said Linteuon. he woulde deale with Marcellus. And being come in to talke, hée saide he would leaue the Bellans, Titthians and Aruacceans, whom when Marcellus had accepted willingly, he commaunded money and pledges to be deliuered, which when he had receyued, he let those people go frée.

This end had the warre of the Bellans, Titthians, and Aruace­ans before the comming of Lucullus.

But Lucullus, partly for desire of glorie, and partly for néede, (for he was poore) ledde his armie agaynst the Vacceans, whiche Lucullus needie. Vaccei people of the Iland of neather Spaine. be a people in Celtiberia, next to the Aruacceans, notwithstāding the Senate determined nothing of them, nor they had euer bin enimies of the people of Rome.

Therefore when he had passed the floude Tagus, he came to Tagus, the floud Ta [...]a in Lusitama. the citie of Cauc [...]a, and there encamped. They of the towne asked why he came, & for what purpose he molested them that were in Carpetanes dvvel at the [...]oud Taio. quiet & rest. Who, when he had answered that hee came to helpe the Carpetanes, whom they had iniured, they returned into y e city. [Page 101] And when the Romanes wente for forrage, they kylled many, which being vnderstoode, the army was brought forth, and they mette and fought. The Caucaeans a while had the better, til their Caucaeans slayne at their Citie. shotte fayled them, then they fledde, not being good at a firme battell, and so thrusting together at the gate, there were thrée thousand slayne.

The next day, the olde men came forth, and besought Lucullus to tell them what they might doe, to kéepe the Romanes fauour. He required pledges & an C. talentes of silner, and y their horse­men shoulde serue with him: which when it was graunted, he saide, he woulde put a garrison in the Citie, and they did not de­nye that. He put two thousand choyce souldyoures into the ci­tie, whome he commaunded to take the walles, whiche béeyng done, he brought in all his army, and killed all without respect of age, and thus by extreame crueltie, they were all slaine, cal­ling Extreame in­iurie done to the Romanes by Lucullus. vpon the Gods, and the faith of the oth, by the whiche the Romanes had sworne, and charging the Romanes with infidelitie, by the which they had murthered twenty thousande, a fewe ex­cept, that were in the strong and rocky places. Lucullus spoy­led the Citie, and gaue the prey to the Souldioures, purchasing an immortall infamie to the name of Rome. All they of the Countrey assembled, and came out of the playnes into the hils, and into the strong townes, carrying so muche with them as they could, burning the rest, that Lucullus shoulde haue no profite of them.

When Lucullus had made a long iourney by the hard and de­serte way, he came to a Citie that is called Enderacia, into the Enderacia. whiche, more than twenty thousand footemen were fledde, and two thousand horsemen. Lucullus (suche was his foolishnesse) inuited them to composition, to whome, they obiected the calamitie of the Vacceans, & asking, if he woulde exhorte them to suche amitie. Lucullus being angry for their obiection (as the manner is of them that do naught, whereas they should rather be angry with themselues) wasted their land▪ and beséeged their Citie, made many trenches▪ and continually prouoked them to fight. One of them very faire in armour, came many times [Page 102] forth on horsehacke, and prouoked any Romane to fighte hand to hand: and when no man answered him, he laughed, and scorned the Romanes, and wente leaping, and reioyeing home. Doyng this very oft, it gréeued Scipio that was a yong man, who came Scipio fighteth a combate, and killeth a Spa­niarde. forthe, and toke the matter in hande, and by the benefite of for­tune, ouercame the greate straunger, he being but of small sta­ture, which gaue courage to the Romane. But in the night, they were diuersly affrighted, for all the horsemen of the Barbarians whiche were gone a foraging before the Romanes came, and coulde not get into the Citie, ranne vpon the Camp with great alarms, and they of the Citie did the like with greate vehe­mence, Romanes made afrayde. sore troubling the Romanes, who being afflicted wyth watche (for all that night they were compelled to watche in ar­moure) and not accustomed to the meates of that countrey, and hauing neyther wyne, salte, nor oyle, nor vinegre, and did eate VVant of salte. sodden wheate and barlie, and muche fleashe of Dere and Hare without salte, they fell into flixes, of the whiche, many dyed. Thus they continued, tyll they hadde brought their trenches to due height, whiche being done, they beat downe one part of the Romanes perish. wall, and entred the Citie, but being valiantly repulsed in their retire, vnawares they fell into a fenne, where a greate parte of them perished. The Barbarians the night following, made vppe theyr wall, but at length, when both sides was oppressed wyth famine, Scipio promised them, that there should be no fraude in their treatie, to whome faith was giuen for the opinion of hys vertue. This was the ende of thys warre, that they shoulde de­liuer Celtiberians c [...] ­ficeme not gold. tenne thousande Souldioures coates, a certayne number of caitell, and fiftie, pledges. The gold and siluer, Lucullus could not haue, for whose cause he made the warre, thinking Spayne had bin full of it, for those people hadde it not, neyther doe these Celtiberians much estéeme suche things.

After this, he wente toward Pallantia, whiche was a Citie of Pallantia a Citie [...]igh the [...]. greater name and power, into the whyche, many were fledde: therefore many counselled him to leaue it, but he▪ bycause hée heard it was▪ wealthy and riche, did not followe their councell. When he went to forage, euer he had the Pallantine horsemen [Page 103] vpon him, so as for lacke of victuall, he was fayne to remoue his Camp, and so ledde his army in a square battell, the Pallan­tines euer following, till he came to the floud Orius. Then they Orius. Turditanes, people of Granata. went away at midnight, and he returned to the Turditanes land, and there wintered. This end hadde the warre whiche Lucullus made with the Vacceans without the authoritie of the Senate. Therfore that he shuld not come to iudgemēt being accused. &c.

¶ Notwithstanding, another part of Spayne called Lusitania, ly­uing Lusitania, novv Portugall. after their owne lawes, with a certayne Captayne of A­frica, did spoyle the Countreys that obeyed the Romanes, and whē The Romanes killed. they had ouerthrowen Manilius, and Calphurnius Piso the Romane Captaynes, they killed syxe thousande of them, beside Teren­tius Varro, that was treasourer, by the whiche thing, the Affri­can being proude, did runne ouer all the Countreys, to the Ocean Vettones in hi­ther Spayne, of vvhome the hearbe Fetonie is named. Captaine killed. Blastophenicians. sea, and ioyning the Vettones vnto him, beséeged the Blastopheni­cians, that were subiect to the Romanes, with the whyche, they say, Anniball did mingle some of the Carthage generation, ther­fore they were called Blastophenicians. Thys Captayne was hurte on the head with a stone, and dyed, and in hys place Cessaro. succéeded another called Cessaro. Hée foughte wyth Mummius that was come from Rome wyth another armye, of whome be­ing The Romanes ouerthrovven vnder Mummius. ouercome, and Mummius chacing hym, he returned vppon them that followed disorderly, and kylled tenne thousande, and recouered all hys prey, and hys owne Campe whyche hée hadde lost, and besyde spoyled the Romanes Campe, and tooke theyr Ensignes, the whyche they shewing throughout Spayne, made a laughingstocke of the Romanes.

Mummius nowe Campyng in a strong place, exercised the Souldioures whyche he hadde lefte, whyche were fiue thou­sande, and durst not bryng them into the playne, tyll they hadde recouered theyr courage. The Lusitanes, albeit they inhabite the other syde of the floud Tagus, yet they tooke armes, and wasted the Cuneans that were tributaries Cunistorges in Celtiberia. to the Romanes, Canchenus béeyng theyr Captayne, and tooke Cunistorges theyr greate Citie, and passed the Sea at the pillers of Hercules, so as some of them wente into Affrica, [Page 104] and some beséeged the Citie of Ocilis. Mummius followed them with nine thousand footemen, and fiue hundred horsemen, and killed of them fiftéene thousande that wasted the Countreys, and many of the other, and deliuered Ocile from the séege, and then méeting with them that raunged y t Countrey, he destroyed them all, so as not a messenger was left. The prey that coulde Victorie of Mummius. be carryed, he distributed to the Souldioures, the rest he burned in the honor of the Gods that be the rulers of warre, for the which things, he triumphed at Rome at his returne. M. Attilius succéeded him, which in one rode, killed seuen hundred Lusitanes, and destroyed a great Citie called Ostrace, and tooke all the coun­trey Ostrace. aboute, yéelding for feare, in the whiche, some were of the nation of the Bottanes, but so soone as Attilius departed to hys [...]ottanes. winter station, they reuolted, and beséeged certayne of the Ro­manes tributaries, whome when Seruius Galba, successor to Atti­lius, would haue put from the séege of the sodayne, when he had gone in one night and a day, fiue hundred surlongs, he shewed himselfe to the Lusitanes, and put his souldioures wearie of their Seruius Galba ta­keth too much of his vvearie sould youres, and loseth. iourney to the fight forthwith, and when he had put the enimie to flighte, and foolishly followed them with his Souldioures weake and wearie, the Barbarians séeing them scattered, and manye times resting them for faintenesse, turned, and gaue a charge vpon them, and killed seauen thousande of them. Galba, with the horsemen about him, recouered himselfe at the Citie of Carmena, where he gathered all them that escaped, and when Carmena. he had twenty thousand of the tributarie souldyoures, he went into the borders of the Cuneans, where he wintered at Cunistorge. Cuneans. Lucullus, who made warre with the Vacceans, withoute the au­thoritie Lucullus. of the Senate, comming that time into Turditania, vnder­stoode that the Lusitanes made warre vppon their neighboures, therefore he sent some of his best Captaynes, and killed fiftéene hundred of them as they passed a water, and others that were fledde into an hill, he compassed with trenches and mountes, and killed a great multitude. Then entring Lusitania, he wasted one parte, and Galba another. Some, that sente Embassadors to confirme the league made with Attilius, and broken of them, [Page 105] he receyued into friendship, and compounded the master wyth them. Also he fayned that he was sory for them, and kllwel▪ that they, for continuall wante, were driuen to spoyle, and so breaking league, made warre. I know (quoth he) that you were cōpelled to it by the barennesse, and want of your Countrey▪ but I will put you into a plentifull soyle, and diuide you into thrée seuerall places full of abundance. They being allured by thys hope, went from their owne houses, whome being diuided into thrée partes, he shewed them a playne, where he had them stay till he came to shew them the place, where they shoulde buylde their Citie. When he was come to the firste, he willed them to leaue their armour as friends, which they did, then he enclosed them with ditches and trenches, and sent in his souldyource, and caused them all to be kylled, not one escaping, they calling vpon the Gods for the breach of faith. He did the like to the seconde Another mani­fest [...]iurie of Lucullus. and thirde, before one vnderstoode of anothers calamitie: and thus he reuenged fraude with fraude, following the Barbarians vse: no respect he had to y honor of Rome. A few escaped, among whome was Viriatus, who after was Captayne of the Lusitanes, Viriatus. and did greate feates, and killed many Romanes. Those things that were done afterwarde, I will shewe in the other bookes.

But Galba, who passed Lucullus in couetousnesse, distributed a fewe things among the souldyoures, and tooke the rest to hym­selfe, although he was most riche of all the Romanes. He was a Galba described man that in peace where profite appeared, would not refrayne from periurie and lies. And when he, being hated of all men, was accused, yet for his riches, whereof he had great plenty, he was euer quitte and discharged. Not long after, as many as remained of the vnfaithfulnesse of Lucullus and Galba▪ gathering togither to the number of tenne thousande, wasted the lande of Turditania. Agaynste them▪ M. Vettilius with another armye wente, and ioyning to him all other that were in Spayne, whych was tenne thousande, he wente agaynste them that wasted Turditania, and kylled many of them, and droue the other into a Castell, in the which, if they woulde tarry, they must perishe for hunger, if they departed, they must fall into the Romanes [Page 106] handes, so narrow was the place: wherefore they sent Embas­sadoures to Vettilius in humble wise, desiring to haue a place to Vettilius. inhabite, that they from henceforth with all these, might be tri­butaries to Rome: whyche he accepted, and they ready to come forth. But Viriatus that had escaped from Galbas crueltie, and The policie and hardinesse of Viriatus. was then with them, put them in remembrance of the Romanes falsehoode, and tolde them how oft they hadde bin deceyued by colour of promise, and that all the Romanes army was nowe lyke vnto the deceytefulnesse of Galba and Lucullus: but if they woulde be ruled by hym, he woulde tell them how they might all escape safe. They béeyng moued with hys wordes, and conceyuing good hope, chose hym theyr Captayne. Therefore when he hadde placed all the horse in the front of the battell, as though he woulde fyghte, he commaunded the other, so soone as he tooke hys horse, to diuide themselues, and by diuers pathes to flée ouer the hylles, as well as they could, to Tribola, and Tribola. there to tarry hym tyll he came. He kepte wyth hym choyce Horsemen, of euery number, and then he lepte on Horsebacke, and the other fledde with speede.

Vettilius, afrayde to followe them that were thus separate, and diuided to many partes, stayed to sée what Viriatus woulde doe, who abode still. He with hys swifte Horse nowe com­myng vpon the Romanes, now going backe from them, and now comming agayne vppon them, spente so that whole daye, and the nexte also, goyng on, and comming of from that playne. And when by coniecture, he thoughte them that were gone, to be come to a sure place, at midnighte wyth most spéede, by dy­uers hard wayes, he got to Tribola. The Romanes coulde not o­uertake hym, partly for the weight of their armoure, partly for the ignorance of the way, and partly for the diuersitie of theyr Horses. Thus Viriatus saued hys men that were in despe­ration of themselues. Thys policie wanne hym greate fame ouer all the places aboute, and so they came vnto hym in great numbers.

He kepte warre wyth the Romanes thrée yeares togither, and it is well knowen, that this warre muche troubled the same, [Page 107] and in the ende, was very daungerous vnto them. And if there were any other stirre in Spayne, that was the cause that it con­tinued the longer. Vettilius followed, and came to Tribola. Viria­tus layde an ambushe in an hyll, whyther when he knewe that Traynes on the Romanes. Vettilius was come, he fledde. And when Vettilius was past the ambushe, he turned, and they of the ambushe came forthe, and besette the Romanes, kylling and takyng, or throwing them headlong from the hygh places. Vettilius was taken, whome, Vettilius taken and killed. when the taker knewe not, but sawe hym to be a fatte olde man, he thought hym to be of no regarde, and kylled hym.

Of tenne thousande Romanes, scarsly sixe thousande saued themselues at Carpesso, a Sea Towne, whyche I thynke was Carpesso. called of the Grecians Tartessus, in the whyche Arganthonius reig­ned, who (they say) lyued a hundred and fiftie yeare. The Arganthonius the old Kyng. Treasurer that came with Vettilius, followyng them that went to Carpesso, séeing them afrayde, kepte them in the Citie, and made them kéepe the wall. And when he had gotten fiue thou­sande of the Bellans and Titthians, accordyng as he desired, hée sente them agaynste Viriatus, whome he kylled, not one bée­ing Viriatus kill [...] the Spanyards sent against him. lefte to bryng tydings home. The treasourer remayning in the Citie, lookyng for newesfrom Rome, durst doe no­thyng.

Viriatus in the meane season, inuaded the plentifull and a­bundant soyle of the Carpetanes, whyche he spoyled without feare, tyll Caius Plautius came with tenne thousande footemen, C Plautius. and thrée hundred horsemen. Then Viriatus pretended to flée. Plautius sent foure thousand to follow him, vpon whome Viria­tus The [...] killed. turned, and killed all saue a fewe. Then he passed the [...]oud Tagus, and camped in an hill full of Oliues, yet called by the name of Venus. Plautius finding him héere, and desirous to heale his former wounde, gaue him battell, wherein he was ouer­come with great losse of men, and fledde with shame, and kepte Plautius is ones­come. in strong Cities, and as men be wont, in winter, he durst neuer come forthe all that Sommer. Viriatus raunged the Countrey, and toke money of the owners for the saue theyr haruest, whyche if they denyed hym, he wasted all. At Rome, when [Page 108] this was knowen, they sente Q. Fabius Maximus, that was Pau­lus Q. Fabius Maxi­mus. Aemilius sonne, that ouercame Perseus Kyng of Macedonia, and gaue hym authoritie to gather men hymselfe. He, bycause of late they hadde gotte Grecia, and Car [...]hage, and made a pro­sperous ende of the thirde warre of Macedonia, to gyue some re­spect to the olde Souldioures that were come from thence, hée tooke vp two legions of yong men vnexpert in warre, and sente for ayde of hys friendes, and came to Orsona, a Citie in Spayne. Orsona. The contente of hys armye, was fiftéene thousande footemen, and two thousande Horsemen, in the whyche place, not myn­dyng to beginne the warre, tyll he hadde trayned hys Souldi­oures, he wente to Gades, to sacrifice to Hercules. Viriatus mée­ting with some of them that were gone a foraging, kylled the Viriatus spoyleth the Romanes. most parte of them, and putte the rest in feare, who being cal­led agayne to theyr Ensigne of theyr Captayne, he ouercame them, and spoyled them of a greate prey. When Maximus was come, he was ofte in the fielde, and prouoked hym to fyghte. Maximus thoughte it not good to auenture the whole fyght, but continued in exercising hys Souldioures, and suffered hys soul­dioures to skirmishe, that by that meane, he myghte trie the hearies, both of hys owne, and of hys enimies. When they Maximus refu­seth fight till he had trayned his men. shoulde goe for victuall, hée garded them wyth many shotte and Horsemen, he riding to them, as he had séene his father Paulus doe in Macedonia.

When Winter was past, and he hadde sufficiently exercised hys Souldioures, he was the seconde, of whome Viriatus was ouerthrowen and putte to flighte, doyng all thé partes that be­longeth to a Generall. And so, of two Cities which he hel [...], he toke one, and burned another. And when he had driuen him to a strong place, whiche was called Vecor, he killed many, and in winter, he wente to lye at Corduba.

Wherefore Viriatus, not illuding hys enimie now as he was wont, he induced the Aruacceans, the Titthians, and Bellans, war­like people, whiche were at a warre of themselues, to reuolte. And so of them, hee made the warre with the Numantines, whiche was long, paynefull, and daungerous to the Romanes, [Page 109] the which (when I haue done with Viriatus) I wil shewe briefly.

This Viriatus fought in an other part of Spaine, with another Capitaine of the Romanes, Q. Pompeius. And being ouercome, hée fled to Venus hills. From the which comming again vpon the e­nimy, [...] kille [...] ▪ Romanes. [...]. he killed many of Quintus mē, tooke diuers ensigns, & droue the rest to their campe, and caste out the garrison at Vtica, [...] wa­sted the lande of the Basitanes. For Quintus did not helpe them for Basitanes. Corduba. Cordon [...]. cowardlinesse and vnskilfulnesse, [...]ut rested at Corduba, in the middest of Autumne, althoughe Martius didde moue hym to it, sending a Spaniarde vnto him from an Italian Citie. The next yeare Fabius Maximus, brother of Aemilianus, came successor to [...]. M. Aemilianus Quintus, with two other Romane legiōs, and some friends So he had in all eightéene. M. footmen, & a thousand sixe hundred horse­men. He wrote to Micipse, king of Numidia, so soone as the time would serue to send him Elephants: & he with part of his armie Micips [...]. wente to Vtica: whome Viriatus encountring by the way with six thousand, with great escries and alarms, after their Barbarian manner, with long and vgly heare Maximus withstoode him, and without his losse repulsed him. And when the other army was come, and out of Affrica, ten Elephants, and three hundred hor­ses, he tooke a large place to encampe, and fortified it. He bée­ganne firste to [...]ame Viriatus, and to put him to flight, and chase him. But when the Romanes followed hym once oute of order, he perceyuing it, turned vpon them, and killed thrée thousande Romanes killed of them, and chased the reste to their campe, the whiche, hée assaulted, and founde fewe at the gates to resiste hym, for they were fledde into their Tentes for feare, from whence the Ge­nerall and Captaines, could hardly remoue them. In that fight, Fannius, the sonne in lawe of Laelius, behaued hymselfe valiaunt­lye, Fannius. and saued the Romanes by his comming. Viriatus running by the darkenesse of the night, and heate of the daye, suffered no moment of time to passe, in the which he did not molest the eni­mye with his shotte and light horsemen, till Aemilianus encam­ped towarde Vtica.

Then Viriatus victuall fayling, and with a small armye bur­ning al his tents, he wēt into Lusitania, whom when Aemilianus [Page 110] coulde not finde, he spoyled fyue Townes that hol [...]e Viriatus.

Then he led his armye into the bor [...]ures of the Cuneans, and from thence, into Lusitania against Viriatus: and as he went, two Curius and Apu­leius captaines of the [...]ues. Iseadia. Semella. Oballa. Captaines of théeues, Curius and Apulcius, troubled hym and made spoile. But Curio being killed in the fight, Aemilianus re­couered the pray shortly after, and tooke the Cities Iseadia, and Semella, and Oballa, in the whiche the garrisons of Viriatus were. Some of these he spoiled, some he pardoned, and of ten thousand captiues, he headed fiue hundred, and the other he [...]ade to be kil­led Great murder by execution. confusedly: which being done, he went to winter the seconde yere of his prouince and this warre. These things being done, he went to Rome, leauing Q. Pompeius his successor. &c.

¶ His brother Maximus Aemilianus, hauing taken a Capitaine Here [...]ackhth. Conoba. of theeues, called Conoba, who yéelded vnto him, he pardoned on­ly him, and the handes of the reste he cut off. After following Hands cut of. Erisana. Viriatus, he entrenched his citie Erisana, into the whiche, Viriatus entring by night, he set vppon the Pioners and workemen, till they left the armye and their tooles, and fled. And he droue other to the hills and hard places, from the whiche it was vnpossible for them to come. But Viriatus that was neuer insolent by hys good fortune, thinking he had nowe gotted a goodly occasion to make an end of the warre, by shewing such a benefi [...]e to the Ro­manes, [...] content to make peace, vvhen he had [...]auntage. made peace and league with them, whiche was approued of the people, that is to say:

That Viriatus shoulde be a friend of the Romanes.

That al y wer with him, sholo be Lords of the land that they possessed.

So Viriatus thoughte he hadde made an ende of a great warre with the Romanes, & was quiet, but the peace continued not long. For Caepto the brother of Aemilianus did not allow those conditi­ons The peace not allovved. y he had made, & wrote to Rome, that it was dishonorable. The Senate at the beginning priuily agréed to him, thinking for the commō wealth, to professe emnitie against Viriatus. And when he had wrote many letters therof, & vrged the matter, they decréed that he should breake the league with Viriatus, & renue y war. Then Capio trusting vpon thys decrée, made open war vpō Capio. [Page 111] Viriatus, & tooke Arsa a [...]itie that he had left into his power. And Arsa. folowing Viriatus that went aboute wasting the Countryes, hée ouertooke him at the country of the Carpetanes, far excéeding him in number. Wherfore Viria [...]us not minding to fight fo: his smal number, sent away the great part of his armie by a certaine by­pathe, and placed the rest on an hill, as thoughe he would fighte.

And when he thoughte they were come to the sure places, hée Viriatus saueth his [...] again by policie. tooke his horse with the spurres, and with the reste of hys com­panye, with great scorne of the enimie: he went forth so spéedily, that they that folowed him could not tell which way he became. Then Caepio wasted the Countrys of the Vettones and Gallecians, many followed Viriatus, and spoyled Portugall. Against them, Sex­tus Iunius Brutus was sent, who being wearye of the long waye, Inn. Brutus. Rodes of Spain [...] whiche Tagus, L [...]the, Darias, and Betis, nauigeable floudes, con­teyne, staide from following him. For they lyke théeues, con­ueyed themselues out of sight in a moment. Wherefore Brutus thought it a great labour to ouertake them, and not to doe it, a greate dishonor: and supposing finall glorie to be in ouerthrow­ing them, he went to spoile their campes, both bycause he thou­ght he might so chastice them, and also get a great bootie for his souldiors and furder that that bande of robbers woulde scatter when they shoulde thinke of the daunger of theyr seueral coun­treis.

Wyth this entent and purpose he spoiled whatsoeuer was in his way. The women that came into the warre with their hus­bandes, Valiant [...]. and were killed with them, and shewed suche constan­cie, that they woulde not speake a worde, when they were slaine. Many went to the Mountayns wyth as much as they coulde carrye, to whome desiring peace, hée gaue it, and di­uided their land.

When he passed the floude Orius, he wasted a greate region, Orius. and required hostages of them that yéeded, and so came to the floude Lethe, and he was the first Romane, that thought of the pas­sage of it. Which when he was past, and gone forth, he came to Nibene. Battarans. the riuer Nibene, and ledde hys army againste the Battarans, by­cause they intercepted his victualls.

[Page 112]These bée people that goe also with their women armed to the warre, which with good courage, abide death [...]oldly▪ not spa­ring themselues, neyther [...]léeing from the fight, nor lamenting when they dye Some women that were taken, would kil them­selues, and some their children also, rather than they shoulde bée [...]aues.

Manye citties that then helde with Brutus, rebetled shorte­ly after, and were subdued of hym againe. And for these causes when he came to Labrica, that had ofte made peace with him, & Labrica. then were disobedient, they desired pardon, and woulde doe all things at his commaundement. He required hostages, the Ro­maine r [...]nneawaies, and all their armour, and lastly that they should leaue their Cittie. Al the whiche, when they hadde done, he called them quietly to an assembly, and when he had compas­sed them with his army, he put them in remembraunce, how oft they had reuolted, and made warre, and made them so afraide, Cap [...]o vseth mercie. as they might feare a worse punishement. In the ende [...]eing sa­tisfied with that rebuke, he refrayned from [...]urder paine. But he tooke from them horse, corne, and common money, and all o­ther publike preparation, and beside all their hope, suffered them to lyue in their country▪ Which things, when he had thus done, he returned to Rome. I haue declared al this in the historie of Viriatus.

In this time, other folowing his example, exercised robberies: and Viriatus▪ that he might come to some end, sente Dital [...]one and Pra [...]se to kil Viriatus▪ Min [...]r [...] to Caepio, the whiche being corrupted by many promises [...], vndertooke to kill Viriatus. The matter was t [...]us handled.

Viri [...]tus v [...]ed little sléepe after moste greate laboures, and [...]or the moste parte, slepte armed, that he might be readye at all so­ [...]ne The manner of killing Viriat [...]s. chaun [...]es. For this cause it was lawfull for hys friends to come to hym by night. Whiche manner, the conspiratoures knowing, and marking the firste houre of hys sléepe, entred hys house armed▪ as for some greate matter, and cut hys throate▪ for in any other parte they could not hurte him. And when no man [...]eard [...] the noise of the déede, for the facilitie of the cutte, they escaped to Caepio, and required their rewarde: To whome he [Page 113] [...]orthwith gaue al they did possesse, and whatsoeuer was in their power: but as touching their rewarde, [...]ée sente them [...]o Ro [...]e.

Viriatus friends, and the whole army, when it was [...]aye, [...]ar­ried for him, and thinking he had rested, maruelled at that alte­ration, and so went in and found him dead in his armour: wher­fore great sorrowe was made in al the Campe, euerye man la­menting his harde happe, thinking on the danger they were in, and the Captaine they had loste: and it moste grieued them, that they coulde not fynd the killers. Therefore they burned his Honor done to Viriatus at his b [...]riall. body with muche honoure, vppon a great stacke, killing many sacrifices in his reuerence, and as well the footemen as the hors­men, after the Barbarian manner, wente aboute the fyre, and extolled him to heauen with their praise. At laste when the fire was out, and the funerals finished, they made many turneymēts hand to hand at his sepulchre, so great loue and desire did Viriatus leaue to his men, who, thoughe he were a Barbarian, yet he was The prayse of Viriatus. moste skilfull in gouernement, most warie in perils, and aboue all other, bolde in [...]espisyng them, and moste iuste in diuiding his pray. For he could neuer be brought to take any whitte more, than the reste, althoughe hée were desired, and that hée tooke, he gaue to the valiant [...]ort: Wherby it came to passe, (that is most harde, and to this daye hath not happened to any Cap­taine) that hys armye gathered of all kinde of nations, eighte yeares togither, whiche the warre continued, was euer most o­bedient to him without mutinie, and endured to the vttermost moste ready to abide all daunger.

And when they had created Tantalus for their Captaine, they Tantalus. went towarde S [...]gunt, which Cittie, when Annibal had destroy­ed and restored, he called it Carthage, of the name of his country. And being driuen from thē [...]e by Caepa, that was alwaies at their backes, when he had passed the floude Betis, béeing wearye, he yéelded himselfe and his army to Caepa. He tooke al hys armor, and appoynted them a good land to lyue in, that they shoulde no more be driuen to robbe.

Nowe oure history shall retourne to the warres of the Vacce­ans, and the Numantines, whom Viriatus caused to reuolt.

[Page 114] Caecilius Metellus, sent from Rome with more men, shortely o­uercame the Vacceans, whereby the reste were disco m [...]ted & put in feare. &c.

¶ There remayned yet Termantia, and Numantia, in an hylly Here vvanteth. Termantia. Numantia. place, diuided with two floudes, and compassed with hylles and thicke wooddes, bending into the playne onely one waye, at the which part, it was fortified with many ditches, and pill [...]urs o­uerthwart. The Numantines were good eight thousand mē, bothe on horse and foote, and with so small a number, (suche was their manlinesse) they put the Romanes to muche paine.

Metellus at the ende of winter, deliuered his army to Q. Me­tellus Aulus his successor, in the which was thirtie thousād foote­men, and two thousand horsmen wel armed and practised. &c. Here vvanteth

¶ And when Pompeius had his campe at Numantia, & from thence went into a certaine place, the Numantines, descending from an hil, destroyed his horsemen that ranne to him. Who, when hée was retourned, broughte foorthe his batayle to fyghte in the playne.

The enimies comming down, gaue a charge vpon hym, and by & by, as though they had bin afraide, retired vnto the hil, till they had brought thē to the places where the ditches and ouer­thwart beames were layde, so as Pompey perceyuing he was in Pompey looseth. these skirmishes ouermatched of them that were inferioure to hym, he tourned hys armie towarde Termantia, thinking to doe better there, where they fought with him to his losse of seauen hundred. Beside that, the Termantines put a Tribune to flight, that was comming with victuals, and in one day giuyng thrée onsets on the Romaynes, they droue them thrice into sharpe and rocky places, and threwe many of their footemen and horsemen (togither with their horses) from the hylles and rockes, so as the reste being afraide, remayned al night in armor, and when it was day, comming foorth in order of battaile, they fought doubt­fullye, till night ended the fight. Pompey in the night made hast to Malia wyth his horsemen, whiche place the Numantines helde with a garrison. But the Malians killing the garrison by trea­son, Malia nove Malgrad [...], i [...] deli­ [...]ered to [...]pey. deliuered the Citie to Pompey, who, receyuing armoure [Page 115] and pledges of them, went to Sueditania, which a certayne Capi­taine, Sue [...]ta [...]i [...]. Ta [...]ginus. named Tanginus, did spoyle wyth his armie. Pompey fought with him, and ouerthrewe him, and tooke manye of hys souldy­oures.

But suche manhoode was in these théeues, as none of them Manhode of th [...]ues. woulde lyue Captiue, but some killed themselues, some theyr Maisters, & some made holes in the [...]hip that caried thē, to sincke it.

Pompey beyng returned to Numantia, went about to turne the floude that was in the playne, an other waye, that he mighte presse the Citie with famine.

The Townsemen droue the labourers from their worke, and The Romaines killed. comming by bandes, without trumpet, they threwe darts and arrowes vpon them, that they should▪not tourne the floude, and fought at hande with them that came to aide the Pioners, and dro [...]e them to their Campe. and encountring them that wente for forage, killed manye of them, and the Tribune that was their leader, and giuing a charge o [...] an other side on the Romanes that made a ditche, they killed one thousand four hundred with their Capitaine. By the whiche discommodities, certaine men Counsellours sent to Pompey. of the Senate came to Pompey, to helpe hym with theyr counsel: also young souldioures, not yet exercised, were gathered for the old, that had bin nowe sixe yeares abroade. Wyth the why­ [...]he olde souldioures, Pompey hauing receyued so manye displea­sures, remayned the winter in campe, to recouer his estimati­on. Where they were cursedly vexed with colde, warding and watching. And then the nature of that countrey beganne to bée Flixe among the Romane soldi­ours. perceyued, for they were taken wyth the flyxe, and manye dyed.

When anye of the souldiours shoulde goe oute of the campe for victuall, the Numantines lying in awayte, woulde not cease to hurte the Romanes with their shot and darts. Which when Numantine h [...]rt [...] the Romanes. they coulde not abide, they woulde néedes go against them: then they come from their traines, and do them muche harme: And once againe the Numidians méeting wyth them that brought vi­ctuall, destroyed many of them, aswell noble men as other.

[Page 116] Pompey therfore being vexed with so many euils, by the coun­saile of the Senatours, remoued, that he shoulde lye the reste of the Wynter in sure places, and the Spring, in Cities. And by­cause a Successoure was to come to him, and he afraid to be ac­cused, he beganne to practise secreatly with the Numantines, the which also for the losse of many their chiefe citizens, and for that they coulde not tyll their ground, and for want of victuall, and for y e continuance of war, which was longer than they thought, they sent Ambassadors to Pompey, to whom openlye he spake, y t they should yeeld themselues. For he said, that he knew none o­ther way out that, howe to agrée with them, for the dignitie of the Romaynes. But pri [...]ly he tolde them, with what condi­tions Pompey practi­seth peace vvith the Numantines. he woulde vse them.

And so when the thing was agréed, they yéelded to hym.

Pompey required pledges and fugitiues, whiche he receiued. He required also thirtie talentes of siluer, of the which the Nu­mantines paide fiftéene presently. Pompey looked for the reste.

When his successour M. Popilius Lena was come, the Numan­tines Popilius. paide it.

Pompey being deliuered of the feare of warre, knowing the composition that he had made was vnlawfull, being done wyth­out the Romanes consent, when his successor was come, he de­nyed Pompey goeth frō his peace. he had made any agréement with the Numantines. They proued it by witnesse present, of men of degrée, of Senatours and Tribunes, and also of the Capitaines of hys horsemen. There­fore Popilius sent bothe partes to Rome, to pleade the matter be­fore the Senate. The Senate thought beste to holde war still with the Numantines.

In the meane season, Popilius entred the lande of the Lusones, Lusones. which were neighbours to the Numantines, and returned dooyng nothing. And C. Hostilius Mancinus succéeded him, and he went to Rome. When Mancinus came to fight, he was oft ouercome, & at length when he had lost many, he kepte within his camp. There was a rumor that the Cantabrans and Vacceanes, would come help Cantabri. [...]scage. the enimie, wherefore in the night, without lighte, he fled to the abandoned Campe of Nobilior, where beyng shutte, neyther [Page 117] hauing fortifyed the place, nor otherwise able to defend, the Nu­mantines, beséeging him and all his armye in hard state, least hée should make a dishonorable peace with them, he made a league and amitie betwéene the Romanes, and with the Numantines, with equall conditions, to the which, he bound himselfe: whyche thing, when it was knowen at Rome, they were all very sory, bycause the league was shamefull. Therefore Aemilius Lepidus Mancinus ma­keth peace dis­honourably. Aemilius. another Consull was sente into Spayne. Mancinus was called to iudgemente, whome the Embassadors of the Numantines follo­wed, Aemilius looking for aunswere from Rome, being wéerie of rest, for now such Generalles driuen by desire of false glorie, Generalles of prouinces for profite. or profite, or triumph, went to their prouinces, not for their coū ­treys profite, pretēding a false crime against the Vacceans, accu­sing them, that they had holpen the Numantines with victuals, and inuaded their land, and beséeged their chiefe Citie Pallantia, whiche had not offended against the league. And when he had sent Brutus his sonne in law into other partes of Spayne, to make him partaker of the warre, Cinus and Caecilius came Embassa­dors from Rome to them, shewing the Senate did dote, that af­ter so many losses receyued in Spayne, Aemilius would sowe new warres, and declared the decrée of the Senate, that he shoulde not make warre vpon the Vacceans. But he hauing begunne the warre, and sent Brutus abroade, bycause he thought the Senate did not knowe that the Vacceans did helpe the Numantines with victuall, money, and souldyoures, fearing also, if he lefte warre, all Spayne would reuolt, as done for feare, he sent the Embassa­doures without delay, and so wrote to the Senate. He forti­fyed a certaine Castell, and bestowed the time in gathering of men and victuall. Flaccus being sent a foraging, and falling into traynes which came vpon him, a word was craftily cast forthe, The army saued by a vvorde. that Aemilianus had wonne Pallantia, at the whiche, when the Souldioures made a crie, as the manner is in victorie, the Bar­barians hearing it, and beléeuing it to be true, were afrayde, and departed. And by this meane, Flaccus deliuered his men from perill, and his forage from spoyle.

The séege continuing long at Pallantia, the Romanes wanted Pallantia. [Page 118] victuall, and hauing consumed all their Cattell, they waxed so weake, that some dyed for hunger. The Captaynes Aemilianus and Brutus, suffered the want as long as they could, but at lēgth being ouercome with the mischiefe, Aemilius commaunded to breake vp, therefore the Tribunes and Centurians went aboute the Campe, and commanded the souldioures to departe before Covvardly de­parture of the Romanes. day, so they forsooke all, euen the sicke and woūded souldyoures, who embraced them, and recommended themselues vnto them. They departing confusedly, and without order, as men that flée, the Pallantines ranne vpō them euery where, and much troubled them, following them from morning till night. When it was darke, the Romanes being scattered, wente into diuers places as l [...]ke serued them. The Pallantines lefte chasing of them, as bée­ing called frō their purpose by the power of God. These things chanced to Aemilius Lepidus, whiche, when the Romanes vnder­st [...]de, they put Aemilius from his prouince and Consulshippe, Aemilius put frō his office. and so hée returned a priuate man to Rome, and was punished. The Numantines and Mancinus were heard in the Senate. They broughte forth the capitulations of the league. He layde all the blame vpon Pompey, that was ruler of the prouince before hym, of whome he receyued a rude and cowardly army, by y whiche, being oft euill handled and ouercome, he made peace wyth the Numantines, being thereto compelled, as Pompey hadde done, by whose league, he affirmed this warre to be vnlucky to the Ro­manes. The Romanes were angrie with both, yet Pompey was ac­quit, being accused of the same afore. The Senate decréed, that Mancinus, who had made so dishonorable a league, without con­sent of the Senate, should be giuē to the Numantines after the old St. [...] Consull, vvas deliuered to the Samnites. example, which gaue the Captayne to the Samnites, bycause he agréed to so shameful a peace. So they cōmanded Furius to leade Mancinus into Spayne, depriued of al things and naked, who was Mancinus is de­liuered to the Numantines. Calphurnius. not receiued of the Numantines, against whome Calphurnius Piso was made Generall. He entred the land of the Numantines, and then wasted part of the Pallantines, and spent the rest of his time in harborough in Carpentania. The people of Rome being wéery Carpentania. of this long and tedious warre with the Numantines, that is [Page 119] might once be ended, chose Cornelius Scipio Cōsull againe, y wōne Carthage, as one y only could ouercome y Numātines. And where he could not be Consul for his age (for he was but yong) a decrée of y Senate was made, that the Tribunes should dispense with the law for that yeare, and restore it y e yeare following. There­fore A disputation to make Scipio Consull. Scipio being made Consull, made spéede to goe against y e Nu­mantines. He ledde none with him of the souldioures by choyce, both bycause they wer troubled with war, and also bycause ma­ny of them were in Spaine. He had some voluntary, which were sent of kings & cities, by the consent of the Senate. He led many seruants with him frō Rome, and made one band of fiue C. com­panies Philoni [...] a band of friends. and friēds, which he called Philonida, that is, the band of friēds or felows. And whē he had appointed four M. of his soul­diours to his cousin [...]uteo, he wēt afore with great spéede to the [...]uteo. army, which he vnderstood was corrupted with ydlenesse, riote, & sedition, knowing he could not ouercome his enimies, except he restreined & kept his souldiours in awe, with y temperance & in­tegritie of his gouernemēt. So soone as he was come, he put out all merchants, harlots, & southsayers, whome the souldioures in their feare, would aske many questions: and forbad any thing to be brought to the Camp that was not necessary. And he forbad the sacrifices, by the bowels whereof, things to come were en­quired. And he would suffer but few slaues and drudges, and cō ­manded Scipio reformed his Camp. Cokes, souldi­oures in the Camp. to sell all the beasts of burthen, except a fewe néedefull. He would haue the souldioures haue no cokes. He forbad any o­ther instruments, or vessells of kitchen to be carried, but a spit, a panne, and a vessell for drinke. He would haue thē eate no flesh otherwise dressed, but sodde or rost. So he appointed measure to their diet. He forbad thē featherbeds, and he was the first y t lay vpō a bed of hay. He forbad his souldiours in their iourneys, to ride on Asses or Mules, for he saide, there was little good to be hoped of that man in warre, that could not go afoote. Likewise, he reproued them y vsed ministers in hote houses, and called thē Mules, which for y t they wāted hāds, had néed of other to rub thē. And thus he made his souldiours obediēt & temperate, & by litle & little, acquainted thē with reuerēce & feare, being hard to heare their quarels, or grāting any thing y t was not iust. He had oft y t [Page 120] sentence in his mouth, that easie, fauourable, and affable Cap­taynes, Fauourable Captaynes. were profitable to the enimie, which though they were beloued of their souldyoures, they set little by them. They that be hard and seuere, haue their souldyoures ready and obedi­ente at all assayes: the whiche though he has thus instructed, yet he durst not bring them into the fielde, till he had exercised them with much labour. Therefore going dayly by one field or another, he made diuers Campes, one after another, whiche be­ing defaced, he called the Souldyoures to worke agayne, to digge the ditches higher, and to fill them againe, to make high walles, and to pull them downe againe, and he stode from mor­ning till night to ouersee the pioners. When he made any iour­ney, he went with a square battell, that it shoulde not be scatte­red by any suddaine attempte, as had happened to other. He rode about the army, and sometime to the hindermost, and bad the sicke should be borne on the horsemens horses. He tooke the burdens from the Mules that were too much laden, and diuided it to be borne of the footemen. When he kepte himselfe in the house in sommer, the troupes of horsemen that he sent to espye, he commaunded at their returne to stand without at the trēch, till another bande of horsemen had viewed all: and all the la­bour and worke was diuided among the pioners, that is, some to make trenches, some ditches, and some walles, and some to pitch tentes, and to euery of them a certayne time was appoin­ted to doe it. When he perceyued his armye to be made fierce, obediente, and paynefull in sommer, he encamped nygh Numantia, yet did he not choose places very strong for his Camp Numantia novve of some is called Caesar Augusts, of some S [...]a. as other were wont, nor diuided his men, least if anye losse should happe at the first, he shoulde be contemned of his neygh­boures, whiche were wont to laugh at him. Neither did he en­counter with the enimie, waying the nature and end of warre, and the strength of the Numantines, least they would come vpon him with all their force. Therfore he commaunded to wast all things the corne to be cutte whilest it was gréene, which being wasted, he must néedes goe further. The way that went to Nu­mantia, by the playne, was shorter, and many persuaded him to [Page 121] go that way, to whome Scipio sayd, he considered the way to re­turne, Hard vvay sure: for the enimie was full of shotte, to come out to the sight, and had the Citie at their backe, to returne safely againe. But we (said he) being laden with victual and wéery, should be farre too weake for them. Beside that, we haue beastes of burdens, and cartes and carriage, so the fighte shoulde be hard, and very vnequall, for we being ouercome, should be in great perill, and if we did ouercome, we should haue no great gayne, and it were a folly, to put hymselfe to perill for a small matter, and he is an euill Captayne that fighteth without profite, and he is valiante and wise that entreth the danger of fight, when he is constreined by necessitie. He brought an example of Phisitians, which come not to cut and burne, till they haue tryed the sicke place wyth medicines, which when he had said, he cōmanded the Captaines to leade y further way. Then he cōmanded to goe further to the lande of the Vacceans, where the Numantines had their victuall. Their fieldes being wasted also, and the corne gathered for the vse of the souldioures, he burned the rest. The Pallantines had laide many in awayte vnder certaine hilles, adioyning to that playne, called Coplanium, and then openly molested thē that were Coplanium. at haruest. Therefore Scipio sente Rutilius Ruffus that was hys Tribune (who after committed this warre to wrighting) wyth four bands of [...]orse to stop their rangings. Therefore Ruffus be­gan Rutilus Ruffus in danger. to follow them [...] and to chace them to the t [...]ppe of the hilles where the ambush was, whiche discouering themselues, Ruffus commanded his mē, neyther to followe, nor to encounter the enimie, but holde them at the speares poylite. Scipio séeyng Ruffus going further to the hilles than, was appointed him, be­gan to follow him wich his army, fearing the worst, and when he was come to the place of the traynes, he diuided his horsemē, and commanded to giue onset vpon the enimie both wayes, and when they had cast their dartes, to returne, not righte on, but a soft pac [...], that they that were behinde, mighte ioyne with them: and by this meane he brought his horse safe into the playne. Af­ter this, when Scipio would remoue, there was a water hard to [...] passed, and myrie, at the which, the enimie lay hidden, which [Page 122] when it was knowen, he lefte that way, and ledde hys army by another longer way, but sure from deceyts, and went by night, and commanded many welles to be made for thirst, in the most Salt vvater. part of y which, salt water was found. Neuerthelesse Neuerthelesse the army wēt on safe, though with great payne, but some horses & Mules were killed for drought. Then he entred the lands of the Cauce­ans, whome Lucullus had inuaded, contrary to the league, all the which, he cōmanded by his crier, to goe quietly euery one to hys owne. From thence, he wente to the Numantines grounde to winter, where he remained, till Iug [...]rtha, the nephewe of Massi­nissa, Iugurth. came to him with .xij. Elephants, and archers and slingers well armed. And being occupyed in wasting and spoyling the countreys that were nigh, he was almost entrapped at a Uil­lage, the which was enuirened with a great fenne of one side, & Scipio like to be entrapped. of y other with an hilly place, in y which y traynes were layde. And where Scipios host was diuided into two partes, entring the towne, and leauing their ensignes without, they went to spoyle. Other a few horsemē rode about the towne, who were beset of the ambush, & defended thēselues. Scipio being about y ensignes, called y souldioures out by trumpet, before y which could come, he with a M. horsemen, ranne to help thē that were in distresse. And when the most part of the souldiours were come out of the towne, he made the enimie to flée, yet did he not follow thē, but a fewe being killed of both sides, retired to his camp. Then lay­ing two Camps before Numāti [...], he made his brother Maximus ruler of the one, and the other he gouerned himselfe. Whiles he was in this sort, the Numantines came forth, and offered to fight, Tvvo Campes before Numan­ [...]. but Scipio contemned them, thinking not better to fight with thē that were in desperation, than to came them by famine, and driue them to yéelde. And when he had made seauen trenches about the Citie to presse them the rather, he sente letters to the confederates, in the whiche it was conteyned, what and howe many souldioures they shoulde sende, whyche when they were come, he diuided them into many partes, as he did his owne, and commaunded their Captaynes and leaders, to make ditches and enclosures about the Citie. The compasse of Numantia was [Page 123] four and twenty furlongs. The enclosure was as muche, or Three myles. more, and all that was distributed to the Tribunes, whiche, if they were let of the enimie, they should signifie it by day, with a redde cloth vpon a speare, and in the night, by a fire, that he and his brother might aide thē that were circumuented, whiche bée­ing done, and they that were set for gard, were sufficient to resist the enimie. He commaunded another beside that to be made, and to plant stakes about it, or next them, to build a newe wall, the breadth of the which was fiue foote, and the height, tenne, beside the pinnacles and towers distant by equall space. The fenne that was nexte the wall, bycause he coulde not compasse it with a wall, he made a trench as high as a wall, and that might serue for a wall about it. And this Scipio was y first as I thinke, A vvall about a Camp. Dunas. that compassed a Citie beséeged with a wall, the whiche did not refuse to fight. The floud Dunas that ranne by the Campe, was very commodious to the Numantines, to bring in victuall, and to receiue men out and in, or to swimme vnder water, or to send boates out full sayle, when the winde was bigge, or to rowe, when the time serued. And bycause a bridge coulde not be made vpon it for the breadth and vehemence, Scipio caused two Castels to be made on either side the banke, and betwéene both, he hāged certaine long beames with ropes, and let them goe into y wa­ter. In the beames were laide plates of swords on euery side, and other weapons pricking, whiche with the continuall course of the water being turned, did not suffer the enimies Shippes, nor swimmers to passe. This was the thing that Scipio most de­sired, that none should go to the beséeged, to tell what was done Policie of Scipio. abroade, whereby they shoulde be destitute both of councell and comfort. These being thus disposed, engines were placed in the towers, and instruments y cast arrowes & dartes, & stones. The walles were ful of stones & shot. The Castels were kept of shoo­ters and s [...]ingers. He placed also many men in the trenches, that shuld both day & night signifie what new thing hapned, in rākes, one frō another, holding vp an en [...]gne at y tower y was in néed, and that the other towers should do the like, whē the token was séen that y first made. This was done, that in a momēt of time [Page 124] he might know what happened, and for those things that must be declared in déede, he would haue brought to him by certayne messengers. He deuided his army, which, with the confederates was .lx. M. into two partes, of the which, he set one to garde the sea, and vsed the other to goe for things requisite, as occasiō re­quired. Twenty thousand were appointed to fight when néede was, to the ayde of the which, other xx. M. of confederates were assigned. Euery mā had his place, from the whiche, he might not go without leaue. So euery mā repaired to his place, and to the token that was made, when the enimie made any thing adoe: so orderly & wisely had Scipio considered euery thing. The Numan­tines made many salies vpon the ordinary wardes, nowe héere, now there, but they were soone made afraid of the dreadful sight of them that came so soone to helpe, and also with the ensignes that were set vpō the wall to shew y matter, and with y kéepers of the towers & trenchies, and with the sound of the trumpets, in so much, as all the cōpasse of y trēches, which was 50. furlongs, was in a moment a terror to them all. This place Scipio rode a­bout euery day to sée it, and by that meane hauing shut in his e­nimies, he thought they could not lōg continue, seing they could be holpen by no man, neither of victuall, mē nor armour. Rit [...] ­genes Rit [...]genes auen­ [...]ureth for his countrey. a Numātine, & chiefe of thē, with v. fellowes, persuaded by him, & so many seruants & horses, in the darke night, passing that space that was betwéene the towne & the Camp, and comming ouer y trenches, with a ladder made to scale, gote vp, and killed the watch, and sending their seruāts back into the citie, they got away▪ & went to the Aruacceās, holding vp their hāds, & praying Aru [...]cceans. [...] thē to help y Numantines their kinsfolke. The Aruacceās would not receyue thē, but bad thē goe their way. There was a Citie of power xxx. furlongs from Numantia, called Lucia. The youth of this▪ Citie much fauoured the Numantines, and moued theyr Citie to help the Numantines, of the which the auntientes certi­fied Scipio. Therefore Scipio at the eyght houre of the night, tooke his iourney, and by day was at Lucia, and be [...]éeged the Citie, and required the heads of the youth to be giuen him. The Lucia. townesmen answering, that they were fled, he threatned spoyle [Page 125] of the Cittie, vnlesse they obeyed. Whiche the Citizens feating, Foure hundred yong mens h [...]ds cut of. brought foorth foure hundred young men, whose handes he cutte off, and went away with great spéede, and the next day betimes, was at his campe.

The Numantines, now oppressed with famine, sent fyue men Numantines sue for peace. to Scipio, with commission to know, that if they woulde yeelde to him, if he would vse them mercifully, and be content with a mo­derate fine. But Auarus the chiefe of them, a man of an highe courage, did muche set out the valiantnes and entente of the Nu­mantines, affirming they did not offende, then being in so greate Bosting o [...]r of time. daunger, fyghting for their wiues, children, and libertie of theyr Countrey. Wherefore Scipio (saide hée) it shal be almost right­ful thing, if thou being a noble man of so great vertue, wilt par­don so noble a people, and appoint vs that paine, that we shal be able to beare. We knowe the mutation of fortune, and that the safetie of oure Country, was not in vs, but in thée. Then take our Cittie being content with moderate punishement, or if thou haste vs in contempt, thou maiste hope to sée it perish and be ouerthrowne, by defending it selfe.

When Auarus hadde saide thus, Scipio knowing by the Cap­tiues what was done in the Cittie, saide, he woulde haue them fréely yéelde themselues, and their Cittie, with their armoure: Whiche when it was tolde the Numantines, and thoughte so be­fore, inflamed with anger, for the greate desire of libertie, by­cause they had neuer bin acquainted to obey, and being more ta­ken with rage and furie, they killed Auarus and his companye, The Numantines kill them that vvent for peace as bringers of euill newes, and conspiring with Scipio to saue themselues.

Not long after, all victualls faylyng them, hauing neyther fruite, nor cattell, nor hearbes, firste they eat leather mollified The necessity of the Numantines. in water, as other in necessitie haue done. When leather failed them, they eate deade mens fleshe sodden and roste. Then ha­uing no respecte to the sicke, the stronger forced the weaker, thinking nowe none acte cruell or violent, their mindes being turned into wilde creatures, and their bodies into beastes for the meate they did eate. Therfore being killed with hunger, and [Page 126] consumed with pestilence, with hear and beardes horrible, they at length yéelded to Scipio, whiche commaunded them the same daye to bring their armour into a place appointed, and the next day, to come themselues into another place assigned. But they deferred a daye, confessing there were yet many in the city, that for the loue of libertie, would end their liues with sword and fa­mine, Numantines kil themselues▪ and desired a time to kill themselues: so greate loue of li­bertie, so gret vertue was there in a barbarous & litle citie, whi­che when they flourished in peace, wer eight thousand good men, the whiche, what thinges they had done againste the Romanes it is euident, and how many leagues they made with them with lyke and equall condition, which coulde neuer be brought to doe it with any other nation. Who their Captaine or Generall was, I néede not to rehearse: yet Scipio he being in the fielde with .lx. M. men, was many times prouoked of the Numantines, to fight. But Scipio was better and wyser than other generals, for he thoughte not good to deale with those wylde men, by the force of armes, but to conquere them by famine, whiche is a thing in [...]uitable, by the whiche euill, the Numantines coulde bée only taken▪ as they were. These things I had to say, of the Nu­mantines, when I consider their small number, their sufferaunce of labour, and noble actes, and how long they were inuincible. Therefore of the Numantines they that so determined, dyu [...]rslye killed themselues. The reste the thirde daye came to the place appointed, al vgly, filthie, and horrible to beholde, which had bo­dies A pitiful yelding of the Numantines foule and full of heare, wyth long nayles, full of filth and stincke, worne garments of euill sauoures, by whiche thinges they were miserable to their ennimies, and yet feareful to looke vpon: therefore they were beholden of the Romaines wyth ad­miration, considering in them, the straunge affection of theyr bodies that was felt in the ayre, of the dolour and labour whiche they had suffred▪ and also of their conscience, that one had eaten anothers fleshe. Scipio choosing oute some of them for the pompe of hys tryumphe, commaunded the other to be solde, and their Cittie vtterly to be destroyed. This Generall of the Romanes, these two Cities being taken, harde to be wonne, Carthage for [Page 127] the greatnesse of the Cittie and the power thereof, by the decrée of the Romaines he preserued, for the commodity of the lande & sea. Numantia hée rased, a little Citie that helde but a fewe, of the whiche the Romanes had not determined, eyther bycause he was irefull and harde of nature againste them that he tooke by violence, or bicause (as some say) he thought his glorie to be the greater, by the greatest calamities of other. Therefore to this day he is called Affricane and Numantine, of the destruction he gaue to those Citties. Then the places nighe Numantia be­ing assigned and setled, and if any were suspected, put in feare by payment of money, he returned to Rome.

The Romanes as the maner was, sent tenne men of the Sena­tonres into the places of Spaine, that were of their gouernment, that those that Scipio, or Brutus had taken, might be brought into the forme of a prouince. After a certain space, when newe stirre Calphurnius Piso. Ser. Gall [...]. was made in Spaine, Calph. Piso was sēt thyther with aucthoritie, to whom Ser. Galba succéeded But a multitude of Cimbrians com­ming into Italy, & Sicilie, afflicted with y second seruile war, they sent no army into Spaine, bicause of these wars, but would haue lieutenāts go to pacifie al as wel as they could. When the Cim­brians wer repulsed, Tit. Didius wēt thither & killed twenty thou­sand Aruacceans, and brought Termentum a great Cittie, which Termentum. scarcely would euer obey the Romanes, the strong place in which it was scituated, into the plaine, willing them to dwel in houses dispersed wythout wals. And when he had besieged a city called Colenda, he tooke it the ninth moneth of the siege. Didius solde all Colenda▪ the Colendans with women & children. The Celtiberians inhabited an other Cittie next to Colenda, with other mixed, to whom, M. Marius, bicause they serued him against the Portugalls, he gaue those places to kyll by decrée of the Senate. But they com­pelled for néede, exercised robberies. Therefore Didius minding to kyll them by consent of the x. men that were with hym, told their Captains, y he would ioyne to them the lands of the coun­trymen, bicause they were in néed. Which offer whē he percey­ued they accepted, he bad them tel y people y they mighte come with their wiues and children to diuide the lands. Who when they came, he willed the souldiours to go oute of the campe, ano [Page 128] that they should enter, as though the number of the men and wo­men should be tolde, and so be appointed to the lands, and when they were entred within the trenches, they were al killed of the souldioures by his commaundement, for the whiche acte he tri­umphed. And when the Celtiberians reuolted againe, Flaccus bée­ing Celtiberians kil­led by c [...]ait. Flaccus. Belgeda. sent to that prouince, killed .xx. M. in the Cittie of Belgeda when the people was turned to rebel. &c. ¶ with whom was au­thoritie to assemble the Senate, when he was doubtful what to Here v [...]teth determine, he burned the whole Senate. Flaccus when he came, punished al the Authoures of that wickednesse.

I haue founde these thinges of the Romanes agaynste the Spaniardes worthy of writing. After a while, when the ciuill warre was hotte betwéene Cinna and Sylla, the country being di­uided in that sedition. Q. Sertorius of the faction of Cinna, being Sertorius. created a Generall in Spayne, allured the Spaniardes to rebell a­gainst the Romanes. Then getting a gret army, and a number of his friends, chosen after the forme of the Romayne Senate, hée determined to come towarde Rome. Sertorius was a bolde man, and of a noble harte and known vertue and strength, insomuch as the Senate being afraid of him, created many worthy Cap­tains, C [...]cilius Metellus Caecilius Metellus first with a great army, that any way he coulde, he should kéepe war from Italy, which was vexed wyth great dissentions. A certayne man called Perpenna, of Sertoriu [...] fa­ction, Perpenna. killed him and made hymselfe Generall, and Pompey killed him in battell. And so had that warre an ende the which put the Romanes in a great fear. But these things be shewed more plainly in the booke of Syllas ciuill wars. After the death of Sylla, when Sylla. C. Caesar was chosen Generall to make warre againste all men, Caesar. he appeased all the tumultes in Spaine, and any other nation that molested the Romanes, and compelled all to obey the people of Caesar August. Rome. Also Octauius Caesar Augustus, sonne to C. Caesar, made some warre with them that practised rebellion. From that tyme the Romanes diuided Iberia, whiche is nowe Spaine, into thrée parts, into two of the which, the Senate sent yearely officers, and the Emperor sent a president into the thirde, the time of whose pro­uince, dependeth of the pleasure of the Emperour.

The ende of the Romanes vvarres vvith the Spaniardes.

¶ The Romane warres with Antio­chus the Great, King of Syria: by Appian of Alexandria.

ANtiochus descended of Seleuchus and Antiochus, Kyng of Syria, Babylonia, and other nations, the sixte from that Seleuchus who reigned in Asia to the floude Euphrates after Alexander, inuading Media and Parthia, and other cegions y had reuolted, being a prince of greate courage, and named Antio­chus the Greate, aduauncing himselfe by his actes and this name, did violently take from Ptolomeus This part of Sy­ria is called in Greeke [...] that is Syria the ho [...]ovv, bicause it [...]eth betvven the flouds Eu­phrates and Tigris and is named Mesopotamia. Cherronesus is a place compas­sed vvith vva­ter, sauing none parte. Lysimachus is re­stored by Antiochus. Philopat [...]r King of Aegipt, and yet a child, Coelesyria and Cilicia, and nowe conceyuing no small matters, inuaded them of Helle­spont, the Aeoleans and Ionians, as subiect to the ruler of Asia, bi­cause they of olde time, did obey the Kings of Asia. Then he sai­led into Europa, and subdued Thracia, and al that would not yéeld, he compelled. He fortified Cherronesus, and builded Lysimachia, which Lysimachus king of Thracia after Alexander, erected, to be a bridle to the Thracians, and they after his death pulled it down, and this Antiochus sette it vp againe to be inhabited, and called home the banished men of the Cittie, and redéeming anye that were in thraldome, to whome he ioyned others, and gaue them oxen, and shéepe, and yron for their tillage, leauyng nothing that mighte helpe to the spéedy renuyng of it. For he thoughte it a very fytte place for to deale with all Thracia, and a store-house moste commodious for all the reste that hée entended to do.

Manye obeyed him and receyued his garrisons for feare of his power.

But the Smyrneanes and Lampsaceans, and some others, re­fusing so to do, sent to Flaminius the Romane Generall, wh [...] late­ly [...] had ouerthrowne Philippe of Macedonie, in a great batt [...] [...] [Page 130] Thessalia. For the time was, that the matters of Macedonie and This is left out in the Italian. Grecia, haue béene intermedled, as the state and time serued, as we haue shewed in the historie of Grecia. Betwéene Antiochus and Flaminius, were diuerse Ambassages, and practises in vaine. And the Romanes & Antiochus, y one had y other in great suspiti­on: They, bicause they thought Antiochus woulde not be quiet, being proude of his great kingdome, and happy successe. Hée, bycause the Romanes only, might be moste greate impediment to his encrease, and resist his passage into Europe. But no euident cause of enmitie being giuen by him, there came Ambassadours to Rome from Ptolomeus Philopat [...]r, praying he might be restored into Syria, and Cilicia, which Antiochus had taken from hym.

The Romanes gladly tooke this pretence comming in good sea­son, Ambassadours from Ptolomie of Egipt. & sente Ambassadoures to Antiochus, in shewe, to reconcile Ptolomeus and Antiochus, but indéed, to espy the meaning of An­tiochus, and to hinder it as muche as might be. C [...]eus the Ambas­sadour, required of Antiochus, that Ptolomeus a friend to the Ro­manes, The Romanes sēd ambassadors to Antiochus. might enioy the Kingdome that his father lefte him, and that the Citties of Asia, which Philip of Macedonie hadde taken, might be frée: For it was not iuste that Antiochus would enioy, y places that the Romanes had takē from Philip. Finally, he said it was to bée doubted, why Antiochus should bring such a nauye and an armye from Media out of Asia into the sea, & inuade Eu­rope, builde Citties in it, and subdue Thracia, but for to lay a plat The ansvvere of Antiochus. to another warre.

He answered, that Thracia, belonged to his ancestors, and was for lacke of quietnesse reuolted, and nowe he hauing leysure, re­couered it again, & he restored Lysimachia to be a dwelling for his son Seleuchus. That he would leaue the cities of Asia frée, if they would thanke him, & not y Romanes. As for Ptolomie (quoth he) I am his kinsman, and shortly I shal be his father in law, & I wil cause him to giue you thankes. But I doe doubt also, by what right the Romanes can meddle with Asia, since I doe not deale with Italy.

Thus breaking vppe without anye conclusion, they vttered A report of death of Ptolomie. manifest threatnings, one againste another. It was reported & [Page 131] thought that Ptolomeus was dead, wherfore Antiochus went with spéed toward Egipt to get the kingdom voide of a prince. And be­ing at Ephesus, Annibal of Carthage came to him, fléeing his coun­try for the hate of his enimies, accusing him to the Romanes, as contentious and séeking warre, and coulde not liue in rest. For then the Carthaginenses did agrée with the Romaynes as confede­rates. Antiochus receyued Annibal gloriouslye for the fame of his valiantnesse, and hadde him aboute him, and vnderstanding at Lycia that Ptolomie was aliue, he refrayued from Egipt, and thought to take Cyprus in steade of it, & sayled thither with great Anticchus hath [...]ipvvracke a [...] Sarus. spéede. But being Winter, at the floude Sarus, he had a wrecke, and loste many shippes with diuerse of his men and friends, and sayled to Seleucia in Syria, and there repaired his shaken nauie, & made a mariage of his children Antiochus and Laodice, ioyning them in matr [...]onye.

And nowe bycause he knewe that euident warre woulde fo­lowe betwéene the Romanes and him, he allied himselfe wyth the Kyngs his neighboures, and sent Cleopatra called Syra to Ptolomei Antiochus ma­keth allyance vvith▪ his neygh­bours. giuyng him Coelosyria for hir dowry, whiche hée had taken from hym, so to please the young man, that hée mighte be quiete in the war with the Romanes. Antiochida hée sent to Ariarathes king of Cappadocia, and an other that was lefte, to Eumenes, king of Per­gamo, Enimies refuse his alliaunce▪ but he perceyuing he meante to make warre vpon the Ro­manes, and for that purpose, would make affinitie with him, did refuse him. And when his brethren Attalus and Philetayrus, dyd maruel at him, that he reiected the alliaunce of so greate a king hys neyghbour, and séeking it, he aunswered, that it was lyke that war would be, which in the beginning woulde be equall on both sides, but in time the Romanes woulde ouercome for their good conditions & taking of paines. Then (quoth he) the Romanes being Conqu [...]rors, I shal hold my kingdom surely. But if An­tiochus ouercommeth, I feare al wil be taken away of my neigh­boure, and I feare, if I haue my kyngdome, I muste be a Kyng vnder him. For these considerations did he refuse this mariage.

Antiochus straight went from thence, to Hellespont, & sayled to Helespont is th [...] streight of [...]alip [...]. Cherronesus, where he subdued and ouerthrewe manye places of Thracia, he made frée the Grecians y inhabite Thracia, and granted [Page 132] many things to the Byzantines, hauing a Cittie verye commodi­ous Bizane novv Constantinople. These be called the French Greekes. at the mouth of that sea. The Galathians he pleased w t gifts, and drew by feare also, to the societie of his determination, thin­king them good confederates for the bignesse of their bodies.

Then he wente to Ephesus, and sent Ambassadoures to Rome, Antiochus sen­deth ambassage to the Romanes Lysias, Egeseanactes, and Menippus, in déede to féele the minds of the Senate, but in word, Menippus saide, the King was desirous of the Romanes amitie, and that he woulde be their confederate, if they woulde accept him. Yet he did maruell that they would re­quire him to leaue Cities in Ionia, and lose his tributes, and not to deale with certain of Asia, and to forgo Thracia, that had euer bin hys progenitors, whiche were things, not for friendes, but for conquerours to commaunde to the conquered. The Senate perceyuing their comming to be but an espiall, shortelye aun­swered: If Antiochus do suffer the Gréeke Citties in Asia to be frée, and refraine from Europe, he shall be a friende to the Ro­manes The ansvvere of the Romanes if he will. Thus the Romanes answered, and made none other shewe of cause.

Antiochus minding firste to inuade Grecia, and there to begin the warre againste the Romanes, asked Annibals opinion in the The opinion of Anniball touching the vvarre. matter. He saide, that Grecia was easy to be ouercome, bycause of their long affliction. The war that is made at home, is moste grieuous for dearth that followeth of it, but abroade it is more tollerable: neither should he ouercome the Romanes in Grecia, sée­ing they myght haue sufficient prouision and helpe from home. Therefore his opinion was, he should inuade the Romanes in Ita­ly, whether, if he went, he shoulde fynd the Romanes weaker, both at home and abroade. I haue, saide he, experience of Italy, and with .x. M. men I can take fitte places of it, and I will write to my friends at Carthage, to stir the people to reuolte, being so­ry for me, & angry with the Romanes, & being full of hope, & hart, wyll thinke I will once againe get Italy.

The king hearing this aduice very well, and thinking the ac­cesse of Carthage to make muche for the furtheraunce of thys warre, badde hym send [...]letters to hys friendes, eute of hande, but hée sente not, for he thoughte it not sure, the Romaynes lying [Page 133] in wayte euery where, and the war not being yet proclaymed, and many being in discord at Carthage, and the common wealth hauing no firmenesse nor certentie, which shortly after was the destruction of Carthage. Yet he sent Ariston a merchant of Ty­rus, vnder pretence of marchandise, to his friendes, exhorting Anniball sendeth Ariston to prac­tice at Carthage. them, that when they vnderstoode that he inuaded Italy, they should stirre the people of Carthage to be reuenged. Ariston did so, but when Annibals enimies perceyued Aristons purpose, they made much adoe, that any innouation shoulde followe, and diligently sought for Ariston. He, that the friendes of Anniball should not beare all the blame, secretely in the night, sette vp a The deuice of Ariston to saue Annibals friends. writing at the common house, in the whiche Anniball exhorted all the Senate to reuenge their Countrey vnder Antiochus, and when he had so done, he sayled away. When daye was come, all the suspition was taken from Annibals friends, bycause the matter belonged to all the state. The people was ful of vprore, angry with the Romanes, but not able to hurte them. And thus went the matters at Carthage.

The Romanes sente other Embassadors, and with them Scipio Scipio goeth Embassadour to Antiochus. that ouercame the Carthagies, to proue the kings minde, and to e­spie his preparation. And when they founde the king to be gone to Pisidia, they tarried his returne at Ephesus, and in the meane Pisidia, a coun­trey in Asia, nigh to [...]ycaonia and Pamphilia. time, had many times talke with Anniball, that séeing Carthage was in league, and Antiochus not yet a manifest enimie, they blamed him that he would flée from his countrey, seing the Ro­manes had not offended against him, nor any other of the Cartha­gies since the league was made. This they did, to make Anni­ball suspected to the king as they did in déede, by their ofte resor­ting Anniball is brought into suspition vvith Antiochus. and talking with him. And though Anniball were a very circumspect man, yet he did not foresée this. For when the king heard of it, he suspected. Anniball, and was not so ready to trust him. Beside, an enuie and hatred grewe againste him, least he Enuie. should haue the prayse of the things that were done. Among o­ther The talke of Anniball and Scipio touching the best Cap­tayne. talkes, they say, there was one betwéene Scipio and Anni­ball, in a Scholehouse, where many were to learne, and presente to heare, touching the excellencie of a Captayne: And whereas [Page 134] Scipio asked him, whome he thoughte to be the best Captayne, he answered, Alexander of Macedonia. Scipio stayed at that, and gaue place to Alexander. Then he asked him, whome hée thought the second next Alexander, he sayde Pirrhus of Epirota, putting the vertue of a Captayne in boldenesse, for there can not be found a more couragious Kyng, than hée. Scipio now was gréeued, and againe asked him whome he thoughte to bée the thirde, thinking verily he woulde haue named him: he aunswe­red my selfe, for béeing a yong man, I subdued Spayne, and with mine armie passed the Alpes into Italy, the firste after Her­cules that so haue done. I inuaded it, when none of you durst doe any thyng. I ouerthrewe foure hundred Townes, and broughte youre Citie many times into daunger, hauing ney­ther money nor men sent me out of Carthage. When Scipio per­ceyued he dyd so of purpose aduance himselfe, he smyled and sayde, in what place wouldest thou haue put thy selfe (O. An­niball) if thou hadst not bin ouercome of me. He perceyuing this emulation, sayde, I woulde haue set my selfe before Alexander. So dyd Anniball continue in his lofty talke, and yet secretely please Scipio, as making hym better than Alexander.

Thys talke being ended, Anniball desired Scipio to hys lod­ging, Scipio sayde he woulde come very gladly, but that it should cause suspition betwéene Antiachus and the Romanes. Thus these noble Captaynes ended theyr malice, when the warre Malice endeth in some, vvhen watter cesseth. was ended, but so dyd not Flaminius. For when Antiochus was ouercome, and Anniball fledde, and sauing himselfe in Bithinia, he being sente Embassadour for other purpose to Prusia, not be­ing iniured by Anniball, nor commaunded of the Romanes, nor to be feared, bycause the power of Carthage was abated, kyl­led him with poyson by Prusias consente, of the whyche it is sayde, hée was warned before by an Oracle after thys sort.

‘The lande of Libyssa shall couer Annibals body. Oracle of Anni­bals death.

He thoughte he shoulde haue dyed in Libya, but Libyssus is a Lybissus. floud in Bithinia, and the Countrey is called Libyssa of the floud, [Page 135] This remembrance haue I made of the noble myndes of Noble minds. Anniball and Scipio, and of the cowardly heart of Flaminius.

Antiochus comming from Pisidia towarde Ephesus, gaue au­dience to the Embassadoures of the Rhodians, and promised that the Rhodians, the Byzantines, and Cyzioneans, and other Gréeke Cities in Asia, shoulde be frée, if he entred league with the Romanes, the Aet [...]leans, and the Ionians, he would not grant so to be, bycause for the most part, they had bin vsed to obey the barbarous kings of Asia.

The Romane Embassadoures bringing nothing to passe, for they came not to doe any thyng in déede, but to espie, they re­turned to Rome.

The Embassadors of the Aetolians came to Antiochus, of the whiche, Thoas was chiefe, offering him the leading of theyr ar­mie, and wishing he woulde sayle into Grecia as to a sure thing, not tarrying for hys armie to come out of high Asia, but settyng forthe theyr owne strength, promised him the ayde of Antiochus i [...] persuaded by the Aetolians. the Lacedemonians, and of Philip Kyng of Macedonie, (angry at the Romanes,) so hée woulde make hys voyage wyth spéede.

Hée was moued very lightely, and woulde not stay his hast, although he hearde out of Asia that hys sonne was dead, and with tenne thousande only, sayled into Eub [...]ia, all the whyche he gotte, they yéelding for feare. Micithion his Captayne setting Micithio killeth the Romanes. The Romanes be killed at Delos. Aminander king of Athamanes people of Ae­tolia. Megalopoli [...], one in Arcadia, ano­ther in Asia. Counterfet Philip. vpon the Romanes at Delos, whyche is an holy place of Apollo, kylled part of them, and part toke alyue.

Aminander Kyng of the Athamanes came into league with Antiochus by this occasion.

One Alexander of Maecedonia, béeing brought vp in Megalopo­li, and made frée of that common wealth, fayned himselfe to come of Alexander, sonne to Philip: and to gyue credite to hys deuice, he named hys children Philip and Alexander, and Apamea, whome he married to Amynander. Philip hir bro­ther going with hir to the marriage, and perceyuing that A­mynander was a weake man, and of little experience, re­mayned wyth hys brother in lawe to gouerne the Kyng­dome.

[Page 136]This Philip Antiochus promised to restore the kingdome of Macedony as his owne, and by this meane, had the Athamaneans his confederates. He had also the Thebanes, and wente to Thebes to speake to the people. Thus he very rashly, in so great a war, put his trust in the Aetolians, Thebanes, and Amynāder. Then he consulted, whether it were better to inuade Thessaly out of hand, or to tarrie till Winter were past.

Anniball being at this consultation, and saying nothing, the king cōmaunded him to say his opinion first, and thus he spake.

‘Thou mayest easilie ouercome the Thessalians, eyther now, or Anniball she­vveth his opini­on touching the vvarre. after winter, for the people, hauing bin much vexed, do turne to thée now, and so will doe to the Romanes if any innouation com­meth. We be come with our owne power, giuing credite to the Aetolians persuasion, that the Lacedemonians and Philip will take our part, of the which, the Lacedemonians be our Enimies, as I heare, and so be the Acheans. As for Philip, I can not sée, that he can be any great ayde vnto thée in this warre, being on thy side, nor make any great power whatsoeuer part he taketh: but this is mine aduise, that thou sendest for thine army with all speede into Asia, and not put thy trust in Amynāder, or the Ae­tolians: when the army is come, to send it into Italy, that béeing occupyed with troubles at home, they may leaue them vntou­ched, and being afraide of themselues, may not vexe other men. And now, that manner is not to be held of vs, that I spake of a­fore; for we must vse the one halfe of oure na [...]ie, to wast the coast of Italy, the other halfe we must haue a flote, to vse as oc­casion shall require, and thy selfe, with all thy footemen, must re­maine in that part of Grecia that is next Italy, making a shewe of inuasion, and if néede be, to inuade indéede, and to induce Phi­lip by all meanes possible, to agrée with thée: for it shall much a­uayle, which part he taketh in this warre. If he will not bée broughte in, thou shalt sende thy sonne Seleucus into Thracia, and molest him with euils at home, that he be not profitable to thine enimies abroade.’

Thus Anniball said, and it was the best of all, but for enuie of his fame and wisedome, as well other, as the king himselfe, [Page 137] that Anniball shoulde not séeme to passe them all in the arte of warre, nor he haue the prayse of that shoulde be done. All hys counsell was reiected, sauing that Polyxenides was sent into Asia Polyxenides. for the army.

When the Romanes hearde of the entring of Antiochus into Grecia, and of the killing and taking of the Romanes at Delus, they determined warre. Thus Antiochus and the Romanes warre The vvarre be­ginneth. growing long before of suspition one of another, did now firste breake out in déede. And bycause Antiochus had the rule of ma­ny nations in high Asia, and of all that inhabite the sea coast, sauing a fewe, and for that he was entred Europa, and hadde a dreadfull name, and a greate preparation, and otherwise hadde done many notable things, by the which he had gotten y name of Greate, the Romanes thoughte this warre would be daunge­rous, and of long continuance. They had Philip of Macedome in suspition, being ouercome of them not long before. And in the league with the Cartheginians, they had no great trust, Anniball being with Antiochus. And of their other subiects, they had some dōubt, least the glory of Antiochus should make them séeke new attemptes. Therefore they sen [...]e garrisons to euery one, to go­uerne Consuls. Proconsuls. Officers of sixe axes. them in peaceable manner, and sente Captaynes to the armyes, whome they call of sixe axies, bycause the Consuls hadde twelue, and twelue roddes, as the olde Kyngs vsed: and bycause these officers had halfe authoritie, they hadde halfe the Foresight of the Rhodians. shewe. And as in a greate feare, carefull for Italy, least some disturbance mighte happen to them, eyther by the violence, or fauour of Antiochus, they sente a greate bande of footemen to Tarento, there to bée ready at all assayes, and a Nauie sayled o­uer all the coast. So great a feare of Antiochus was at the first.

When they hadde thus at home giuen order in all things at the begynning, they gathered theyr army againste Antiochus. Of themselues, they hadde twenty thousand, of theyr confede­rates twice so many, with the whyche, they woulde passe into Ionia. And in thys preparation they spente the whole Win­ter.

Antiochus wente into Thessalia, and being come vnto Cyno­ch [...]phalia, [Page 138] where the Macedonians hadde a greate ouerthrowe of Cynochephalia is a place or people like a dogges head. Antiochus b [...] ­ [...]e [...]h the dead. the Romanes, he honorably buryed th [...]se that laye vnburyed, thynkyng thereby to winne the Macedonians to him, and with­drawe them from Philip that hadde lefte hys Souldyoures vn­buryed, that serued vnder hys Standerd.

Philip hearyng thys, was in a greate perplexitie wyth hym­selfe whyche parte he shoulde take, but yet dyd cleaue to the Romanes, and streyghte sente to Bebius, a Captayne of the Ro­manes, Bebius. lying not farre off, to come to hym to a certayne place, assuring hym, that hée woulde take the Romanes parte against the Kyng. For the whyche, Bebius thanking hym, was the Appius. more bolde to sende Appius Claudius out of Macedonte into Thessaly with two thousande footemen. And when Appius was at Tempe, and perceyued where Antiochus lay wyth his army, Tempe, is the pleasant place that is so muche praysed of Poets. Antiochus re­moueth, and is caught in loue vvhen he vvas aboue fiftie yeares of age at Calcide novv Negroponte. he made many fyres to couer the fewnesse of hys armye. But Antiochus thynkyng, that Bebius and Philip hadde bene come togyther, was afrayde, and brake vp hys Campe, making Winter the pretence, and wente to Calcida. There hée was caughte wyth the loue of a mayde, béeyng aboue fiftye yeares of age, and hauyng so greate a warre in hande, hée woulde néedes marry hyr, and make pastymes, whereby hée broughte hys armye to greate ydlenesse and change that Winter.

When the Spring was come, hée wente to A [...]arnania, A [...]arnania parte of Epir [...]s, brin­ging foorth ve­ry good horses. where he perceyued that hys armye was vtterly vnprofitable through ydlenesse, and then repented hym of hys marriage and feastings: and when hée hadde gotten some of the Coun­trey to hys obedience, and subdued the rest, hearing that the Roman [...]s were passed into Ionia, hée returned to Chalcide.

The Romanes wyth diligence, and two thousande good Horse­men, and thirtie thousande footemen, and some Elephantes, Acinius Manius Glabrie béeyng Generall, from Brunduse arri­uing Acinius. Manius. Glabrio. Appolonia novv [...]allona. at Appolonia, wente to Thessalie, and delyuered the Ci­ties of theyr enimies. And where they founde any garrisons of the Macedonians, they put them out, and Philippus of Maga­lopolis was taken prisoner, hopyng yet for the kingdome of [Page 139] Macedonia, and they tooke thrée thousande of Antiochus men.

And whyles Manius did this, Philip inuaded Athamania, and made it all subiect, Amynander fleeing into Ambracia. Whyche when Antiochus hearde, and the speedy doyng of the thyngs, hee was in feare, bycause of the suddayne change and altera­tion, and then vnderstoode that Annihall gaue hym good coun­sell. Therefore hée sente one after another to Polyxenida to stirre with all spéede, and hée gathered as many as hée coulde in all places, and thys done, hee hadde of his owne footemen tenne thousande, and fyue hundred Horse, wyth the whyche, and some confederates, he tooke Thermopyle, that hys enimies might haue the harder passage, and hée tarrie for hys armye out of Asia.

Thermopyle is a streighte, and a long passage, the whyche a Thermopyle is the long [...]ill of Grecia, vvhere the streight pas­sage i [...], and the ho [...]e vvaters. Tichiunta. Callid [...]mus. rough Sea withoute portes, dothe partly compasse, and a Fenne déepe and without way.

Two toppes it hathe in the rockes of the hylles, the one is called Tichiunta, and the other Callidromus.

The place hathe welles of h [...]te water, and thereof is called Thermopyle.

Antiochus made a wall double at it, and placed engines at the wall, and sente the Aetolians to the toppes of the Mountaynes, that no man shoulde passe by that that was called Atropos, where Xerxes came agaynste Leonida the Xerxes. Leonida. Captayne of the L [...]cedemonians, when no man kepte the hylles.

The A [...]tolians placed one thousande in eyther toppe, and wyth the rest, beséeged the Citie Heraclea. Heraclea, many Cities o [...] that name.

When Manius perceyued thys preparation of the enimies, hée gaue order to fyghte the nexte morning, and commaun­ded two of hys Tribunes, that is, Marcus Cato, and Lucius Valerius, that they shoulde assayle in the nyghte whyche The order of the Romanes. of the hylles they woulde, and if they coulde, dryue the A [...] ­tolians from the toppes. Lucius was repulsed from Ti [...]hiunta, the A [...]tolians there béeyng too good for hym. Marcus Cato wente Cato dothae great fea [...]e▪ [Page 140] againste Callidram [...]s, and passed the enimies being asléepe, to the last watche, and then hadde a greate conflict, striuing to gette the high and rocky places, and the enimies to kéepe hym backe.

Manius ledde hys armye on the face of Antiochus, diuided into small bandes, for so coulde he only doe in the streightes.

The Kyng commaunded the lighte harnessed, and target men, to fyghte before the mayne battell, the whyche hée pla­ced The order of the Kings battell. before the Camp.

On the righte side, he sette the slingers and archers in the hygh places, and the Elephantes on the lefte syde, and the bande that was euer about hym, he wylled to stande at the Sea side.

The fyghte being begunne, the shotte running hyther and thyther, dyd muche trouble Manius, but hée [...]esisting manfully, Heere the Ita­lian misseth, and so doth the Latine. and gyuing backe, and agayne commyng on, hée put [...]e them to flighte. Then the battell of the Macedonians opening them­selues, receyued them, and closed agayne, and thrust forthe theyr long pykes, [...] togyther in order. By thys manner, the Lacedemontans vnder Alexander and Philip, dyd trouble This vvas cal­led the Phalanx of the Macedo­nians as the legi­on among the Romanes. their enimies that d [...]r [...] not approche to the pykes so long, and so many. Then of a suddayne was séene the fléeing and crying of the Aetolians, dryuen to Antiochus Campe, the whyche at the firste, was not knowen what it was, whyche ignorance caused trouble and doubte, till Cato appeared, follo­wyng them wyth a greate shoute, and béeyng come to the Kyngs Campe, Antiochus menne that hadde hearde muche of the Romanes valiantnesse, were afrayde, and acknowledged The fight that vvas first made betvveene the Romanes and Antiochus. theyr owne ydlenesse and delicatenesse the Wynter passed, to be the cause why they thys time were the worse to doe theyr office, and not séeyng perfitlye what number Cato hadde, and for feare thinking he had more than he had, and beyng afrayde of the Campe, they fledde to it out of order, to keepe a­way the enimie. The Romanes comming vppon them, en­tred the Campe wyth them. Then was there another [...]oule fléeyng of Antiochus menne. Manius followed them [Page 141] to Scarpheia, killing and taking some: then comming from Scar­pheia, Scarpheia an [...] The kings cape spoyled. he spoyled the Kyngs campe, and he droue the Aetolians from the Romanes campe, which they had taken in his absence presently. In this fighte was slaine of the Romanes twoo hun­dred, with them that folowed the chase. Antiochus lost tenne thousand with them that were taken. The king himselfe at the The king flyeth first change ranne with fiue hundred horse to Velatia neuer stay­ing, and from Velatia to Calcida, and to Ephesus, with Eubia his Velatia. [...] the yong vv [...]e of olde Antiochus. newe wyfe, for so was hir name: with his shippes he [...]ledde, but not with all, for the admirall of the Romanes, had taken some that came to him laden with victuals.

At Rome, when this victorie was heard, and séeming to be ve­ry happily and spéedily obtained, they gaue thankes to God, all men beyng gladde that the firste triall had so good successe, in the warre that was so fearful to them for the fame of Antiochus. And to requite Philip for his true confederacte, they sent him his The Romanes gratifye Phillip. sonne Demetrius, that was pledge with them. Marius released the Phoceans and Calcideans, and other that followed Antiochus, of the feare they were in. But the A [...]tolians, togither with Phillip, he inuaded and ouerthrewe their Citties. He tooke Da­mocritus Damocritus. their Generall that was hidden, and had threatned Fla­minius, that he would encampe at Tiber.

Then he went to Calipolis, by the hyll called Coraca, the high­est Callipolis a cittie and an [...]e also. and hardest to be passed of al other, being verye rockye, with his army laden with spoil [...]. Many fell from the harde way into The Romanes passe the hilles laden to their losse. the stony partes, and tumbled downe with their armor and bur­dens: And where the A [...]tolians might haue troubled them, they appeared not, but sent Ambassadours to Rome for peace.

Antiochus with greate diligence called hys armye from the land rulers, to the sea side, preparing his nauye, of the whyche, Polixenides an outlawe of the Rhodes, was Admiral, and [...]ayled to Polixanides admi­ral to their king Cherronesu [...], and fortified it again, and sent garrison to Sestus and Abydus, by the whiche, the Romanes muste passe into Asia. He made Lysimachia the store house of the warre, bringing thither muche armoure and victualls, thinking the Romanes would soone be there, with great power and na [...]y.

[Page 142]The Rom [...]aynes appoynted L [...] Scipio, brother to Publi [...] [...] and Publi. Scipio be sent into Assa. Scipio, that ouercame Carthage [...], and was fyrste named Affricanus, successoure to M [...]nius in thys warre, bée­ing then Consull: And bycause hée was not practised nor experienced in the warre, they sente hys brother wyth hym as a Counselloure: and these brethren prepared them­selues.

Liuius that hadde the chardge of Italy, was sente suc­cessoure to Att [...]lio in the nauye, and strayght wyth his owne Shyppes, with the whiche hee scowred the coaste of Itali [...], and with certaine that were lent of the Carthagies, and some other friendes, hee sayled to Pirae [...] and receyuing the nauye of A­tilius Carthagies lende shippes to the Romanes. [...]ircu [...]. wyth fourescore and one armed Shyppes, E [...]menes follo­wyng hym wyth fyftye of hys owne, halfe of them béeyng ar­med, they arryued at Phocida, subiect to Antiochus, who for feare, receyued them, and the nexte daye, they wente foorthe to the fight by sea.

Polixenides the Admirall of Antiochus came foorthe wyth two hundred Shyppes, lighter than the enimy, whych was happy for them, the greate Shyppes of the Romaynes not béeyng yet practised.

Séeyng twoo of the Carthagies commyng before, hée tooke The fight on the Sea. them bothe wyth three of hys, but emptye, the Lybians béeing leapte into the Sea.

Liuius, with great vehemence gaue the fyrste charge vppon these thrée, wyth hys Admirall ship, goyng far afore the rest of the nanye▪ They not [...]earing thys one Shyppe, dyd caste theyr hookes of yron, & the Shyps beeing grapled togither, it seemed a fyght vpon the lande. The Romanes béeyng more valyant, they bourded and ouercame them, and wyth one ship, carrying awaye twoo, they returned.

Th [...]s was a skirmishe to the fyghte: For then the whole nauyes foughte togyther, the Romaynes béeyng the better in strength and courage. But bycause of the heauinesse of theyr vessells, they coulde not ouertake the other lyghte Shyppes, The Romaines haue the victori by Sea. when they fledde, whyche they dydde wyth all spéede, to E­phesus▪ [Page 143] And the Romanes went to Xio, whither seuen and twen­ty of the Rhodian Shippes, theyr friends, came to them.

When Antiochus hearde of thys fyghte by sea, hée sente Annibal is sent for shippes, and [...]seth part of them. Annibal into Syria, for other shyppes, from Phoenitia and Cilicia, and when he came, the Rhodians droue him into Pamphilia, taking parte of hys Shyppes, and lying in wayte for the other.

Publius Scipio came into Aetolia with the Consull, and ha­uing Courage of Scipio. the armye of Manius, hée disdayned to make siege to the Citties of Aetol [...]a, as a small matter, and gaue them leaue to sende another Ambassage to Rome. Hée would trye it with Antiochus, before his brothers office shoulde ende. And so passed by Macedonia and Thracia, to Hellesp [...]n [...], whyche was a paynefull and harde waye vnto hym, notwithstanding that Phillippe of Macedonie did guide hym, making brydges, and pre­paring victuals for him. For the which, the twoo Scipions relea­sed Philip is released hym of the reste of the money that he hadde to paye, for so they had order of the Senate, if they founde hym faithful.

Then they sente to Prusias Kyng of Bythinia, declaryng howe manye Kyngs the Romaynes hadde aduaunced, that were their confederates. And nowe to Philippe of Macedonie, whome they had ouercome of late, they graunted his kingdome, they re­stored his sonne that was pledge for him, and forgaue the mony be oughte them.

When Prusias hearde this, he ioyned with them against An­tiochus. Prusias ioyneth vvith the Ro­maines.

When Liuius the Admirall of the Romane nauye, heard that the Scipions were commyng, he left Pausimachus the Rhodiane with the Rhodian ships in Aeolide, and parte of his owne n [...]uy, & with Sc [...]us. Rh [...]ion. al the rest, he sailed to Hellespont, to receiue the army. And Sestus, Rhateion, the portes of the Acheans, yéelded to him. A byd [...] that disobeyed he besieged.

When Liuius was gone▪ Pausimachus made manye diui­ses and inuentions, and sundry engines, and fastened yron vessells carrying fyre, [...]o long Shippe staues, to heaue vppe manye▪ fyres in the Sea, and to caste it oute of [Page 144] his owne shippes, when hée shoulde ioyne with his ennimyes.

Whiles he was thus deuising, Polyxenides the Admirall of A false countrey man Antiochus, a Radian also, and banished from hys Countrey for certayne causes, went aboute to deceyue hym, promising to de­liuer to hym Antiochus nauy, if he woulde helpe to restore hym to hys Countrey. He suspected this crafty subtil man, and tooke good héede of him. But when Polyxenides didde write a letter of hys owne hande of this treason, and departed from Ephesus, and sent the army a forragyng for a fashion, Pausimachus, séeyng hys departure from thence, and that not trusting any man with this treason, he woulde wryte it with hys owne hande, whych was not lyke to be done of a dissembler, he gaue credite to it, and kept lesse guarde, and sent his men to forrage abroade also.

When Polyxenides perceyued he had deceyued him, he gathe­red hys army, and sent Nicander a Pirate wyth a fewe to Samos, to come vpon Pausimachus on the backe by lande. At mydnyghte he set forwarde, and at the mornyng watche, beyng asléepe, hée assayled hym. He being taken thus sodainelye and vnprepared, commaunded hys souldioures to leaue their shippes, and resiste the enimy by lande. But when Nicander came vpon him on the The Rodian shippes are di­stroyed by falshode. backe, thinking the land beset also, not onely of them whom hée sawe, but of many mo, beyng yet night, he returned agayne to hys shyppes wyth muche adoe, and was the firste that fought, and the firste that fell, vsing himselfe very valiauntlye. The other were eyther taken or suncke, sauing the seauen that car­ryed fyre, wyth whome none durste meddle for the flame, which fledde. The rest Polyxenides ledde awaye as pryses to Ephesus.

After thys victorye, Phocea once againe, Samos and Cyme re­uolted Cyme in Aeolia. to A [...]i [...]ochus.

Liuius beyng nowe afraide of hys Shyppes that hée lefte in Aeolide, sayled thither in haste, and Eumenes with hym.

The Rodians sent the Romanes twentye Shyppes more, ma­king no delaye, all, wyth good courage, sayled to Ephesus, prepa­ring themselues to the fight.

But when none of the other came against them, they lefte the halfe of their shippes, a good time in the sea, and with the o­ther [Page 145] halfe, they spoyled the coaste of the enimie, tyl Nicander The Romanes driuen to their Shippes. came vppon them from the lande, and taking their praye from them, droue them to their Shippes. They came again to Samos▪ and nowe was the time of Liuius office expired.

At this tyme Seleucus, Antiochus his sonne, inuaded Eumenes Eumenes is be­sieged. lande, and besieged Pergamo, shutting the men within the Cittie. Wherefore Eumenes sayled wyth spéede to Elaea, whyche is the porte Towne of his Kyngdome, and L. Aemilius Regulus wyth him, that succéeded Liuius in the matters of the sea. There came to Eumenes from hys confederats, one thousand footemen, and a Diophanes. hundred choise horsemen. Whose Generall Diophanes, when hée perceyued the Souldiours of Seleucus to play and drinke, he pas­sed little of them, and required the Pergameneans to sally out with him vpon the enimy.

But when they durste not do it, he armed hys own thousand The valiantnesse of the Acheans. footemen, and hundred horsemen, and leading them to the wall, stoode there quietly, the enimies lookyng stil vpon them being so few, & yet durst not set vpon them. But when they were at din­ner, he gaue y e onset vpō y e warders, the other arming thēselues, The covvardi [...] of the Pergama [...] or taking their horses, or fléeing from them that folowed, or bée­ing in confusion, durste not abide it. He hadde a noble victorie, the Pergamenians then crying oute of the wall, but yet durste not come foorth. He, hauing slaine as manye as he coulde in that shorte onset, and carying away some horses and men prisoners, he tooke hys place, & the next day brought the Acheans to y wal, when as the Pergamenians durste not yet come out. Seleucus with many horsemen drewe neare and prouoked hym, but hee stoode still at the wall, and kept his charge.

When Seleucus hadde tarryed tyll middaye, hée tourned and Seleucus the kings sonne▪ wente awaye. Diophanes set vppon the hindermost, and scat­tered and hurte many of them, whyche béeyng done, hée re­tired to the wall: And vsyng thys manner continuallye, and alwaies laying in wayte for them, when they went for for­rage and wood, he so troubled them, as he made Seleucus to leaue Pergam [...], and droue hym from the other place of Eume­nes [Page 146] Betwéene the Romanes and Polyxenides, not long after, was Myonesus▪ is an lie before Ephesus. a fyght by sea, at Myones [...]m, in the whiche Polixenides hadde ten hundred armed shippes. Lucius the Romanes Admirall, hadde .83. of the whiche fyue and twenty were of the Rhodians, whereof Eudorus beyng capitaine, had the left wing.

When he did sée the other of Polixenides to be much aboue the Romanes, he feared to bée inclosed, therefore he sayled aboute with his lighte shippes, and well practised in the Sea. And with his shippes that carryed fyre, he set vppon Polixenides, fla­ming on euery side with fire.

They durste not deale wyth them, bicause of the fire, but in a circle sayled about them, and auoyding them, kéeping the sea, The fight by sea stroke the sides of them, till one Rhodian shippe fell vppon one of the Sydonian Shippes wyth suche a vehemence, as an anker fell from the Sidonian Shyppe in to the Rhodian, and helde them faste togither. So as there was a fight of shyppes not mouing, as it had bin vpon the lande. Then commyng of either side, very many to helpe their fellowe, there was a noble fyghte.

By this me ane, th [...]midde battell of the Shyppes of An­tiochus, beyng lefte naked, the Romaynes sayled forwarde and enclosed theyr vnexperte ennimyes, whyche, when they per­ceyued, they turned and fledde, in the whyche, the King loste nine and twentye, whereof thyrtéene were taken, menne, and all.

The Romanes loste but twoo: Polixenides hauyng taken one Rhodian, went to Ephesus.

This was the fyghte by Sea, at Myonesium.

When Antiochus heard of this, he fortified Cherronesus and Lysimachia verye stronglye, thinking it a greate matter, as it was indéede, to héepe the Romanes from passyng wyth theyr armye to the reste of Thracia, where they shoulde haue an harde and painefull way, except Philip did conuey them.

But Antiochus beyng a [...]ies lighte and soone chaunging, when he hearde of the losse at Myonesus, hée was vlterlye dys­mayed, [Page 147] and thoughte God was againste hym. For where the Romanes hadde the better on the sea, beyonde all reason, in the whiche, he thought himselfe very mighty, and Anni [...]al shutte vppe in Pamphilia, and Philip conducting the Romaynes by the vnknowne wayes, whome he thoughte woulde rather haue re­membred the hurte he hadde by them, by all these thinges bée­ing In calamities sense fayleth. meruellously troubled, and God taking his wi [...] from hym, as commonly hapneth in all calamities, he left Cherronesus very fondly, before his enimies were in sighte, not regarding howe greate preparation there was of victuall, armoure, money, Antiochus giueth ouer. and munition, whyche hée dydde not burne, but lefte it whole to his ennimyes: and he forsooke the Lysimachians, as thoughe the Cittie hadde bene taken, whyche fledde vnto hym with theyr wiues and children wéeping: onelye hys care was to kéepe the Romaynes from Abydus, putting the reste of his Abydus in. Asia, ouer against [...] ­stus in Europe. hope of thys warre altogyther in it. Neyther dydde hée kéepe this passage, God taking his sense from hym, but went to the midde lande in ha [...]e, to preuente hys ennimye, leauing no guarde there.

When the Scipions hearde of thys departure, they went to Lysimachia in all haste, and tooke all the armoure and mo­ney in Cherroneso, and quicklye passed Hellespont, voyde of de­fence, and came to Sardies, where the Kyng was, before he perceyued it.

Then hée was confounded and vtterlye deiected, and laying hys owne faultes vppon Fortune, hée sente Heracli­des of Byzance, to the Scipions to make an ende of the warre, Granico a floud in little Asia. offering Smyrna and Alexandrîa at Granico, and Lampsaco, for the whiche, the warre béeganne, and halfe the expences of the warre. And hée willed him, [...] néede were, to graunte the Citties of the Ionians and the Eoleans, that tooke the Ro­maynes parte in thys warre, and whatsoeuer thyng the Sci­pions Antiochus see­keth peace. woulde require, and thys he wylled Heraclides to speake [...]penty [...], [...]ut priuatelye to offer Publius Scipio promise of much money from Antiochus, and also the libertye of hys sonne: [Page 148] For Antiochus had taken him in Grecia sayling from Calcide, to Here the Au­thor seemeth to take one for an­other. Scipio the yon­ger prisoner to Antiochus. Diametriade.

And this son of Scipios was he that tooke and destroyed Car­thage the seconde time, and the seconde man that was named Affricanus, sonne of Paulus, that ouercame Perseus of Macedonia, beyng Scipio his sisters sonne by degrée, and hys sonne by adop­tion.

The Scipions openly made thys aunswere to Heraclide,

That if Antiochus will haue peace, he muste not only leaue the Citties of Ionia and Aeolia, but all the Countrey aboute Taurus, and defraye the whole charges of the warre, of the whiche he hath bin the cause. Yet priuatelye Publius saide thus to him.

If Antiochus had offered these conditions of peace, when hée hadde Lysimachia and Cherronesus, the Romanes woulde willinglye haue accepted it, and peraduenture, if he hadde forbidde, onely to passe Hellespont. But nowe that they were vppon the lande, The Romaines haue both the bridle and the horse. and in safe place, and hadde not onely the bridle, as they say, but also were mounted the horse, with the bridle, they woulde not accept suche conditions by wordes. And that he did giue the Kyng thankes, for hys great offer, and woulde gyue hym grea­ter, if he sent him his sonne. And for the present time, would wysh him to take the conditions, béefore he were driuen to the proofe of greater burden.

When that Publius hadde saide thus, he went to Elaea, for his healthe, leauing Cneus Domitius, legate to his brother.

Antiochus, as Phillippe of Macedonie, thinking no more coulde be taken from hym by this war, than was propounded, gathe­red his armye in the plaine uf Thyatira, not farre from hys eni­mies, and sente Scipio his sonne to Elaea, and bée coun­selled Elaea an Ile in Propontide, and a tovvne in E [...]ld [...] the bringers, that the Kyng shoulde not fighte, tyll hee came againe to the Campe. Antiochus giuing credite to hym, encamped at the hill Sipyl [...], and defenced hys Campe wyth a strong wall, and put the floud Phryg [...] betwéene him and his eni­mies.

Domitius being desirous to trie the fight by himselfe, passed [Page 149] the floud very boldly, and going within two myle and an halfe of Antiochus, encamped there foure dayes togither. Either of them set their men in order before their Camps, neyther of thē beginning the fight. The fifth day, Domitius set in order againe, and came forth very proudely, and when Antiochus came not a­gainst him, he remoued his Camp nigher to him. One day bée­ing past, he proclaymed in the hearing of the enimies, that hée would the next day fight, whether Antiochus woulde or no. Hée Antiochus pro­uoked to fight. being troubled again, changed his purpose, and where he might haue kept within his Camp, or manfully resist these, till Publius had come, he thought it a shame to refuse the fighte, being more in number: wherefore he toke order for the battell, and both of them came forth at the last watch, being yet nighte, and eyther of them thus arayed themselues. Tenne thousand of the Romane footemen helde the left wing at the very floud, and with them were other tenne thousande Italians, in thrée seuerall bands.

With the Italians, the army of Eumenes was placed, and the target men of Achaia, about thrée thousand. This was the left The order of the Romanes. battell.

The right, was the horsemen of the Romanes, Italians, and Eu­menes, and they no more but thrée thousand. There was mixed with them all the light armed, and the archers. And about Do­mitius was foure bandes of horsemen. All these made thirtie thousand.

Domitius ledde the right battell. In the middle he placed the Consull.

The left battell he committed to Eumenes▪

The Elephants that he had out of Libya, he thoughte to be to Elephants of Libya lesse than of India, and a­fraide of the greater. no purpose, for they be lesse that be at Libya, and afrayde of the greater, and they were but few, and therefore sette them last of all. This was the Romanes order.

Antiochus armye was. l [...]x. M. of the whiche, the surest was the Macedonians battaile, called Phalanx, conteining .xvj. M. men The Phalanx of Macedonia firste appointed by Alexander, and Philip. It standeth in the middest, diuided by a thousand and sixe hundred into ten parts, and of euery parte of these in the front, were fifty men, and in [Page 150] the middest two and thirtie, and in y side of eyther part two and twēty. The sight of this Phalanx was like a wall, & the Elephāts seemed like Towers. This was the midde battel of Antiochus.

The Horsemen were on eyther side of it. The men of armes of the Galatians, and the choyce horsemen of Macedonia, called of them Agema. These were equally on eyther side the greate Agema signifi­eth the exerci­sed battell of horsemen or footemen that vvent before the Captayne. Tro [...]mi people of France, that did inhabit Asia. To [...], by that vvent out of Galatia to Bithynia. battell. There were wings beside these. In the righte wing were light armed Souldioures, and other Horsemen with sil­uer shieldes, and archers on horsebacke two hundred.

The lefte wing helde the nations of the Galatians, Tectosagans, Trocmans, and Tolistouians, and certaine Cappadocians, whome A­riarathes sente, and other strangers mingled.

To these were ioyned another company of men of armes, and of hys confederates with lighte armour. This order made Antiochus, séeming to put his trust in the Horsemen, whome being many, he placed in the front, and very vnskilfully hée thrust the greate battell in a streighte place, in the whiche, hée ought to haue put his trust, being most strong.

There was also a greate number of [...]ingers, archers, dar­ters, and target men, of Phrygians, Lydians, Pamphylians, Pisidians, Cretes, Trallians, and Cilicians, all armed after the manner of Cre­ta. There were other archers on horsebacke to these, Daceans, Museans, A [...]lymeans, and Arabians, which being set vppon most swift Camels, they shoote easilie from high, and when they be Arabians fight vpon Camels. at hand, vse long and narrowe swords. The armed Chariots were placed at the beginning in the firste f [...]oute, and were com­maunded when they had giuē the first push, to giue backe. The fight was like two armies, the one to begin the battell, and the other to lye in waite. Either of them being made to as muche terror as coulde be, both in number and forme. Antiochus hym­selfe ledde the horsemen of the righte wing. The left side, hys [...]onne Seleucus gouerned. Of the Phalanx, Philip the maister of the Elephants had the charge. Of the fore-ward, Medis and Z [...]x [...]. The day being cloudy and darke, the sight was taken away of Shot hindered by moyst [...]ayre. this preparation, and all the bowes were the worse, as in the aire moist and thicke. Which, when Eumones considered, he pas­sed [Page 151] not of all the rest, only he feared most the violence of the ar­med Chariots. Therefore he gathered togither the archers and dariers, and other lighte harnesse, commaunding them to goe againste the Chariots, and to shoote agaynste the Horses, and not the men, for the horse in the Chariot striuing with hys yoke, the rest of the Chariot is made vnprofitable, and many times breaketh the other battels, men being afrayne of the sithes, as it came then to passe. For when the Horses were stric­ken so thicke, and the Chariots carried backe of the horses, the Camels felte the disorder first, being next the Cartes, and after them the men of armes, whose horse for the waighte of the ar­moure, The Chariots vvere armed vvith [...]ythes. could hardly escape the danger of the sithes. Great was the trouble, and the confusion diuers, which beganne chiefly of these, and wēt through the whole battell, and for ignorāce, was more than it néeded. For in a long rowe and thicke multitude of men, with a diuers crie, and greate feare, the truth was not perceyued of them that were next the hurt persons, and suspiti­on made euery man thinke the thing greater than it was.

When Eumenes did sée the firste succéede happily to him, and the fore-ward, with the Chariots, that the Camels did couer, to be naked, he set his owne horsemen, and as many as he had of the Romanes and Italians against the contrary part of the Galati­ans and Cappadocians, and the other route of strangers, exhorting thē with loude voice to dispatch these ignorant men, being desti­tute of their defence. They were ready, & giuing a fierce onset vpon them, they made th [...] turne, and y e men of armes that were ioyned to them, which were disordred before of y e Chariots, & bi­cause these coulde most hardly flée or turne, by reason of theyr waight, they tooke thē, and killed thē. And this was done at the left battell of the Macedonians. In the right wing, where Antio­chus Antiochus at [...]i­side putteth the Romanes to flight. was, breaking the battell of the Romanes, he made them flée, and followed them. The great battell of the Macedonians being sette with the Horsemen in a streight place and guadrate, and voyde of Horsemen on eyther side, receyued the skirmishers that fought at the front of them, diuiding themselues, and clo­sing againe. Domitius with his Horsemen, and lighte harnesse, [Page 152] easilie compassed them, as a thicke square, neither fitte to gyue onset, nor enlarge themselues being so broad. They manfully abode much force, and were greeued, that for all their experiēce they could do no good, but stand to receyue the stripes & wounds of their enimies on euery side. Only they stretched forthe their pikes in square manner, and chalenged the Romanes to trie their manhoode hand to hande with them, for the which they hadde so much prayse: yet did they not march forth, being on fote & hea­uie harnessed, and seing their enimies with horse, chiefly that they should not dissolue their sure aray. The Romanes came not vpon them, nor woulde fight with them, fearing the experience and strength of so valiant men, but running aboute them, dyd shoote and dart at them, and neuer missed, so many being closed in so little roome, for neyther could they auoyde the dartes, nor approch to them that threw vpon them. Wherefore when they had endured a long time, of very necessitie they gaue backe, and turned their way with threats, very orderly, and fearefull to the Romanes, for neither then durst they sette vpon them, but hurte them as they could go about them, till the Elephants brake vp­pon the Macedonians battell, whiche woulde not be ruled by The mayne battell is difor­dred by the Elephants. their guides, and then there orderly retiring, was altered. In this, Domitius had the vpper hand, and passing to the Campe of Antiochus, forced them that kepte it. Antiochus chaced the Domitius entreth the kings Camp. Romane legions a great way, which had neither horsemen, nor light harnesse to gard them, Domitius thinking they shoulde not néede bycause of the floud, till he came to the Romanes Campe, Antiochus cha­cern one part of the Romanes to their Camp. where the Captaine that had the charge with fresh Souldiours resisted his violence, and to them ioyned they that [...]edde, and were the more bolder. So the king returned, being very proude and haulte for this victorie, nothing knowing yet of that was happened on the other side. Attalus brother to Eumenes, wyth many Horsemen encountred with the king, through the whiche he passed, and hurte them, kéeping his course with the losse of a few, not caring for them. But when he did sée the losse, and all the field full of his dead people, men, horse, and Elephants, and his Camp taken by force, he fledde without ceassing, in he came [Page 153] to Sardeis, aboute midnight, and from Sardeis, to Celaena, whyche Celaena. they call Apamea, whither hée vnderstoode hys sonne was fledde.

The next daye he went from Celaena to Syria, leauing hys Captaines at Celaena, to receyue and gather togither them that fledde, and sent Ambassadoures to the Consull for to ceasse war, who was burying his dead souldiors, and spoyling his enimies, and gathering the captiues. Of the Romanes that were of the Cittie, there was slaine, foure and twentye horsemen, and thrée hundred footemen, chiefly of them whome Antiochus slewe. Eu­menes loste no more but fiftéen horsemen. The Kyngs losse with hys confederates, was iudged to be fiftie thousand, which could not well be numbred for the multitude: all the Elephants were slaine, saue fiftéene, which were taken. After thys victorie so noble, & beyonde all reason, as some thoughte, not beyng lyke, that so fewe, in a straunge Country, should ouercome so many, especially, where the Macedonian Phalanx was furnished full of men, whiche for the valiauntnesse, was terrible, and thought inuincible, the friendes of Antiochus accused his rashenesse, in falling out with the Romaines, and his vnskilfulnesse, and foo­lishnesse from the beginning, that he lefte Cherronesus and Lysima­chia oute of hys handes, full of munition and money, before the The errours of Antiochus. Romanes came alande to trye it, and neglected the guarding of Hellespont, the whiche the Romanes thoughte they could not eas­lye passe by force. They blamed also his last ouersight, making his chief strength vnprofitable, by plaeing it so streight, putting his trust more in mingled multitude of men that were fresh sol­oures, than in men, that for experience and time, were acquain­ted with the warre, and by the continuaunce of the same, were endued with valiauntnesse and courage. These spéeches were made of Antiochus.

The Romanes encreased incourage, and thought nothing too harde for them, bothe for their vertue, and the fauoure of the Gods. This did make to the opinion of their felicitie, that being so few against so many, in an expedition, and in the first fight, & in a straunge land, they should ouercome in one daye, so many [Page 154] nations so princely a power, both for the vertue of the hired sol­dioures, and the glorie of the Macedonians, and for the great do­minion of the King, as he hadde gotten the surname of Great: For in their spéeche and talke, King Antiochus the Great, was a greate word among them. The Romanes thus gloried of them­selues. The Consul, after his brother Publius was come recoue­red from Elaea, answered Antiochus Ambassadors, which requi­red to learne, what Antiochus shoulde do to be a friend to the Ro­manes, Publius answered thus vnto them.

Antiochus hathe bin the cause bothe of these and former trou­bles Ansvvere to the kings ambassadours. thorowe hys ambition, who hauing a greate Kyngdome, and the Romanes suffring him to haue it, tooke from Ptolomie hys kinsman, and friend to the Romanes, Caelesyria, and inuaded Eu­rope, where he had nothing to do: he subdued Thracia, he fortified Cherronesus, and builded Lysimachia. He came into Grecia, & made the Grecians bond, whom the Romanes had made frée, til he was o­uercome in battaile at Thermopylei, from whence though he fled, he lefte not his ambition, but being ouercome diuerse tymes of vs by sea, when we were passed Hellespont, he desired peace: The conditions whereof, throughe pride, he contemned, and ga­thered a mighty army, and with gret preparation he made war againe againste vs, and by compulsion was broughte to trye it with his betters, till he was ouercome, to hys greate losse. It were fitte that we should set a greater punishement vpon him, that so manye tymes hathe violentlye dealte with the Romanes, but we wil not be insolēt for our felicitie, nor aggrauate others calamitie. Therefore we giue the same conditions that we ap­pointed before, adding a fewe more whiche be profytable for vs, and shall be commodious for his safety in tyme to come.

That he refraine from al Europe and Asia on this side Taurus, The conditions of peace. and to these, limites shall be appointed.

That he deliuer al the Elephantes he hath, and as many ships as we shall commaunde.

That hereafter he haue no more Elephants nor more ships, than we shall appoint.

That he deliuer xx. pledges as the President shall prescribe.

[Page 155]That he giue for the expences of the warre, begun by hym, fiue hundred talents of Euboea; presentlye, and when the Senate The least talent vvas lx. [...]i. shal approue the league, ij. M .v. C. talents, and in .xij. yeares after, other xij. M .v. C. talents, parte whereof to be broughte to Rome euerye yeare.

That he giueth to vs all the prisoners and bondmen.

That he restore to Eumenes all that he oughte to do, by a lea­gue betwéene Attalus his father and him.

If Antiochus wil faithfully performe this, we giue him peace and friendship, when the Senate shal ratifie it. Thus did Scipio determine, and the Ambassadoures accepted it, and paide parte of the mony in hande, and deliuered twenty pledges, whereof, Antiochus the Kings yonger sonne was one, whome the Scipioni Antiochus son i [...] sent to Rome. sente to Rome with the Ambassadours.

The Senate agréed to the conditions, and subscribed to the confirmation of the peace made by Scipio, and of some thynges that were not determined, they made a little addition.

That two forelandes called Calycadnum, and Sarpedon should These be i [...] Cilicia. be the limite of Antiochus Kingdome, and that he doe not passe them to niake warre.

That he kéepe twelue armed ships onely to rule his subiectes in obedience and if warre be made vpon him, to vse more.

That he harborowe no Romanes, nor receiue fugitiues.

That he change his pledges euery iij. yeares, his sonne only excepted.

This was written and sette vppe in a table of brasse in the Capitoll, where other couenants of peace be placed, and a coppy was sent to Manlio Volsoni, successour to Scipio. He gaue othe to Manlius Volso. Antiochus Ambassadours, at Apamaae in Phrygia, and Antio­chus to Thermo a Tribune that was sente to hym. And thys was the ende of the warre betwene the Romanes and Antiochus, that was called Great. And it séemed that he obtained it only for the kindenesse hee shewed to Scipio in restoring hys sonne: and some there were that accused Scipio for it: and the two Tri­bunes noted hym of corruption and prodition, hée despysyng Scipio i [...] accused [Page 156] and contemning the accusation, after he was come to the Court that daye, that afore he had ouerthrowne Carthage, sent to make sacrifice in the Capitoll, and came himselfe into the Pallaice of Judgement with goodly shew, and not sad or mourning, like an accused man, euery man wondring at him, and fauouring hym as a worthye man, and of greate courage being cleare in con­science. The courage of Scipio.

When he beganne to speake, he saide nothing of the accusa­tion, but made a rehearsall of his life, his seruice and al his acts, howe manye warres he had finished for his countrey, whome he had ouerthrowne, howe ofte he had victorye, in so muche, as it was a pleasure to the [...]earers, for the noble declaration of his historie. And when he came to the warre of Carthage, most of all he delated the manner thereof wyth great vehemence, and audience of the people, saying: This daye, Romanes, did I con­quere, and made Carthage to obey you, which til then, was most terrible vnto you. This day do I goe to sacrifice in the Capi­toll, and as many of you as loue your Country, accompany me in the sacrifice that is made for you.

Hauing saide thus, he went forth to the Capitoll, not pas­sing of his complainte.

The people followed him, and so did manye of the Judges, praysing him with open voice, and saide the like, whiles he was sacrificing. The accusers were discoraged & durst not prosecute the cause, as of no purpose, nor blame the peoples fauoure, per­ceyuing that his life was of more price, than their suspition and calumniation.

Scipio séemeth to me more wise, in the stoute behauioure and contempte of this accusation, than Aristides, béeing accused of Aristides not so constant as Scipio. Socrates. fraude, and Socrates, in the thinges whereof hée was charged, neyther of them answering in the like discredite, sauing that Socrates speaketh as pleaseth Plato: Yea he was more couragi­ous than Epiminondas that was ruler of the Booetians, with Pelo­pida and an other. The Thebanes hadde sente them, gyuing ei­ther of them an armye to helpe the Areadians and M [...]senians, that were at warre with the Laconians. And bycause thynges [...] [...]. [Page 157] were not done as they entended, they were accused and called home. They deliuered not their armies to their successoures in sixe moneths, in the whiche time, they expelled the Lacedemonian garrisons, & placed other of the Arcadians, Epaminondas compel­ling his companions to doe it, promising that the doyng therof shoulde not be hurtefull to them. When they were come home, their accusers prosecuting the matter againste euerye of them, they were condemned to dye. For the Lawe iudged hym to die, that by violence would rule in an other mans office. The other escaped, vsing lamentation and many wordes, and laying al the blame in Epaminondas, for so he willed them to say, and he would affyrme it.

He being condemned to dye, saide: I confesse it is againste the lawe, to rule thys tyme, and that I compelled them, whome Epaminondas m [...] ­ne: of ansvvere. you haue deliuered nowe. I do not desire to be pardoned, ha­uing transgressed the lawe, but I beséeche you, that for the seruice I haue done, you woulde wr [...]ie thus.

This is he, that gote the victorie of L [...]nitra, and that brought his Countrey to Sparta it selfe, whiche before coulde not abide those enimies, nor no straunger that ware a Lacedemonian hatte, he is condemned of his Countrey, offending the Lawe for the benefite of his Countrey. Hauing saide thus, he came from the Tribunes, and offered his bodye to them that woulde take it.

The Judges, by the reproch of thys spéeche, and maruell of the answere, and reuerence of the person accused, durste not a­bide the triall, but ran out of the Court. These euery man may iudge as he listeth.

Manlius the successor of Scipio, went to the lande that was ta­ken from Antiochus, and gaue order for them, and the Galathi­ans Tolestouij vvere people that came out of Spaine to dvvell in Bithinia. that aided Antiochus, called Tolestouians, fléeing to Mysios O­lymp [...]. He followed painefully thorough the Mountaines, and killed them in the chase, with suche a slaughter and bloudshed, as it could not be numbred for the multitude. He tooke prisoners fortie thousand, he burned their armour, and solde their bodies to the nexte Barbarians▪ bycause he coulde not carry suche a com­pany, [Page 158] aboute in the warre.

The Tectosagans and Trocmans put him in daunger by deceite, Mo [...]ius in dāger. from the whiche he escaped. And returning againe vppon them, remayning and staying, bycause they were so many, he brought his shotte, commaunding them to discharge vppon them, neither all togither, nor too nighe the enimie, and where no arrow was shot in vaine, for the thickenesse of the enimies, he slewe eighte Aly [...] a flond running out of Taurus. thousande, and chased the other to the flonde Alys.

Ariarathes Kyng of Cappadocia, and a confederate of Antio­chus, being afraide, and praying peace, and with his prayer sen­ding two hundred talentes, he didde not ouerrunne hys lande, but wente to Hellespont, with greate riches, and infinite money, The error of [...]. muche spoile, and armye laden: And surely he did very vnwise­ly, that being Sommer, he woulde not go by sea, not regarding the waighte of the carriage, nor how he coulde leade hys army to continewe and abide so long a iorney, not marching to war, but going home with spoyles.

He went by Thracia, a streight, long, and harde waye, in the hote Sommer, neither did he sende to Philip of Macedonie to con­ducte him, neither diuided his army into many parts, that they might go the lighter, and be the more readye for all purposes, nor distributing the burdens into seueral bands, that they might be the better kepte, but caryed al togither on an beape, so long a way, & that in the middest, so that neither they that went before, nor they behind, could helpe in time for the lenath and straight­nesse of the way. Wherfore the Thracians setting vpō the fl [...]nks of him euery where, he loste greate parte of the pray, and of the common treasure, and of his army, and with the reste, he saued himselfe in Macedonie. And then was it well perceyued, howe much pleasure Philip shewed the Scipions, and howe muche An­tiochus e [...]ed in leauing Cherronesus. Thus Manlius wente from Macedonia to Thessalie, and from Thessalie to Epirus, and from E­pirus sayled to Brunduse, where sending hys armye euery manne home, he went to Rome. The Rhodians and Eumenes king of Perga­mus, aduauncing themselues for their seruice against Antiochus▪ Eumenes went to Rome, and the Rhodians sent Ambassadours.

[Page 159]The Romanes gaue to the Rhodians Lycia and Caria, the why­che, Revvards g [...] to the Rhodians not long after, they tooke from them, bycause, when they hadde warre wyth Perseus of Macedonie, they seemed more encli­ned to hym, than them. To Eumenes they gaue all the reste Revvard to Eumenes. Revvardes to the Greekes. that they had taken from Antiochus, excepte the Gréekes there: and to them that payde anye tribute to Attalus his father, they commaunded to pay it to Eumenes. The tribute that they paide before to Antiochus, they forgaue them, and graunted them to liue frée.

Thus the Romanes diuided their conquest, and when An­tiochus Antiochus the great dieth. the Greate was deade, Seleucus hys sonne succéedyng hym, hée sente for his brother Antiochus that was pledge at Rome, and putte hys sonne Demetrius in hys place.

When Antiochus was come to Athens, Seleucus was kil­led of one Heli [...]d [...]rius that was aboute him. And Eumenes and Attalus droue Heli [...]d [...]rus oute of the Kingdome whiche hée vsur­ped, S [...]leutus killed. and restored it to Antiochus, to haue hys friendshippe, for nowe they were growne into some suspition with the Ro­manes.

Thus Antiochus the sonne of Greate Antiochus was kyng of Syria, who of the Syrians was called the Notable, bicause whē Antiochus the Noble. his kingdome was rauished by others, he shewed to be their na­tural king. Making league with Eumenes, he raigned ouer Syria, and the nations aboute it mightilye. He made Tymarxus lieu­tenaunt of Babylon, and Heraclides hys Treasourer, beyng bre­thren, and in great fauour wyth hym. He made warre vppon Artaxes King of Armenia, whome, when hée hadde taken, hée Antiochus the second dieth. dyed, leauing Antiochus his sonne of nine yeares of age, whom, for his fathers vertue, the Syrians called Eupater Lysias brought Antiochus Eup [...] ­ter. vppe this child.

When the Romanes heard that Antiochus was deade so soone, who in a little tyme had gote great fame, they were glad. Deme­trius, the sonne of Seleucus, brother to Antiochus the Notable, ne­phew to Antiochus the Great, & cousin to this child, being pledge at Rome and of thrée and twentye yeares of age, requyred to be admytted to the Kyngdome, as more neare to him, but it was [Page 160] denyed hym, not thinking it good for them, that a lustye young man shoulde raigne in a childes place. And vnderstanding that there were manye Elephantes in Syria, and more Shyps than was agréede, they sent Ambassadoures to kyll the Elephantes and burne the Shippes. It was a grieuous thing to sée those The ships and Elephants b [...]rned. beastes tame and rare killed, and the ships to bée sette on fyre. Wyth the whiche fighte, one L [...]ptines in L [...]dicia, being offended, finding Cneus Octauius that was chiefe of this Embassage in a The Romaine Ambassadour is killed. Schoole house, kylled hym, and Lysias buried hym.

Demetrius comming againe into the Senate, desired onelye to be released of his Ostageship, being put there for Antiochus, and nowe Antiochus beyng dead.

The whiche when he coulde not obtayne, he fledde awaye [...]etrius flyeth from Rome. priuily, and being receyued gladlye of the Syrians, hée tooke the Kingdome vpon him, and killed the child, and Lysias, and droue awaye Heraclides, and killed Timarchus resisting him, and euill vsing the Babilonians, for the whiche the Babilonians gaue him the [...]ou [...]. name of S [...]ter, and of them it had the beginning.

Demetrius hauing the rule, sent a Crowne of tenne thousande Crownes to the Romanes, to thanke them for the tyme hée was pledge with them, and also, Leptines, that killed Octauius. They accepted the Crown, but would not take Leptines, reseruing that quarrell againste the Syrians.

Demetrius droue Ariarathes oute of his kingdome, and putte Demetrius put­teth out Aris­rathes. in Ol [...]fernes, that was accounted hys brother, for a thousand ta­lentes, the Romanes thinking it good, bothe brethren shoulde rule togither.

These being gone, and Ariobarzanes afterward ouercome of Mithridates king of P [...]nt [...], the warre of Mithridates followed Occasion of the vvarre vvith [...]. brid [...]es. of this and other occasion, the greatest and most variable, made with so manye nations, and continuing fortie yeres in the whi­che time, there were many Kings of Syria in a little time, yet all descended of the royall bloude. There were many changes and tumults in that kingdome. The Parthians reuolting from the Seleucides, the royall bloud. Parthians. rule of Seleucide tooke from them Mesopotamia, that was wont to obey them.

[Page 161] Tigranes, the sonne of Tigranes King of Armenia, toke cer­tayne Tigranes. nations aboute him that had their proper princes, thin­king to be their King, and ouercame Seleucides subiectes that would not obey him. Antiochus the Good, not able to resist him, he gotte all Syr [...]a to Euphrates, and all the generation of Syria to Aegipt. He gote also Cilicia that obeyed the house of Seleuci­des, making Magadates Lieutenante, who ruled them fouretéene yeares: but when Lucullus the Romane Generall did follow Mi­thridates, fleing to Tigranes, Magadates wente with this army to help Tigranes, and so Antiochus, sonne of Antiochus the Good, was broughte into Syria, whome the Syrians obeyed with good Lucullus fauou­red the auntient Kinges. Pompey seeketh cause to put the king! from Syria. will. And Lucullus that firste made warre against Tigranes, and put him from the lands he had wonne, did not enuie the aunti­ent kingdomes. But Pomp [...]yus that followed Lucullus, and ouer­came Mithridates, and compelled Tigranes to rule in Armenia, did cast out Antiochus from the kingdome of Syria, hauing not offended the Romanes in déede, bycause it was an easie thing with such an armye to spoyle a king that had no army, but in pretence, bycause the Seleucidians were expelled of Tigranes, it was not reason they should rule Syria any longer, Tigranes being ouercome of the Romanes. And thus the Romanes got Cilicia and Syria the midde region, and Caelosyria and Phoenitia, and Paphlag [...] ­nia, and all other partes of Syria, from Euphrates to Aegipt, and to the Sea coast, without any fighte. The nation of the Iewes Iews conquered. only remaining, Pompey conquered, and sent their Kyng Aristo­bulus to Rome, and beate downe their greatest and holyest Citie Hierusalem, which Pt [...]lemeus the firste King of Aegipt did ouer­throwe Vespasianus. also, and Vespasianus agayne destroyed it, after it was reedifyed, and in my time Adrianus, and therefore the Iewes Adrianus. haue a greater tribute set vpon euery body, than their substance is worth. The Syrians, and the Cilicians also, payed euery man the hundred part. And Pompey put seueral kings and Princes in Pompey maketh Kings and Te­trarches. the realmes, that obeyed the bloud of Seleacus, as he did to the Galathians in Asia. To these Princes he confirmed the iurisdic­tion of a fourth part, that serued him against Mithridates. And not long after, they fell to the Romanes in Caesars time, and chiefly [Page 162] to Augustus as the case stoode. Pompey appointed Scaurus to rule Syria, who had bin a Treasourer in his camp. And after Scaurus Scaurus. Philippus. Marcelinus, Lentulus. the Senate sent Philippus Marcus, and after Philippe, Marcelinus Lentulus, being of the degrée of Pretors. Bothe these spent theyr tyme in s [...]bduing the Arabians that were tumultuous. And for this cause Lieutenants were sent afterward into Syria, of them that ruled in the city, that they might haue power, both in peace & war, as the Consulls had. The first of these was Gabinius that Gabinius banni­shed for making vvar vpō Egipt. came with an army to make war. And Mithridates king of Par­thia being driuen out of his kingdome by Herodes his brother, came to Parthia againe by the Arabians. And Ptolomie the elea­uenth King of Egipt, being also put out of his kingdome, obtay­ned by much money, that he would inuade Alexandria in steade of Parthia: and so Gabinius making war vpon them of Alexan­dria, restored Ptolomie into his kingdom, wherefore he was bani­shed of y e Romane Senate, for that he made war without commis­sion, that was thought vnlucky to the Romanes. For it was for­bidden by Sibylla. After Gabinius, I thinke, that Crassus ruled Sy­ria, & making war vpon the Parthians, receyued a great losse. And Crassus. L. Bibulus. Sax [...]. The race of the [...]ings of Syria. Lucius Bibulus gouerning Syria after Crassus, the. Parthians inua­ded it. And Sax [...] ruling after Bebulus, they ranged as farre as Ionia, the Romaines being molested with ciuil warres one against another. But this shall be declared perfectly in y booke of y Par­thians war. In this booke, being of Syria, shal be shewed how the Romanes got Syria, and helde it, as they do nowe. It shall not bée amisse to shew how the Macedonians got Syria, and raigned there before the Romanes. For Alexander the King had Syria beyonde Persia, and was king of al y he won. When Alexander was dead, leauing children, one very yong, another in his mothers womb, the Macedonians for the loue of Philips house, chose Arideus to be their king, that was Alexanders brother, although he was thou­ghte not to be wel in his minde, calling hym Philip in steade of Arideus, Alexanders children being yet with tutors, & the mo­ther with child diligently kept. The friends diuided the nations, & Perdiccas was y diuider, vnder king Philip. And the kings being Perdiccas. dead not long after, the great men were made Kings. The first [Page 163] Prince of Syria was Laomedon of Mitilene, set in by Perdiccas, and Laomedon the first prince in Syria. Ptolomie taketh Iaomedon. vvho escapeth. after by Antipater that were kings. Ptolomeus sailed to Laomedon that was ruler of Siria, and perswaded him by muche money, to lette him haue Syria, being an entrie to Egipt, and a defence to Ciprus, the whiche he denying, he tooke hym. And he deceyuing his kéepers, fledde to Alcetas into Caria. And a certaine time Pto­lomie had Syria, and when he had left garrisons in the Cittie, hée sayled into Egipt. Antigonus was prince of Phrygia, Lycia. & Pam­philia, being left ouerséer of all Asia, of Antipater, when he sailed into Europe, to make warre vppon Eumenes, that was Prince of Cappadocia being iudged to be an enimy of the Macedonians, he fled and got Media for himselfe. But Antigonus followed and killed hym, and procéeding, was royally receyued of Seleucus prince of Babilon. But when Seleucus had punished one of the Captains, & not made Antigonus of counsell, being present, he was angrye, and called him to accompte both of money and substaunce. Hée béeyng too weake for Antigonus, fledde to Ptolomie into Egipt.

Antigonus straight after the fléeyng of Seleucus, remoued Blito­ra Blitora from his office, that ruled in Mesopotamia, bicause he furthered Seleucus in his departure, and tooke to himselfe Babilon, Mesopota­mia, and other nations of the Medeans to Hellespont. Antipater be­ing deade, he was by and by suspected to al the other prouinces, hauing so much land. Therfore by the persuasion chieflye of Se­leucus, Ptolomie, and Lysimacus Prince of Thracia, and Cassander, son to Antipater and ruler of Macedonia after his father, they confe­derated togither, and sent a common Ambassage, requiring hym to diuide the lande and money, that hée had gotte, among them and the other Macedonians that had loste their prouinces.

Antigonus laughing at the matter, they made a common war A common vvar against Antigo­nus. againste him. He prepared agaynste them, and threwe onte al the garrisons that Ptolomie had in Syria, and seyzed to himselfe, Phoenitia and Cael [...]syria that yet obeyed Ptolomie. Then he wente to the straights of Cilicia, and lefte his sonne Demetrius, twoo and Gaze a Citie [...]. Persi [...]e. twenty yeares of age, in Gaze with an armye, to resist Ptolomies inuasions from A [...]gipt. But Ptolomie ouercame him at Ga­za in a great fighte, and the yong manne fled to hys father, Ptolomie sente Seleucus by and by to Babylon, to recouer his rule, [Page 164] and gaue him a thousande footemen, and thrée hundred horsmen.

And with these fewe, Seleucus wente to Babilon, where he was gladly receyued of the inhabitantes, and in shorte time hadde a mighty dominion.

Antigonus was reuenged of Ptolomie, and ouercame him in a greate fighte by sea, at Cyprus in the whiche Demetrius his sonne was Admirall, by the whiche being muche renoumed, the ar­mye called them both Kyngs, Antigonus and Demetrius, the Kyngs being deade, Arrideus Philips sonne, and Olimpiades, and Alexanders children. And Ptolomeus armye called him King, that he shoulde séeme not to be inferiour to them that had the victe­rye: and thus a like effect folowed of a contrarye cause. The other straight followed these, and of rulers they were made Kynges. So was Seleucus king of Babylon, and King of Me­dia, Nican [...]r being killed of hym, who was lefte Gouernoure of Media by Antigonus: he made manye warres againste the Ma­cedonians and Barbarians, and two chieflye against the Macedoni­ans. The laste whereof was against Lysimachus king of Thracia, Ipsum. and the first, against Antigonus at Ipsum in Phrygia, where An­tigonus, beyng foure score yeares of age, playde the parte bothe of a Captaine and Souldiour, and being slaine at that field, as manye Kings as tooke parte with Seleucus agaynste Antigonus, The valiantnes of Antigonus an olde prince. diuided his kingdomes betwéen them.

Nowe hadde Seleucus all the rule of Syria beyonde Euphrates, to the sea, and of the midde lande of Phrygia. And euer he laide for the nighe nations, and being able bothe by force to com­pel, and by worde to perswade, he got Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Cappadocia called Seleucida, and Persia, and Parthia, and Bactuae, and The greate do­minion of Seleu­cus. Arabia, and Tapyria, and Sogdia, and Araxosia, and Hyrcania, and all other nighe nations to the floude Indus, whiche Alexander ouercame, so that he, after Alexander, hadde moste regions in Asia. For, from Phrygia to the floude Indus, all the highe lands obeyed Seleucus, and going into Indus, he made warre vpon San­dracoto Sandracoto. king of those Indians that dwelt aboute it, till alliaunce being made, they came to peace. Some of these thinges hée did before the death of Antigonus, and some after hys death. They [Page 155] saye, that being a souldiour, and following the King into Persia, he soughte the Dracle in Didumaeo, to knowe of their returne in­to Macedonia, and it was aunswered. Make no haste to Europe, Asia is much better for thee. And in his fathers house in Mace­donia, Tokens of Seleucus his kingdom the harth did caste foorth a great fyre, no man touchyng it, and his mother had a dreame, to gyue a ring that she shoulde finde, to Seleucus, for he should be a King where that ring should fall from hym, and she found a ring of yron, with an anker gra­uen in it, and he loste his signet at Euphrates, and it is saide also that going to Babilon an other tyme, he stumbled on a stone, and the stone being remoued, an anker was séene: and where the Soothsayer contended that it was a token of delay, Pcolome­us Lagus that went wyth hym saide, an Anker was a token of Anker, token o [...] safetye. safety and not of delay. And for this cause, Seleucus beyng a king, vsed an Anker for his Signet, some thinke also, that Alexan­der being aliue, and beholding it, another token was shewed to Seleucus of his kingdom. As Alexander returned frō India to Ba­bilon, and sailed the Fens of Babilon, bicause Euphrates had ouer­flown y t land of Syria, a sodain wind did blow off his Diademe in­to Alexanders Crovvn blovvn off his heade. a place ful of réedes, where was a Sepulchre of an old king, whiche was a token also of Alexanders death. And that a mar­riner did swimme to it, and set it vpon his heade, to bring it dryt to Alexander, and for his good seruice, the King rewar­ded him with a talent of siluer, the Soothsayers counselling Alexander to kill him, and some saye Alexander did so, and some saye no. And some affyrme, that the Mariner did not swimme for it, but Seleucus, and that he put it vpon his heade, to bring it dryt, and that it was a token of bothe their fortunes. For A­lexander died at Babilon, and Seleucus had the greatest part of A­lexanders lands of any of his successors. Thus much haue I vn­derstanded of the tokens of his felicitie.

Immediatly after Alexanders death, he was made captain of the Guarde of horsemen, whiche Ephesteon had in Alexanders time, and after him, Perdiccas. After this office of horsemen, hée was Gouernour of Babilon, and of a Gouernoure was made a Kyng, and bycause he was victorious in his wars, he was called [Page 166] Nicator, and therefore (I thinke) he had this name, rather than Nicator is a conquerour. for killing of Nicator. He was of a great and mighty body, in so much, as when a wild Bull did breake his bandes at a sacrifice that Alexander made, he only stopped him, and with his hands only staid him, therefore they put hornes vpon his Images. He builded Cities al ouer his kingdomes, sixtéene, named Antio­chia, Cities builded by Seleucus. of his father, and fiue Laodicea, to his mother, nine of hys owne name, four for his wiues, thrée named Apamea, and one Stratonicea, of the whiche, two remayne most noble to this day, Seleucia at the Sea, and Seleucia at the floud Tigris, of his owne name, and Laodicia in Phoenitia, and Antiochia at the hill Libamo, and Apamea of Syria. He named other of Greece and Macedonia, eyther of some feate, or in the honor of Alexander the King, whereby there be in Syria, and in the barbarous Countreys be­yond them, many Cities of the Greeke and Macedonian names, as Berroia, Aedessa, Perinthus, Maronaea, Gallipolis, Achaia, Pella, Orotos, Greek names to di [...]rse Cities. Amphipolis, Arethusa, Astacos, Tiegea, Chalcis, Ecatōpolis, Achaia, in India, Alexandrinopolis, in Scythia, Alexandrescata, and after his victories, Niceporaeon in Mesopotamia, Nicopolis in Armenia that is next Cappadocia.

They saye, that when he builded Seleucia at the Sea, there Seleucia at the Sea. was a token of a lightning, therefore nowe they sacrifice, and sing Himnes to the lightning, bycause it was then sente as a token from God.

When he builded Seleucia at Tigris, he commaunded the Seleucia at Tig [...]s. Southsayers to appoynt a good day, and an houre of that day, when the worke shoulde beginne. The Southsayers tolde a false houre, bycause they would not haue that worke to prosper, and Seleucus sate in his tente, tarrying for the houre, when the armie of themselues, on a suddayne, hauing tarried with silence for the houre that Seleucus appoynted, beganne the worke at the happie hours in déede, thinking some man had commaun­ded them, and wrought so vehemently, as no Proclama­tion The vvonder­ful chaunce in building a Citie. coulde call them backe, tyll they hadde made an ende.

Seleucus being very sory, asked the Southsayers what [Page 167] shoulde become of this Citie: they crauing pardon sayde: O king, the destinie that is appointed, be it good or badde, neyther man nor Cittie can auoyde. For there is a destinie of Cities, as well as of men. And this Citie shal be of moste long continuaunce by the appointment of God, being begon at this houre. We, fearing this building would haue bene a brydle to vs, went about to put by the destinie: but that is of greter force than eyther the subtiltie of the Soothsayers, or the ignorance of the king: For god gaue the happy time to the army, and by that only, you may learne, and thinke we can not nowe deceiue you. For thou the king diddest set with thyne armye, and thy selfe diddest commaund they should tarry. And where they haue al­wayes bin most obedient to thée in perils and paines, they could not now holde nor stay at thy commaundement, but went to it, not by partes, but altogither with their captaynes as they had bin commaunded, and they were commaunded in déed, for when thou commaundedst to the contrarye, they would not heare it: what is there then greater among men, than a king, but God, God guideth kings. who is the ruler of thy will, and thy guide of this citie in steade of vs, and being oftēded with vs, and al our nation here about, for how can our things stande, when a stronger generation ri­seth vpon vs? This citie shall be happy, mighty, and long conti­nuing. Confirme thy pardon to vs, that haue erred for feare of the losse of our priuate goods. When the wisemē had sayd thus, Seleucus was glad and pardoned them. And this muche haue I learned of Seleucia.

Seleucus being aliue, made his sonne king of all the high landes. And although this may appeare a princely and royall acte, yet more princely and moderate was the taking of hys sonnes loue, and the tempering of the affection therof.

Antiochus loued Stratonica wife to Seleucus and mother in lawe to hym, and had borne a childe to Seleucus. Antiochus be­ing ashamed of this straunge passion, neyther prosecuted so e­uill a thing, nor vttered it, but was sicke, pyning away, & glad­ly procured his own death.

[Page 168]The notable phisition Erasistratus, of counsell wyth Seleucus in The maruellous loue of Antioch moste waightye affaires, coulde not coniecture the disease, till he had perceyued that his body was sounde in all partes, then he iudged the disease to be of the minde, by the loue or affecti­on of the whiche, the body is afflicted. Sorrow, anger, and care, be commonly discouered, but loue is kepte secreate in a modest mynde. Of the whiche, Antiochus woulde vtter nothing to hym, thoughe hee vsed all gentle meanes to learne it secretly. He sate by him and obserued all the mutations of hys bodye, howe they stoode when any came in, and finding that at all other hys body was quiet and féeble in like sorte. But when Stratonica the Greate came in, to sée him, his minde was vexed with shame­fastnesse and conscience, and he then moste disquiet and silent, and his pulses of it selfe, more liuely and mouing, and when she was gone, féeble againe. The Phifition therefore tolde Seleucus that his sonne was sicke of an incurable disease.

The King asking howe, and crying out for griefe, he sayde, the sicknesse was Loue, and the loue of a woman, but it was im­possible to haue hir. Seleucus maruelling, that there shoulde bée anye, that hée, being King of Asia, could not persuade to marry with his sonne, either for fauour, for money and gifts, and for his whole Kingdome, which shoulde descend to the sicke prince, the whiche he woulde giue him presently, if any would preserue his healthe, and only praide him to tell him whose wife it was. Then saide Erasistratus, it is my wife that he loueth. Then Se­leucus spake thus: O good Erasistratus, for the friendship and be­nefites A singular Phi­sition. that thou hast receyued of vs, for the rare wisedome and vertue that is in thée, wylte thou not saue a young man and a King, and the sonne of thy friend and a King, vnfortunate and temperate, hiding his euill, and more ready to dye? wilt thou so little passe of Antiochus? wilte thou so little regard Seleucus? He framing still hys matter, saide, It is a thing by reason, that cannot be auoyded, for though you be his father, you would not let him haue youre wife, if he loued hir.

When Seleucus heard this, he sware by all the kingly Gods, [Page 169] that he woulde willingly and gladly let him haue hir, and be a noble example, of the loue of a good father to a sonne, sober, and continent in affliction, and vnworthy such aduersitie. Spea­king many such things, he began to be gréeued that he could not be a Phisitian to the sicke man, but that he must haue néede of [...]rasi [...]tratus in the matter.

When he perceyued the King to be so earnest in déede, and not to dissemble, he declared the case, and shewed how he founde it out, for all his hiding of it. Seleucus being maruellous glad, had yet two things to do; the one to persuade his sonne, and the other to persuade his wife. When he had so done, he called the A rare example of a princely fatherly loue to an afflicted mo­dest sonne. armie togither, which peraduenture had heard somewhat of the matter. He rehearsed vnto them the actes that he had done, and the great dominions that he had gotte aboue any of Alexan­ders successoures, he sette out at length. And bycause it was too muche for an olde man to gouerne, I will (quoth he) diuide the greatnesse of it, for your better assurance in time to come, and I will giue part to them that I loue best. It is reason that all you do ioyne with me in all thinge, who haue bin encreased to so great rule and power vnder me, after Alexander. The chiefest things that I haue, and most worthy my kingdome, is myne el­dest sonne and my wife. They shall not be long withoute chyl­dren, being yong, and so shall you haue more stayes of this state. In your presence I ioyne thē togither in marriage, and I sende them to be kings into the vpper regions. And I institute, that not rather the custome of the Persians, or other nations, be a lawe among you, than a common law to you all, that it is euer iust, that is ordeyned among you by the king Thus he sayde. The armye made acclamations, that he was the most noble King since Alexander, and the most worthy father.

When Seleucus had said as muche to Stratonica and his sonne, he celebrated the matrimony, and sent them to their kingdoms, A most glorious acte▪ an acte more glorious and victorious, than all that euer he had done in the warres. He hadde vnder him thréescore and twelue Princes, of so greate a Countrey was he king. Hauing gyuen the most part to his sonne, he kept only y sea coast at Euphrates. [Page 170] The last warre that he hadde, was with Lysimachus in Phrygia, next Hellespont, in the which he ouercame Lysimachus that was killed in the fight. He passyng Hellespont and going to Lysimachia was killed. For Ptolomie following kylled him. He was called The noble king Seleucus, is killed by treason, of Ptolomie C [...]r [...] [...]o, vvhom he kept from his fathers fury. Ceraunus, the sonne of Ptolomeus S [...]teros, and Eurydices, daughter to Antipa [...]er. He fledde oute of Egipt for feare, bycause he suspected that Ptolomie woulde giue the Kingdome to his youngest sonne. And Seleucus receyued him and kept him, as the son of his friend, and ledde hym aboute with hym that should kyll him.

Thus dyed Seleucus at .lxxiij. yeares of his age, and .xltj. of his raigne. And I thinke the saying was meant of hym. Make no haste to Europe, Asia is better for thee: for Lysimachia is in Europe, and this was the first time that he sailed into Europe since he followed Alexander in the warre. They say that asking once of his death, it was aunswered by Oracle:

If thou auoydest Argos, thou shalte haue thy naturall age,
But if thou goest to Argos, thou shalt dye before thy time.

There is Argos in Pelloponeso, and Argos Amphilochion, and Argos. Argos in Orestiade, of the which come the Macedanians called Ar­geades, Diomedes. the which Diomedes did build when he fled into Ionia. And whatsoeuer Argos was named in any place, he foughte for it, and tooke héede of it. But when he went to Lysimachia from Hel­lespont, there was an Altare in his fight greate and goodly, and when he vnderstoode the name was Argos, he didde aske if the Argonants made it, when they sayled into Colches, or the Achai­ans, when they went to the battell of Troy, and, if therfore the in­habitants call the Altare Argos, or for that the shyppe was pe­rished there, or for y t it was the Country of Atrida. And whiles Ceraunius is a name giuen for boldnes and svviftnesse of vvitte. Ph [...]leterus bought the dead body of Seleucus to bury it. he was asking these questions, he was killed of Ceraunus com­ming behinde hym and dispatchyng hym. Philet [...]rus ruler of Pergamo, didde bring Seleucus, buying his bodye of Ceraunus for a great summe of money, and sent the ashes to hys sonne An­tiochus, who didde make a Sepulchre for him at Seleucia nexte the Sea, with a temple and a Chappell, and named the Chappell [Page 171] Nicat [...]rio. We learn that Lysimachus was one of Alexanders gard Token of Lysi­machus raigne. and on a tyme runnyng by him a greate whyle, as faste as hée rode, being weary, he helde hys horse by the tayle, and ranne on, and being hurte in the foreheade with the ende of the Kinges speare, and bléeding, the King, for lacke of other cloth, stopped the wounde wyth his Crowne, whereby the Crowne was full Aristander southsayer. of bloude: and that Aristander, that was Alexanders prophete, séeyng thys chaunce of Lysimachus, saide, he should be a King, but he shoulde raigne with great difficultie.

He raigned .xl. yeres, with them that he was a ruler, and raig­ned with great paines: and being .lxx. years of age, fought a field and was s [...]aine, Seleucus that killed him, liuing not long after him. His body lying on the grounde, a dog of hys kepte a long Thorax. time, defending it safe from foules and beastes, till Thorax of Pharsali [...] found it and buryed it. Some saye that Alexander his son, did bury it, fléeing for fear to Seleucus, bicause Lysimachus had killed Agathocles an other son of his, lōg séeking his body y t was The faythfulnes of a dogge. kept of the dog, & finding it putrified. His bones were buryed in a Temple of Lysimachia, & called it the temple of Lysimachus. This ende had either of these Princes, moste valiaunt of minde, and Tvvo noble princes. The succession of Seleucus. Antiochus Sot [...]r that is sauiour. bigge of bodye, the one béeyng .lxx. yeares of age, and the other thrée more, fighting with toeir own handes to the death. When Seleucus was deade, his children succéeded him in the Kyngdome of Syris, after this sorte. First this Antiochus that loued his mo­ther in lawe, who was called Soter, driuing awaye the Galatians that came out of Europ [...] into Asia, the secōd, another Antiochus, gotten in this mariage, whome the Milesians called first a God, Antiochus Deus. bycause he killed Timarchus their Tyranne. But this God hys wife killed with a potiō. He had two wiues, Laodice, and Berenice, Laodice. Berenice. being despoused for loue, both the daughters of Ptolomie Philadel­phos. Laodice killed him, and after him Berenice and hir childe. And Ptolomeus the son of Philodelphus in reuenge, killed Laodice, inua­ded Syria, and tooke Babilon. And the Parthians didde begynne to reuolte from the Kingdome subiecte to the Seleucid [...]ns, bycause it beganne to be molested. After hym that was called God, reig­ned Seleucus his sonne by Laodice, named Callinicos.

[Page 172]After Seleuc [...], two children of Seleucus in order, Seleucus and Antiochus. Scleucus being weake and féeble, and hauing a diso [...]e­dient Seleucus, Calinicus. armie, was poysoned of his friendes, after he had raigned two yeares. Then Antiochus the Great, of whom I haue writ­ten, Seleucus Antio­chus M [...]gnus. who was ouercome of the Romanes. He raigned xxxvij. years. Of him and his children I haue spoken before, both being kings, Seleucus and Antiochus, Seleucus twelue yeares weak and doyng nothing for his fathers misfortune: Antiochus not fully Artaxia king. two yeares, in the whiche, he ouerthrewe Artaxia of Armeni [...], and inuaded Egipt againste Pt [...]lomie the sixte, who, with his bro­ther, were left Orphanes. And whiles he was in camp at Alexan­drîa, Popilius the Romane Ambassadoure came, bringing a de­crée, The Senate of Popil [...]s. in the whyche was written, that Antiochus shoulde not make warre vpon the Ptolomies, whiche when he vnderstoode, he saide he woulde take deliberation. Then Popilius made a cir­cle with a rodde, and saide: In this take thee aduisement. He be­ing afraide, brake vp his camp, and spoyled the Temple of Ve­nus of Elymaea, after the which he died of a consumption, leauing Elymaea at the coast of Eupat [...]r, a sonne of nine years of age, Antiochus Eupat [...]r, of whom I haue spoken, and of Demetrius his successoure, who being pledge at Rome, fledde and was King, and called also Sotor of the Syrians, the second after Seleucus Nicator [...] son. Alexander coun [...]erfaiting Alexander the counterfaite getteth the king­dom of Sy [...]i [...], [...]ca [...]. hymselfe to be of the house of Seleucides, rose against him, whom Ptolomeus King of Egipt maintained for hate of Demetrius. And Demet [...]ius losing his kingdome by Ptolomie, dyed, but Deme­trius, sonne to hym that was called Sotor, expelled Alexander, & bicause he did ouercome a bastarde by birth, he was called Nica­tor of the Syrians, the second after Seleucus. He also, after Seleu­cus, made warre vppon the Parthians, where being Captiue, he liued with Phraarta the Kyng, whose sister Radogine, he marryed. For want of a king Diodotus a seruaunt of the kings, broughte D [...]odotus brin­geth in the [...]a­stards son R [...]phon in Alexander, sonne to Alexander the bastard, & Ptolomies sister, & made him king, then he killed the childe, & raigned himself, chan­ging his name into Tryphon. But Anti [...]chus, brother to Demetriu [...] the captiue, hearing of his captiuitie at the Rhodes, with muche add killed Tryphon, after he was come into the Countrey. Then [Page 173] he made war againste Phraartes, requiring his brother, Phraartes was afraide of him, and deli [...]ered Demetrius. Antiochus neuer­thelesse Antiochus [...] ­leth him [...] D [...]metrius is [...] ­led o [...] his vvise. Selencus is killed o [...] h [...] mother. fighting with the Parthians, was ouercome, & killed him­selfe. And when Demetrius was returned to his kingdome, Cleopa­tra his wife killed him, for ielousie of his other wife Radogine, for the whiche cause he was marryed to Antiochus Demetrius bro­ther. Shée had two children by Demetrius, Sele [...]thus and Antio­chus called Grypus: by Antioch [...]s, she had A [...]tiochus called [...]izicenus. She sent G [...]ypus to Athens, Cyzicenus to Cyzic [...], to be brought vp, Seleucus, y succeded after his father, she killed with an arrow, either fearing y reuengement of his father, or y she vsed a furi­ous hate in al things. After Seleucus, Gripus was king, who cau­sed Grypus killed his mother to saue himselfe. Cyzicenus dri­ueth ou [...] Grypus. Seleu [...]us driueth out Cyzicenus. Mopsus is a [...]ree Citie in Cilicia vvhich S [...]a [...]o calleth Mopsu [...] E [...]sebes good or devvtifull. his mother to drinke y poyson that [...]he had prepared for him. Thus was she punished. Gripus was a fit son for such a mother, for he laide waite for Ciziceno, though they were both of one mo­ther, which, when he perceiued, he fought with him, & droue hym out of his kingdom, & raigned in his stéede in Syria. But him did Seleucus y son of Grypus ouerthrow, though he was his vncle, & bicau [...]e he was a very cruel tyran, he was burned in a schoolehouse at Mops [...]estia, Cilicia. Antiochus, sō of Cyzicenus succeded him, who y Syrians thinke escaped the traines of his cousin Seleucus, for his goodnesse, therfore they call him the God. But his woman sa­u [...]d him, b [...]ing in loue with his person. Yet I thinke the Syri­ans gaue him this name in derisiō. For this Eusebes maried Selene, Pompey taketh the kingdom [...] of Syri [...]. y was first his fathers wife, & then Gripus his vncles wife. Ther­fore by the wil of God, he was expulsed his realme by Tigranes, who sent his son y he had by Selene, to be brought vp in Asia, and therfore was called Asiaticus, whom Pompey put from y King­dom of Syria, as we haue said, being y , xvij. K. of Syria of the house of Seleucus. For I leaue out Alexander, & Alexanders son as ba­stards, & their seruāt Diodotus, raigning but one yere, whiles Pō ­pey was about other busines. The rule of Seleucus race cōtinued 270. yeres. And if a ma [...] looke from Alexander to the Romaynes time, he muste adde to these 270. yeares. 14. of Tigranes.

This I thought good to write of the Macedonians, ruling in Syria, as in a treatise by the way.

The ende of the R [...]s vvar [...]e vvith Antiochus the Great, King of [...]

¶ The Romaines warres with the Carthaginenses: by Appian of Alexandrîa.

THe Phoenitians did builde Carthage in Libya, fiftie yeres after the taking of Troy, the builders of it, Xorus and Carchedon. But as the Romanes and y The proper name of Dido, vvas [...] vvho killed hirselfe rather than she vvould mary vvith a Barbarian king Tyrus is novv called P [...] ­ [...] [...] [...]. It vvas [...] Iland. Alex­ander ioyned [...] to the land. Pygmaleon son to [...] kin of Tyrus, killed Sy­cheas his sisters [...]. Carthagineās themselues think, Dido a woman of Tyria, whose husbād Pygmaleon a Tiran of Tirus had killed, and kept the act secret. She knowing it by a vision, [...]edde with a greate deale of money, and as ma­nye as hated the Tirannie of Pigmaleon, and sayled to Libya, where nowe is Carthage, and beeyng driuen away by the Li­byans, they desired so muche place to inhabite, as they coulde compasse with the hyde of a Bull. A laughter was made of this t [...]fling spéeche of the Phoenitians, who were ashamed to de­nye so little a matter: but chiefly they maruelled howe a Cittie could be made in so little a space, and being desirous to sée the subtilty, by oth they promised to giue it. They cut the hide into one thinne thong, and compassed that part, where now the ca­stle of Carthage is: and of this it was called Birsa. In time ro [...]ng from thence, and fighting with their neyghbours, for whom they were to good, and by the vse of their shippes, keping the sea after the Phoenitian manner, they buylded the Citie that is without Birsa, and waxed so mightie, as they were Lordes of Byrsa is an [...]yde or a skinne. Libya, and a great parte of the sea▪ Then they made warres in farre Countries, in Sicelie and Sardinia, and other Iles, that [...]ée in the sea, and in Spaine. They sent out many inhabitations, and Ph [...]i [...] is in Sy­ria next the I [...]w [...]. In [...]entrice of letters and nauigation, they [...] tvvo chief c [...] vvere Tyrus and Syd [...]. had a dominion in power comparable to the Grecians, and in ri­ches to the Parthians 700. yeares after the beginning, the Ro­manes toke from them Sicelie & Sardinia, and in the seconde war Spaine also. Thus they inuading one another with gr [...] armies, they by the con [...] of Annibal, xvj. yeares togither wasted Ita­l [...]e, the other Cornelius Scipio the elder being Captaine, afflicted Libya, t [...] they tooke from Carthage, rule, nauie, and Elephāts, and apointed them to paye [...]ny by daies. Then the second peace [...]ing made betwen the Romanes & them, continued. 50. yeres, til being broken, they made the third & last war betwéen thē. In y [Page 175] whiche, the Romanes ouerthrewe Carthage, Scipio the yonger being The Greeke vvord is [...], vvhich signifieth accu [...]sed or a place that may not be inhabited The habitation vvas [...]edde by [...]. Grac [...]us and Flaccus, vvhen the citie vvas troubled for the [...]avv of landes but not then allovved. Generall, & determined it shoulde neuer be inhabited. Yet they sent an habitation thither of their owne people, verye nighe the former place, to be a fitte defence againste Libya. The matters of Sicelie, be tolde in that Treatise: The doings of Spaine, in the Spanishe Historie: And what Annibal did, when he inuaded Ital [...]e: in the war of Annibal. This booke doth comprehēd all that was done in Libya from the beginning. The Romanes entred this war, after that of Sicelie, & with .v. C. & xxx. ships, sayled into Libya, and tooke many cities, & left Attilius Regulus with a power▪ General there, who tooke .ij. C. [...]ities more, whiche being wearye of Car­thage, yéelded to him & he went on, & wasted their land. The Car­thagineans sent to the Lacedemonians for a Captaine, thinking that they were ouercome for lacke of a good leader, they sente Zantip­pus vnto them. Attilius encamped at a Fen▪ & in the hote tyme, went about the Fen against his enimies, laden with heauy har­nesse, [...]e [...]arthagi [...] send to Lacede­monia for a Captaine. and vexed with thirst, heate, and hardnesse of way, & beaten with the shot from the [...]igh places. When it was almoste night, he drewe [...]igh & a floude did diuide them▪ therefore he passed the floud, that so he might afray Zantippus. But he hauing set his ar­my in order, brought it forth of his cāp, thynking to ouermatch Santippus is sent frō Lacedemonia. them that were hote & weary, & that the night should help his vi­ctorie: and he was not deceyued of this hope, for of .xxx. M. men which Attilius [...]ed, a few hardly escaped to the citie of Aspis, the rest were al slaine or taken, & with them Attilius the General & Consull was captiue. The Carthaginians being weary, sent hym not long after, with their Ambassadors to Rome, to worke theyr Aspis or Cl [...] of the likenesse of a buck [...]er, is a Citie in Affric [...] in the pro [...]nt [...] ▪rie of Mercurie. Regul [...] di [...]a­d [...]th peace in Rome, and is tor­mented to death at Carthage. The ingratitude of the Carthagi­nians tovvard Santippus. peace, or to returne, & he, in secret, with the best of the Romanes, persuaded them to continue the war ernestly, & returned willing­ly to the sea. The Carthaginians put him in a Caue beset with y­ron pricks, & killed him. This felicitie of Zantippus, brought his own calamitie. For the Carthaginians, pretending to send him home honorably with man [...]e giftes to Lacedemonia, in certaine galleys, commaunded the Captaines to drowne him and them that sayled with hym. This rewarde hadde he for his well doyng. And these were the good and euil happes that the Romanes [Page 176] had in the first war in Libya, til the Carthaginiās gaue place to thē in Sicelie: and how they gaue place, it is declared in the wa [...]re of After 24. yeares vvar, the Cartha g [...]s vvere driuē out of Sicelie C. [...]ct [...]tu [...] Catullus being Consul. Sicelie, after the whiche there was peace betwéene Rome and Carthage.

The Libyans that were vnder Carthage and serued them in Sicelie, and the French, that were hyred, had a quarell againste the Carthaginians, for with-holding their wayes, and made them sharpe warre. They of Carthage sente for helpe to Rome, as to their friendes. The Romaines onely graunted them to gather men of Italy for this warre. For this also was doubtfull in the capitulations: and they sent some to pacifye the matter, whom the Libyans would not heare, but woulde make their Cities sub­iect to the Romaines if they would, but they did not accept thē. The Carthaginians with a great nauy molested their Cities, and The Carthagies kill the Ro­maine merchāts. kept victuals from them by sea, and being in want also by lande, as is wont in warre, the Libyans were ouercome, and the mer­chauntes that passed, were spoyled of the née [...]y sorte: and such of the Romanes, as they killed they thre [...] ouer boorde, [...]hat it shold not be seene: and it was not knowen a great while: and when it was knowen, deuying to make recompence, wa [...]re was decréed against them by the Romanes, in the whiche they gaue Sardinia for a payne, and it was written in the former conditions. Not long after the Carthaginians i [...]aded Spam, and gote it by little and little, till the Saguntines, fléeing the Romaines, the limites of Carthage in Spaine, was not paste the floude Hi [...]eris. These [...]erus novv [...]b [...]is a floud in Spaine [...]at diui­de [...]h Ar [...]on. agréements the Carthaginenses brake, and went beyonde, Anni­ball being theyr Capitayne, leauyng Iberia to be kept by other Captaines, he went into Italie.

The Romaines Captaines in Iberia, P. Cornelius Scipio, and C. Cornelius Scipio, being brethren, and hauing done many noble An openion of diuine iuspu [...]ō in Scipio. a [...]e [...], were both slaine of the enimies, and the Captaines af­ter them did but [...]uill, till Scipio, the sonne of Publius Scipio that was slaine in Iberia, sayled th [...]ther, and putting an opinion in all men, that he went in gods name, and vsed a diuine counsel in all his do [...]s, he had a glorious victorie, and being therfore of gret r [...]oume, hedeliuered his army to them that were sent to be his [Page 177] successours, and went to Rome: he obtayned an army to be sent Contention in the Senate for Scipio going to Carthage. into Libya, to driue Annibal out of Italie, and to plague the Car­thaginiās in their own countrey. Some of the rulers of the citie, spake against it, that bicause Italy was troubled w t so gret war, Annibal yet wasting of it, & Mago in y sides of it, hyring strāge souldiers in Ligurie & France, it was not good to make war vpon Libya, nor to inuade another Country, til the present hurt were healed at home. Some thought that the Carthaginians, whyche now without feare, did ouertunne Italie: bycause they were not vexed at home, if warre were made vppon them, woulde sende for Annibal. Thus it was obtained to sende Scipio into Libya, not suffering him to gather men in Italy, being yet wasted by Annibal, but graunting him to leade such, as would willingly goe with hym, and to vse them that were yet in Sicelie, gyuing him leaue to prepare tenne gallies, and to make supply for thē, The slender set­ting forth of Scipio to so great a vvarre. and to take them that were in Sicelie. Money they gaue him none, except any man for friendshippe would contribute vnto him. So slenderly began they this warre at the first, which af­ter redounded to their great honour. Thus Scipio, inflamed as from God, against Carthage, and gathering .vij. thousand horse and footemen at the most, sayled into Sicelie, hauing with hym The pollicie of Scipio to arme 300▪ Italians. for his guarde thrée hundred chosen yong striplings, whom hée commaunded to folow without armoure. He appointed thrée hundred of the wealthy Sicilians, to come at a day assigned, fur­nished with as good armour and horse as they coulde. When they were come, he graunted them, if they would, to giue other to serue in their place: where with being all content, he brought forth the thrée hundred that were vnarmed, and willed them to chaunge with them, they willinglye deliuered both horse and harnesse: & so Scipio had 300. Italians, for as many Sicilians, very well furnished with goodly horse and armoure, who gaue him great thanks, and he had thē continually most ready in seruice.

The Carthaginians hearing this, sent Asdrubal Giscanes son, Ligurie is that part of Italie vvhich novv be longeth to the Genowais. to hunt for Elephants, and sent to Mago, that made men in Li­guria, sixe thousande footemen, eight hundred horse, and seauen Elephāts, commaunding him with as many more as he could, [Page 178] to scoure the Tuscane sea, and to kepe Scipio frō Libya, Mago made no hast, bicause he could not ioyne with Annibal being so farre of, & also for that he euer foresaw the end. Asdrubal cōming [...]r [...] the hunting, gathered of the Carthaginians and Libyans six thou­sand footemen of either &, 600. horse, and he bought 500. slaues, to row in the gallies, and 2000. horsemen of the Numidians, and hyred strangers, and trayned them all, 200. furlongs from Car­thage. The Princes that were in Libya, were of seuerall domini­ons, of al the which, Syphax was of gretest honour with al men. Massinissa also the sonne of a noble king of high bloud of Massu­lia, was nourished and brought vp in Carthage, of goodly body & Massinissa is made sure to Sophinisba. good behauiour. Asdrubal G [...]sgo, inferiour to none in Carthage, had dispoused him to his daughter, though she were of Carthage and he a Numidian: when he had ensured them, he carryed the Syphax in loue vvitin Sophoniba maketh vvarre vpon the Car­thaginians and allieth vvith Scipio. Missinissa allieth vvith Scipio. Sophinisba is giuē to Syphax. yong man with him into Spaine, where he was Captaine. Now Syphax that was in loue with [...] ma [...]de, m [...]ded the Carthagi­niās, and made league with [...], [...] from Spaine to in­uade Carthage. The Carthagini [...] hearing of it, and thinking it a great furtherance to the [...]anes war, to haue Syphax ayde, they gaue the Virgin to him, vnknowen to Asdru [...]al & Massi­nissa, being in Spain. Massinissa disda [...]ning at this, did also confe­der with Scipio in Spaine, keping it secret, as he thoughte from Asdrubal. Who vnderstanding of it, was grieued at the iniury that was made to his daughter and the yong man, yet thought it beste for his Countrey, to dispatche Massinissa, and where he should go into Libya from Iberia after the death, of his father, he sent some to conducte him, commaunding, as secretely as they coulde, to kil Massinissa. He perceyuing it, fledde, and gotte hys Massinissa esca­peth traynes. fathers kingdome, and gathered horsemen with continuall ex­ercise day and night, vsing them w t much shot on horsebacke, to giue onset and retire, and to charge againe, all their fight con­sisting in flying and chasing. And hauing gathered twentye Massinissa tray­neth his men. thousande of them, he ledde them to huntings or prayes of other nations, by the which he thought to make them endure payne The hardnes of the Numidians. and labour. For the Numidians can abide hunger, and vse herbes in steade of corne, and drinke water altogither. Their horse [Page 179] neuer tastbarley, but alwayes eate grasse, and drinke but sel­dome.

The Carthaginians and Syphax, thinking this exercise that this yong man made, was against them, for they were not ig­noraunte wherein they had offended him, determined firste to make war, and ouercome him, and then to méete with the Ro­manes. Syphax & the Carthaginiās were many moe, with chariots and cariage for aboundaunce. Massinissa would himselfe begin The manner of Massinissa in the vvarre. the labour, hauing only horsemen, no cariage nor forrage, that he might the more easily flie and turne again vpon his enimies and retire to strong places, and being many times circumuen­ted, diuided his armie, that they might the better flée by partes, he hiding himselfe with a fewe, till they might come to him by night or day, as was appointed. He being the thyrde man, dyd once lye hidde in a haue, the enimies camping about it. We ne­uer stayd in campe, but euer led his army, to be vnknown wher he was, so as the enimies coulde not come to hands with him, but only kepe him backe, when he came to them. His foode was euery day, what he could get at night, were it in field, town or Citie, catching and spoyling euery thing, and diuiding it to hys companions. Wherefore many Numidians came vnto him, no wagies being appointed, but to take the gayn, that was much better. Thus did, Massinissa warre with the Carthaginians. Whē Scipio had made all thing ready in Sicelie he sacrifised to Iupiter & Neptune, & came toward Libya with. 52. long ships 400. ships of burden, and many pinesses and foysts folowed. He led an army of sixtéene thousand footemen, a thousand sixe hundred horsemē, he caried also much armour and munition, and much victuall, and sayled [...]. The Carthaginians and Syphax hearing of it, pur­p [...]sed to de [...]ue, Massinissa, and to [...] him to societie, till they had ouercome [...]. He not being ignoraunt of their deceites, Vtica vvas the fayre [...] citie in Aff [...]c [...] next Carthage, thirtie miles of, in the vvhich Cato kil­led himselfe vvhen Caesar fo­lovved him. layde the like for them▪ & cōmunicated al with Scipio, & as he had [...]in reconciled, came to Asdrubal with his horsemen. And being all [...] camp not [...]rr [...] asunde [...] at the [...]itie of V [...]i [...] vnto the whiche, [...] being brought by the [...] [...] [...]mpe there also.

[Page 180] Asdrubals campe was not much from him, hauing twenty thousand footemen .vij. thousande horsemen, and a hundred six­tie Elephantes. Syphax eyther afrayde, or being distrusted of Syphax goeth from the campe bothpretending his kingdom in diuerse parts to be molested of his neyghbours, went to his countrey. Scipio sente to skirmish with Asdrubal, and toke some of his Cities. In the night Mas­sinissa came secretly to Scipios campe, and giuing him his hande, wished him the next day to send v. M. to lye close at a place .xxx. Agathocles vvas Tira [...] of Sy­racus [...] and bu [...] ­ded this tovver vvhen he made vvat against the C [...]thagi [...]s. furlongs from Vtica, where is a tower, that Agathocles Tiran of Syracusa did make, and by day he perswaded Asdrubal, to send Hann [...] the Capytaine of his horsemen, to espie the number of the enimies, and enimies, and to ride to Vtica, that they made no mutation when the enemie should be at hand, and he, if he would so com­maund, would follow. Hanno toke a thousand choyse horsemen of Carthage, and a number of Lybians: and Massinissa led his Nu­midians. When they were come to the tow [...], and Hanno roade towarde Vtica with a fewe: part of the ambushe appeared, and Massinissa then commaunded him that hadde the charge of the Carthaginian horsemen, to set vpon them being but fewe, and Scipio getteth▪ a day by the poli­cie of Massinissa. he followed straight as to helpe them. The Libyans being in the middest, and still more of the traynes appearing, they were all killed on both sides, of the Romaines, and Massinissa, except ii [...]j. C. which were taken prisoners. When this was don, Massinissa Massinissa taketh Hanno and claymeth him for his mother. went to Hanno as his friend, and toke him, and brought him to Scipio, and chaunged him for his mother, that was with Asdru­bal. Scipio and Massinissa spoyled the lande, and deliuered the Ro­maines that were bound, and dygged the fields, being sente of Annibal, from Iberia and Sicilia, and from Italie it selfe. They besieging a greate Citie called L [...]cha, & had much a trouble at it, Locha is spoyled by souldiou [...]s furie. when the assault shold be giuen, the Lochaians, signifying to yeld vpon conditions. Scipio called the retire. The souldiours for an­ger of the businesse they hadde about it, would not heare it, but mounting the wals, killed women and children. Scipio let them go safe that were left, and [...]oke the sp [...]yle from the souldiours, & the Captaines that had [...]ended, he toke by lot out of all, and thrée he punished with death, and this done, wasted the country.

[Page 181] Asdruball had traines for them, sending Mago with the horse A secon [...] vi [...]o­rye [...] [...]pi [...]. before, hée folowing behinde with the rest. The Romanes béeyng in the middest, diuided themselues, and eyther of them giuing charge vppon the other, they killed fiue thousand Numidians, and tooke a thousand eight hundred prisoners, the reste they droue to the ground headlong.

Nowe Scipio besieged Vtica both by sea and land, and sette a The si [...]ge of V [...]c [...] Tower vppon two gallies, from the which he threwe dartes of thrée cubits, and great stones vpon the ennim [...]es. Muche did he an [...]y them, and was muche annoyed himselfe: hys ships beeyng crushed, he made greate trenches, and beat the walles with hys These hookes vvere like s [...]th [...] to pal the sto [...] out of the vva [...]. rammes, and pulled with his hookes al the hydes and lether co­uertes that they hadde vpon the walles. They within vndermi­ned the rampires, and caught the hookes with strings, and brake the force of the rammes, casting beames against the breastes of them, and sallied oute againste the engines with fire, when the winde bare the force to them. Wherefore Scipio despayring so to get the Citie, determined to win it by long [...]ge.

When Syphax hearde of this, he came with his army, and lod­ged Syphax cōmeth againe to the field. not farre from Asdruball, dissemblyng to be friend to both, and delaying the warre of purpose, till the other ships that were come, were arriued at Carthage, and the hyred Souldi [...]rs of Li­guria and Lumbardi [...] were come also, and practised a peace, thin­king it iuste, neyther that the Romanes should warre vpon Libya, Siphex dealeth for peace. nor the Carthaginians vppon Italie. That the Romanes shoulde haue Sicili [...], Sardinia, and the other Ilands, and Iberia. And them that did consent hereto, he would help [...], and be against them that did not. He practised also to winne Massinissa vnto him, offering, The practise of Syphax. to confirme him in the Kingdome of Massilia, and of his thrée si­sters, to giue him whiche he woulde in marryage. Hée that was the messenger,▪ carryed golde with him, that if he coulde not perswade hym, he shoulde gyue it to one of hys seruauntes, that woulde promise to kyll him: When Massinissa had refu­sed A pract [...]e to [...] Massinissa. these offers, the messenger gaue the golde to one to kyll him. He that tooke it, shewed it to Massinissa, and bewrayed the gyuer. Syphax, thinking he could not any longer delay, openlye ayded [Page 182] the Carthaginians. He tooke a citie in the vpland called Tholunta, hauing the Romanes munition and victualles by treason, and kil­led [...] taketh [...], [...]n the vvhiche vvas the Romaynes pro [...]nion. The determina­tion of the enni­m [...]e againste the Romanes. the kéepers of it, bycause they woulde not go awaye vppon truste, and he sent more great a [...]de of the Numidians.

Nowe were the Merceanrie souldiors come, and the Shippes wel appointed, when they agréed of the battel that Syphax should set vpon them that were at the [...]ege, that Asdrubal should force Scipio his campe, and Shippes shoulde fight wyth shyppes, and all at once the nexte daye, that the Romanes, bycause they were so fewe, shoulde not be able to resiste. At night Massinissa vn­derstanding of it by certaine Numidians, tolde it Scipio. Hée being Massinissa saueth the Romanes frō a greate danger. in doubt and afrayde, least, if his armye were muche diuided, it shoulde be too weake in all pointes, he called the Captaines that night to a counsell, and when he sawe them in some doubte, hée saide:

‘Boldenesse and spéede, (O friendes) and fight of desperation, The oration of Scipio, touching the sodaine assalting of the enni­mye. nowe beséemeth vs. Let vs go and set vpon our enimyes. What we shall winne thereby, now learne. Our sodayne comming vp­on them, shal amaze them, and the strangenesse of the feate, that a fewe woulde auenture vppon so many. We shall not diuide oure army into manye partes, but vse it all togither. Nor wée shall not set it againste all the enimyes, but agaynste▪ the firste that wée shall choose. They are lodged seuerallye, and we shal be equall to euerye parte of them. [...]et vs onely preuent them with boldenesse and good lucke, and if God graunte vs to ouer­come the firste, we shall contemne the reste. But who be first to be set vpon, and what time and manner of our assault we shall take, if you thinke good, I will tel you mine opinion. When they al agréed to him: The time is (said he) to do the matter, as soone as we go from this méeting, beyng yet nighte, by the whiche, the thyng wyll be the more fearefull, and they the lesse prepa­red, and n [...]e of their confederates able to helpe them in the darke. Let vs preuent their purpose in inuading vs to mor­rowe all at once. And where they bée thrée Campes, their Shyppes are farre off, and it is no fighte wyth Shy [...]s by night. Asdrubal and Syphax be not farre asunder. Asdrubal is the [Page 183] heade of the warre. Syphax shall dare do nothing in the nighte, a man barbarous, full of daintinesse and feare. Then let vs go a­gainste Asdruball with all oure armye. We shall appoint Mas­ [...]inissa to [...]ye in wayte for Syphax, if he hap to come foorth, contra­rye to oure opinion. Let vs goe a foote to Asdrubals campe, and assaulte it round about, wyth good hope and lusty courage: This for the presēt, is most [...]it for the horsemen, for we cannot vse thē in the night: I wil place them farre off, to compasse the Camp of our enimies, that if wée be driuen backe, they maye receyue vs, and we flée to oure friends, and if we do ouercome them, they may chase and destroy them.’

Hauing thus saide, he sent away the Captaines to arme the hoste, and he sacrificed to Boldenesse, and Feare, and that no so­daine This eare is [...] such as cōmeth of a cause vn­k [...]ovven, and can not be stai­ed, as Iu [...]t [...]r put among the Ti [...] ­a [...]s. feare without cause shoulde happe, but his armye conti­nue bolde. The rest of the thirde watche, was signified wyth the Trumpet, and with a maruellous déepe silence, so greate an armye went, till the horsemen had compassed the ennimies. The footemen went to their Trench. Then a broken showte being made, and manye soundes of trumpes and hornes to make the more terror, they droue the watche from their place, they tooke the Trench, and pulled down the rampire. Some of the boldest ranne in, and set the Tents afyre. The Libyans beyng waked of Feare in the Carthagies camp. their sléepe with terror, and running out of order, to their order, and taking their armor, and not obeying the commaundements for the confusion, neither the Generall himselfe certainly know­ing what was done, the Romanes tooke them that leapte oute, and were arming themselues in great turmoile, they set manye Tents on fyre, & killed some of them as they came, and some be­ing made afrayd with the crye of the enimie, and with the fight and moste fearefull businesse, being in the nyghte, and ignorant of the euill indéede, thinkyng the Campe hadde béene taken, and fearyng the fyre of the burnyng Tentes, leapt of themselues from them, and wente into the fielde, as into a more sure place, where as they came by partes, they were miserably killed, and as they fell into the Romaine horsemen that had compassed al, they were dispatched.

[Page 184] Syphax hearing this crye in the nighte, and séeyng the fire, An other victo­rye of the Ro­manes. came not foorth, but sent certaine horsemen to helpe Asdruball. Vppon whom Massinissa came sodainely, and killed out of hand. When daye was come, and Syphax hadde learned that Asdru­bal was gone, and that part of his army was destroyed, and part taken of the ennimye, and some dispersed, and that the Romanes had his campe with all the munition, he departed and fledde to the midde land for feare, leauing all behinde hym, thinking that Syphax fleeth. after this ouerthrowe of the Carthaginians, Scipio would followe him: so his Campe and all the furniture Massinissa tooke. Thus the Romanes, in a little part of one night did take two campes, and ouerthrew two armies greater than themselues. There di­ed of the Romanes aboute an hundred, and of the enimies, little lesse than thirty thousand: and of prisoners, two thousande sixe hundred were taken, and sixe hundred horsemen yéelded to Sci­pio as he retourned. The Elephants, some were wounded, and some were killed. Scipio, of the golde, siluer, armoure, and much yuorie, and horses, as wel of the Numidians as other whiche hée Scipio revvar­deth hys souldi­oures. hadde gote, and by one victorie moste noble, casting the Cartha­ginians on their knées, gaue gifts to the souldioures, and sent the moste precious thinges to Rome, and exercised hys souldioures chearefullye, thinkyng that Anniball woulde shortelye come oute of Italie, and Mago from Liguria. And thys dydde Scipio.

Asdruball the Generall of the Carthaginians in the fighte by Asdruball fleeth and is condem­ned, and ryseth againste hys Countrey. Anea. night, being hurte, fled to Anea with fyue hundred horsemen, where he gathered some of the hyred souldieures that were esca­ped from the fight, and the Numidians, and called bondmen to li­bertye. And when he heard the Carthaginians had determined his deathe, as an euill Generall, and had chosen Hanno, Bomilchares sonne, in his place, he made an army of hys owne, and receyued all malefactours, and ledde them where he mighte haue reliefe, and trayned them, hauing thrée thousande horse, and eight thou­sand footemen, as hauing his truste onely in fight. In doing this, he kepte it long hid from both from the Romanes and Cartha­ginians, Scipio led his army to the walles of Carthage, and boldlye [Page 185] called them to fight, but none came forth.

Amilchar Admirall of Carthage, with an hundred shippes came vppon the nauy of Scipio, thinking to destroye it in his ab­sence, hoping easily to take twenty gallies with an hundred.

When Scipio sawe him vnder sayle, he sent to shut the mouth of the Porte, and that the greate Shippes shoulde lye at anker with a distaunce one from another, that the gallies might come by them, as out of a gate, when néede shoulde require, and that they shoulde fasten and tye the ships togither wyth their sayle yardes, that they might be as a wall: and he came to them and furthered their worke.

The Carthaginians were receyued both by sea and lande, and Scipio saueth the Romane shippes. from the wall with shot and artillerie, their shippes were bru­sed, and other being weary, went away at night. And when they were going, the Romane galleis wente out of the spaces, as was appointed, and sette vpon them, and when they were too weake, they retired, one they tooke voyde of men, and broughte hir to Scipio. Then they went both to their wintring harbours. The Romanes had plenty from the sea: the Vticenses and Carthaginians being in want, robbed the Merchantes, till other Romane shippes were sent to Scipio, whiche, in set places, kepte the ennimie from robbing. They were more and more in hunger. Toward the end of Winter, Syphax being neare, Massinissa desired the thirde part Massinissa and the Romanes a­gainst Syphax. of the Romanes armye to be ioyned to hys, the which he receiued, and by the leading of Lelius, pursued Syphax, he fléeyng till hée came to a floude, and there stayed to fight.

The Numidians (as their manner is) made shotte very thick one againste an other. The Romanes being couered with theyr shieldes, went to the fight. Syphax came with fury vppon Massi­nissa, The fighte be­tvveene tvvoo Kings, Syphax and Massinissa. who went cherefully against him, and the fight being greate betwéene them, Syphax men fléeing, he passed the fioude, whose horse being hurte, ouerthrewe his Maister. Then Massinissa ran Massinissa ta­keth Syphax. vpon hym, and tooke him, and one of his sonnes, and sente them straight to Scipio. There were slaine ten thousand of Syphax side: of the Romanes. lxxv. of Massinissa thrée hundred: of Syphax foure thousand were taken prisoners, whereof two thousand fiue hun­dred [Page 186] were Massulians, whiche fled from Massinissa to Syphax, Mas­sinissa desired them of Laelio, whom, when he had receyued, hée kil­led. Then they ouerranne the Massulians and the land of Syphax, parte wherof they appointed to Massinissa, parte they receyued by submission, and the disobedient sorte they destroyed. There Cyrtis, novve Constan [...], vvhere Iug [...]rth killed Adh [...]b [...]. came Ambassadoures to them from Cyrtis, to deliuer the Pa­laice of Syphax to them. And some came priuately to Massinissa, from Sophonisba, Syphax wife, to excuse the necessitie of that ma­riage. Massinisse receyueth hir gladly, and went againe to Scipio, A priuie mes­sage [...]Sephoni­ [...]b [...] to Massinissa. leauing hir at Cyrta, to sée what was best to be done hereafter. Scipio sayd to Syphax: What Spirite tooke thée, when thou wast a friend to me, & praying me to come into Libya, to breake thy faith with God, by whom, thou diddest sweare, & after God to breake it w t the Romanes, & to choose to make warre for Carthage, against the Romanes, séeing the Carthaginians not long before were thyne enimies. He said: Sophonisba the daughter of Asdruball, whome I loued to my losse, she louing hir Country so deatly, & able to per­swade a man to what she list, turned me from you, to hir coūtry, and from so greate felicitie, hath brought me to so great misery. Therefore I counsell thée (for nowe being yours, and put from Syphax biddeth Scipio bevvare of Sophonisba. Sophinisba, I ought to be sure vnto you) to kéepe Sophonisba, least she turne Massinissa to what she wil: for it cannot be hoped that she wil take the Romanes part, so greatly doth she loue hir Citie:’ This he spake eyther truly, or for gelousie of Massinissa, to hinder him as much as he could. Scipio perceyuing Syphax to bee wise, & Scipio vseth Sy­phax friendlye as Cyrus Craesus. expert in that coūtry, led him about with him, & made him priuy of his mind & counsel, as Cyrus vsed Craesus king of Libya. When Laelius was come, & said he heard as much of Sophonisba to bée of many reported, Scipio commanded Massinissa to deliuer Sophonisba Syphax wife. He refusing it, & excusing that was done afore, Sci­pio Massinissa is loath to leaue Sophonisba. commanded him more sharply not to with-holde by violence a Romane prisoner, but to bring hir forth, & then to alleadge and say what he could. Then went Massinissa with the Romanes to de­liuer Sophonisba. But priuily he came firste to hir, & brought hir a poyson, & told hir she must presentlye drinke it, or remayne a flaue to the Romanes: speaking no more, he tooke his horse. Shée [Page 187] shewing the cuppe to hir nurse, prayed hir not to bewaile hir no­ble Shee dyeth l [...]e a noble harted Ladye. death, and drunke the poyson. Massinissa shewed hir to the Ro­manes, and when he had buryed hir honorably, he retourned to Scipio. He praysed hym, and tolde him he was rid of an euill wo­man, and crowned hym for his seruice against Syphax, and gaue him many gifts. When Syphax was come to Rome, some thought Syphax is sent to Rome. good to saue hym, bicause he had bin a friend to the Romanes, in I­beria: some thought to punish him, bycause he had made warre a­gainst his friendes: but he being sicke for sorrow, dyed. Asdru­bal hauing wel exercised hys souldiors, sent to Mago y was gene­rall Syphax dyeth in prison. of the Carthaginians, that he would make him his fellow in y war, she wing that there were many Iberians with Scipio, whom if a man woulde corrupte with golde & promise, they might burne Scipio his Camp: and he, if the time were prescribed, would be at the feate. Whē Hanno heard this, he wrought wiles against As­drubal, yet he dyd not refuse the enterprise, but sente a faithfull Practise against Scipio. man with gold, as a run-away into Scipios Campe, who persua­ding suche as he found, corrupted many, & the day being appoin­ted, he returned to Hanno, who sent to Asdrubal of the day. Whē Scipio sacrificed, euident danger of fire was signified, who sent a­boute Sacrifices signi­fying fyre. the campe, to sée if there were any great fire, and to put it oute. And thus he sacrificed many dayes, and alwaies the sa­crifice shewed fire: wherefore he was grieued, and determined to change his campe. An Iberian, seruant to a horseman of Rome, being tolde of y conspirators, fained as he had bin made priuie, & so learned al. & told it to his maister, who brought him to Scipio, & The conspira [...] bevvrayed. bewrayed al. Scipio killed them, & threwe their heads oute of the camp. Hanno percevued it soone, being so nighe, & came not at the daye appointed. But Asdrubal being ignorant, came, & when he saw the number of y dead, hée suspected the matter & retired. Thē Asdrubal is ac­cused falslye. did Hanno greatlye accuse hym to the multitude, that he shoulde come to Scipio to betray him, & he woulde not receyue him. And Asdrubal after this was in more hate at Carthage.

About this tyme, Amilchar secreatlye sayling vppon the Ro­mane Nauye, tooke one galley, and sixe Shyppes. Romane shi [...] taken.

Hanno came vpon them that besi [...]ged Vtica, and was repulsed. [Page 188] Scipio hauing bin so long at the siege of Vtica, and doyng no good, Scipio leaueth [...]h [...]: siege at Vtica dissolued his campe, and sent his munition agaynst the Citie of Hippon, and doing no good there, burned his vnprositable engins, Hippon, this soc­meth to bee the country of saint Aosten. and ranged the Countrey, some he receiued to amitie, and some he destroyed.

The Carthaginians being weary of so many displeasures, made Annibal Generall and sent an Admirall with a nauy, to haste hys commyng, and in the meane tyme, they sent Embassadors to Scipio for peace, thinking to obtaine one of these either to haue peace, or delay of time, till Annibal came. Scipio gaue them a truce, and taking the costes of his Campe, gaue them leaue to Exp [...]n [...]. sende messengers to Rome. They sent and yet kepte warde in the Cittie, as they hadde bin still enimies.

Béeyng broughte into the Senate, they desired forgiuenesse of their faulte. The Senatoures partely accused the Carthaginians of their infidelitie, whiche they had so oft made and broken, and what hurt Annibal had done the Romanes, and their confederats, A [...]catie of peace. D [...]eise opin [...]s [...]n the Sen [...]e. the Iberians and Italians. Part of them thought this peace was as profitable for them, as for the Carthaginians, Italie béeyng wasted wyth so manye euills, and vttering their feare of things to come, Anniball saylyng out of Italie, and Mag. from Ligu­ri [...], and Hanno from Carthage, wyth greate armies againste Sci­pio. Uppon the which, the Senate doubting, sent counselloures to Scipio, with whom, he might from hencesorth conferre, and do that should séeme expedient. He made peace with Carthage with these conditions.

  • 1 That M [...]go shoulde saile from Ligunia out of hande, and [...] om henceforth leaden [...] straunge armies.
  • 2 That they should haue no more but thirtie gal [...]tes▪
  • 3 That they shoulde not meddle beyonde the [...]ch [...] called Ph [...] ­ [...]ti [...].
  • 4 That they should deliuer all the pri [...]oners and run awaics to the Romanes.
  • 5 That they should pay them in tyme. 1600. talents of siluer.
  • 6 That Massin [...]ss [...] should haue the Mas [...]lians, and what he could get of [...]hax lande.

[Page 189]These were the conditions, and ambassadours sayled to Rome to sweare to them before the Consuls, and so did some from Rome, to haue them sworne at Carthage.

The Romaynes rewarded Massinissa, wyth giftes of conse­deracie: they sent him a crown of gold, and a signet of gold, and a Chayre of Juori [...], and a purple garment, and a robe of Rome, and a horse trapped with golde, and an armour for hys whole body. When this was done, Annibal sayled to Carthage against Annibal in Affrica. hys will, suspecting the vnfaythfulnesse and disobedience of the people to their ralers, and thinking the peace woulde not be made, and if it were made, would not long hold, he went to a Citie of Libya, Adrumete, and gathered victual, and boughte Alrumeta is so fat from Carthag [...] as Annibal rode in post, tvvo dayes and tvvo nightes. Areacides. Masi [...]la [...]. Vermina. horses. And he made friendshippe with a prince of Numidia, cal­led Areacides. Foure thousand horsemen that fled vnto hym, frō Massinissa, that had bene Syphaces, as suspected he shot to deathe, he deuided their Horse to his souldiours. And Mesorulos another Prince, came vnto hym with a thousand horsemen, and Ver­mina one of Syphax sonnes, hauing the most part of his fathers kingdome.

The Cities of Ma [...]inissa hee gotte, some by yelding, and some by force. Narces he got by treason after thys sort: hauing Annibal getteth Narces by t [...]as [...]. want of victuals, hee sente to them as his friendes, and when he sawe it frame, he sent many with secret weapons, comman­ding to deale iustly with the sellers, til they heard y trumpets, then to kill euery man, and kepe the gates▪ and so was Narces taken.

The people of Carthage, lately making peace, and their am­bassadors People of Car­thage do spo [...]e the Romanes [...] time of peace. not yet come from Rome, and Scipio still present, spoy­led the victuall of Scipio, that was driuen to Carthage by windes, and bound the bringers o [...] it, the Senate of Carthage sore threat­ning th [...], and warning them not to breake the league lately made. They blamed the league, as vniustly made, and sayd ther was more feare to bee had of famine, than of breaking league. Scipio would not beginne warre againe, after the peace, but de­ [...]red, as of his friendes, that the offendours might be punished.

They woulde haue stayed the ambassadours also, till theyrs [Page 190] came from Rome. But Hanno Magnus, and Asdrubal Eriphus, d [...] take them from the multitude, and sent them awaye with two gallies: other perswade [...] Asdrubal the admiral, to go to the [...] ­wer of Apollo, and when the gallies did returne, to set vppon Scipios shippes, and be was perswaded. So some of the ambassa­dours were shotte to death, other wounded of them, got to the port of their power, and leapt out of the ship, ready to be taken: so nere were they to be taken prisoners. When the Romaines in the Citie heard this, they commaunded the ambassadours, that yet were ther about the peace, to depart as enimies. They in their iourney were driuen to Scipios nauy. When the admi­rall asked Scipio what was to be done with them, he sayde, not as the Carthaginians haue done with vs, and let them goe vn­touched. When the olde men of Carthage saw this, they rebuked the people of their rashnesse, and counselled them to desire Scipio to kepe the league, & to receiue punishment for their offence of y Carthaginians. They being offended with the Senate for y long Modestie of Scipio. euil gouernment, & being styrred of y cōmon sort, as not loking wel to y t cōmon profitte, & being deceiued with vaine hope, cal­led Annibal with his army. He considering the greatnesse of y war, caused them to cal home Asdrubal with his power. Thus Asdrubal being quit of his offence, deliuered his armor to An­nibal: yet ourst he not appeare at Carthage, but hid himself in the citie. Scipio placing his shipe before Carthage, kept victual from them by sea. At this time was a fight of horsemē betwéen▪ Scipio & Annibal at Zama, in y which, Scipio had y better: & there was Zama. dayly skirmishes berwixt thē, til Scipio heard y Annibal was in great wāt, & loked for his f [...]ragers to come, & in the night sent Thermus against y bringers of it. Thermus toke an [...]il in a streight A fight of horse­men. Victual taken from Annibal. passage & killed 3000. Libyans, & toke as many, & brought y victual to Scipio. Annibal being driuen to e [...]treme want, & [...]ising how he might help y presēt necessitie, sēt ambassadors to Massi­nissa, Annibal maketh meane to Massi­nissa to escape present fami [...]. remēbring to him his norishirg & bringing vp in Carthage, & desiced him to moue Scipio to come to accord again, for y of­fence was of the people, & of y foolisher sort of y people. Massinisa sa remēbring in déed, y he was brought vp in Carthage, hauing y [Page 191] worthinesse of the citie in reuerence, & many friends yet there prayed Scipio, and brought them again to accord after this sort.

1 That the Carthaginians should deliuer the shipp es, menand victuals, that they had taken of the Romanes, and all that they had taken beside, or the price of it, as Scipio should value it.
2 That they should pay a. M. talents, for a sine, for the fault.

This was agréed, & tr [...]ce taken, til the Carthaginians shoulde Annibal escap [...] fam [...]e. heare them, & so Annibal escaped beyond al hope. The Senate of Carthage, allowed wel of the accord, and exhortet the people to stand to them, remembring the long adue [...]sity that they had, had, and the present néede in the army both of meate and mony: The rude peo­ple of Carthage but they, as rude people be wont, soolishly thought their gouer­nours agréed with the Romanes for their owne commodities, that by them they might rule their countrey, as Anniball dyd nowe, and Asdrubal had done afore, betraying the armye to y [...]nimies in y night, not long after meaning to yeld to Scipio, & then comming to the campe, and now lurking in the citie, vpon The malice of the people a­gainst. Asdrubal. Asdrubal killeth himselfe. The spight of the people a­gainst him. the which, a [...]ye and tumult being made, some of them wente out of the assemblie to seeke Asdrubal round about. He preuen­ted them, flying into his fathers Sepulchre, and killed himselfe with a poyson: they dragged out his carcasse, and cut off hys heade, and put it vppon a speares point, and bare it aboute the Citie. Thus Asdrubal, first vniuslly iniuried, and secondly fals­ly accused o [...] Hanno, & then thus brought to death by the Cartha­ginians, was spyted after his death in this wise. They sente to Annibal to breake the truce, and to make warre vppon Scipio, & to try it out by spéedy fight, bicause of wāt. He brake the truce. The pea [...] broken. Parthos. Scipio c [...] leth Annibal [...] espies [...]o be led about his army. And Scipio taking a great Citie called Parthos, camped neare to Annibal, and he remoued, sending thrée spies to the Romanes, whome Scipio toke, and did not kil them according to the law of armes, but commaunded them to be led about the campe, to sée the store of armor & munition, & then let them go to tell Anni­bal of eueryething. He desired to come to talke, whiche being graunted, he sayd the Carthaginians were grieued with the first Talke betvven Scipio and Annibal. peace, for the money, if that might be remitted, & the Romanes contented with Sicilia, Iberis, & y Iles which they haue, y peace [Page 192] should be sure. Scipio aunswered Annibal should gette a greate rewarde, by flying out of Italie, if hée myght obtayne thys of Scipio and forbadde him to sende anye more to by [...].

And so threatning one another, they departed to their seueral [...]ampes. There was a Cittie nygh called Cilla, at the whiche Cilla. Annibal in straightes. was an hil, fytte for the campe, the which Annibal perceyuing, sent to take it vp, and folowed with his army, but finding it ta­ken before of Scipio, he was left in the playne field without wa­ter, and spent that night in digging of water pittes. The army pickte out the heapes of sande, and dranke little water full of sande, and was grieued without meate or rest, and some were The order of Annibals battell. in their armour all night. Which Scipio perceyuing, came vpon them by day, they being weary of their way, watch and thyrst.

Annibal was loth to come to fighte, yet bycause he shoulde wante water if he tarryed, and, if he fledde, his enimie woulde take courage and set vpon hym, considering all this, he thought it good for the necessitie, to try it. He put in order fifty: M. and lxxx. Elephants. He placed them before the battel with spaces betwéen to make them most terrible. After them was the third Gym [...]a [...]i [...] be the Ilands called [...]a [...]eares novv Ma [...]c [...] and Nicorea. E [...]camas. parte of the armye, the Celtians and Ligurians: with these were myred archers and slyngers of Maerrusia and Gymnasias: after thē was the seconde army, whiche was of Carthagians and Libyans. The third were of them that folowed him out of Italie, in the which, he trusted most, bicause they feared their case. The horse men were aboute the wings. And thys was Annibals order.

Scipio had about .xxiij. thousande, and horsemen of Italie and Scipio his order. Rome, a thousand fiue hundred. Massinissa was there with many horsemen of Numidia, and Lacamas another prince with sixe hun­dred horse. He set his footemen in thrée battels as Anniball did: he made a particion betwéene the bandes, that the horsemenne might passe easily by them: he made to euery bande a defence at the front with strong pertches layde ouer with yron of two Cuvits long and very thicke, to kepe backe the Elephantes as an engine, and he warned them and the other footemen, to giue place to the furie of those beastes, and to cast their dartes vpon them as fast as they coulde, and when they were nigh, to cutte [Page 193] their sinowes if they coulde. Thus were they placed of Scipio. The Numidian horse he placed in the wings, being acquainted with the fight and fury of the Elephants. The Italians horse, bi­cause they were not vsed to them, he set last of all, to be readye to passe by the distances, when the footemen had bidden the first violence of the Elephants. Both sorts of horsmen, had compa­nies of shotte ioyned to them, to annoy the beastes. Thus were his horsemen set. The right wing he gaue to Laelius: the left, to Octauius: in the middest, was both he and Annibal, to kepe their glorie, hauing horsemen attending vpon them, to helpe where nede should be. Annibal had thrée thousand, Scipio had two thou­sande, and the thrée hundred Italians, whom he armed in Sicelie. When all was ready, both of them encouraged their men. Sci­pio called the Gods to witnesse, before his army, against whom the Carthaginians had offended, as ofte as they brake their pro­mise, Scipio to his souldiours. and required hys army not to loke to the number of their enimies, but to their owne vertue, whom, being more in num­ber they had ouerthrowen euen in that lande: and if they that ouercome, haue anye feare or doubte, muche more of necessi­tie must they haue that haue bin ouercome. Thus did Scipio en­courage and stirre his fewe number. Annibal recorded to them the feates that he hadde done in Italie, as an enterprise of moste Annibal to his souldiours. great renoume, not among the Numidians, but among all the Italians in Italie, and shewed how fewe the enimies were now, and exhorted them, not to be worse than a fewe they being moe and in their own countrey. Both of them did declare vnto their souldiours the daunger and greatnesse of the present fight.’

Annibal shewed that Carthage and all Libya was to be tryed in thys fighte, whether they shoulde be slaues being ouer­come, or rule hereafter ouer all they had wonne. Scipio tolde hys, that if they were defeated, they had no safe returne: if they dyd ouercome, a great dominion shoulde fall vnto them, and a rest of their present paynes, a going home to their country, and a renouine for euer.’

Thus eyther of them encouraging other, they went to the fight: Annibal sounded first: Scipio commaunded to aunswere [Page 194] him.

The Elephants beganne the fight in most terrible manner, being spurred with prickes of the riders. The Numidian h [...]e­men The Elephants put backe at the vvings. ranne about them, and threwe their dartes thicke vppon them, so as being wounded, they fledde, and troubled their own parte, that their kepers led them away: and this was the first The Elephants trouble the Romanes fote­men, in the battel enterprise with the Elephants at the wings of the army, but in the midde battel of the Romaines, they trode downe the foote­mē, being vnacquainted with this fight, and so heauy harnised, that they could hardly giue place, or goe forewarde, tyll Scipio Scipio leaueth his horse to fight vvith the B [...]ephan [...]s. broughte foorth the Italian horsemenne that were placed be­hynde, and with them the shotte, commaundyng them to leaue their horses that were afrayde, and to goe aboute and shoote at the Elephants. He was the first that alighted, and wounded the Elephant that came afore.

The other souldiours encouraged therby, and hurtyng the beastes, made them also to go out of the battel. The fighte be­ing cleared of the beasts, and nowe only of men and horses, the right wing of the Romaines whyche Laelius ledde, putte to flighte the Numidians that were agaynste them, when Mas­sinissa had wounded Massintha their prince, and Annibal com­ming Massinissa vvoū ­deth Massintha. quickly vnto them, sette them againe to fight.

The left battayle▪ whyche Octauius gouerned, had very much adoe with their ennimies, the French and Ligurians.

Scipio sente Thermus to helpe them wyth choyse men. An­niball, hauing stayde his lefte battayle, roade to the Ligurians and Frenchmen, brynging another bande of Libyans and Car­thaginians. Whiche when Scipio sawe, he came againste them Scipio and Anni­bal fighte. with another band.

When these two moste noble captaines dyd thus contend, there was euidente emulation and care on both sides, no dili­gence was lefte on eyther parte: the laboure was no shar­per, than their exhortations were vehement. The fight beyng long doubtfull, and the Captaines hauing pittie of their wea­ry souldiours, coupled togither, that by them, the ende mighte be the shorter. They threw one at another, Scipio hytte Anni­bals [Page 195] shielde, Annibal stroke Scipio [...] Horse, and the Horse, for the wounde, ouerthrewe Scipio. Hee was mounted agayne, and threw at Annibal, but missed him, and hurt the Horse was next him.

Massinissa vnderstanding, came thyther, and the Romaynes Massinissa com­meth to the dan­ger that Scipio vvas in. séeing theyr Capitayne fighting lyke a Souldiour, toke the more courage agaynst their enimies, and putte them backe, and chased them, Anniball ryding aboute in vaine, pray­ing them to staye, and perswading them to turne agayne to the fight.

Annibal being in greate doubte, broughte the Italians The Romanes skil in [...]ight. that came with hym, and not yet styrring from the place of succoure, into the fighte, hoping to breake the Romaynes araye the more easily, bycause they were folowing the enni­mye: but they séeing that deuise, called one another dili­gently from the chase, and put themselues againe in order for the fighte. Nowe hauing no Horse, and their shotte be­ing spent, they fought togyther with their blades. Great was the slaughter, and manye were the woundes and the grones of them that fell, and the shoutes of them that dyd kyll, tyll the Romaynes putte them backe and made them flye also.

Then was the victorye euident. Annibal séeing the Annibal renevv­eth the fight. Numidian Horsemen stande styl, ranne to them, and pray­ed them not to forsake hym, whom when he had perswaded, he brought them against them that chased, thinking to do a nota­ble feate againe.

Firste he mette with the Massulians and fought with them: Massinissa and Annibal fighteth. and this fighte was onely betwéene Massinissa and Anniball. They fiercelye going to it, Massinissa stroke Annibals tar­get, he hitte Massinissas Horse, who being a foote, flewe vp­pon Anniball, and killed his Horse, comming vppon hym before all other. The dartes of the other he receyued vppon hys shielde, and drewe one of them that stucke vppon it, and threw it at Annibal, missing him, and killed the nexte Horse.

[Page 196]Then drawing out another, he was wounded on the arme, and went oute of the battell for a whyle. When S [...]pi [...] hearde Scipio commeth in reliefe of Massinassa. of it, he was afrayde of Massinassa, and came to the fraye, and found Massinissa horsed and going to the field againe, hauing ty­ed his wound.

The fight was equall agayne, and very sore on both fides, eyther being afrayde of their capitaynes, tyll Annibal dydde see the Iberians and Frenchmen ne staying vppon an hill, and [...]rrour in the battel. roade to them to bring them forth againe. They that foughte, not knowing the cause, thinkyng his going had bin a flying, lefte the fighte willyngly, and fledde disorderedly, not lookyng toward Annibal, but euery man where he coulde. Thus they brake, and the Romaines, as the fielde hadde bene fully gotte, pursued them out of order, neyther they vnderstanding of An­nibals purpose, who returned with the Spaniards and French­men.

Wherefore Scipio called his men againe from the chase with spéede, and set them in order, being more than they that came from the hyll, wherefore he mighte the more easily resist them. Annibal [...]yeth. Annibal being deceyued of this laste hope, fledde, now vtterly dispayring of all things.

Manye horsemen followed him, specially Massinissa, beyng grieued with his wounde, euer at hande, and desirous to haue brought him prisoner to Scipto: but the night diuided them, and Annibal flyeth to Thonne. Annibal in the darke, with twentie horsemen, that could folow him, fled into a Cittie called Thonne, whither, when he vnder­stoode that many horsemen of B [...]utia and Iberia were come from the field, and fearing the Iberians as barbarous and cruel, and doubting the Brutians being Italians and countrey men to Scipio, least they woulde leade him to Scipio, to be forgiuen their faulte against Itali [...], priuily he fled with one horseman, whom he tru­sted best, and running three thousand [...]urlongs in two nightes Annibal cōmeth in hast to Adrume [...]. and two dayes, he came to a Citie at the sea called Adrumet [...], where parte of his armye was for victuall, sending aboute, and gathering them that fledde, he made armoure and muniti­on.

[Page 197] Scipio hauing got so noble a victorie, burned the vnprofytable Scipio [...]e [...]deth Lal [...] vvith the nevves to Rom [...] spoyle, beyng gyrded, as the Romanes Generalls be went. He sent to Rome ten talents of golde, and .ij. M .v. C. of siluer, and wrought Iuorie, and the most noble prisoners, L [...]lius being the messenger of the victorie. The reste he tooke to honor his souldi­ours, and gaue giftes to them that did beste, and to Massinissa a Crowne, and then he went, and tooke the Cities. And this was the ende of Annibal and Scipios fighte in Libya, and the first time that they fought togither. There dyed of the Romaynes two thousand fiue hundred, and of Massinissas, more: of the enimies, fiue and twenty thousand: of prisoners were taken eighte thou­sande fiue hundred: of the Iberians thrée hundred yeelded to Scipio: of the Numidians eight hundred to Massinissa. Neyther the Car­thaginians, nor the Romanes yet hearing of it, they of Carthage sent to Mago, gathering yet Frenchemen, to inuade Italie if hée coulde, or to sayle into Liby [...] wyth hys hyred souldioures. The Romanes intercepting these letters, sent to Scipio an other army of horse, and footemen, and Shyppes and money. Scipio sent Octa­uius Carthage sēdeth to Scipio for peace. by lande to Carthage, and hymselfe went by water. When they of Carthage vnderstoode Annibals ouerthrow, they sēt Am­bassadours in a pynnesse, of the which Hanno Magnus and As­drubal Haedus were chiefe. They set vp a banner of peace on the stemme, and held vp their hands to Scipio, desiring pardon. Hée Carthage [...]ueth for peace. willed them to go to the Campe, where he being placed vpon an highe seate, gaue them audience.

They, with teares fell to the grounde, and being taken vp of the officers, were commaunded to say what they woulde. Then Annibal [...] spake.

‘It is my parte (O Romanes,) and this Hanno, and as manye, as be wise in Carthage, to cleare oure selues of this faulte that you put vppon vs. For your Embassadoures, whom oure people, be­ing driuen by hunger offended, we saued and sent home, yet wée muste not blame all Carthage, for some desired peace firste, and People in free citties disobed­ent. they had it, and kepte it firmely. Cities be soone drawne to the worst, & that whiche is pleasant, preuayleth euer with the mul­titude, whiche we haue proued, beyng neither able to perswade [Page 198] them, nor to stay them. For they that did accuse vs, and take frée spéeche from vs, do not iudge vs (O Romanes) of our obedience or counsell: but if it séemeth a saulte to be slowe to obey, blame hunger and the necessitie that droue vs to it, for it was not a cō ­strained act of them, so desire peace before, and gyue so much mo­ney, and to deliuer al our long ships, saue a fewe, and to yéelde a great parte of oure dominion, and to sweare to them, and to send our othe to Rome, our Ambassadors being yet with you, and wil­lingly to offend. But a manne may blame God chiefly, and the storme that droue your corne to Carthage. Beside the storme, hū ­ger tooke you, (that cannot consider well of other mens things) beyng in néede of all thinges, nor require good reason of a rude and myserable multitude. But if you iudge vs to do vniustlye, & not to be in miserye, we confesse and pray forgiuenesse. Justifi­cation Iustification. Submission [...] is of them, that do not offend, and submission of them that do offende, to the which, the mercy of them that be in prosperi­tie ought to be the readier, beholding the chaunces of men, and considering the sodaine mutations, that now we do crie for par­don, that yesterday were able to do hurte: as the citie of Car­thage, the greatest and mightiest of Libya, both in shippes, money and Elephants, and in army of foote and horsemen, & many sub­iects haue flourished these. 700. yeares, and ruled al Libya, and o­ther nations and Ilandes, and so great a part of the sea, & com­ming against you many times in contention, and nowe ney­ther in Shyppes nor Elephants, nor horse, nor subiects, (all the whiche you haue taken from vs) haue any hope of helpe, but in you, whom we haue euill vsed before. The whiche you conside­ryng, and marking the alteration of them, ought to vse your feli­citie the more temperately, and doe that shall séeme worthye for your magnanimitie (O Romanes) and the fortune that Carthage sometime had & to put the mutations of [...]ate in our misfortunes voide of enuy, you may be without blame afore God, and deserue prayse of all men. There is no feare nowe that the Carthaginians wyll rebel, whom so great repentance and paine of their former follie, doth fall vppon. Good counsell is the kéeper of Innocen­cie [Page 199] to wise men, to offendoures to repent them, for that they haue suffered, whom, it is like to be the more constant in theyr dueties, than they that had neuer suche experience. Neither is it fit for you to folow the Carthaginians, whome you accuse of cru­elty, and wickednesse. For in them that be in misery, want and calamitie, is the beginning of offence: to them that be in prospe­ritie, it is at their pleasure to vse humanitie. It shall be as ho­norable, as profitable for your aucthoritie, rather to saue than to kill so greate a Cittie: you bée nowe the better Judges of youre commodities. Wée bring but twoo thynges to the assurance thereof: the worthinesse of dominion that Carthage somtime hath had, and youre moderation towarde all men, which beyng ioyned wyth armes, hath brought you to so great Empire and power. What conditions you will gyue vs of peace, we will take them, of the whiche, we can say no more, committing all to you.’

When Haedus had saide thus muche, he ceased. Scipio willing them to auoid, conferred with the officers a while, and when he had determined, he called them, and said:

‘You be worthy no pardon that so [...]ste haue broken peace, Scipio to the Embassadoures of Carthage. and lastely de [...]ied oure Embassadoures, so manifestly and wic­kedly offending againste vs, that you can neyther purge youre selues, nor shewe any matter to the contrary, but that you are worthy extreame punishement. What néede I to accuse them that confesse? you flée to prayer, that woulde not haue lefte the name of Rome, if you had got the victory: but we haue done no suche thyng to you, your Embassadours being yet in Rome, af­ter you had broken the league, and violated oure Embassadors, our Citie deliuered, and béeyng dryuen to myne armye, I sente vnhurte to you, when you made warre on vs. Therefore you ought to thinke it gaine, whatsoeuer you receiue, hauing condē ­ned your selues. I will saye what I thinke good, and the Senate shall determine what shal please them.’

‘Wée giue you peace once agayne (O Carthaginians) if you gyue all youre long Shyppes vnto the Romaynes, [Page 200] except ten, and all the Elephants you haue, and those you tooke before, and pay for thē that be lost, I being iudge of the doubts, and all the prisoners and run awayes, and so many, as Anni­bal brought out of [...] and thus within thirty dayes after the peace is made.’ And that in threescore dayes Mag [...] shall departe out of [...]g [...], and that you take your garrisons oute of the Ci­ties, whiche be without the [...]he of P [...]nicia, and deliuer the pledges you haue of them.

And that euery yeare you shall bring two hundred talentes, of Euboea, for fity yeares.

That you shall h [...]re no more Frenchmen or Ligurians.

That you shal make no warre vpon Mass [...]ss [...], nor any other friend of ours, nor any of Carthage war against them by the com­mon consent.

That you shall haue your citie, and so muche lande, with the Phoenicians ditche, as you had when I sayled into Libya.

That you shal be friends to the Romaynes bothe by sea and lande, if the Senate do confirme it: and if they do confirme it, that the Romanes shall go out of Libya in a hundred and fiftye dayes, and if you will haue truce, to send to Rome.

You shall giue vs out of hand, an hundred and fifty Ostages, of such children, as I shall choose.

And you shall giue to the expences of the warre, a thousand talents more, and victuall for the army, and when the peace is concluded, you shall receiue your pledges.

When Scipio had said thus, the Embassadours bare the faults to Carthage.

The people resorting manye dayes to the counsell, the beste sorte thought it good to accept the conditions, and not to putte al in hazarde, in sticking for somewhat.

When the corne shoulde go away, the people not considering People resiste peace. more the present perill, than the taking awaye of that they had, did resist, and were grieued, that the rulers should take away their corne for the Romanes, in their famme, and giue it them in steade of Citizens, during the truce. They stoode aboute e­uery of them, and threatned to burne their houses, and spoyle [Page 201] them.

In the ende knowing that Annibal hadde gathered sixe thou­sand footemen, and fiue hundred horsemen, staying at a Citie na­med Marthma, they called him to be of counsell in these matters. He came, and the sober sorte being afraide, that he, being a man of warre, woulde haue stirred the people. He perswaded verye Annibal persu [...]. sa [...]deth peace. grauely to receiue the peace. The people outragiously spake e­uill of him, and threatned all, till the noble men fledde, some to Massimssa, and some to the Romanes willingly, despayring of the Citie. The Carthaginians vnderstanding that Annibal hadde gathered corne plentifullye into a Store-house, they made muche adoe for it, tyll they gote it, and diuided it among them.

In this meane time, was newes come to Rome, of the newe In this place the Greeke texte is vnperfect. peace, that Scipio had made with them of Carthage. And the mat­ter being debated in the Senate house, one of the Senatoures saide thus:

‘If wée shoulde not agrée to this peace, it were both iniurious Discorde in the Senate house touching the peace. and vniuste [...]o Scipio, the whiche he suspecting, as it séemeth, when he had declared his minde vnto vs. He added: That if wée made delay, he woulde make peace. It is like that hée considereth the matter better than we, and séeth more in it, by­cause he hath al before him: if wée doe otherwise, we shall of­fende hys estimation, a good Citizen, and a noble Capitayne, who prouoked vs vnwilling to sende into Affrica, and hauyng no army of vs, did gette one himselfe, and hathe promoted vs so farre as we could not hope. Therefore it is to be wondered, that you that were so faint at the beginning in the warre, are nowe so earnest and vehement. Nowe if any man thinketh all to bée well, and yet feareth that the Carthaginians will breake thys league, it is nowe moste like they wyll kéepe the peace, being so ofte afflicted for breaking of it, and that henceforth they will kéepe Justice better, beyng fallen on the knée, by vnrighteous­nesse. It is not a like counsell, nowe to despise the Carthagini­ans, as of no power, and againe to feare, that they might rebell. It is more easie for vs to kéepe them, that they shall no more [Page 202] rise, than to destroy them presently. For nowe they wil fighte of desperation, whom we might kepe vnder with feare. They haue euils ynow without vs, wyth whome all their neighbours are grieued for their crueltie. And Massinissa a man moste faithfull to vs, shall euer lye in wait of thē. But if any man do contemne al this, and thinketh only how he may succéede Scipio, and of hys owne commoditie, and to haue the like successe that hée hath had in the ende, what shall we do with the Citie if we happe to take it? shall we destroy it vtterly, bicause they spoyled our ships and victualls whiche they are content to deliuer with muche more? Contention in Rome for peace vvith Carthage. but we wil not do this, to auoide the anger of Gods, and hate of men. Shall we giue it to Massinissa? thoughe he be our friend, yet is not he to be made too strong, but to let him and them con­tende togither, for the common weale of Rome. Wil wee make a rent of the Country? The armye that we shall kéepe there, VVhat is to be considered in vvarre. will spende all the reuenne, for we shall stand in feare of manye of the nighe nations, and of all the Barbarians. But we will send inhabitants in the middest of the Numidians, they beyng most strong of the Barbarians, will alwaies worke oure wo, and if they get the better hande, they shall be terrible and hatefull to vs euer after, hauing so gret a land, and much better than ours. The whiche Scipio, as I iudge, perceyuing, thoughte good for vs to heare the prayers of Carthage, therefore let vs consent to their prayers, and our Generall. Thus he said.’

P. Cornelius, Cornelius Lentulus kinsman, being then Consull, P. Cornelius spea­keth against the peace that Scipio offered to the Carthaginians. and thoughte good to succéede Scipio, spake agaynste it in thys sorte.

‘In warres onely profite is to be considered: and bicause it hathe bin declared, that this cittie being yet of power, is to bée maintained, we ought to take away their vnfaithfulnesse, togy­ther with their power and might: but their vnfaithfulnesse we shall neuer take away. There is no tyme so fit for vs to be de­liuered from the feare of Carthage, as thys present, in the which they all bée poore and weake, before they growe to strength a­gaine: yet doe I not swarue from consideration of Justice, nor [Page 203] thinke oure Cittie shall séeme to deale [...]ute of reason with the Carthaginians, who when they be in weale, doe iniurie and despite to al men: in their wo, they fal to prayers: if they ob­taine, they forsake their agréement againe: neyther haue they regarde of promise, nor respect of othe, whome wée muste saue for the feare of God and enuy of men. I thinke the Gods them­selues haue brought the Carthaginians to that point, to suffer for their wickednesse, which violating the peace they made with vs in Sicilie, Iberia, and Italie, and in Libya it selfe, and with all other haue wrought great mischiefe and trouble to vs, of the which I will shewe some examples of strange nations, before I come to ours, that you may sée that all will agrée that Carthage shoulde be punished. They destroyed Sagunt a noble citie of Iberia, confe­derat Sigunt is novve called Mur [...]edre to them, and a friend to vs, sparing no age without cause.’

‘When they hadde taken Nuceria, a Citie subiect to vs, vppon Examples of the Carthaginians crueltie and vn­faithfulnesse. Nuceria, novve Nocera. Acerra. one in [...]mb [...]a, an other in Campania. conditions, and swearing that euery man shoulde departe wyth two garmentes, they shut the chiefe of them within the Baths, and set the Hot-houses afyre, and killed them, and when the peo­ple went forth, they shot them to death. They putte the Senate of Acerra, after they hadde giuen their faith, into pittes, and o­uerwhelmed them with earth. They brought M. Cornelius oure Consull, vppon their othes, to sée their Captaine that was sicke, and carried him out of Sicilie into Libya with .xxij. shippes. They killed Regulus with torments, an other Captaine of ours, retur­ning to them to kéepe his othe. What Annibal hathe done, by force, by deceites, by periurie, againste our Cities and armies, and at length againste his owne confederates, ouerthrowing ci­ties, Foure hundred cities destroyed in Italy by Anni­bal. killing his confederates, it were too long to tell. They de­faced foure hundred of oure cities, oure prisoners they putte in ditches and riuers, and vsed them for bridges: some they threw to their Elephants, fome they commaunded to fighte togither, matching brethren againste brethren, & fathers againste sonnes. Shortly after this, they sent hither Ambassadors for peace, they made request, and gaue their othe, and they spoyled our ships in Liby [...], and putte our Souldioures in prison, whiles their Embas­sadours [Page 204] sadoures were here present, to so greate inadnesse didde their cruelty driue them. What pittie or moderation is to be vsed, with them of others, that vse modestie or courtesie with none, who, if they might ouercome vs (as [...] sa [...]eth) woulde not leaue the name of Rome? But Faith and Promise [...] sure. What faith? what promise? what oth haue they not broken? what coue­naunt or pardon haue not they violated? but they saye we may not folowed them. What couenaunt doe we breake, whiche yet haue made none? but we may not followe their crueltie, there­fore we muste make most cruell men, oure friendes and confe­derates: neyther of these is conuenient. But let them yéeld vn­to vs after the lawe of them that be ouercome, as manye haue yéelded themselues. We will consider of them, and what wée giue them, let them thanke vs, and not thinke it to come of a­greement, for those two differ thus: As long as they couenant with vs, they will breake, as they haue done afore, alwayes makyng some pretence for theyr purpose, as not wel vsed in the conditions, for there are euer deuises to be made to call a matter in question. When they giue themselues, wée shall receiue them and their armoure, and their bodies shall be with vs, they shall suppose nothing to be theirs, and so their pride shall sall. They shall loue whatsoeuer they shall receyue of vs, as of a thing not theirs. If Scipio thinketh otherwise, you haue to iudge by s [...]ce: if hée agréeth with the Carthaginians, wythout vs, why sendeth hée vnto vs? I haue saide my minde to you that be Lords, whi­che I thinke fitte for the Citie. This saide P [...]us. The Senate gaue their voices seuerallye, and the more parte agréed wyth Scipio.

Thus the thirde league was made betwéene the Romanes [...] [...]gin [...]io séemed to moue the [...]man [...] her [...]to [...]ether for Causes that [...]de S [...]pio to make peace vvith the Car [...]a g [...]ans. y rea [...] declared▪ [...] [...]use he thought y R [...]m [...]ne [...] felicitie to be [...]now, if they tooke away the rule of Ca [...]thage. There be y [...]hink, that he woulde haue this nighe Citie, and an enemy to be left to [...]h [...] [...]man [...] in good temperature, lea [...] then shoulde grow [...] [...] goodlye [...] in the [...] an sea, ad [...]oy­ning to Ca [...]a. [...] thorough great [...] [...] [...]e. [...]e which conside­ [...] of Scip [...], not long after, Cato rehersed to the Romanes, being [Page 205] grieuedy they were incen [...]ed against the Rhodians. When Sc [...]o had set order, he sayled to Rome with all his armye, and entred with a triumph, more goodly than bad bene before time. And the manner of it, whyche they nowe vse also, was this:

All ware garlands. The trumpetours goe before, and the wagons laden with the spoyle. Towers are borne with the I­mages of the Cities taken, and pictures and figures of the things done. Then the gold and siluer vncoyned and coyned, and other things of that sorte, and so many Crownes as the Ci­ties confederats, or armies, had giuen y general for his vertue. [...] ▪ The Greeke vvord sometime signifyed pypers but here it is S [...] after the T [...]sc [...] manner. Then the whyte kyne and the Elephantes. Then the Cartha­ginians and N [...]midians that were taken. Before the general, the Macebearers went in purple garmēts, and a company of musi­tiās & Satyres, after the Tuscane maner, being gyrded and wearing a Crowne of gold, they go in order againe with song and daunce. They call them, Ludi, bycause as I thinke, the [...]hoscanes be an inhabitance from Lydia. In the middest of them▪ one in a robe of purple, decked with rings & bracelets of gold, maketh diuerse shewes to moue laughter, as flouting of enimies. After him a multitude of Perfumers, and the generall a­mong these Perfumers in a chariote, diuersly garnished, for it was set with gold and stone of great price. He was clad with a purple robe with barres of gold, after his Countrey maner, and a Scepter of Iuorie, and a laurel, which the Romane thin­keth Laurel or Bay, dedicate to tri­umphes and to the gates of Em­perours houses. a token of victorie.

In the same Chariot be carried boyes and gyrles, and on ey­ther side going men that be of kin. Then follow they that haue bin scribes, ministers, and pages in the warre. After them the army in bandes and companies, with garlands and Laurell, e­uery man with his giftes according to his worthynesse: some of the rulers they prayse, some they mocke, and some they taunt. For the triumph is priuileged, and lawfull to say what Priuiledge of triumph. they will.

When Scipio was come to the Capitol, the triumph ceassed, and he feasted his friendes as the manner is, at the Tem­ple.

[Page 206]Thys ende had the seconde warre betwéene the Romaynes and Carthage, begonne in Spaine, and ending in Libya, with these conditions, about the hundred fourtie foure Gréeke O­lympiade.

Massinissa falling out with the Carthaginians, and trusting to Massinissa fal­leth out vvith the Carthagies. the Romaines, toke a great part of the Carthagies lande, as be­longing to him.

The Carthaginians desired the Romaynes to agrée Mas­sinissa Partialitie of the Romaines. and them. They sente arbitrours, with instructions to helpe Massinissa as much as they might. So Massinissa hadde the lande, and a league was made betwene them for fiftie yeares, in the whiche, the Carthaginians hauing peace, growe into great power and welth by the plentye of their ground, and trafficke of the sea: and againe, as men be wonte in prospe­ritie, were diuided, some for the Romaines, some for the peo­ple, and some for Massinissa. Of euery of these the chiefe in fame Factions in Carthage. and vertue gouerned: for the Romaines, Hanno Magnus: for the people, Amilchar Sān [...], and Carthalo: for Massinissa, Annibal cal­led Opsar.

They wayting the Romaynes being at warre with the Cel­tiberians, Celtiberia is that part of Spaine vvhich novve they cal Aragon. [...]o [...]rch vvas an office of the state hyest as appea­reth in Plutarch. and Massinissa at debate with other Iberians, perswa­ded Carthalo the Bo [...]tarche, and for that office going aboute the countrey, to make a fray vpon such as kept the land for Mas­sinissa. He killed some of them, and chased the other, and stirred the Libyans of that Countrey againste Massinissa, and many con­flictes were betwéene them, till the Romaines sent other am­bassadours to agrée them, to whome was sayde the like, that The Romaines partial. they should secretely fauour Massinissa: & they cōfirmed to Mas­sinissa al that he had taken by this craft. They said nothing, nor they heard nothing, least Massinissa should haue had the worst: but being in the middest betwéene thē both, they held vp their hands: and thys was the cōmaundement, and the Attonement. To hold vp hands in the greeke phrase is to decide and determine. Tysca a country of [...]i [...]tie Cities. Not long after, Massinissa called into controuersie the greate lande and playnes, of fifty Cities, which they cal Tysca, in the whiche the Carthaginians fledde againe to the Romaynes. [Page 207] They promised to sende ambassadours, and deferred so long, till they thought Massinissa had the better. Then they sent the Ambassadours and Cato. They comming to the bateable land, Cato, Arbiter. required both partes to stande to their arbitrement. Massinissa was cōtent, b [...]cause hée trusted the Romanes and got by them. The Carthaginians suspected, as them that before hadde iudged not rightly. They sayde the league made by Scipio néeded no iudgemente nor correctours [...], bycause there was no breach of them.

The ambassadours not allowed to iudge of parte, wente their waye, and diligentlye marked the grounde, verye well laboured▪ with great preparation, and when they went into the Citie, perceiued of what strength it was, and howe the people was encreased since Scipio hadde ouercome them, whiche was not long. Being come to Rome, they sayde they had not suspi­tion ynough of Carthage, a Citie aduersarie, and a neighbour, that was excéedinglye increased. And Cato chieflye sayde, Cato against Carthage. that Rome coulde not be sure, nor in libertie, till Carthage was destroyed. The Senate vnderstanding it, mynded to make warre on the Carthaginians, but tarried for an occasion, and kepte their iudgement close. And Cato continuallye from that tyme, sayde in the Counsell, that Carthage muste not stande. But Scipio Nassica saide the contrarye, that Carthage Scipio contrary to Cato. muste be suffered, to kepe the Romanes in feare and good or­der.

The peoples parte preuayling in Carthage, putte out the friendes of Massinissa, aboute the number of sourtye, and they Tumult in Carthage. made a decrée of bannishmente, and sware the people, that they shoulde neyther receyue them agayne, nor suffer any spéeche to be hadde of their restoring. They being bannished, fledde to Massinissa, and prouoked him to warre.

He sent his two sonnes, Galossa and Missipsa, to require them Tvvo sonnes of Massinissa sent to Carthage. Amilchar Sa [...] to receiue the bannished men. The ruler shut the gates against them, least the kinsemen of the bannished, might moue the peo­ple with their teares.

[Page 208]And Amilchar Samnis laye in wayte for them, and set vpon Gelossa, and killed some of his mē, and made him afrayd. Wher­fore to giue occasion of warre, Massinissa toke the Citie of [...]s­copa, coueting it aboue the conditions. Oroscopia.

The Carthaginians, with fiue and twenty thousande footemen Captaines of Massinissa [...]e­uolte to the enimies. and four hundred horsemen of the Citie, the ruler of y prouisi­on being Captaine, made warre against Massinissa, and encam­ping nigh Asasis & Sybas, Captaines of Massinissa, contendyng with the kings children, fledde from him, and ledde awaye sixe thousand. Asdrubal encouraged by this, camped nearer Massi­nissa, and in the skirmishes had the better. Massinissa to deceyue him, went backe by little and little, as though he had fledde, vn­till he had brought him into a desart field ful of hils and rocks, and voyde of victual. Then he turned and camped in the playn, and Asdrubal ranne to the hils as the more surer, and then en­tended to come the next day to fight.

Scipio the yonger that afterwarde toke Carthage, seruing vn­der Scipio the yōger. Lucullus in Celtiberia, came to Massinissa to desire him to send Elephants, Massinissa preparing his body for the fight against [...] The age, strēgth and valtantnesse of Massinissa. the next daye, sente horsemen to receiue him and diuerse of his sonnes. He, by breake of day, ordered his army being.ixxxviij. yeares of age, ryding yet very strongly, and leaping vppon the bare horse, as the manner is of the Numidians, being a good cap­taine, and a fighting souldiour.

The Numidians be most strong, and among them that liue Numidians of long life. long, of moste long life. The cause is peraduenture, that they haue no sharpe winter, by the which euery thing is destroyed, nor the sommer so hotte as the Aethiopians and Indians, there­fore this region bringeth forth moste strong beastes, and the men be alwayes in the ayre and in laboure, they drinke little wine, and their diet is very simple and thinne.

Massinissa on horsebacke, directed hys armye, and As­drubal brought his people, which were very manye, againste Scipio beholdeth the fight [...] be­tvvene the Carthagies and Massinissa. him, for manye were come to hym out of the Countrey.

Scipio behelde the fighte from an hyghe place, as from a Theatre. He was wont to say that he had séene manye fieldes, [Page 209] but neuer none with suche pleasure, for he alone without care sawe a hundred and tenne thousande menne fighting togy­ther, and he sayde that only two beside him, had seene the lyke Id [...] an hill in Troade. warre at Troy. Iupiter from Ida, and Neptune from Samothracia. This fight continued from morning till night, and after many slayne on both sides, Massinissa seemed to haue the better. Scipio met with him as he returned, and reioyced with him: he recey­ued him as an auntient friende, and shewed him all pleasure he coulde.

When the Carthaginians heard that Scipio was come, they Scipio is made [...]mper betvvix [...] Massinissa and the Carthogies. prayed him that he woulde make an ende betweene Massinissa and them: he brought them togither, and for the agréement, the Carthaginians offered Massinissa the lande they had at Empurium, and to giue him two hundred talents of siluer presentlye, and eight hundred in time: and when he desired the outlawes to be restored, they coulde not abyde to heare it. And so they depar­ted doing nothing. Scipio returned to Spain, with his Elephātes. Massinissa laye aboute the hyll of his enimies, wayting that no victual should be brought them. There was none nygh hande, and to himselfe, a great way off, it was brought with muche Partialitie of the Romaines. ado, and very little. Asdrubal at the firste, might haue passed thorow his enimies, hys armye beyng strong and sounde: but bycause he was better stored of victuall than Massinissa, hée thought he would haue sued for peace: and he tarried also, hea­ring Priuie instructi­ons giuen the ambassadours. that Ambassadours came from Rome to make peace: To whome it was sayde: That if Massinissa were ouercome, they should ende the matter, but if he had the better, they shoulde en­courage him. And so they did.

The famine cons [...]ned Asdrubal and the Carthaginians, who Famine in the Carthagies camp. were so weake in bodie, that they could not force the enimie. First they eate their beastes, then their horses of cariage, then they sodde their horse gyrthes and eate them. Manye diseases toke them, as well for their euill sustenaunce, as for their lack of labour, and heate of the yeare. For a multitude of men in a campe was thronged togyther in a little space, and heate of Libya, and when woode fayled them to séeth their meate, they [Page 210] burned their Targets. The dead men were not carried away, for Massinissa would not suffer it, nor they were not burned for lacke of woode. The pestilence was greate amongst them, and daunger, for the sauours and corrupted bodyes. The moste part of the army died, and the reste had no hope of lise. There­fore The Carthegies yelde to Massinissa. they promised to restore to Massinissa his runawayes, & to pay him 5000, talents of siluer in fifty yeres, & to receiue their bannished men contrary to their othes, & they to passe throughe one gate, by their enimies, only in their coats. Celossa, being yet grieued with them for the iniurie they did him, whither by his fathers consent, or of himselfe, sent the Numidian horsemē vpon thē as they wente away, to be reuenged of them, they neyther hauing armour to defend, nor strength to flye, so that of. 58000. The Carthagies flaine. men fewe came safe to Carthage, and with them Asdrubal the captaine, and other of the noble men. This was the ende of the warre betwéene Massinissa and the Carthagies. Then followed the thirde and last warre of the Romaines in Libya. When the Carthaginians were thus weakened by the ouerthrow of Massi­nissa, The third vvar vvith Carthage. and their Cittie in most féeble state, they were afrayde of Massinissa, being at hande with so great an army, and of the Ro­maynes, euer their heauy enimies, and séeking occasion, for y was done against Massinissa, in neyther of the which they were deceyued: for as soone as the Romaynes hearde of it, they ap­pointed an army ouer all Italie, not shewing to what vse, that they might be ready when they shoulde be called. The Cartha­ginians thinking to put away this occasion, cōdemned Asdrubal Asdrubal is con­demned. Boetharch vvas a chiefe office in Thebes, and Baeotia. Ambassadours from Carthage to Rome. that was Captaine of the warre against Massinissa, and Cartha­lone the Boetharch, and all other that were occasions of it, put­ting the blame of the warre vpō them. They sent ambassadors to Rome, that accused Massinissa, and also accused these men, that so rashly and sodenly made the businesse, and brought the Citie into daunger of enimitie. One of the Senatours asked them, why they did not punishe the authours of the warre at the be­ginning, but after they were ouercome, and had good will to make war again vpon vs, and sought occasion of it: to him they answered, that the Carthaginians in déed had not yet satisfied the [Page 211] Romaines. Therefore being troubled againe, they asked if The doubtful dealing of the Senate vvith the Carthagies. they were thought to offend, what they mighte doe to make a­mendes? They sayde thus, to this word: If you shal satisfie the Romaynes. Some thoughte, in debating what this satisfaction should be, that the Romaines would adde more money to that Scipio had appointed. Some thoughte to graunte Massinissa the lande that was in controuersie. Then they sente ambassa­dours againe to Rome, to knowe expreslye, what would satisfie the Romaynes, to whom it was aunswered, that the Carthagini­ans knew well ynough, and so sent thē away. Then they were in doubt and feare of thys matter. Vtica was the greatest Citie in Libya next Carthage, hauing fayre portes, and a countrey plenti­full to sustaine an army, lx. furlongs from it, & fit to make war against thē: being in doubt of Carthage, & vttering their old hate Vtica is giuen to the Romanes. against thē in time, sent ambassadours to Rome, to yéelde Vtica to the Romaines. The Senate that before was enclined and prepared to this warre, by the comming of so myghtie and con­uenient a Citie vnto them, opened theyr mynde, and being as­sembled in the Capitoll, where they were wont to consulte of warre, decréede the warre againste Carthage. They sent out of The third vvas vvith Carthage is determined. hande the Consuls, Marcus Manilius with the footemenne, and Lucius Marcius Censorinus with the nauy, to whome was giuen in secrete, that they shoulde not leaue the warre, till Carthage were taken.

When they hadde sacrifised, they sayled into Sicelie, to goe from thence to Vtica. They had fiftie gallies, a hundered foysts, & many Crayers, Barkes and Hoyes. They had an ar­my of .xc. thousand footemen, and foure thousand horsemen, al of the best sort, euery citizen & confederate, being desirous to go to so noble a voyage, and many willingly put their names VVat made vvithout pro­clamation. in the roll. Warning, and war it selfe was giuen the Carthagies by one messenger. For he carried the decrée of warre, and shewed the ships that sailed against thē. They wer amazed & in despaire, for want of ships, & so great a losse of their youth, ney­ther hauing confederates nor hired souldiers, nor victuals to endure a siege, nor any thing els in war soden & not proclaimed, [Page 212] nor being able to resist the Romaines and Massinissa too. They sent other ambassadors to Rome with ful autoritie, to satissie for the present, as well as they could. The Senate sayd to the [...]f The Senate sayeth one thing and meaneth another. the Carthaginians within .xxx. dayes shall deliuer to the Consuis that be yet in Sicelie, three hundred of your most noble children for pledges, and shall do in other things as they shal wil them, it is lawefull for Carthage to be frée and of it selfe, and haue all their lande in Libya. Thus they decréed openly, and gaue the [...]ident deuble dealing of the Romanes. Carthaginians the decrée, to cary to Carthage: but in secrete they sent to to the Consuls, to kéepe their former instructions. The Carthaginians suspected this determination, that the peace wold not bee firme, though they deliuered their children: but beingin such a danger, nor hauing where to put their trust, but with di­ligence to shew their readinesse, they caried their children to Si­cilie, their parents and their friends lamenting, specially their mothers, the which, like madde women folowed their children and the shippes, and helde the souldiours and the Ancres, and pulled the tackle, and stopped the Marriners, and stayed the sayles: some followed swimming a great way in the sea, wée­ping that they were taken from their children. Some vpon the lande, did teare their haire and beate their breasts, as they are wonte in a funerall. For it seemed in worde, a deliuerie of chil­dren, for a conformitie, but in déede, it was a verye yelding of the Citie, their children being deliuered vpon no certaine con­dition: and many did prophesic in the deliuerie of th [...]ir childrē, that it shoulde not profitte the Citie. This was the manner of the conueying of the children at Carthage. When they were come to Sicelie, the Consuls sente them to Rome. And there it was sayde vnto them, that they shoulde heare the ende of the war in Vtica. The Romaynes [...]ri [...] at Vtica.

The Romaines being come thyther, laye with their armye, where Scipio did before, their nauye harboured in the ports of Vtica. The ambassadours being come from Carthage, the Con­suls satte on high seates, the Colonels and Marishals standing about them. ‘The army on eyther side in a greate length, appa­relled with fayre armour, their ensignes they holde vppe, that [Page 213] the Embassadoures might sée the multitude of them. Then the Firba [...] lo [...]es of Cartha [...], the Con [...]s at Vtica. Consulls commaunded s [...]le [...]ce with a Trumpet. The Trumpet called the Carthaginians to come neare. They were led thorough the long army, not very nighe the seare of State but at a barre in the middest. The Consuls commaunded them to saye theyr message. They spake muche to moue pitie, and diuers things, touching the leagues made betwéene them and the Romanes, & of Carthage, a Cittie of so long continuaunce, of people and po­wer, & both by sea and land of most great dominion, which they spake not, (they saide) to extoll themselues, for in aduersitie it is Aduersitie. no tyme to vaunte: but you (O Romanes) may be moued torea­son and modestie by our sodaine mutation. They be beste that pitie them that fall, for they make their owne hope the better, Mutation of Fortune▪ that do not deale euil with them that be in misfortune. This is a thing fit for you & your modestie, to haue chiefly consideratiō of men, But if wée haue founde you sharpe ennimies, the misfor­tunes we haue suffered, maye satisfie you, whiche are spoyled of the power, vie had by sea and land, and haue gyuen our ships to you and made no more, and haue refrained from hunting and possessing of Elephants, & haue giuen our best pledges both bée­fore and now, and haue payed our tribu [...]es truely, whiche were wont to receiue of other. And this was sufficient to youre fa­thers, Auntient Ro­manes kept coue nauntes. with whom we made warre, who, when they hadde made peace with vs, vsed vs as friends and confederates. The othe Othe in league. that is made in a league, is alike to both: and they were faythful to vs in peace, after we had made an end of war. But you, with whome we haue not contended, what can you alledge for brea­king of couenants, or that you should so sodainely decrée war, & come vppon vs, before it was proclaymed? haue we not payed you our tributes? haue we ships or Elephants to be enuied? are we not to be pittied, that of late loste fiftie thousand men by fa­mine? but we haue made war vppon Massinissa, who is encrea­sed by it, and all we haue suffered for you, for beyng rigorous and iniurious to vs, and to the soyle in which he was nourished and brought vppe. He gote from vs oure lande at Emporio, whi­che Empori [...] when hée hadde, hée inuaded more, till agréement was [Page 214] made betwéene hym and vs, by you:’ if this be the pretence of this warre, we condemned the offendours of him by proclama­tion, and sent Ambassadoures to you, that myght purge vs, and others after that, with ful power to make peace, as you would, What needeth then, ships, and nauy, and army againste menne, not only confessing to haue offended, but yéelding themselues vnto you? That wée meant no deceite to you, nor refuse to suffer anye paine that you woulde put vppon vs, it appeareth plainelye, when we sent our best children in pledges to you, as you required, and that within .xxx. dayes, as the decrée comman­ded. The tenot of whiche decrée is, that if we deliuer oure pled­ges: Decree, if pled­ges vvere deli­uered. that Carthage should be frée, and of it selfe, and enioy the land we haue. Thus said the Embassadors. Then Censorinus stoode vp The Romane Consull to the Carthaginians. and said: What néede we shew the causes of war to you (O Car­thaginians) sēding Ambassadors to Rome, and learning that of the Senate? what ye sayde vntruly of vs, that I will reproue. For the decrée is manifest, and we saide before vnto you in Sicilie, when we receiued youre pledges, that you should haue the reste of oure commaundements at Vtica. For the choice and spéedye bringing of your pledges, we praise you. What néedeth armour to them that kéepe peace purely? Deliuer all youre publike and priuate armoure that euery man hathe: Bring to vs youre shot and munition. Thus he saide. The Ambassadoures saide, that they woulde obey thys also, but were afraid, that Asdrubal bée­ing condemned by proclamation, and leading .xx. M. men, and en­camping at Carthage, woulde reūst it. The Consulls saide, that the Romanes would sée to that. Then they promised to deliuer The Carthagit. nians deliuer the [...] arm [...]ure. this also: There was sent with them Cornelius Scipio Nasica, and C [...]eus Cornelius Hispalus: they brought forth .ij. C. M. harnesses, arrowes, & darts an infinite number, & slings that threw headed arrows, and stones. 2000. The sight of this cariage was faire & strange, so many wagons being carried of the enimies. The Ambass [...]dours folowed them, and the best of the auntient sorte in the Citie, the priests and other of estimation, and all to moue the Consuls to chaunge, or to mercy. ‘Being broughte with that order to the Consulls, Censorinus that was more eloquent than [Page 215] his fellowe, stoode vp, and with a seuere countenaunce, said thus: The Carthagini­ans are commā ­ded to forsake the Citie. We praise you of Carthage for your obedience, and readinesse in deliuering both your pledges and your armour. To men in ne­cessitie, shorte spéeche behoueth. Forsake you Carthage, and dwel where you wil, four score furlongs from the sea, for we be deter­mined to deface Carthage. Whiles he was saying thys, they held vp their hands with a crie to the heauens, and called vppon the Goddes, as men deceyued, and wished all euils vppon the Ro­manes, as mē that would die, or were beside themselues, or pro­uoke the Romanes into hate of the Embassadors.’ They fel vp­on the earthe, and with their hands and heads did beate it, some tore their garments, and defiled their bodies, as driuen beside themselues. When the passion was paste, a great silence and a­stonishmēt appeared, as though they had bin dead. The Romanes were amazed, and the Consulls knew they were stricken wyth the strange commandement, & wold be in that passion for a time, So [...]aine pasion perceiuing very well, that greatest griefs doe strike most vehe­mently at the first, but in time, necessitie causeth boldnesse to o­bey.

Thus were the Carthaginians asflicted, and with their silence féeling greater matter, they ceased their disdainefulnesse, & fel to wéeping and lamenting themselues, and their children, and their wiues by name, and their Country, as though it hadde hearde them, as a man, speaking many lamentable things. The priests called vppon their holy things, and their Gods, as thoughe they had bin present, laying their destruction vppon them. There was a confused and miserable mourning of them that broughte both publique and priuate things, that it made the Romaynes themselues to wéepe. The Consulls were also stricken wyth suche humaine mutation, and with seuere manner abode the ful­nesse of the matter,

When they had ceased wéeping, they waxed silent again, con­sidering that their city was naked and vnarmed, hauing neither ship, sword, dart, nor engine, nor mē sufficient to resist .l. M. being destroyed of late: straungers ayde had they none, nor friend, nor confederate, nor tyme. Their enimies had all, their children, [Page 216] their armour, their land, and came armed againste their Citie with Shyppes, footmen, engines and horse. [...] another e­nimye, was at their sides. They refra [...]d from rage and chol­ler, as nothing profiting in calamities. They turned againe to reasō. And Hanno that is called Gylla, obtaining [...] to speak, said thus:

‘If there be any regarde with you, (O Romanes) of oure for­mer [...] Gylla, to the [...]. spéeches, we would speake, not as they that can bring forth any thing to [...]usti [...]e vs, for there is no resistaunce in tyme to the afflicted, but that you maye learne, it is not without reason or cause that you shoulde haue pittie of vs. We hauing dominion in Libya and the sea, haue manye times contended with you for the Soueraintie, and a [...] length gaue place to Scipio, when we de­liuered our ships and Elephants to you, and agréed to giue you tribute, and gaue them in time. Then forthe Gods [...]h [...]t be iud­ges, spare vs, spare vs also for the othe that Scipio made vs, that the Romanes should be friends and consederates to the Cartha­ginians. There is not, wherein we haue offended: we haue nei­ther ships nor Elephants, nor haue lefte oure tributes, but wée haue taken your part against iij. Kings, and it ought not to dis­please Ph [...]pp [...]s. [...]. [...]. Misery cause of muche spea [...]. you, if wée saide thys before, when we deliuered you [...]r armoure. For misery maketh men speake muche: nothyng is more strong in supplications▪ than couenaunts made, nor wée haue any other thing for our refuge but words, séeyng we haue deliuered to you all oure strength. Of these former thinges, [...] (O Romanes) was our assuraunce. Of the present, you Con­suls Misery. be [...]ours and witnesse with vs. You required pledges, and he brought them to you of the beste sorte. You requyred ar­mour, and you haue it al, which they that are t [...]ken with [...]iege, wil not willingly deliuer: we haue trusted the Romane custome and manner, for the [...]nate commaunded vs, and you when [...]u required pledges, [...]a [...]e that [...] shoulde be frée, when you hadde them, but if it were added, that we shoulde receyue the reste of the commaundements▪ it is not right that you, affyrmyng in plaine speeche, that [...]ure Cittie shoulde bee frée af­ter the re [...]it of the pledges, to appointe the ouerthrowe of Car­thage [Page 217] it self. If you thinke you may desiroy it, how can you giue it libertie, or to be of it selfe, as you say? This wée haue to saye of the former league, and of that your selues haue don [...]. If thys will not be accepted of you, wée gyue ouer all, and that which is onely lefte to men in miserye, we flée to complainte and prayer: Much prayer is requisite for the multitude of euills. Wée bée­seeche you for the auntient Citie, inhabited by the Oracle of the Gods, and for the great glorie that it had, and the name that is spred ouer all the earth, and for the holy things that be so manye in it, and for the Goddes that haue not offended, whose solem­nities, pompes, and feastes do not spoile, nor the sepultures and funeralls, since none of the deade men haue done you anye iniurie. If any pitie be in you, saying, you pitie vs, if you suffer vs to haue dwelling place, spare the place of publique assem­blye, spare the Countrey Ceremonies, spare the God of Coun­sell, and all other that to them that be aliue be fruiteful and ho­norable. What néede you haue anye feare of Carthage, when you haue oure Shippes, armoure, and our Elephantes that be enuied? Touching our habitation, if you wil so comfort vs, is it impossible for men that haue liued in the sea, to dwel in y maine land? of them an infinite number doth occupy the sea. We giue you a choice more for our contentation, and your glorie. Suffer the Cittie to stande▪ that hathe hurte none of you, and kill vs, whom you woulde haue remoue. So shall you séeme to be an­gry with men, and not with holy things, Gods and Sepulchres, and the Cittie that hathe not offended. You Romanes haue had regard of good fame, and rightwisenesse in all your workes, and you shewe modestie in prosperitie, add this you vse toward all that you take. Remembre Iupiter and the other Goddes, that yet haue Carthage, and doe not bring euills vppon you and youre children, do not blotte your good fame first vppon vs, nor deface youre glorye wyth suche an acte, euill to be done, and euill to bée hearde of, and begon first of you afore all other ly­uing. There haue béene manye warres betwéene the Greti­ans and the Barbarians, and manye béetwéene you Romanes and others, yet was there neuer anye that defaced a Ci­tye, [Page 218] giuing their handes afore fight, and deliuering theyr ar­mour and children, and if there be any hurte in the worlde, to su­fer it patiently: Bringing to you the Goddes sworne, the for­tune Reuengement belongeth to God. of man, and the moste fearfull Goddes of reuengeaunce, to them that be in felicitie. Wée beséeche you not to dishonoure your selues vpon our state, that hath prospered, neyther to bring youre felicitie into infamye: giue vs leaue, if you will not suffer vs to haue oure Cittie, to sende Embassadoures againe to the Senate, to make intercession. You sée a little distance of time, but bringing an heape of long torments in a shorte while, for the duety of the thing to come: For it is in youre power to doe what you will, either nowe or shortly after: Let pittie and hu­manitie be present with you. This said Hanno.

The Consulls euidently séemed sad all the while he spake, by­cause they could graunt them nothing, and when they had made an end, Censorinus said.

‘Of that the Senate hathe commaunded, what néede wée The Romane Consull to the Carthaginians. speake much? for that it hathe commaunded, it must be obeyed, neither can we staye that they haue commaunded to bée doone. For what we commaunde oure ennimyes to do, wée doe but speake it, and it muste be done. And bycause the common profit is in talke, bothe ours, and muche more yours, ( O Carthagini­ans) I will not refuse to speake to you by reason, if you can be perswaded rather than compelled. The Sea putting you in Sea occasion of offence. mynde of your power and dominion, stirreth you to offende, and by that to fal into aduersitie. For by that, you haue ouercome Sicilie. Spaine. Sicilie, which being done, you sayled into Spaine, and tooke it, in the tyme of truce: ye robbed all Merchaunts, and chiefly cures: and that it might not be knowne, ye drowned them, till ye were ta­ken, and paide Sardinia for a penaltie. So you loste Sardinia, by the Sea, whiche naturally prouoketh all men to couet too much, bicause of the spéedy commoditie of it. The Athenienses by be­ing Sea-men, didde winne muche and loste all. For the Sea is like marchauntes gaines, it hathe great encrease, and is loste Sea like Mar­chauntes. at once. You know that they whome I nowe named, dilating [Page 219] theyr dominion from the Ionian sea, to the Ile of Sicilie, did not cease of coueting more, before they hadde loste all their power, Athenienses [...]ost al by couering too much by sea and giuen Portes and Shippes to their ennimies, and recey­ued a garrison into their Cittie, and pulled downe their long wall, and then were made to dwell vppon the highe lande, the whiche saued the moste parte of them. Surer is the life ( O Car­thaginians) vppon the lande, labouring the earth with quyetnesse, Gaine vppon [...]nd, lesse, but more sure. peraduenture the gaine is lesse, but surer. And lesse dangerous certainly is husbandry, than Merchaundise. And to me, a Cittie A Citie in the sea like a shippe in the sea séemeth rather a shippe than a lande, hauing muche tossing of businesse and mutabilitie. In the Inland, the profitte, is without perill, as vppon the grounde. And for thys, the auncient Kingdomes for the moste parte were in the middest, The great Mo­narchies on the lande. and of it, were the greatest made, as of the Medians, the Assi­rians, and the Persians, and others. But I wyll cease off exam­ples of Kynges, whyche do not agrée wyth you. Looke vp­pon youre owne Libya, in the whyche you shall haue neigh­boures, as you wyll choose, that you maye take awaye the sighte and memorye that stirre you to the thynges that nowe trouble you, when you looke to the Sea, voyde of Shyppes, remembring the number of Shippes you haue hadde, and the prayes you haue taken, and to what Portes you brought them plentifullye, and filled youre storehouses both of Shippes and Treasure-houses of all preparation. Whereto serueth youre walls, the receipte of youre armies, horses and Elephantes? Whereto is the memorie of them to you, but griefe and a stir­ring, to come agayne to the same, if you can? It is the affection of manne, by the remembraunce of former fortune, to hope to come againe to the like. The best remedy against euill fortune, Forgetfulnesse remedie against miserye. is forgetfulnesse, which you cannot haue, except you take away the sighte. And thys is a manifest proofe, that beingmany times pardoned for the breache of your promise, you haue broke it stil, if you yet couet rule, & beare vs euil wil, that haue taken it from you, & wait your time: then haue you néede of such a citie, of such ports, & Arsenalls and walls to be made to receiue your army. [Page 220] And why shoulde we pardon you, since we finde you suche ad­uersaries? If you wil leaue your dominion in déede, not in word, rather than in sentence, being content with the lande you haue in Libya, and minde to kéepe without dissm [...]lation with vs, do it & shew it in deede, go dwell in Libya, which you haue, and leaue the Sea, which you haue los [...]. Neyther counter [...]a [...]te pitie by holy thinges, country Goddes, common place, and sepu [...]chres. Whose sepulchres shall remaine vntouched, and to make the ce­remonies to them, you may come and sacrifice to youre holye Goddes if you will. The reste we will take away. For you do not sacrifice in Arsenals, nor ye make no yeare-minds vpon the walles, Altares, houses, and Palaices, you may builde where you goe, and they shall foorthwith be youre Countrey: as you Carthag [...]ns con [...]e of Tyrus. left Tyrus and came into Libya, and that you possessed here, you call your country. And to be short, learne, that we do not [...] you this for euill will, but for sure agréement, and publique con­corde. Alba. If you can remember, that Alba, not an ennimie, but a mother-citie, not of euill minde, but willing inhabitaunce, for the common profite, wée translated to Rome, and it was profy­table to both people. But ye saye there be many with you, that Sea men. worke for theyr liuing by the sea. This wée haue [...]oreséene, that you maye haue easie traffike by sea, and maye carrye and re­ceiue verye commodiouslye: for we put you not far from the Sea, but foure seore surl [...]ngs. Wée that do commaunde you this, bée a hundred surlongs from it: wée gyue you a place, choose it your selfe, and when you are there, to bée of your selfe. Thys is it wée saide before, that Carth [...]ge shoulde be frée, i [...] shée obeyed vs. Wée thinke you to be Carthage, and not the ground. Men be the cit­tie, and not hou­ses. When Cens [...]inu [...] had said thys, he ceased. The Carthag [...]es being astonished, said nothing. Then he saide againe. I haue spoken what I thought might perswade you, and comforte you. But the Senates commaundement muste bée done, and that oute of hande. Therefore goe your waye, for yet you be Embassadors. Thus he spake, and they were remoued by the Sergeants▪ And foreséeing what might follow of it at Carthage, they desired leaue to speake againe, and béeyng brought in, they saide:’

[Page 221] ‘We sée your commaundement must be obeyed, for you wyll Carthag [...]e [...] speak against. not let vs sende to Rome, we do not hope to returne to you, for we shall be killed of the Carthaginians, while we tell them your commaundement: we be [...]ch you, not for our selues, for we be ready to suffer all things, but for Carthage, if i [...] maye be driuen to su [...]er calami [...]ie by [...]are, sende your shippes thyther, whiles we go, that hearing and seeing your▪ cōmaundement, they may beare it if they can. Into such extreme necessitie, we are driuen▪ as we desire you to sende your shippes against our owne coun­trey. When they had thus sayde, they went their way.’

Censor [...]nus with twentie gallies, shoared about the Cittie. Some of the ambassadours fledde in the waye, the more pa [...]te wente on with silence. The Carthaginians loking for the ambas­sadours comming on the wals, were troubled with their tarri­aunce, [...]ro [...]le in Carth [...]g [...] at the sight [...]t the Ambassadours. and some [...]ore their heare, some woulde not tarry, but went to m [...]te them, so desirous to learne the trueth. When they sawe them heauye, they stroke their faces, and did aske some, of them al, some of their friends and acquaintaunce, and when they had saluted them, and asked them, and had none an­swere, they lamented, as in an euident distruction: and some that heard them from the wals, lamented with them, not kno­wing any thing, as in a manifest and gret aduersitie. At the en­try of the gates, they had almost thrust one another to death, & almoste torne the ambassadours in pieces, but that this saued them, that they must first speake with the Semors. Some le [...]t them, and some went on with them, desir [...]us to know with the soone [...]. When they were entred the Senate house, the Seni­ors commaunded the other to au [...]yde, and they onely remay­ned, the people stoode without. The Ambassadour [...] showed the commaundement of the Consuls. The Senate cryed [...]ut, the people without did the like. The amb [...]ssadours shewing fur­ther what they had all [...]ged to the contrary, and what prayers they had made to sende ambassad [...]urs to Rome, the Senate was in a déepe silence again, a bydi [...]g to heare the [...]de, and the peo­ple was in silence also, but when they heard, they might not sēd Fury of the Carthagies▪ to Rome, they were turned into an exceeding shryking. The [Page 222] people ranne into them. Then fell they to a surye like madde men without reason, as the ministers of Bacchus be wont, which The fe [...]stes of [...]cch [...] be [...]hevved by tunes, for the dronken sort do differ little from mad folke. they saye, shewe their madnes in diuerse maners. Some were angry with the Senatours, which wer the cau [...] why the pled­gies were sent, and spoyled and tore them, as authours of the deceyt: some for letting the armor go: some missused the amba­sadours, as tellers of euil newes, and dragged them aboute the Citie. Some tormented the Italians that were yet there, the The [...]age of the people of Car­thage. case being sodayne and not proclaymed, sundry wayes, saying they were reuenged of their pledgies and armour. The Cittie was full of anger, feare, and threates. In the way, they called vpon their best beloued things, they fledde into the temples, as to Sanctuaries, they reuiled their goddes that coulde not helpe them. Other went to the armaries, and cryed when they found them empty. Some went into the Arsenals and lamented their shippes, as giuen to men without fayth, and called some of the Elephants by name, as they had bene presente: some rebuked their auncestours and thēselues, that should neither haue giuen shippes, rentes, nor armour, but had dyed wyth their armed Countrey. And the mothers of the pledgies, did moste moue them to rage, which, like vnto tragical Furi [...]s, ranne to euery man with shryking, and obiected the deliuerie of their children, and their speaking against it, and tolde them, God did punishe them, for their children. A [...]ew, that were sober, shut the gates, and filled the walles full of stones in steade of other weapons. The Senate decréed warre that day, and gaue libertie to bond Carthage deter­mined to stand to de [...]fence. men. They chose generals, Asdrubal for the outward affaires, that was condemned to death, hauing then togither twentye thousand men, and one wente to him in haste to desire him not to forsake his afflicted countrey in extréeme p [...]rils, nor to thinke nowe on the iniurie that was done him for feare of the Romaines. Within the walles, another Asdruball was chosen, a nephewe of Massinissa by his daughter. They sente to the Consuls for thirtie dayes respight to sende to Rome. Be­ing The Carthagies are denied to send to Rome. denyed this also, they fell into a maruellous change of courage, whyther they shoulde suffer it, or leaue their Cittie, [Page 223] and forthwith, were filled with boldenesse, with a new change. The common houses, the publique Temples, and all the holy places, and euerie other worke of anye strength, they wrought vppon daye and night, men and women, not ceassing, and gathered victualles by partes, as the time did serue: e­uerye daye they made a hundred shieldes, thrée hundered The m [...]u [...]ous diligence of the Carthagies. swordes, and a thousand arrowes to shoote, fiue hundred speares and pykes, and as many bowes and slinges as they could. The women shaued their haire to make strings for them, bycause they wanted other matter, and continued in thys prouision. The Consuls, peraduenture stayed to beginne so monstrous a matter with leysure, thinking to take the citie vnarmed when they would, and supposed that they wold giue ouer for want, as in hard cases men be wont at the first, to be earneste, but wyth time & reason being perswaded, giue place to feare, by y e whiche one of the Carthagies, supposing feare had possessed them, durste come into the common place, as though he would haue spoken of some other matter, & sayd, that they being vnarmed, ought Of euils the les­ser. to take the meaner euill, euen so playnelye speaking his sen­tence.

Now was Massinissa angry & greuously offended with the Ro­manes, Massinissae offended. y he bringing the Carthagies force vpō their knées now he saw other run for the title, and came to the thing, not makyng him priuy as they were wont to do in other wars. The Con­suls Massinissa offen­ded vvith the Romaines. likewise, hadde him in some suspition, and sent to him for ayde: he answered, he would send them ayde, when he shoulde vnderstande they had néede, and sending not long after, asked if they had anye néede, They not suffering his pride, and distru­sting him as one offended, aunswered they woulde sende to hym when they néeded. For victuall for the armye they hadde only from Adrumeto, Leptis, Saxo, Vtica and Colle. All the the rest of Libya was Asdrubals, from the whiche, he sente vi­ctuals to Carthage. Being victualled for a fewe dayes, the Consulles marched to the Cittie of Carthage prepared to fight.

[Page 224]The Citie standeth, in a gret déepe gulfe, almost as an Iland: a place called a neck did diuide it frō the lād, 25. furlongs brode, The discription of Carthage. from the which, a narrow piece of ground called a towne halfe a furlong broade, goeth to the weast in the [...]dest of the poole and the sea, with a simple wall among the rockes, towarde the south lande warde, where the olde Citie Byrsa was. In the neck was a triple wall. Euerye one of these, was thirtie Cubites high, beside the batlements, and towers, distaunt two acres a­sunder, stayde by foure planchers, thirtie foote deepe, at the plā ­cher was the higth of euery wall, and in it, being rounde and strong, thrée hundred Elephants were placed belowe, and the treasure of their store. Vpon thē was stables for four thousand horses, with granaries for wheate and barley. There was re­ceytes for men, twentie thousand a foote, and foure thousande on Horse: so greate prouision of warre, was appointed to be placed in the walles only. One hooke about the narow part, did bow from the wall to the portes, which was only weake and One vveake place. lowe, not regarded at the beginning. They sayled out of one porte to another, and from the sea there was one entrye lxx. foote broade, which they did shut with chaynes of yron. The firste was for merchauntes, in the which were manye and di­uerse places of receyt. Within this in the middest was an Ile, and both the Ile and the poole was compassed with greate ho­lowe corners, the which were full of munition for shippes, able to receiue two hundered & twentie ships, and Cellers for pre­paration of shippes and gallies furniture: two pitlers of Ionian fashion, stoode before euery porte of shippes, like a gallery in the sight of them that passed by the Iland and the port. In the Ile The admirals port. was the store for the admiral, frō whēce the Trumpeter must giue warning, and the crier tel the time, and the Admirall sée abroad. The Iland was right against them that sayled, drawn a great length, that the Admirall might sée all in the sea, and they that sayled by, should not sée the places of the portes per­fectly. Neyther could the Merchaunts in their port, sée the store for the shippes For a double wall was set about them, & gates did receiue the Merchaunts to go into the Citie, not passing by [Page 225] the storehouses of the shippes. At that time thus stoode the Ci­tie of Carthage.

The Consuls diuided their businesse and came against their The Consuls a­gainst Carthage by sea and land. enimies. Manlius, from the lande, againste the necke, to fil the ditch, to beate down the little wal, and so to approch to the high walles. Censorinus brought ladders both from the lande and the shippes, against the part of the bowing wall. They both made little accompte, as of vnarmed men: tyll they sounde them to haue new armour, and great courage, at the wounder of the whiche, they gaue backe, and at the beginning fayled of theyr purpose, thinking to get the Citie without any fighte. The se­conde time attempting, and againe reiected, the courage of the Carthagies encreased. The Consuls being afrayde of Asdruball, which had his campe at their backe not far off, at the poole, de­fensed both their campes. Censorinus, at the Poole, vnder the walles of the Citie, Manlius, in the necke, the way to the lande. And thus their camps being made strong, Censorinus with his, passed the Poole, for stuffe to make engines, where hée lost fiue hundered workemen, and much armoure, Imilco the generall Imileo. Cesorinus Ioseth men. of the horse of Carthage, comming sodaynely vppon hym, who was surnamed Phameas. Yet getting matter, he made engines and ladders, and agayne they both gaue assault, and were re­pulsed. The Ro­maines haue three repulses.

Manlius beginning a little, and hardly breaking any part of the wall, dispayred and left it off. Censorinus filling a trenche next the narrow earth at the Poole, to make it the more passa­ble, brought two greate engines that caried rammes, the one was heaued with sixe thousand footemen, the Colonels guiding it, the other of the Mariners by the conduct of the Admiralles. And contention being which should doe best, both of the Capi­taines and souldiours, a piece of the wall was throwen down, and they might sée into the Cittie.

The Carthaginians to repulse them, repayred the breach in the night: and bycause they could not finishe all by night, and were afrayde, that that was already done, shoulde be throwen down in the daye by the Romaynes engines, being newe made and [Page 226] gréen, they ranne vpon the engines of the enimies, some armed, some naked, hauing only burning lampes. They burned not The Carthagies burn part of the Romanes engines. all, bycause they could not preuent the Romanes, but that [...]y came out: yet they made them all vnprofytable, and returned. Day being come, the Romanes had bolonesse to assault y place that was fallen & not fully made vp: for within apeared a plain fit for to fight, in the fronte of the which, the armed Carthagies stoode, & behynde, the vnarmed, with stones & staues: & other pla­ced in the next houses, to entertaine the approching enimie, the Scipio shevveth his vvisedome being an inferi­our officer in the campe. which, séeing such contempt of naked men, leapt in boldly. Scipio (that not long after destroyed Carthage, & was called Affricane,) being a Marshall at that time, stayed, & diuiding his bands into many partes, and standing a distaunce from the wal, would not let anye of his to enter the Citie, but receyued them that were driuen out by the Carthaginians, and saued them. And this was the beginning of his glorie, appearing more wise than the Cō ­sul. In this place is a vvant of text. The army of Censorinus was sicke, lying at the Fenne ful of standing and corrupt water, & not receiuing winde from y sea, bicause of the high wals. Therfore Censorinus remoued into the sea.

The Carthaginians, whē y winde blew toward the Romanes, The Carthagies burne part of the Romanes nauy. filled their boates with flaxe and brushe, within the wals, that the enimyes should not sée it from the shippes, and when they came forth and should be séene, they layd on sulphure and pitch, and then set vp sayle, and threw fire into the vessels, the which being carried with the winde y blewe lustily, into the Romane nauye, sette the shippes on fire and almost burned them all.

Not long after, Censorinus went to Rome for the election.

The Carthagies were the bolder vppon Manlius, and in the night some armed and some vnarmed carying bridges, assaul­ted the next trenche of Manlius, and beganne to pull downe the rampire.

The souldiours within beyng troubled in the nighte time, Scipio came with his horsemen by a contrarye parte, where no enimies were, and feared the Carthagies, when he was comming vpon them, and they retired into the Citie.

[Page 227]In this fight the souldiours disordered by night, Scipio was thought to haue saued them once againe very nobly, and Man­lius kepte his campe more sure, making a wall where the ram­pire was, and erecting a tower towarde the sea, for the shippes that brought him victual. Then turning to the lande with ten thousande footemenne, and two thousande horse, he wasted the countrey, gathering woode, corne and victuall, and one Tribune after another, did serue the turne. Phameas the Captaine of the Phameas. horsemen, being yong, and desirous to fight, and vsing little and light horses, that were fedde with grasse, when they had none other, and to suffer hunger and thirste, when néede was, kée­ping secret in vallies and woods, whē he saw thē negligēt, came foorth of the sodayn, like an Eagle, and when he had spoyled, he retired, but whē Scipio cōmaunded y e army, he wold not apeare.

For Scipio led his people euer in order, the horsemen kéeping The circumspe­ction of Scipio. on horsebacke, and in his raunging, woulde not dissolue hys order, before he had beset the field which he would spoyle, with horsemen and armed footemen. And he roade about with other bandes, and kepte in the foragers, that lefte their companie, or went out of the compasse. Therfore Phameas wold not come vp­on Enuie against Scipio. him. And this being often done, Scipio had great glorye. The other Captaynes enuying, gaue out, that there was friendship betwéen the auncestours of Phamea, and the grandfather of this Scipio. The Libyans that fledde into towers and fortes, that were Scipio iust of promise. many in y e country, the other Tribunes would couenaunt with them to depart, & assaile thē as they went, but Scipio would send them home. Therfore there was such a fame of his valiātnesse and faith, as they would not trust, except Scipio gaue his word, so as he was honoured both of his own & of his enimies. Com­ming from foraging, the Libyans assaulted the castle of the nauy, in the night: & the cōfusion being great, by the escries y t the Car­thagies made, to cause y e more terror, Mālius kept his mē within, not knowing the matter. Scipio takyng two bandes of horse­men, came forth with burning lightes, commaunding his men not to fight, bycause of the darke, but onely to run about wyth the fire, to séeme y e more, & afray the enimy, so as the Carthaginiās [Page 228] being made afrayde both wayes, fledde into the citie. Thys al­so redounded muche to Scipio his glorie. Wherefore he was well spoken of by euerie man, and thought a worthy sonne, of Paulus that conquered Macedonie, and of the Scipios, into whose The progenie of Scipio. family he was adopted.

Manlius going to Nepheris against Asdrubal, Scipio was not Nepheris. contente, séeing al wooddes and hylly places, and the high places gotten before: and as they were thrée furlongs from Asdrubal, and cōming to a riuer must ascend to Asdrubal, he stayd then, and counselled him to retire, and that another time and pollicie should be more fitte to match with Asdrubal. The other Tri­bunes speaking against him for enuy and malice, not thinking Scipios Counsel is re [...]ected. it good counsell to giue place in the sight of the enimye, where­by they might contemne them, and set vpon them as flying, hée againe desired them, to put their campe on the hyther side of the riuer, that if they were put to it, they might haue a place to resorte, where as nowe they hadde none, wherevnto they might flye. They laughed at this, and one threatned to caste away his sworde, if not Manlius, but Scipio did rule. Therefore Manlius went on, not verye skilfull in the warre. Asdruball encountred with him, and there was greate slaughter on both sides. Then Asdruball ranne into a castle where was no peril, The Romanes are ouerthroven by Asdruball. and wayted to set on them as they wente, who repenting that they had done, they retired to the floud in order, but the floud be­ing hard to passe, bycause of fewe fourdes and painful, they wer forced to break their order. Whych, when Asdrubal saw, he came downe manfully, and killed many, that did not resiste, but fledde, and thrée of the Captaines were slaine, that brought the army to that conflicte. But Scipio with thrée hundred horse­men Scipio saueth the Consul and his army. that he had, and as manye as he coulde get togither, di­uided into thrée companies, gaue charge vpon the enimie with greate vehemence, by portions darting at them, and rety­ring then vppon them, and agayne returning. For so he tolde them, that halfe of them should assayle the enimies, and throw their dartes, as being in a circle. This being e [...]t done, and the Libyans without any staye, being shotte at continuallye, and all [Page 229] turning vppon Scipio, the other had the lesse trouble to passe the riuer. And Scipio rode after them, being stroke at verye sore. Foure companies at the beginning of the fray being put from the floude by the enimies, ranne to an hill, where Asdrubal be­sieged them, vnknowne to the Romanes, till they stayed. When they knewe it, some thoughte good to goe their waye and not to aduenture many for a fewe. Scipio tolde them, that before a Counsell before doyng. marter is begonne, good counsell muste be hadde, but so manye menne and ensignes being in daunger, the vtterme [...]e boldenesse muste be vsed. He chose certaine troupes of horsemen, and said he would returne with them, or gladly die with them. He tooke with him two dayes victuall, and streight went forth, all the ar­my being afraide, least he also shoulde perish. When he came to the hill where they were besieged, he with great speede tooke an other hill ouer-againste it, diuided by a little valley. Then the Libyans didde giue an hote charge vpon them that were besieged, thinking Scipio coulde not succoure them, being in so long a ior­ney. But he séeing the bottomes of the hills compassing the val­ley, did not omit the occasion, but ranne and tooke a place aboue the enimies. They beyng now [...]eset rounde aboute, fled with­out order, Scipio suffering them to go fréely, bycause they were a great deale more than he.

Thus Scipio saued these also, that were in desperation. When Scipio saueth. 4. bands that vver in daunger. the army sawe him come a farre off, beyng saued beyond hope, and hauing saued the other, they made great reioyce, and thou­ghte Opiniō of Gods vvorking in Sci­pio. God wrought with him, as he did with his Grandfather, that séemed to knowe what was to come. Manlius led his army to the Cittie againe, putting great faulte in them that woulde not obey Scipio, when he counselled to retire with the army. All Griefe for [...] vnburied soul­dioures. were muche grieued, that they that were killed, laye vnburied, specially the Tribunes. Therfore Scipio losed a prisoner, and sent him to Aslrubal, praying him to bury the Tribunes. Hée sought among the dead bodies, and found them by their rings of golde. For the Tribunes of an army weare gold, and the infe­riours, Tribunes vvere rings of golde, the other of y­ [...]on. yron. Hée buried them, either as an acte of humanitie, and cōmon among warriors, or reuerencing and seruing Scipios [Page 230] glorie.

When the Romaynes were come from Asdrubal, Phame [...] troubled them, being yet afraide of their losse. And some issued oute of Carthage, and killed some of their cariage.

At this time the Senate sent certaine men to sée the Campe, and to marke euery thing diligently. And Manlius and the coun­sel, and the Tribunes that were left, enuy beyng now extinct by vertue, & al the army, testified what actes Scipio had done for thē. A general good reporte of Scipio The which, the Ambassadors at their returne, tolde the Senate what diligence and experience was in Scipio, and what goodwill of the army was toward him.

The Senate was glad of it. And bicause of their many losses, they sent to Massinissa, and required him to send friendlye aide to them againste Carthage. But he was not found of the Embas­sadors. For being decayed with age and infirmitie, and hauing many base sonnes, to whome he had giuen much, and thrée law­full, of diuers conditiōs, he called Scipio, for the amitie that was Massinissa ma­keth Scipio hys executor. betwéene him and his grandfather, to be a counseller for hys children and kinsmen. He went oute of hande, but before hée came, Massinissa dying, commaunded his children to obey Scipio, as he shoulde take order for them. Which, when he had saide, hée Massinissa dyeth. A fortunate mā. died, a man in all thinges fortunate, to whome, God graunted to recouer his fathers kingdom from the Carthaginians and Syphax, and to encrease it from a greate parte of Mauritania by Sea, to the dominion of Cyrene by land, and caused a great portion to Cyrene, novve Corene, conray­ning the pro­uince of fyue Citties. he inhabited. And many of the Numidiās that liued with hearbs, and vsed no tillage, he left them with treasures of mony and ar­my well practised. Of his ennimies, he tooke Syphax prisoner with his own hand. Beyng the cause of the variance with Car­thage, he left it weake to the Romanes. He hadde a body big, and streng of nature, to his laste age, and tried fight till hys death, and woulde leape on horse without stirrops. And this may be a great coniecture of hys good health, for hauing many children, & Massinissa of 900. yeares of age had a childe of foure yeares olde. they sometime dying, he hadde tenne little ones, and lefte one of foure yeares of age, when he was. 900. years olde. Thus Mas­sinissa, of these yeares and body, dyed.

[Page 231] Scipio gaue to the bastardes, other gifts, to the Legitimate, treasures and reuenue, and to haue the name of a Kyng com­mon The order that Scipio tooke vp­on Massinissas children. Micipsa, Gelossa, and Masta [...]ab [...]. to them, and diuided other things among them, as he thou­ghte good. To Micipsa that was oldest, and moste desirous of peace, he gaue the Citie of Cyrta, and all the royall thinges in it. To Gelossa that was a souldiour, and second in age, he appointed to be the Lorde of peace and warre. To Mastauaba the youn­gest, and giuen to Justice, he gaue the authoritie of iudgements and deciding controuersies.

Thus did Scipio diuide the kingdome and substaunce of Mas­sinissa to his children, and presently made Gelossa a companion of the warre: and he founde oute the traynes, by the whiche, Pha­meas many times vexed the Romanes, and stayed them.

In a winter Scipio and Phameas encamped nighe togither, ha­uing in the middest a valley that could not be passed, nor doe a­ny thing the one against the other.

And Scipio fearing that some traine might be laide before him, went to viewe it wyth thrée friends. When Phameas sawe him, he came toward him with one. Scipio thinking he wold say some­what, rode towarde him with one also. And when they might heare one another, Scipio saide: The Carthaginians being gone The talke be­tvvene Scipio & Pharmeas. before why dost thou not consider of thine owne health, séeyng thou canste doe nothing for the common wealth? Howe can I (quoth he) sée for my safety, the Carthaginians standing as they do, and the Romanes being so oft hurte by me? I promise thée (said Scipio) if I be worthy to be trusted, safetie and forgiuenesse of the Romanes, and to haue thankes. He accepting him to bée most worthy, saide: I thinke so of thée, and if it be possible thou canst tel, and so they departed.

Manlius being ashamed of the losse he had of Asdrubal, mar­ched A nevve [...]odd [...] of Manlius to Nepheris▪ againe to Nepheris, taking with him .xv. dayes vi [...]ualles, and being at hande, made a trenche, and encamped (as Scipio counselled him) in the former iorney. And dooyng no good, he was in a more feare and greater shame, least Asdrubal should come vpon him, as he went away. And whiles he was in this doubt, A letter to Sci­pio. one of Gelossa [...] army brought a letter to Scipio, and he deliuered it [Page 232] sealed as it was, to the Generall. When they had opened it, they founde thys. Suche a daye I will take suche a place, come thou with as many as thou wilte, and bid the foremoste watche, re­ceiue him that shall come in the night. The letter without anye name saide thus muche. Scipio thought it was touching Phamea. Manlius was afraide of Scipio, leaste he shoulde be deceyued of a man that was all bent to deceites. But when he sawe him haue good hope in the matter, he sente him, willing him to giue assu­raunce for Phameas safety, but for his thankes, to determine no­thing, but to promise him that the Romanes shoulde consider of him. There was no néede of suche premises. For when Phameas was come to the place appointed, he trusted Scipio for his safetie, Phameas yeel­deth to Scipio. giuing him his right hande: and as for thankes, let the Romanes consider it. When he had said thus, he determined to fighte the nexte day, & going before with his Captains, as to consider some other matter, he said: If I could any longer helpe my country, I am ready: But that standing as it doth, I am to soresee for mine Phameas to hys Cap [...]taynes. owne safety, hauing receyued assurance for my selfe, I will re­ceiue it for you, that will be perswaded by me: nowe is the time for you to consider for your selues. Thus he saide. Some of the captaines with their bands yéelded, and were in number. 2200. horsemen. The rest, Hanno, called The White, did retaine. Whē Hanno the vvhite. Scipio came, Phameas army met with hym, and extolled Scipio, as in a triumphe. Manlius beyng very glad, not thinking any lon­ger his returne to be rebukefull to him, nor afraide that Asdru­bal woulde folow him, he remoued streight for want, being now the .xvij. daie, appointing but .xv. and so muste suffer paine for thrée daies Scipio taking Phamea and Gelossa, with their horsemen, and certaine Italians, went to a field called the Great Dungeō, The great dun­geon. and from thence brought much pray and victuall for their camp by night. Manlius vnderstanding that Calphurnius Piso shold come as his successor, sēt Scipio and Phamea to Rome afore, and the army Scipio and Pha­meas to Rome. following Scipio to the ship, praised Scipio, and prayed he mighte be sent Consul into Libya, as he that only could ouerthrow Car­thage. For it was an opinion among thē procéeding from God, y The peoples o­pinion of Scipio. only Scipio could conquere Carthage. And many wrote so to theyr [Page 233] friends in Rome. The Senate commended S [...]p [...]o, and honored Pha­meas with pretious gifts of golde and purple, and an horse trap­ped with golde, and an armour for his whole body, and .x. M. siluer drammes, & an hundred pound waite of siluer plate, and a tent & furniture according, and badde him hope for better gifts, if he did his endeuor in the rest of the war. He promised so to do, and failed into Libyi to the Romanes camp. At the Spring, Cal­phurnius Piso the Consul came, & with him, Lucius Manci [...]us to the [...] nauy. They neither did any thing against Carthage nor Asdru­bal, but besieged Cities, & were driuen frō Clup [...]a, when they had beset it both by sea and land. Piso tooke another city nigh, & spoiled it, offring to come to accorde. From thence they went to Hypoza­reta, Hypozareta. This citie of H [...]p [...], v [...] builded of the horsemen, and vvas the Country of S. A [...]st [...]. Another H [...]po vvas builded in the Fenne, and called therfore, D [...]l [...]tus, builded also by the horsmen. They burne the Consull [...] munition. Bythi [...] reuol­teth to the Car­thagini [...]ns a great Cittie; wel walled, with a Castle, Ports, ships and houses, which Agatbocles the Tyranne of Scicil [...]e did builde ve­ry fayre. It was in the middest betwéen Carthage & Libya, whiche robbed the Romanes prouision by sea, & therfore was very rich. Calphurnius thought to punishe the same, and to take awaye the profit, but being at it an whole sommer, did no good, & they twice sallying oute with the helpe of the Carthaginians, burned the en­gins of Calphurnius, and he hauing done nothing retired to Vtica to winter. The Carthaginians hauing Asdrubals army safe, and they the stronger for the fight, with Piso at Hypozareta, for Bythias Nonias was fled to them from Gelossa with eight hundred horse, & séeing that Micipsa and Mastauaba the sons of Massinissa, did e­uer promise the Romanes armor and money, and deferred and looked for the ende, were encreased in their harts, & went boldely about Libya, winning grounde, & speaking euill of the Romane [...], in the assemblies of euery citie, shewing their faintnesse at Ne­pheris twice, & what they had lately loste at Hyppagreta, & could not yet get Carthage, beyng vnarmed and vnprouided. They sent to Micipsa and Mastauaba, and to the frée Mauritanians, exhor­ting The Carthagini­ans procure friende [...]. them, and also shewing them, that they were in daunger, if the Romanes ouercame them. They sent some into Macedo­nia, to him that was thought to be the sonne of Perseus, & at war The lustinesse of the Carthagi­nians. with the Romanes, and persuaded him to follow the warre ear­nestly, & they should not lacke ships nor mony frō Carthage. And [Page 234] in summe, set not a little by themselues, now that they were ar­med, but encreased by degrée, in harte, courage and preparation.

And Asdrubal for his parte, was aloft to, chiefe of the warr [...] Asdrubal vvith­out, accuseth Asdrubal vvith­in. abroade▪ for ouercomming Manlius twice, and coneting the rule of the Cittie also, did accuse Asdrubal the Generall of it, to the Senate of Carthage, beyng nephewe to Gelassa, that he would be­tray Carthage to him. When he was examined of thys matter, and for the sodaine, could not answere for hymselfe, he was kil­led Asdrubal vvith­in is killed. with the seates of the house.

When the small doings of Pis [...], and the prouision of Carthage, was tolde at Rome, the people was grieued, and feared that if the warre encreased, beyng greate, continuall and at hande, they coulde looke for no rest, bicause they had broken faith wyth them before. And remembring the actes that Scipio had lately done in Libya when he was a Tribune, and comparyng them, with the present, & the letters that were sent from the Camp euery man to his friendes, they required that Scipio might be sente Consull into Libya, for the Election was at hande. But the lawe forbad Scipio to be Consull yet, bicause of his age. He desired to bée an Edises had rule of houses and prouision. Edile, but they would haue him Consul. Which beyng against the Lawe, and the Consuls bringing forth the Lawe, they were grieued and offended, affirming, that by the Lawes of Romul [...] Aucthoritie of people. and Tullius, the people was Lorde of the Elections, and mighte allowe and disallowe what Law they would.

In the ende, one of the Tribunes saide, if the Consuls would not agrée to the people, they woulde take the Election from the Consulls. So the Senate perswaded the people to breake the Scipio is chosen Consull before his tyme, and the Lavve broken for o [...] yeare, by exam­ple of the [...]ace­demonians. Pylus a cittie or tvvo i [...] Pelope­ [...]so. Scipio is appoin­ted to Libya by the people. Lawe for one yeare, and then to resume it againe. As the Lacede­monians in a necessitie dissolued a Lawe for them that were ta­ken at Pylo, and saide: Let the Lawes sléepe for thys daye. So Scipio desiring to be Edile, was made Consull, whose fellowe Drusus required to allotte the prouinces, til one of the Tribunes saide, that the iudgement of prouinces, was the peoples, the whiche people chose Scipio.

An army was giuen him of ordinarie, so many as might sup­plie the number of the deade, and to take as manye confederates [Page 235] as he coulde perswade, and to write to Kings and Citties in the people of Romes name, as many as he thoughte would send him aide. So had he helpe from Cities and Kings. He went into Sicilie, and from Sicilie to Vtica, Calphurnius Piso made war in the land, and Mancinus lay at Carthage, a parte of the wall he percei­ued to be neglected, where were rocks that could not be attemp­ted. He thinking he shoulde not be perceyued, prepared hys lad­ders Piso attempteth the vvall. to get the wall. He did so, and some of the souldiours went to it boldely.

The Carthaginians séeing them so fewe, despised them, and set open the gates that goe to the rockes, and ranne vppon the Ro­manes. And the Romanes driuing them backe, and following them, ranne into the Citie at the gate with them. Then ma­king a crie of victorie, Mancinus leaping for ioy, and in other Mancinus giueth a rashe attempt. things rashe and light, with the other multitude leauing their Shippes, ranne to the wall, halfe armed and naked. The Sunne nowe being ready to set, they tooke a forte before the wall, and rested.

And Mancinus wanting victuall, sente to Piso and the rulers Mancinus in danger. of Vtica, to helpe him in his daunger, and to bring him foode with spéede. So was he in daunger, least by breake of daye, the Car­thaginians should throwe him headlong from the rockes. Scipio Scipio at his ar­riuall doth a seate. that night came to Vtica, and at midnight, vnderstanding what Mancinus had written, sounded to the battaile, & sent the messen­gers to call the seamen of Italie and Vtica. He bad the auntients carye victualls into the galleis, and deliuered a prisoner of Car­thage, to go tell them that Scipio was commyng. And he sent to Piso horsmen after horsmen, to call him awaye with all spéede. When the laste watch was come, he commaunded to sayle, and they to stand right vppe in the decktes, to séeme the more to the ennimyes. Thus he did.

Mancinus, when the Carthagies, early in the morning fel vpon Mancinus is [...] and beaten. him, cōpassed thrée thousād being naked, with only fiue hundred which he had armed: being hurte and beaten of them, he was driuen into the rockes of the wall. Then Scipios Shippes were séen, sayling with al force, & euery where ful of armed souldiors.

[Page 236]The Carthaginians hearing it by the prisoner, did not thinke the contrary, and brought the Romanes an helpe vnlooked for. The Carthaginians giuing place by little and little, Scipio receiued Scipio. saueth Mansinus. the Romanes that were in danger, into hys ships, and by and by sent Mansinus to Rome. Serranus was come to be his successor in Ser [...]n [...]. the nauy, Scipio encamped not far off Carthage. The Carthagini­ans comming fiue furlougs oute of the towne, made a trench a­gainst him. And to this trencho came to them, Asdrubal the Asdrubal Bythias Captaine of the army abroad, and Bythias Captaine of the hors­men, leading sixe thousand footemen, and a thousande horsmen, practised with time and diligence. Scipio perceiuing no order, nor good rule among the souldiours, but giuen to ydlenesse, & spoyle, and rauine vnder Piso, and an other straunge multitude among them, that for spoile followed the bolder sorte, and ranne wyth them to robbe, going without warning, where the law of war Lavv of [...]m [...]. taketh him for a forsaker of the army, that goeth withoute the sound of the Trumpe: and what offence they make, is imputed to the whole army: and the desire of spoile to be occasion of other euils and contention among them. Many contemning their fe­lowes for luere, made murders, hurtes and mischiefe againste the lawes, the whiche Scipio considering, & thinking neuer to o­uercome his enimie, except he coulde rule hys owne, called them by an assemblye and goyng vp to the highe seate, thus rebuked The exhortatiō of Scipio to the souldiours that vvere out of order. them: ‘When I was a souldior wyth you vnder Manlius, I gaue you experience to witnesse of mine obedience: the which now being Generall I require of you, hauing power to punishe the disobediēt to y vttermost, I haue thought it good to warne you: You know what you do, and what should I speake that I am a­shamed of Ye rob rather than make war: yea, and you scatter; not encampe, and be like séekers of pray, & not s [...]egers of Cities. You will liue delicatelye, yet being in warre withoute victorie. Whereby the enimies power beyond all hope, the little tyme that I haue [...]n away, is growne so greate▪ that by thys negli­gence, my labour is growne the greater. The causes, if I didde find to be in you. I woulde punishe them oute of hand, but by­cause I impute them to another, A [...]forgiue all you haue [Page 237] done till this tune. I come not to rob, but to conquer: not to get mony before victorie, but firste to beate mine enimies, Goe you al from the army this day that be no souldioures, except them that shall haue leaue of me to tarry: and they that do go, I wil not suffer to come againe till they bring some victuall at for the camp & good. A time shall be appointed, in the which they shal place their things, & the price of them, I, & the treasorer, shall ap­point. And this he saide to the superfluous. But to you that bée my souldiors, let one cōmandement be common to you all, in al affaires, that is, my maner & labor. For if you follow them, you Example [...] good lesson. shal not erre in youre enterprises, nor be voide of thankes. For nowe we muste laboure where perill is. Lette luere alone, till a fitte time maye serue vs to be merye. Thus doe I commaund and the law. and they that will be obedient shal be pertakers of muche good, and they that be disobedient, shall repent. Thus Sci­pio said, & by and by put away al y multitude of vnprofitable mē, & with them, al things that wer superfluous, vaine, and delicate.’ His army being purged, & with reuerence readie to do his com­maundement, he attempted a place called Megara, in two places Megara one of the strong places of Cartbage. in one night. Megara is a very great place in the Cittie, ioyning to the wall, into the whiche sending other about, he went wyth pike axes, ladders & bars, vnséen, & with silence. Whē they aboue heard them come néere, they made a crie from the wall, he made the countre crie firste, & after him the army, & in diuerse parts it was made very great. This was the first feare the Carthaginians had, so many enimies in the sides of them, so sodainelye being come vpon them. He coulde do no good against the wall, thoughe Scipio gaynerh a Tovver. he proued al wayes, but he gote a Tower, of a priuate Citizen, voide, without the wall, & as high as the wall, by the courage of his yong men which droue away [...]e: watch from the wall with their darts, & laying bridges & plan [...]es the space betwéene, gote into Megara, and breaking down the gate, let in Scipio. He entred with [...] [...]en & the Carthaginians sted into Byrsae, as the reste of the Citie had [...] taken. There was a strange crie and [...], Great alteratiō in Carthog [...]. some were taken, [...] their camy without, & [...]a [...] with o­ther into By [...] [...] was, ful [...] of [...] harded & [Page 238] groues of fruite, diuided with hedges, and sets and briers, and with riuers running diuersely, fearing least the army folowing him, shoulde finde a troublesome passage without waye, and ignorantly going in y e night, might haply fal into some traynes. blew the retreate. When day was come, Asdrubal being angry with the taking of Megara, as many prisoners as he had of the The crueltie of Asdrubal. Romaynes he brought them to the wall, where the Romaynes mighte sée what shoulde be done, he pulled out their eyes, their tongs, the sinowes, and priuie members, with hookes of yron: of some he pulled of the skinne of their bodye: some he cutte the soles of their féete: of some he cut of the fingers, and threw them downe being yet aliue, shewing there was no hope of concorde betwéene the Romaines, and the Carthagies. Thus did he stirre them to haue their hope only in fight. But it came otherwise to Crueltie oute of time. passe than he thoughte, for the Carthagies, by conscience of these horrible actes, were made fearefull in steade of bloud, and they hated Asdruball that hadde taken awaye hope of pardon, and specially the Senate who exclaymed agaynst him, as one that committed too cruell and proude déebes, in the countries cala­mitie. But he toke certaine of the Senate and killed them, and being waxen fearefull toward all, was rather a Tiranne, than a Captaine, as he that had his safety only in this, to be terrible vnto them, and therefore wared intollerable.

Scipio burned the campe of his enimies, which they left when The Carthagini­ [...]ns fles into Byrsa. they fled into Byrsa, and hauing gotten the grounde betwéene the water, he trenched it from sea, to sea, separate from the eni­mie, as far as they might caste a darte. They resisted it, and the worke was from the head, fiue and twenty furlongs, and was fayne to worke and fight at once: When he had finished this, VVorkes of Scipio. he made another ditch equall to it, not farre from the former, drawing it towarde the land, and after that, two more, that his whole trenche was a quadrate. He made it strong with pale sharpe at the end, and at the pale, he made other ditches. That part that was towarde Carthage, he fensed with a wall fiue and twenty furlongs, in higth twelue foote, beside towers & holds, which were set with a distaunce on the wal. The breadth was [Page 239] halfe so much as the higth. The tower in the middest was high­est of all, and in it a kepe of woodde foure square, from the whi­che he might sée all that was done in the Cittie. This he dyd in twentie dayes and nightes, all the armye labouring, and working, and fighting by turne, and not greatly passing for The great trēch that Scipio mad [...] their victuals. He brought the army within the trēch, which ser ued both as a long wall against the enimie, when he woulde, & to take the reliefe that was brought to Carthage by land also: for except this part that was called the necke, the water dyd beate on Carthage euery where. And this was the chiefe cause of their hunger and destruction. For what the multitude of the Straightnesse of victuall in Carthage. Citie had from the fielde, neyther coulde it be brought for thys flege, nor strangers comming to them, for the warre, only they had their victuall of Libya, a little, and by sea, when wynde woulde serue, the reste came by lande, the whiche waye after it was stopped, they were sore vexed with famine. Bythias that was the Captaine of horsemen, and was sent for victual a long tyme, neyther durst come neare, nor passe Scipios trenche, but seldome and slowly sent them foode by ship, albeit the Romanes nauy, laye at the towne, not continuallye, nor many at once, bi­cause the sea was dangerous and tempestuuos, and they could not approche the Cittie, the Carthagies being on the walkes, and The only vvay to victuall Car­thage. the waues being great there, bycause of the rocke. Therefore the Hoyes of Bithyas, or if any merchant came for gaine caring nothing for perill, they obserued when the winde was greate, and made full sayle, the gallies not being able to folowe them, when they were blowen in with such vehemence from the sea. And whatsoeuer these ships brought, Asdrubal distributed it, Asdrubal fee­deth his souldi­oures. vpō thirtie thousād, which he had for the war, little regardyng the other people: wherefore they were soare troubled wyth famine.

When Scipio perceyued this, he purposed to shutte the mouthe of the porte towarde the Weaste, and not farre from the lande, hée made a long Trenche, be­ginnyng from the streighte betwéene the Fenne and the Sea called the Longue. He wrought in the sea, and stopped the [Page 240] passage, making it sure with great & thicke stones, that it should not be broken of the billow. And the breadth of she trenche, Scipio stoppeth the part of Carthage. was foure and twenty feete, and square in the botte [...]e. The Carthaginians at the beginning con [...]emned the worke, as a thing The Carthagies make a nevve port, and nevv shippes. asking long time, and paraduenture, impossible to be done. But the army applying it earnestly, ceassing neither daye nor night, they were afrayde, and digged out another mouth on the other side of the porte, into the midde sea, where no trench coulde come for the depth and vehement windes: Women and chyl­dren digged within, and were not perceyued: and they made shippes of olde stuffe, both great and little gallies, leauing for no want of courage and boldnesse. They kepte all so secrete, that neuer a prisoner could tell Scipio what they did certainely, but that there was a noyse within their portes day and nighte not ceassing, but to what vse, they coulde not tell: till al be­ing readye, the Carthagies brake open the mouthe by dauning of the daye, and then issewed with fiftie gallies, Foystes and Brigandines, and many other small vessels, wel set foorth for terrour.

The Romaines were so amazed at the sodayn opening of the mouth, and at such a company of shippes, that if the Carthagies Carthagies come forth vvith a nevv nauy, and lose their occasion. Fate vnresistable had then set vpon the Romayne nauy, the men being occupied at the wall, and neyther Mariner nor other present to defend it, they mighte haue gotten al the fame. But it was nowe come, that Carthage must perish. They made a shew only, with a bolde countenaunce, and returned. The thirde daye after, they came forth to fight, when the Romaines had their shippes and other thinges prepared to resiste. The crie and call being made on both sides, and courage shewed both of Mariners and maisters, The fight on the sea by the Carthagies. the Carthagies, for their liues, and the Romaines for the full vi­ctory, there were many hurt and slaine on both sides, til it was midde day. In this fight, the little boates of the Carthagies, ran vnder the great shippes sides of the Romanes, and now brake at the stemines, and nowe, the sternes and the oares, and did Carthagies giue place and confounde themselues. much other hurt, easily flying, and easily returning. The fighte being doubtfull, and toward nighte, the Carthagies thoughte it [Page 241] good to retire, not as ouercome, but to prepare themselues a­gainst the next day. The small vessels fledde first, and shutte the mouth, being altogither, so as the great shippes were put from the mouth, and fledde to the trenche, whiche was made for the Merchaunts before the wall, large to receyue the packes of y e occupiers, and a little bray was made in this warre, that the e­nimies should not plant in so playne a place. To this trenche, the Carthagies shippes fledde, for lacke of a porte, and sto [...]e with their stemmes against their enimies, whom some resisted from the shippes, some from the trenche, and some from the bray. The Romaynes easilye gaue onset vppon them, bycause they fought with shippes that stoode: but their departing, for the tur­ning of their long shippes, was slow and hurtful, so as they had little aduauntage, for when they turned, they were beaten of the Carthagies.

Fiue shippes of the Sidents that accompanied Scipio for good A feate of the Sidents. will, renued the fight in this wise: They let fal their ancres a­loofe off in the sea, and waying their longest Cables, being fast moored, charged their enimie, and when they had encountred them, shortning vp their Cables, retyred backe, and so haled forward and backewarde, alwayes fighting with their faces vpon the enimie.

The rest of the nauy, séeing y e deuise of the Sidents, folowed it, & did their enimies much hurt, night making an end. The rest of the Carthage shippes fled into the Citie. Scipio by day toke the trench, for it was a place fitte to annoy the port. Therfore bea­ [...]ing the bray with his rammes, and bringing manye engines, he toke part of it. The Carthagies, althoughe they were afflycted with famine and diuerse euils, they ranne vpon the Romanes engines in the night, not by lande, for there was no way, nor by shippe, for the sea was shallowe, but naked, with linckes not light, that they should not be séene a far off. They came by sea where no man would haue thought, some to the breastes wa­ded The Carthagies run vpō the Romanes munition vvith desperat­nesse. in the shalows, some swamme, til they came to the engines, they threw the fire, and were perceyued, receyuing much hurt, bycause they were naked, and did much by their boldnesse, for being stroke on the breasts and faces, with dartes and speares, [Page 242] they woulde not giue place, as wilde beasts offering themselues to the strikers, til they had set the artillery on fyre, and driuē the Romanes away that kepte, them with confusion, as there was Feare in the Romanes Campe. Scipio is forced to kil his ovvne solliors to kepe them srō flying. suche feare and trouble in the Camp and whole army, as hadde not béene before, and all by the furie of naked enimies. Where­fore Scipio being afraide, came forth with his horsmen, and com­maunded to beate them down that would not leaue their flight, And some he beare downe and killed, till they retourned to the Camp, for necessitie to saue themselues, and watched that night in armes, fearing the desperation of the enimies, who when they had burned the artillerie, swamme home againe.

When it was daye, the Carthaginians being sure from the en­gines, builded vppe the fore parte of the wall againe, and made many Towers vpon it, by a certaine distaunce. The Romanes made other engines, and erected a trenche against the Towers. The Carthagies trenche gotten. making fire worke of pitche and sulphure, and threw them vpon y enimie. And when they had burned many of the Towers, they chased the Carthaginians that fledde. But where the ground was slippery with bloud and myre, they left the chase of themselues. Scipio end mia­geth the Cartha­ginians by lande. Scipio hauing got all the trench, compassed it with a ditch, & wyth a wall of stone, not verye neare, nor farre off the ennimies. And when the wall was vppe, he put in foure thousand, whiche did not much passe of the enimie, throwing dartes and weapons vpon them with contempt, and bicause they were of like heigth, they were sure to hit them. And thus the Sommer was spente. Winter being come, Scipio determined to take from the Carthagi­nians, al the power and friends that they had by lande, and sente some one way, and some another, & he himselfe went to Nepheris by water, where Diogenes that fauoured Asdrubal, lay in camp, and sent C. Lalius thither by land. Whē they were come, they en­camped two furlongs from Diogenes. There he left Gelossa to mo­lest The asiaulte at [...]pheris. Diogenes continually, and returned to Carthage, & so vsed to go betwéen Carthage and Nepheris, to sée the doings. Two of Diogenes Towers fel, wherfore Scipio went and laid a. M. choice seuldiors behind in an ambush, and brought. 3000. tried men againste the front, & willed them to giue the assault at the broken towers, not al at once, but by ranckes, stil following one another, that the former being putte backe, should not hinder them that followed.

[Page 243]The Crie being greate, and the fraye hotte, al the Libyans turned to the defence, thē the thousand, as was appointed thē, came forth, and were not séene: and when the first were entred they were soone perceyued: wherfore the Libyans fled, not séeing how many they wer, but thinking they had bin many mo [...] thā they were. Celossa set vpon thē with his Numidians & Elephāts, and made great slaughter, so as there were killed, lxx. M. wyth Nepheris tak [...] vvith a grea [...] slaughter. them of the countrey, & 10000 taken, and 4000. fied Thē was the Citie of Nepheris taken, in xxij. dayes with great difficultie, for the winter and the moyst place: & this feate did chiefly cause the destruction of Carthage. For this army sent them victuals, & by this campe, the Libyans were the bolder to come abrode, but when it was taken, the other places of Libya yéelded to Scipios Captaines without any businesse: and victuall was to séeke at Victual kept [...] Carthage. Carthage, neyther hauing it out of Libya, being an other mans power, nor by sea, bicause of the war and winter season.

In the beginning of the spring, Scipio set vpon Byrsa, & the port called Agatho, Asdrubal in the night burned that parte of A­gatho Agatho one of the port of Carthage. that was quadrate, and thinking that Scipio would haue come vpon him there, he being ready to resist with the Cartha­gies, Laelius on the other side, set on that part which was round. Laelius assault. And shoute being made as in a victorie, they were afrayde, and the Romanes without dreade, clymed vp, and set their beames, engines and bridges, vpon the brokē places, the warders being weake in bodyes for hunger, and out of hart. The wall y t was about Cat [...]on [...] being taken, y market place that was nigh, Scipio also toke, & bycause he could not passe further being night, hee remayned in armes till it was day, which being come he called other 3000. fresh men, & they went into Apollos tēple, & stale his picture, & the roufe couered with leaues of gold, waying a M. [...]alents, cutting it with their swords, their captains for bidding them, til they had diuided it, & then went to their businesse. Scipio was earnestly bent to take Byrsa, which was y e strōgest place of Three streete [...] to Byrsa. the Citie, & the most part was got into it. And wher there was thrée ways frō y market place to it, many houses & very hyghe were on euery side, where y Romanes being shot at, they toke y first of thē, & there defēded thēselues frō the next, & whē they had [Page 244] gotten them, they layde plan [...]kes and boardes betwéene the streygthes of them, and went as vpon bridges. And the battell The miserable murder. was now, as vpon chambers, and vpon the streightes, as they mette there. All was filled with sighes, cries, and lamentes for diuerse passions, some being killed at hande, and some throwen downe from the loftes to the grounde, and some receiued vpon the speares being held vp, or swordes, or pykes. Nothing was burned, for them that were on the Solares, till Scipto came to Byrsa. The attempt against Byrsa.

Then were thrée narrow places burned at once, and as they were burned, they were hidden to go to the next, that the army might haue an easie way. An other sight ful of griefe ther was Grieuous fight. of the flaming fire consuming all, of men and houses, not fal­ling by little and little, but by heapes violentlye ouerthrowen: a great noyse followed, for men some deade, some aliue, special­ly olde men, women, and children that fell with the stones, that were hid in the secrete places, some, full of woundes, some halfe burned, making most pitifull crie. Other driuen frō the solares, fell with the fire and tymber, being broken and torne horiblye diuerse ways to behold. Yet was not this y end of y euils. For y e masons with their a [...]es and rāmers, & some with the pointes of their forkes, did rake the deade, and the liuing also, into ho­lowe places of the earth, turning and tossing them like stones and tymber. The holes were filled with men, turned vpside downe. Some were set on their heades, with their legges sha­king aboue the ground. Some with their féete downewarde, stoode with their heads aboue the ground. The horses treading vpon them, brake their faces and theyr braynes, not for that they were put on by other, but of purpose, and the makers of y way, did all things of purpose, the vehemence of the fight, and the glorie of the victorie that was at hande, and the forwarde­nesse of the army, the Trumpets and the criers, making noyse euery where, the Tribunes and the Capitaines, going wyth their men, and encouraging them, made all men furious, and not to passe of that they did sée for great desire. This continued in this broyle sixe dayes and nightes, euer freshe men beyng sette in, that they shoulde not be ouerladen with watche and [Page 245] labour, and slaughter, and grieuous fighte. But Scipio continu­ed without ceassing, encouragyng them, without sléepe, and Scipios pain and abstinence. taking meate as he wente aboute his businesse, tyll beyng tyred he stayed and stoode aboue to sée what was done. Manye being yet slaine, and the euill like to continue longer, some the seauenth day fledde with garlandes, suche as were vsed for Aesculapius, who had a temple in the Castle moste rich & goodly. Aesculapius temple, Carthagies aske pardon and. 50, thousand goe out of Byrsa. They desiring pardon, prayed Scipio y t they that wold go out of the Castle mighte haue their liues onely. He graunted it, the fugitiues only except, and there came forth by & by fifty thou­sande men and women, being thrust togither in a maruellous streightnesse, whom he commaunded to be kepte. The runna­wayes Renavvayes of Rome. of Rome which were about nine hundred, being without al hope, fled into Aesculapius temple, with Asdrubal, his wife & two male children, frō whence they fought fiercely, althoughe they were but fewe, from the high and rockye places of the temple, to the whiche, in time of peace, men went vp thrée score payre of stayres. But when hunger, watche, feare, and payne of the euil at hand beset them, they left the low parte of the temple, and fledde to the toppe of it, in the which time, As­drubal Asdrubal flyeth to Scipio. fled secretly to Scipio with braunches of Oliue. Scipio put him at his féete, and shewed him to the runnawayes, whiche when they saw, they desired a silence to be giuen them, which being done, they reuiled Asdrubal many and diuerse wayes, and then burned the temple and themselues. And they say that The fugitiues set themselues, on fire. the wife of Asdruball, when the fire tooke, being ouer againste Scipio, in as good behauiour as the time would suffer, and she­wing hir children, sayde in the hearing of Scipio: To the (O Ro­mayne,) there is no reuenge of god, for thou doest accordyng to y order of war. But Asdrubal my husbande, the betrayer of his country, of the temples, & of me & his children, y e gods of Car­thage shal punishe, & thou, with the gods. And turning to As­drubal, saide: Thou wicked, vnfaithfull, and moste cowarde of al men, me, and these children, this fire shall burye, but thou shalt honor the triumphe, that arte the great Captaine of Car­thage, what paine shalt thou not suffer, by him, before whome [Page 249] thou now knéelest? Whē she had thus vpbraided him, she killed hir children, and threw them in the fire, and hir selfe after. Thus The death of Asdrubals vvife. they say Asdrubals wife spake, and died, which had rather haue bin fit for Asdrubal himselfe to haue done.

Scipio séeing the Citie that hadde continued seauen hundreth yeares, ruling ouer so many nations aboute them of such power on the lande, and also of shippes by sea, and Ilands in the same, full of armor, nauie, Elephants and mony, equall with the grea­test kingdoms, and in boldnesse and courage surpassing: the whi­che, when they were spoyled of their ships, and al their armor, yet abode the warre thrée whole yeares, wyth so greate famine. Then séeing it vtterly destroyed by extreame siege, they saye hée wept, and openly pitied▪them that were ouercome, calling to his Scipio vvrepeth at the sight of Carthage ouer­chrovvne. Mutations of states in the vvorlde. remembrance, and perceyuing, that al cities, nations and king­doms, were subiect to mutation, as the destinies of menne. So suffred Troy a noble citie. So suffred the Assyrians, the Medians, and Persians, whiche were the great Monarches of the worlde, & lastlye, the moste glorious state of Macedonie, so that eyther of purpose, or by chaunce, this worde fel from him.

The day shall come when mighty Troy muste fall,
The vvordes of Scipio.
And Priamus and his warlike nation all.

Polibius that was his Schoolemaister, did aske him fréely, what he ment by that speach, and that he said, not for bearing to name his own country plainely, of the whiche he was afraide for the Polibius vvas schoolemaister [...] Scipio borne in Arcadia. alteration of men. Thus doth Polibius write of him that hearde him. When Carthage was taken, Scipio gaue the souldiors leaue for certaine daies to spoile it, onelye excepting golde, siluer, and holy things. Then he gaue giftes to al, except to them that had Scipio giueth the spoile to the sol­dioures. Scipio giueth n [...]o giftes to them that spoiled Ap­pollo. spoiled Appollos Temple. Then he sent a swift ship laden wyth spoiles, to signifie the victorie at Rome. He sent into Sicilie, that al the sacred & publique things, that the Carthagies had taken from them in the war, which they could chalenge & know, shoulde bée restored, which got him gret loue of the people, as one, that with The goodnesse of Scipio. aucthoritie vsed humanitie, diuiding the spoile that remained to be sold, he sacrificed the vnprofitable ship-armes and engins, to Mars and Minerua, gyrded after the Romane manner. They at [Page 247] Rome séeing the Shippes, and learning the newes, in the eue­ning, The Romane make feastes of the report of the nevves. came into the stréetes, and spente all that nighte in ioye and embracements, as nowe made frée of feare, nowe ruling other with safety, not hauing their Citie firme and sure, & hauing such a victorie, as they neuer had the like, Many noble feates came to their remembraunce, what their fathers hadde Remembraunce of former vvar in Rome. done in Macedonia, in Iberia, and against Antiochus the gret, and in Italie it selfe: but no war was so feareful vnto them as this at their owne dores, for the manhoode, pollicie and boldnesse of the enimie, and the more dangerous for their vnfaythfulnesse. They rehearsed what they had suffred of y Carthagies in Sicelie, Iberia and Italie it selfe, sixtéene yeares, when Annibal toke .iij. hundred Cities, and ouerthrewe in fighte onlye thrée hundred thousande men, manye tymes approching to the Cittie, and putting that in great feare: for all the whiche, they were like men beside themselues, for the victorie, that was beyonde their hope. And again, they asked one of another, if Carthage were ta­ken in déede? They spente all the night in talke, howe the ar­mour was taken from them, and how they, beyond all hope, made more. Howe their shippes were taken from them, and howe they made a newe nauy of olde matter: howe the mouth of the porte was shutte, and howe in fewe dayes they opened another, and howe highe the walles were aboute the mouth, and the greatnesse of the stones, and the fire whiche manye tymes they brought against the Engines: and sette out a plat of all the warre, as thoughe they hadde then séene it done, and expressed the fantasies of their mindes with the moti­ons of their bodyes, thinking they sawe Scipio wyth the sca­lyng ladders, with the shippes at the gates, at the fyghtes euer occupied. Thus did the Remaynes spende the night.

When day was come, sacrifices & feasts were made to the Supplications made at Rome. Ten men sent into Libya. Gods by the cōpanies, & playes with thē, & diuers shews. The Senat sent tenne of the best of them into Libya, to appoint that country with Scipio. They commanded that Scipio shold destroy The inhabitāce of Carthage for­bidden. that was left in Carthage, and forbadde any man to dwel there. They accused al them that should dwel in Byrsa, or in the place [Page 248] y was called Megara. But to come thither they did not forbid. Puni [...]hments. So many cities as holpe the enimies, they commaunded to de­stroy, Revvardes. & to giue to cities that were friends to y Romanes, the land that was conquered: and chiefly to Vtica, that, which was as far as Carthage and Hippo, on bothe sides. The other they made tri­butarie, aswel lands as bodies, men and womē alike, and deter­mined to send euery yere a President to them from Rome. Whē they had done this, they sayled to Rome. Scipio hauing doone all things accordingly, finished the sacrifices, and the plaies for the victory. And things being ordered, he sayled home, and made as [...] tri [...]pheth. passing a triumphe, as euer manne didde, full of golde and mo­numents of holy things, which the Carthaginians in so long time, and so ofte victories had brought from all the worlde into Libya. Pseudophilippus Andrs [...]u [...] coun­terfaited to hee Philippe [...] sonne King of Macedonie. Mummius vvas Corinth. C. Gracchus vvas brother to Sem­pro [...]us Gracchus. The pla [...] of the habitation at Carthage is con­founded. This hapned when they triumphed of Macedonia the third time. Andrisco that counterfa [...]ted himselfe to be Philips sonne being o­uercome, & the first of Grecia by Mummius. And this was about y CLX. Olympiade. Afterwarde, when Caius Gracchus was Tri­bune in Rome, and Insurrection being made for want, he thought good to sēd. 6000 to inhabite in Libya. And whē they had drawn the plat about Carthage, the Wolues destroyed all the plat, & con­founded it. So the Senate refrained from séding that habitatiō. But again in time, when Caius Caesar, who was made the second Dictator, after his victorie, had driuen Pompey into Egipt, & Pom­pe [...] friendes from Aegipt to Libya, they saye, when hée encam­ped A vision that Caesar had, caused a nevve citie to be made, not fa [...]re from the olde, by his suc­cesso [...] Octauius. The Author calleth Augustus Iulius Caesar. at Carthage, a mighty army appered to him in his sléepe, wée­ping, which troubling him, he called to remembrance, and made a note, that Carthage should be inhabited. And not long after, the poore souldiors requiring land of him at Rome, he gaue order that some shoulde be sent to Carthage and some to Corinth, but he bée­ing shortly after killed in the Senate house of his enimies, hys son Caesar, called Augustus, finding thrée remembrāces of his fa­ther, sent an inhabitation of that Carthage, that nowe is, as nigh the olde as might be, to auoide the olde execration. The Romanes sente thither. 3000. to inhabite, & to place the rest in the country about. Thus Libya, that was vnder Carthage, was conquered of the Romanes, and Carthage des [...]royed, and inhabited againe after the destruction two hundred and two yeares.

The ende of the Romane vvarres vvith the Carthaginians

¶ Appianus Alexandrinus, of the Romane warres with the Parthians.

AFter them that folowed Pōpey to rule Syria being ouercome, Gabinius an offi­cer of the Romanes, was sent to gouerne the same. He marching againste the Arabians, Mithridates King of Parthia, Part [...], a Regi­on of Assyria, the inhabitaunce, of the vvhich came out of Sy­ria. [...]eing driuen oute of his kingdome by [...]rodes his brother, tourned hym from the Arabians to the Parthians. But Ptolomeus the eleauenth King of Ae­gipt perswaded him by mony, to leaue the Parthians, and make warre vppon Alexandrîa. And he ouercomming them of Alex­andrîa, Gabinius is bani­shed for making vvar [...]e vppon Aegipt. restored Prolomeus to his kingdome, but being banished of the Romanes, bicause he made warre againste the Aegiptians, which they accompted vniuste, bycause it was forbidden by Sy­byllas bookes, he fledde. After Gabinius, I thinke, Crassus gouerned Crassus. Syria, and making warre vpon the Parthians, was ouerthrowen Bibulus. with great calamitie, after whome Bibulus being president, the Parthians inuated Syria. And in the time of Saxa ruling after Bibu­lus, Saxa. they ranne as farre as Ionia, the Romanes being at debate a­mong themselues. They [...]idde no greate thing worthye of wri­ting, rather like robbers than warriors. These things follo­wed after the ouerthrow of Crassus, by y which they tooke so gret boldnesse, whiche was repressed by Antony. Howe Crassus made his voiage against them, we thinke it méete to shewe.

When the day of election of chiefe officers was come, there were thrée Competitors of the Consul [...]hippe, Caius Caesar, Pompey the Great, and Crassus called Marcus. These reiecting Cicero, & Caesar▪ Pompey▪ Crassus. Ca [...] and other resisters, by force gote the office, and gaue Caesar flue yeares more, to be Lieutenaunt of Fraunce. C [...]ssius & Pompey [Page 250] casting lottes for the prouinces of Spaine and Syria, Spaine fell to Pro [...]nces by lotte. Pompey, and Syria to Cr [...]ssus. The lot fell acceptable vnto bothe. For the people woulde haue Pompey from the Cittie, and Pom­pey Pompey, Vxorius. louing his wife, was desirous to farrye moste there. Crassus shewed openly that he was glad that the lot had so fallen, thin­king Crassus proude of his prouince. no greater felicitie could hap vnto him than this prouince, insomuchas he could not bée quiet, but made great auauntes and brags among his friendes otherwise in al his life being a verye smal boaster or setter forth of hymselfe. But now beyng puffed and exalted, he had not onely an hope to get Parthia to Syria, and The Parthians vvere not in the decree. Lucullus. Tigranes. Pompey. vp make it the boundes of his Dominion, making but a play of that Lucullus dydde agaynste Tigranes, or Pompey agaynste Mi­thridates, but also to winne Bactria and Indus, and all beyonde the Sea. Yet in the decrée of warre, the Parthians were not contained.

Euery man did feare that Crassus would meddle with it. And Caesar wrote letters, praysing hys purpose, and prouoking hym to the warre.

But when Atteius the Tribune didde stop his voyage wyth threats, and manye consented to him, being grieued that anye man shoulde make warre vpon men that had offended nothing, but also were in league, Crassus was afraide, and prayed Pompey Caesar stirreth Crassus to the vvarre of the Paribians. to helpe to set him forwarde: For great was the peoples opini­on of him. Notwythstanding, when he sawe manye readye to resist and exclame, then with a gentle looke & countenance he ap­peased thē, y they were quiet, and suffred them to passe. Yet At­teius stopped them first with voice, forbidding and protesting not to go. Then he commanded the officer to lay hands vpon his body and deteine him: which when the other Tribunes would not suffer, he lette goe Crassus.

Atteius ran to the gate, and set there a burning harth, and as Execrations a­gain [...]ste Crassus. Crassus came with insense and sacrifice, he pronounced sharpe execrations, & horrible, calling and naming cruell and strange Curses not to be vsed. Gods therwith. The Romanes thinke that these curses secret & auntient haue such a power, as no man can auoide them against whom they be made, and that they do naughte that vse them. [Page 251] Therfore they be not vsed vnaduisedly, nor in manye cases. And Atteius bla [...]ed. many blamed Atteius, that by this cursing of Crass [...]s he brought the Cittie into misfortune. Crassus for all this wente to Br [...]d [...]se, the Sea being yet vnnauigable for the winter▪ and woulde not tarry the tyme, but tooke the Sea, and loste many Shyppes.

And receyuing an other power of footemen, he ledde them a­longest Galatia, and finding King [...] a very olde manne, Galatia is Asia the lesse. building of a Cittie, he iested, saying: O King, you beginne to builde at twelue of the clocke. The King laughing saide: And you (O Gen [...] as I can see, goe not againste the Par­thians A iest betvveen Deiotarus and Crassus▪ Age of Crassus. very early▪ For Crassus was thréescore years of age, when he went, and older to sée to, than he was indéede. Marching forth, matters at the firste tell [...]te according to his hope. For easilye hée made a bridge ouer Euphrates, and conueyed ouer his armye safely, and got many Citties in Mesopotamia, by yéelding vnto hym. In one of them, Appollonius was Tyranne, who had slaine one hundred souldiors. He brought his power thither, and wanne it, tooke the money, and solde the men.

The Gréekes call the Cittie Zenodotium. By taking of this, Zenodotium a [...] ­tie of Osr [...]ne. he woulde néedes be called Imperator of his souldioures, which caused muche discredite vnto him, and was the lesse estéemed, as one that distrusted of any greate victorie, taking occasion of so little matter.

He sette garrisons in the Citties that were taken, the num­ber whereof, was seauen thousande footemenne, and one thou­sande horse. And hée went into Syria to winter, where hys son Crassus sonne from Caesar. came to him from Caesar oute of Fraunce, rewarded wyth the greate honoures of a souldioure, bringing one thousande picked horsemen. And this was the firste great error of Crassus, after the greate offence of leading his armye, that where he oughte Errour of Crassus. to haue gone to Babilon and Seleucia, Citties euer ennimies to the Parthians, hée gaue the ennimies time to prepare themselues. Babilon the chie [...] citie of Chaldea. His tarrying in Syria was blamed, béeyng rather lyke a re­ceyuer of Rentes, than a Captayne of Souldioures.

He did not searche the number of his souldiors, nor vse them [Page 252] with exercises, but he gathered the reuenues of Cities, and spent many dayes in waying and peysing the Goddes money, in the Hierapolis is [...] ­ [...]ec [...] against L [...]o­dici [...]. holy Citie, appointyng Cities and Princes to finde him souldi­ors, and after sending them awaye againe for mony, whereby he came into contempt and disdayne. The first token he had of this Goddesse, which some call Venus, some Iun [...], some name [...]ir The Godde [...] of H [...]e [...]apolis. N [...]t [...]re. Nature, the beginning and séede to al things ministring cause by moisture: for going onte of the Temple, firste yong Crassus fell at the doores. Then the olde man fell vppon hym.

Nowe gathering his power from the [...] places, Embas­sadors came to him from Arsaces, with a brrefe speach, for thus The Parthians message to Cras­sus. Arsaces King of Parth [...], for vvhose good rule, the Parth [...] ­ans call all their Kings Arsaces. Sele [...]cia, one in Syria Antiochena other at E [...]phra­ [...]es, third at Be­lu [...]. he saide: If the army were sent against them of the Romanes, the warre was made contrary to the league, and neuer woulde ende. But if he, without authoritie of hys countrey, and for hys owne gaine, (as they hearde) did come in armes againste the Parthians, and take their lande, Arsaces woulde temper hymself, and pitie Crassus age, and let the Romanes go, that were rather like a garrison, than an army. Crassus swelling at this, [...]ayde, he woulde make an answere at Seleucide.

Then the most auntient of the Embassadours Vagise, she w­ing the bare palme of his hollowe hand, said: Sooner shall hairs The Italian text varieth. grow here, than thou shalt sée Seleucia. Thus he bold [...]lye spake, signifying, that Orodes must first be ouercome.

They [...]f the Romane garrisons in the Cities of Mesopotamia, escaping with muche danger, did tell fearefull matter, that they A sharp ansvver sawe the multitude of their enimies and their exercises, & howe they hadde fortified their Citties, and some of purpose tell [...]ng all things to the vttermost, that they were v [...]r [...] su [...]table when they caine to [...]gh [...], and vnrecouerable when they fled. Report encrea▪ Eng feare.

Their arrowes [...]te woulde preuent the sight, and before they coulde sée the shooter, he woulde be at hande to strike them thorowo. The men of armes beate downe all afore them, and coulde not be resisted. When the army hearde this, they began A [...]meni [...] is be­tvveene I [...]rus and [...]. Capa [...] a Region o [...] Pontus. called Leucosyri [...]. to faint, thinking the Parthians had differed nothing from the Arn [...]nians or Cappodocians, whome Lucu [...]lus ouercame without a­ny resistaunce, therefore thought all the paine shoulde be in the [Page 253] long iorney. But when they shoulde come to blowes, the e­nimies woulde not abide them, whereas nowe otherwise than they supposed, they had a great trauaile and daunger in hande, insomuche, as some of the officers of the Camp, thought it good to staye Crassus, and to take a newe aduise of all the mat­ter, and secreatlye the Maisters of the Sacrifices, shewed that manye euill and harde tokens appeared to Crassus in the Sacri­fices: Sacrifices shevve euill to­kens. But hée, neither woulde heare them, nor no other, but them that exhorted hym to goe forwarde. Among the whych, Artabases King of Armenia didde not let to prouoke him, who Art [...]base [...] King of Armenia [...]nd dued vvith all le [...]ng, vvhom Antony took by treason, and ca­ried him in tri­uniphe at Alex­andria to please Cleopatra. Crassus refuseth good counsell. was come to the Campe, with sixe thousande horsememe, and these were called the Guarde and Defence of the King promi­syng other tenne thousande menne of armes, and thrée thou­sande footemenne at his charges. Hée perswaded Crassus to inuade Parthia by Armenia, whereby he shoulde leade his armye not onely safely, he ministring all thynges for him, but also tho­rowe Mountaynes and continuall hills, places combersome to the Parthian horsemenne, wherein consistes all theyr strength▪ Cr [...]ssus praised the good wyll of hym, and his goodly preparati­on, yet hée sayde hée woulde enter by Mesepotan [...]ia, where he had lefte many good Romane Souldiours, and the Armenian went his way.

Crassus [...]dde his armye ouer a bridge, when manye terrible [...]i [...] tokens to Crassus. thunders brake oute, and greate lightnings flashed in the fa­ces of the Souldiours, and a winde mixed with a cloudy per­ry arose, and brake and consumed muche of the matter of the made brydge. And the place that was appointed for the Campe, was twice stricken with lightnyng. An borse of the Generalls, verye fayre cladde, carrying a waye the rider by violence, was or owned in theyr sight. And they saye that the chiefe Standerd beyng firste taken of the bearer, did turne backe of it selfe. Beside this, it chaunced, that after▪ a iorney, when meate shoulde be giuen the Souldiours, firste of all, they hadde L [...]ntilles and Soppes, whyche the Romaynes thinke [...] and be vsed at burialls. And when Crassus made hys Oration, hys voyce failed hym, whyche the armye tooke [Page 254] heauily. He sayd he had cut down the bridge, that no man should returne ouer it. The which word being vncomely spoken, wher A folish vvorde pa [...]eth Crassus. he shoulde haue repeated it and declared it to them that were made afrayde by it, he would not do it for very frowardnesse. At last when he hadde killed the sacrifice to make the sol [...]mne viewe of his armye, and the minister giuen him the bowels, they fell out of his handes: at the whiche, they that were pre­sent being most grieued, he smiled, saying: These [...]e the incom­modities of age, but my weapon shall neuer fal our of my hāds. Crassus excuseth [...]s vveakenes. Then he ledde his army by the floude, hauing seauen legiens, and little lesse than foure thousande horse, and a number of shotte, equal to them.

The skoutes that went to sée the way, returned and brought worde, that the countrey was voyde of men, but that there were prints of horse féete, that were gone backe. Whereat Crassus tooke good hope, and all the souldiours beganne to Crassus in a vaine hope. Seleucia, a plenti­full place. despise the Parthians, as afrayde to come to handes: yet Cassi [...] and others spake to Crassus, perswading him to staye his menne in some Cittie where a garrison was, till he was better in­structed of the enimies force, if not, that he would go to Seleu­cia by the floude, where he shoulde haue aboundaunce of The Counsel of Cassius not fo­lovved. victuals, for the souldiours to be solde, and also a defence and safegarde for the armye, not to be enuironed, for the floude▪ béeyng euer equall to fyghte wyth the enimye at the face.

Crassus considering and pondering these things: there Acbar [...]s vseth craft vvith Crassus. came to him a president of Arabi [...], Acbaros by name, a sub­tile and dissembling manne, the greatest prouoker of euyll fortune, that was [...]ente to theyr destruction. Some of them that hadde serued vnder Pompey, knewe him, receyuiug some humanitie at hys hande, and shewing to be a friende to the Romaines. He was sente to Crassus, by y consent of the kings counsel, to turne him, if he coulde, from the floude and foote of the hils, into the playn field, where he might be compassed. For they deuised to do any other thing, rather than to come to fight [Page 255] [...]yth she Romanes at hande.

This Acbarus came to Crassus, and sayde probablye, firste of the prayse of Pompey, that was his benefactoure, then of Crassas, blaming him, that hauing so greate a power Acbarus decey­neth Crassus. he lost time in delay and preparation, as though he had néed of armour, and not rather of handes and [...]ooif [...]e f [...]te, against mē that alreadye séeke and gather their moste precious riches, to carrie them into S [...]ythia and Hircania: but, sayde he, if you wyll S [...]ythia in Asia. Hir [...]ania, a play [...] region most aboundant. fighte, you must do it quicklye, before the whole power be gathered, the king taking harte to him againe. And nowe Su­ren [...]s Sillaces, commeth to make the warre against you, but the king will not be séene. Al these were lyes.

For the king went streight with his power to inuade Ar­menia, The Fa [...]bian king inuadeth Armenia and sē ­deth Surenas a­gainst the Ro­manes. and punish Artabaze [...], and sent Surenas againste the Ro­maynes, not in contempt of them (as some saye) for it was not like, that he would contemne Crassus sent against hym and one of the chiefe Romaynes, and go against Artabazes to destroye the townes of Armenia. But, I thinke he was afrayde of the daunger, and laye in wayte to sée the ende, and appoynted Surena, beyng otherwyse expert and acquainted wyth the war. For Surenas was none of the common sorte, but in ri­ches Surena [...] is sen [...] against Crassus. and glorye, and bloude, nexte the King, and the chiefe of Parthia: in strength and youth, in beautye and goodlynesse of the bodye, inferiour to none. He carried alwayes with him a thou­sand laden Camels, and two hundred chariots of Concubines, and a thousand men of armes, and more light horsemen. So as he had of his tenaunts and seruantes, no lesse than ten thousand horse.

And as touching his bloud, it was giuen him from the begin­ning, The nobility of Surenas. to set the Crowne vpon the kings head▪ when a new king was made▪ He called Orodes out of exile into hys Kingdome: Orodes is brou­ght out of exile, by Suren [...]. he toke the great citie of Seleucia, & was the first that s [...]aled the walles, and with his owne hande repulsed them that resisted, and was not yet thyrty, yeares of age, yet had the greatest glo­ry for wisedome and experience, by the which, he did not a litle [Page 256] beguile Crassus, first thorough his pride and boldnesse, and after The text varieth. by hys feare and aduersitie, easily to be entrapped.

Acbarus that hadde brought Crassus from the floud into the playne fieldes, wythout woodde and water, and wythout any ende to reste as it appeared, and not only trauelled wyth thirst and dificultie, but also with an vncomfortable prospect to the eye, séeing neyther trée, nor riuer, nor apparaunce of hyl, nor growing of grasse, but a very shape like a sea of fearful desarts, did besette the armye. And then the cra [...]te beganne to be espied.

Furthermore, there came messengers from Artabazes the Artabazes signi­fieth he is inua­ded. king of Armenia, shewing how he was deteyned with greate warre, Orodes hauing inuaded him: and that he coulde sende no helpe to Crassus. Yet he wished hym, in anye wise to turne, and make his waye by Armenia, that they togither mighte goe a­gainst Orodes king of Part [...]. Orodes, if not, alwayes to marche and encampe so, as hée might auoyde the horsemen, and to go by the hylles. Crassus wri­ting nothing againe, for anger, and straungenesse, aunswered, Crassus maketh a frovvard aun­svvere. that nowe he had no leysure to deale with Armenia, but when he returned, he would punish Artabazes for his treason. Cassius and they, were agayne grieued, and leauing Crassus, that woulde not heare good Counsel, they playnely rebuked Acba­rus. Crassus mis [...]iketh the iourney.

O you naughty wight, O you most wicked mā, who brought thee to vs: with what passion or witchcraftes hast thou made Crassus to leade his army by desarts and vglye wildernesse, fit­ter for an Archtheefe of Numidia, than a chiefe generall of the Romaines?

Arbarus a crafty man, dyd speake them fayre, and com­forted Arbarus decei­ueth him and all the rest. and exhorted them, to endure a whyle, and riding among the souldiours, he i [...]sted at them. You thinke you were goyng by Campania, by fountaines, riuers, shadowes, brookes and brayes, and ostanes, all the wayes.

Doe you remember that you go by confines of Arabia and Arabia is tvvo parts b [...]r [...]nne. Assiria the fur­thest part of Sy [...]. Assiria. Thus did Acbarus playe the s [...]holer among the Ro­maines, and before his craft was perceyued, he road about not [Page 257] vnknowen to Crassus, but agréeing to it, as though he woulde prouide and defeate the enimies. It is sayde, that Crassus that More tokens of [...]uil. daye came not abroade in purple, as the manner was of a Ro­maine General, but in a blacke garmente, the which he chan­ged againe, when he perceyued it. Some of the ensignebearers could not without great laboure pull vppe their ensignes, they stucke so fast. Crassus laughing, went the faster, and bad the le­gions follow the horsemen. But then came some of the espyes that had bin abroad, in haste, shewing that their felowes were killed of the enimies, and they only escaped, and that the enni­mies came on, with great power and spéed. This troubled them all, and Crassus most of all, so as he set his men in order, not ve­ry orderlye. But Cassius moued him to s [...]t his legions as thinne as he could, to fill the playne, for fear of compassing, and diuide the horsemen into wings. Then he altered and made the same to serue both wayes, and a square battayle, and euerye of the [...]des going on with twelue bandes, and with a troupe of horse­men, that no part shoulde be voyde of the helpe of horsemen, but on eueryside be a like defended for the fight. He appointed one wing to Cassius, and an other to yong Crassus, and he went in the middest▪ Thus marching, they came to a riuer, which they call Balissus, not very great, nor full of water, but acceptable to the Balissus. souldiours, in that hote and dry iourney, with so greate payne and p [...]rie of water.

Manye of the Captaines thoughte it good to staye there, til certaine knowledge were come▪ of the enimies force and purpose, and when daye was come, to goe againste them.

But Crassus commaunded his sonne and the horsemen wyth hym to go on, and to be ready for the fight. He badde them that did [...]a [...] ▪ to eate and drinke as they kept their order, and before all was well done, hee led on, not with leysure, nor pausing▪ as they that should fight, but with much spéede and haste, tyl they sawe their enimies, not in so great a shewe, neyther appearing many, nor fearefull to the Romaynes. For Sir [...] had putte the multitude behinde, and hydden the bryghtnesse of the [...] [...]arne [...], with their [...]lo [...]s and skinnes. After they were come [Page 258] nygh, and a token giuen of the Captaines, firste they filled all The Parthians manner in go­ing to fight. the playne wyth barbarous noyse and fearefull shoutes. For the Parthians go not to battell wyth hornes and trumpets, out with drummes, in many places at once, made of leather, and hollow▪ stretched with yron barres, and beatē vpon continual­ly. This maketh a noyse holow and déepe, like the roaring of wilde beastes, intermedled with the sharpnesse of thunder, as nothing could be harde for the sence of hearing, bringeth most trouble to the minde, and by it is soonest moued, and most trou­bleth the vnderstanding. The Romanes being astonished at this noyse, they of Parthia threw away the couers of their har­nesse sodainely, and appeared shyning with [...]at [...] and armoure made of the beste stéele and bright, and the horsemen barded with Caparison likewise. The goodliest and the greatest was Surenas. Surenas, he being in finesse of his w [...]mannish aray not like the glorie of his valiauntnesse, but rather decked after the Median fashion, in the trymming of his person, and diuisiō of his haire. The other Parthians being vgly of purpose, to the terrour sh [...]d­ding of their heare. First they gaue y onset with their spears, to diuide and breake the fore warde. But when they sawe the firmnesse of the battel, and the stable abiding of the men, they went backe, as though they would haue scattered and diuided their order: and they compassed the battell in a circle, and wēt about it. Crassus commaunded the light h [...]r [...]sse to giue charge vppon them. They went not farre, but they were ouerlaide with shotte, and they turned againe, and thruste among the The beginning of disorder in the Romanes Campe. legions, and gaue the beginning of disorder and feare, to them that saw the might of the shot, and the continuall course, brea­king harnesse, and bearing down alike the vnarmed and well armed. The Parthians distant a little, beganne to shoote at all [...]ntures, not directing their shotte, for the Romanes battayle was so thicke, as they coulde not mysse thoughe they woulde, gyuing continuall hurte and woundes with their strong and great bowes, and with their violence of the drawing, driuing the arrow the stronger. This was the vndoing of the Romanes, for continuing in their order, they were stroken, and trying to [Page 259] go vpon their ennimy, or to kéepe close againe, they suffered a­like.

The Parthians, when they shotte, fledde, and this they thinke The Parthians manner in the vva [...]e. the beste [...]eate according to the Scythians, being a moste wise parte, to hurte other, and saue themselues, and hid the shame of their fléeing, by this pretence. So long as the Romanes ho­ped, The Parthians re [...]e their shotte. that their shot being done, they would haue come to hāds, they abode it: but when they saw numbers of Camells come laden with newe shotte, [...]o the whiche, they that firste spente their arrowes, wente to receiue more, then Crassus himselfe thought it woulde haue no ende. Wherefore he sente messen­gers to his sonne, that he shoulde set vppon the ennimie, bée­fore they were inclosed, for they were moste busy vpon hym, and rode about him, to come vpon his backe. The yong man tooke .xiij. C. horse, whereof a thousand were Caesars, and [...]ight bands of the next footemen, and badde them set vpon the [...]r eni­mies. The Parthians that were foremoste, either bicause they were in myrie grounde, (as some saye,) or bycause they woulde drawe Crassus by pollicie, as farre as they coulde, tur­ned and fledde. Then young Crassus [...]rying, as thoughe they Yong▪ Crassus vvith Censorinus and M [...]gaba [...]us would not haue turned againe, gaue them the chase, and with him Censorinus, and M [...]gaba [...]us: these passed in valiantnes and strength, Censorinus being of the order of a Senatoure and elo­quent, friend to yong Crassus, and of like age. The horsemen go­ing on, the footmen folowed with courage and fearefulnesse of hope, for they thoughte to haue the victorie by the chase. They had not gone farre, but they perceyued the deceit. They that séemed to [...]ée, turned againe, many [...] comming to them. Then they stayed, thinking they woulde haue come to handes with them, bicause they were so fewe: but they set the men of armes vpon the Romanes, and with their other horse, confused­lye rode vppon them, troubling the playne, raysing heapes of Sande, and making all full of duste, that the Romanes coulde neither sée nor speake. So being driuen and thruste The Romane [...] killed. togyther, they were ouerthrowen and dyed, not easily, nor a shorte death, but with shriking & sorowfull manner, laboring [Page 260] to breake the arowes in their woundes, prouing by violence, to pul out the forked heades that were enited their vaines and st­nowes, they fore and lamented themselues. When many were thus dead, they that were aliue were vnprofytable to helpe, and Romanes vn­able to helpe. when as Publius exhorted them to set vppon the men of armes, they shewed their handes nayled to their shieldes, and theyr féete fastened to the grounde, that they coulde neyther flye nor fight. Then he brought his horsemen fiercely vpon them, but he was too weake, stryking and defendyng both at once, with weake and little speares, vpon the strong armour of stéele, and his Galatians being stryken with long speares vpon their vnar­med bodies: in them he trusted muche, and by them he did mar­uellous feates. For they toke the speares, and bare down the men from their horse, which could not be moued for the waight The valiantnes of the Galatians. of their harnesse. Many left their horses, & stroke their enimies horses in the bellies, the which for payne threwe off theyr ry­ders, and trode vpon them and their enimies, tyll they dyed al­so. But the heate and thirst, most troubled the Galathians, being accustomed to neyther of them, and many of them hauing lefte their horses, with their staues, fought with the contrary. Ther­fore they did what they could to haue gotten to the legions, ha­uing Publius Crassus sore vvounded. Publius among them, being euill bestadde for his wounds: and séeing an hyll of sande not farre off, they went thyther, put­ting their horse in the middest, and defending the outwarde partes with their Targets, they thoughte they mighte easilye put backe the Barbarians: but it came otherwise to passe, for bée­ing in the playne, the former kepte the hindermost from hurte: but when they went to a mounting ground, and all was in the daunger, and they that came behinde moste of all, there was none escaped, but al were shotte indifferently, lamenting their deathes voyde of reuenge and glorie. There were about Publi­us, Carria the great▪ in Asis. Irna. two men, both Grecians, dwelling in Carria, Ieronimus and Ni­chomacus. They moued him to goe with them, and flye to Irna, a towne that helde of the Romaynes. He answered, there was A noble ansvver of a yong man. no deathe so grieuous, for feare of the whiche, Publius woulde leaue them that dyed for him. Therfore he prayed them to saue [Page 261] themselues, and gently sent them away. He coulde not vse his hande, for it was hurte with an arrowe. Therfore he comman­ded his page to take his sword, and runne him therowe the syde. The death of P. Crassus his tvvo friendes. Censorinus died after that sort. Magabactus killed himselfe, and so dyed the most noble of the other.

The rest, the Parthians killed with their speares, fighting for themselues; and onelye fiue hundred were taken aliue.

When they hadde cutte off the heades of Publius and his Crassus in hope. company, they tourned toward Crassus. He stoode after this sorte. When he hadde sente his sonne to encounter the Parthians, and one hadde tolde hym that there was a greate fléeing, and a sore chase of the ennimies, and sawe that they came no more vppon him, for they went also from that part, he beganne to take com­forte, leading his army to a rising place, thinking his son would haue come straight from the chase. They that were firste sent of Publius to tell in what daunger he was, were taken of the eni­mies and slaine.

The other hardely escaping, shewed that Publius was vndone, Crassus per­plexed. except spéedy and great helpe were sent. Nowe was Crassus dy­nersly troubled, he could not sée by reason, howe to vse his mat­ters: on the one side, feare of the whole, on the other, desire to saue his sonne, doubting if he might helpe him, or not helpe him, yet in the ende, went forward with his power. Nowe were the enimies come, with terrible shewt declaryng Victorie, and stri­king many Armenians, and feared the Romanes, looking for an other battell. They brought the head of Publius vpon a spears The Parthians shevve their spight. point, approching nighe, and with despight asking, who was his parents and kinred. For they could not thinke that he was the sonne of Crassus so cowardly and lewd a man, being a young man of so noble a renowmed vertue. This fight most of al was grieuous to the Romanes, directing and breaking their harts, not to anger and reuenge, as it oughte, but vtterly to feare and dreade. And then did Crassus shew him selfe most noble, as in such a case, (as they say) he went aboute the hoste and cried: This, Crassus shevveth himselfe noble▪ (O Romanes) is my proper losse. The greate glorye and for­tune of Rome, is in you to kéepe vnbroken aud vntouched, and if [Page 262] you haue pitie of me, that haue loste so good a sonne, shewe youre anger vppon your ennimies, take away this ioy from them; re­uenge The vvordes of Crassus to com­forte his souldi­oures. the crueltie, be not dismaide with that is done, for they that do great feats, must sometime suffer. Lucullus ouercame not Tigranes without bloudeshed, nor Scipio, Antiochus. Our Aunce­stors loste a thousande Shippes in Sicilie. In Italy manye Capi­tames and armies woulde not lette for their losse, but to get the victorie againe. The Romanes haue not come to so great domi­nion by fortune, but by sufferaunce and manhoode in calamitie. When Crassus had saide this, to encourage them, he didde not sée A declaration of the Romanes faintnesse. many willingly heare hym, therefore he badde make a noise, the whiche, bewrayed the faintnesse of the army, for they made a sée­ble and weake crie, whiche was answered of the Barbartans, wyth chearefull and bolde sounde. Comming togither, the shotte of the enimies, troubled the Romanes on the sides. The other com­ming vppon them with their speares at the face, droue them into a litle roomth, yet some fléeyng death by the shotte, came oute to fight at hande, to little purpose, being so dispatched with greate The fight. and mortall woundes, many times the sharpe and long speares passing thorowe horse and man.

Thus the night brake the battaile, they saying they woulde The Parthians reste. Arsaces. gratifie Crassus with one night to bury his sonne, and to consider with hymselfe, whither it were better for him to go to Arsaces, or to be led to him. They thus going to a place nigh hande, were in greate hope. But the Romanes hadde an heauy night, neither burying the deade, nor healing the hurte, some dying, and all lamenting themselues, for all things appeared wythoute helpe.

They remembred the day woulde bring more care: if they shoulde goe awaye in the night by those huge playnes, and carry the hurte souldioures with them, it would be a lette vnto them: if they lefte them behinde, they woulde crie and disclose theyr go­ing away.

And althoughe they thoughte Crassus to be the Authour of al this euill, yet they desired to sée hym and heare hym speake. Hée was by himselfe with his face couered in the darke. An example [Page 263] to the cōmon sort of fortune, and to the wise, of want of wisedom, Crassus an exemple of Fortunes mutabilitie. and ambition, by the which, he was not contente to be one of the chiefe & gretest among many thousands suche as he was, but bi­cause he was iudged inferior onely to two men, he thought hym­selfe the least of all. Octauius his Legate and Cassius, raised him, and badde him be of good chéere.

But when they sawe him in vtter desperation, they called the officers and captaines, shewing it was no tarrying there, but to departe withoute sounde of trumpe and secreately, whiche be­ing done, and the hurte men perceyuing they were forsaken, a great lamentation with sorrowfull crie was made in the Camp, which staide them, with trouble and feare, as thoughe the enimie had come vpon them.

Then resting to take the wounded men, and to bestow them, and cary them, it was a lette vnto them, sauing to thrée hundred Egnatius. Carras. Coponius. whiche Egnatius led to Carras at midnight, and speaking latin to the watch, he willed to tel Coponius, that was captain them of the garrison, that a great fielde was sought betwéene Crassus and the Egnatius euill. thoughte of, thought hee sa­ued his bande. Parthians. More he saide not, nor they asked what he was, and so he went to the bridge and saued his bande: yet he was euill thought of, bicause he forsoke his Generall: Notwithstanding, that worde spoken to Copenio, did good to Crassus. For he thinking that all was not well, bicause of the sodaine and straunge spéech, gathered his men togither, and went to méete Crassus in the way, and receiue his souldiors into the Cittie. The Parthians hearing the going awaye by night, did not folow them.

But when daye was come, they killed them that were lefte, Romanes kil­led. whiche were no lesse than foure thousande. In the playne they ouertooke manye with their horsemen and killed them. Foure bandes that Vergunteius led in the night, losing their waye, were Vargunteius, hys bandes slaine. slaine, not without resistance, except twentie.

They breaking thorowe with their naked swordes, the enni­mies Tvventie soul­dioures are suf­fred to passe the enimies. maruelling at their manhoode, they suffred to passe a souldi­ors marche to Carras.

A false tale was tolde Surena, that Crassus wyth the chiefe, was fledde, and the common sorte were receyued at Carras. Hée [Page 264] thinking the victorie was not yet gotten, standing in doubt, and coueting to learne the truthe, that eyther he might besiege the Suren [...] vseth an other [...] to [...] Crassus. Cittie, or followe Crassus, or let hym goe, he sent one of his men that could speake both tongues, to the walls, commaunding him to speake Latine, and to call Crassus or Cassius, and to tell them that Surenas woulde speake with them. He doing so, and it being tolde to Crassus, the message was receiued.

Shortly after came certaine Arabians that knewe Crassus and Cassius, hauing bin in their camp before the fight.

They séeing Cassius vpon the wall, saide, Surenas would make them friendes with the King, and saue them, so they woulde de­parte with Mesopotamia, for so it were better to do, than trie the vttermost.

Casius accepting if, and requiring a time and place for Crassus The deceipt of Surena. and him to méete togither, they answering so to doe, departed.

When Surenas hearde this of the messengers, being glad that they were in a place as besieged, he willed the Parthians the next daye to goe with a greate crie, and require, that if the Romanes woulde haue peace with the Parthians, to sende Crassus and Cassius bounde to the King.

They were grieued that they were deceiued, and counselled Crassus to leaue the long and vaine hope of Armenia, and to saue himselfe, and to let none of the Carrenans knowe it. But he made it knowne to Andromachus a very false fellowe, whome he tru­sted, Crassus deceiued by Andromachus. and made him guide of the way, so as nothing was kepte from the Parthians, all being tolde by Andromachus. And where it is not their custome to fight by night, nor no sure thing to thē, and where Crassus went out by night, that they shoulde not be too farre off in folowing the fléeing Capitaines, Andromachus ledde the Romanes this way and that waye, and at laste putte them in a fenny and marrish place, which should be hard for the footmē to folow. Some thought not wel of Andromachus turning & com­passing & followed not. Therefore Cassius went againe to Carras, Cassius retour­neth when y guids which were Arabians, willed him to make hast, be­fore the Moone were paste Scorpion, but I, (saide he) feare more Sagittarie, and then went into Syria with fiue hundred horses.

[Page 265]They hauing gote good guides, went by the hilly places, whi­che are called Synacha, and they were safe, and before daye hadde Sy [...]cha, [...]. ouertaken aboute fiue thousande, Octauius a good man, was lea­der of them. The daye being come, Crassus had a weary iorney by the Fenne and strange way, ledde by Andromachus. He had foure bandes of Legatemen with him, and fewe horse, and fiue Sergeants, with whome hauing this weary iorney, and scarce­ly staying for rest, the ennimies were at hand. He hadde a myle and halfe to ioyne with Octauius, and therefore to an other lit­tle hyll, not able to kepe the horse backe, nor otherwise sure, but ioyning to Synaces, and stretching with a long space thorowe a Octauius cōmeth to helpe Crassus. large field, that was nighe it. They with Octauius might see in what daunger he was, and firste Octauius went with a fewe to saue hym. The other reprouing themselues folowed, & kept the ennimies from the hyll, and compassed Crassus in the middest, and defended him with their Tergats, so as the shot of the Parthians shoulde not hurte the Generall, before, they all fighting for him, were slaine. When Surenas sawe the Parthians slowly doing their feate, & if the night came on, that the Romanes by going Nevve vvyle [...] of Surenas. in hilly places, should not be ouertaken of them, he wroughte wiles wyth Crassus. He caused talke to be in the Campe, so as same Romane captaines might heare it, that the King would not Crassus continu­ally deceiued. make war continually with the Romanes, but would bée gladde of their friendeship. And vse Crassus gently. And they wente and tolde it.

The Barbarians ceassed from the fight. Surenas with the chiefe went quietly to the hill, he vnbent his bowe, he offred his righte hande, and called Crassus to truce, saying: It was agaynste the Kings will, that he had proued his force and power, & nowe hée shoulde willingly féele his clemencie and mildenesse, and béeing confedered, suffer all to goe safe. When Surena had saide this, the other were gladde of it, and woulde haue it followed. Only Crassus did not credite it, and thoughte this sodaine change was not to be taken, therefore he thoughte it not good to do it, but to take aduice: yet the souldiours cried, and were angry, obiecting he woulde caste them to be villainously slaine of the ennimies, [Page 266] to whom he durst not go to talke, they being vnarmed. He began The souldiours compell Crassus to take the vvorst vvay. to desire them to abide the rest of the day, & in the night to passe by the hilles and safe wayes, and shewed the waye, and prayed them not to caste away the hope of health, whiche was at hand. But they reuiling him, and bending their weapons against him, compelled him: So he being afraide, went, and turning him, said thus. Octau [...]s and Petron's, and you other Captaines of the Ro­manes Crassus to the army. that be presente, you sée the necessitie of my going, and you can tell being with me, the sowle violence that I suffer. Therefore tell al other men, if you escape, that Crassus being de­ceyued of his enimies, died, and not forsaken of his citizens. O­ctauius souldioures did not tarry, but came from the hill. The Mace-bearers Crassus put away.

The firste that came to hym of the Barbarians, were two halfe Gréekes, who alighting from their horses, honored him, and sa­luting hym in Gréeke, wished hym to sende some, to whome Su­renas mighte shewe that he, and they that were with him, were without armor and weapons. To whom Crassus answered, that if he hadde anye little hope of this life, he woulde not go to them [...] at all. Yet he sente Riscous two brothren, to learne to what, and howe many shoulde come, whome, being me, Surenas deteined, and with the chiefe hée came down on horsebacke.

What meaneth this (saide hée) the Romane Generall af [...]te? and we mounted? and commaunded an horse to be broughte for A [...] of Surenas. Crassus. Crassus answered, that neyther he nor they did offend: For they came to talke after the maner of their Country. Then Su­rena saide, that from henceforth, good peace shoulde be betwéene Surenas vvith­out saith. the Romanes and the King. But the conditions must be writ­ten at the floude, whither they woulde goe. For you▪ Romanes A [...]aunt to the Romanes. (said he) are not mindfull of youre couenaunts, and holde forthe his right hand to him. When Crassus called for an horse, it shall not néede, (quoth Surenas) for the King giueth thée this, and by and by an horse was brought to Crassus trapped with gold. They setting him vppe, went about him, and stroke the horse to go a­way Crassus [...]sed and led avvaye. with him. Octauius was the first that tooke the bridle, and [Page 267] with him, Petronius a Tribune, and then the rest stood about him▪ the one striuing to make the horse to goe, and the other to kéepe them backe, and to stay the horse, by the whiche a tumulte and fray, began betwéen them.

Octauius drew his sword, and killed one of the Barbarian horse­kéepers, Octauius slaine. an other killed Octauius, thrusting him thorow behinde. Petronius had no weapon, and being stroke on the Curet, he esca­ped vnhurte. Maxarthes a Parthian killed Crassus: they saye an o­ther Maxarthes. Crassus killed. killed him, and that he did cutte off his heade, and his right hande. This is rather coniectured than knowne. For they that were present, fought aboute Crassus, and some were killed, and some fledde againe to the hyll. The Parthians went awaye, say­ing, Miserable ende of Crassus and the Romanes. that Crassus had his worthy punishment, al the other, Sure­nas badde come downe boldely: some yéelded, and some fledde by night, of the whiche, very fewe were saued. The other were cha­sed by the Arabians and killed.

They say twenty thousand were slaine, and tenne thousande The number of the Romanes slaine. taken. Surenas sent Crassus head and his hand to Orodes into Ar­menia. He spreading rumors at Seleucia, that he broughte Crassus aliue, sente messengers to prepare a mocking sporte, in iest cal­ling it a Triumphe. For one Caius among the captines most like Caius. Spight done to Crassus after h [...]: death. to Crassus, was cladde with a Quéenes robe, and commanded that whensoeuer he were called Crassus and Generall, he shoulde aun­swere, and was ledde on horsebacke. Before him were certaine Trumpeters and Mace-bearers, riding on Camelles. Purses were tyed to the roddes, and the heades of the Romaynes that were cutte off to the axes. There folowed a greate compa­ny of Harlottes, and Baudes of Seleucia, speaking many oppro­brious and laughing matter againste the effeminate cowardise of Crassus, and al the other followed them.

Then calling the auntients of Seleucia togither, he shewed the Ballades founde and red in spite Aristides of Mi­lesi. Rescius. wanton writings of Aristides of Milesia, and therein he did not lie, for they were founde in the carriage of Rescius, and ministred great matter to them to reproue and blame the Romanes, that euen in their warres doe not refraine from suche fonde manner of writing.

[Page 268]To the Seleucians, Aesopus séemeth a wise man, séeing Surenas blame a bag of the Milesian ballads before him, and bringing the Aesopus a vvri­ter of verses, by the vvhich, Sure­nas taketh occa­sion to rai [...]e vp­on the Romanes. Sybaritida is the vvorde signify­ing thē that follovve all vvan­tonnesse. Arsacidas the Kinges house of Parthia cōmeth oute of Milesia. League be­tvveene▪ the Kings of Armenia and Parthia. Barbarian kinges learned. Pacoro. wantonnesse of Parthia, with so many wagons of Concubines, behind him, a certaine shewe of a newe forme of straunge fight mortall and daungerous, thoughe the fore part were fayre, fear­ful and cruell, carrying speares, bowes, and horses, at the tayle of the hoste, ending with dauncing, singing, and saying, with wo­men, and al kinde of lewdnesse. Rustius was to be blamed, and the Parthians shamelesse, that rebuke the Milesians, of the which, some of their Kings, called Asacides, haue come of y e Milesian or Ionian strumpets. This being done, Orodes made league with Artaba­zes the Armenian, and gaue his sister to wife, to his sonne Paecoro. There were many feastes betwéen them, and other friendships, insomuche as they came to Gréeke pastimes. For Orodes was not to learne the tongue nor the doctrine of Greece And Artaba­ne [...] made Tragedies, and wrote Histories, of the whiche, some are saued.

When Crassus head was brought to the doores, the tables were spredde. Then the setterforth of Tragedies, called Iason of Tral­lia, Agaue in hir fu­ry killed hir son. A play at the bringing of Crassus heade. Silaces bringeth Crassus heade. Pentheus vvas the sonne of A­gaue. shewed Bacchus of Euripides, touching Agaue. He being well liked, Sillaces came into the dyning Parlour, and making re­uerence, threwe Cassius heade into the middest. The Parthians making a reioice with a showte of ioy, the Ministers putte by Silaces, the King commaunding it, and Iason deliuered the prepa­ration of Pentheus, to one of the dauncers, and taking Crassus head, he sung these verses of it, like a man caught with a furie.

We bring from the circuite of the Mountaines a newe killed game,
A blessed happy hunting.

This did al they repeate. And when it came aboute agayne, that the Quyre shoulde syng this, Mine, Mine is the rewarde, Maxarthes leapte forth, for he was set at the Table, and tooke the head, saying, it appertained more to him, than he that hadde it. The King was glad, for it was to be giuen to him with reward The killers of Crassus revvar­ded. after the Country maner, & to Iason he gaue a talent. After thys maner of play did the trauaile of Crassus ende as a Tragedie.

[Page 269]Both Orodes for his crueltie, and Surenas for his periurie, hadde worthy punishment. For not long after, Orodes killed Surenas Surenas is killed of Grodes, and Orodes of his son Phraartes. enuying his glorie. Phraartes, Orodes sonne, after Pacorus was slaine of the Romaynes, and Orodes sicke of the dropsie, gaue his father poyson, whiche when he vnderstoode it would be consu­med by a laske, he left poysoning, & toke a readier way, by cho­king him: and the Parthian army being gone to Mesopotamia, the kings Captaines made Labinius the Romayne their General, Labinius. meaning to inuade Syria, or to go with hym as farre as Alex­andria, and he leading the Parthians from Euphrates and Syria to Lydia & Ionia, wasting Asia, Antonie hearing of it, prepared to Antonie. go against the Parthians, but being called home by the letters of his wife Fuluia, sent to him with wéeping, he turned into Italie, and being at accorde with Caesar and Pompey that ruled Sic [...]lie, he sent againe into Asia, Ventidius, to represse the Parthians cō ­ming Ventidius. forewarde, and for fauour, was made the holy minister of the former Caesar. Other things they did in cōmō and friend­ly, Antonie is made minister of di­uine Caesar. in ciuil▪ and moste greate matters. There was a prophete with him of Aegipt, that was cunning in mens natiuities: he eyther to gratifye Cleopatra, or to tell the truth, spake to Anto­nie A Southsaye [...]. fréely, saying. Thy fortune that is most noble and great, is ouerlayde of Caesars, and counselled him to be as farre of, as he coulde from the yong man. For thine Angel, sayd the wise mā, feareth his Angell, and it appeared that Antonie gaue credite Antonies Angel, afraide of Octa [...]us Angel. to it, and thought the better of the Aegiptian. So committyng his things to Caesar, he sayled into Grecia. And whylest he was at Athenes, the first newes came of Ventidius good procéedings, Ventidius hath good lucke in Parthia. y he had ouercome the Parthians, and slaine Labinius and Phraar­tes, the chiefe Captaynes of king Orodes. After this, he feasted the Grecians, & was made ruler of the Athenians schole. When he went to the warre, he ware a garlande of holy Oliue, and ac­cording to an oracle, carried with hym a vessel ful of y e foūtain of Clepsidra. Then was it tolde y Ventidius had ouerthrown Pa­corus Clepsidra vvas vvel in the ca­stle of Athens. the kings sonne, with a great armie of the Parthians inua­ding Syria agayne at Cyristica, and that many were slain, among Pacorus slaine. the whiche, Pacorus was one of the firste. This acte was one of [Page 270] the noblest, in the which she Romanes reuenged the misfortune of Crassus, and droue the Parthians againe into Media and Meso­potamia, being ouercome in thrée battells togither. Ventidius Ventidius lea­ueth to do fur­der againste the Parthians for feare of Anto­nies enuy. Samosata bring­eth forth an earth that set­teth vvater a­fire, in that parte of Syria, that is called Comagene refrayned to followe the Parthians, any further fearing the en­uy of Antonie. Them that reuolted he recouered againe, and besieged Antiochus Comagenus in the Cittie of Samosatis, offring a thousand talents, and to doe what Antonie should command him. Ventidius badde him sende to Antonie, for he was at hand, and Ventidius wold haue Antiochus make his peace there, that this acte mighte redounde to his honoure, leaste all shoulde séeme to be done by Vētidius. But the siege continuing longer, and the inhabitance for desperatiō of peace, turning to courage Antonius is de­ceyued of his hope and retur­neth doyng no­thing. Ventidius trium­pheth of the Parthians. Octauius and Antonie more fortunate by their Lieutenaunts, than themselues. Sosius. Canidius. Phraartes killeth his father Orodes of heartes, Antonie was content to let▪ Antiochus go for thrée hundred talents. And when he had tarryed a while in Syria, he returned to Athens, and rewarding Ventidius, as he was wor­thie, sent him to triumphe. He only to that day, did triumphe of the Parthians, a man of base byrth, comming to so great an estimation of waighty matters by Antonies friendship, which he vsing wisely, made the saying of Caesar & Antonie to be found true, that they were more fortunate by other Captaines, than by themselues. For Sosius, Antonies Lieutenaunt in Syria, dydde many things, and Canidius lefte of him in Armenia. He ouer­came the Hiberian and Albanian Kings, and droue them as farre as This Iberia is nighe the hyll Caucasus, full of veni [...]e, from vvhence, they came, that novv inhabite Spaine. Antonie vvoulde giue revvarde comparable to the kings of Persia. Larissa, there be many of that name. One in Asia, nighe Tralus. Arethusa, one in Syria, another in Lubaa. Hierapolis in Mesopotamia. Caucasus, whereby Antonies name was renoumed a­mong the Barbarians. After that Phraartes had killed his father Orodes, and taken the Kingdome, many Parthians fledde away, & Monesius a noble and a mighty man, fledde to Antonie. There he waying this mans fortune with Themistocles, and compa­ring his power, with the kings of Persia, gaue him thrée Cities, Larissa, Arethusa, and Hierapolis, whom before they called Bam­byce. But when Monesius was called home againe by the king, he did let him goe, meaning so to deceiue the King by hope of peace, and being desirous to recouer the ensignes of Crassus, and the captiues that were aliue, he sent Cleopatra into Aegipt, and went into Arabia and Armenia, to gather his power and the confederate kings, for they were many. But the greatest was [Page 271] Artabazes of Armenia, giuing sixe thousande horse, and seauen Forces of Anto­nie. Bactrians, people in Scythia of Assia. thousand footmen. When he mustred his men, there were .lx. M. footemen, and of the Romanes ordinarie horsemen, and the Iberi­ans and Frenchmen, ten thousand. Of other nations there was thirty thousand with horsmen and shotte. This so great prepa­ration and power, that made the Bactrians and Indians afrayde, and all Asia to shake, they saye, that Cleopatra made to come to Cleopatra is cause of the de­cay of a greate preparation. little profite, for making haste to winter with hir, he tooke not due time for the warre, vsing al things confusedly, not as one that had his wittes, but abused with his sorceries and witch­crafts Antonie abused by Cleopatra. of hir, that he thought more to make haste to hir, than to get victorie of his ennimies. For where he oughte to haue win­tred Eight furlongs maketh a myle. in Armenia, and rested his weary army that had gone .viij. M. furlongs, and before the Parthians had come from their win­terings, to inuade Media in the beginning of y e Spring, he would not tarry the time, but so led his army, as he had Armenia on his lefte hande, and when he came to Atropatea, he wasted that re­gion. Atropatea is part is a parte of Me­dia. Then hauing engines necessarie for to ouerthrowe cities, which followed the campe with thrée hundred Chariots, in the whiche, there was one called a Ramme, of the length of foure Ramme an en­gine to beate vvalles of a cit­tie. Antony leaueth hys artillerie behinde him. Phraata besieged. score foote, which if it were broken, coulde not be made againe, bicause he ledde the armye in a Countrey plaine and barren of wood of any length or hardnesse, he left thē behind him, as impe­diments to his haste, appointing a [...]and and a Captain, to kepe the same, and he besieged Phraata a greate Cittie, in the whiche, the wife and children of the King of Media were. And then Antonies error. féeling the want of the engines, he knewe he had erred in lea­uing them behind him; and therefore would winne the Citie by mountes, whiche was a great labour, and a slowe diuise. Nowe came the King Phraartes with a great army, who hearing of the The artillerie is taken, and the keepers killed. leauing of the cariage of the engines, sent many horsmē for thē, of whom Statianus being chiefe of the Romanes, was killed, and ten thousande with him. Statianus and Po­lemon be killed.

The Barbarians tooke the engines, and destroyed manye peo­ple, in the whiche was Polemon a King. This made Antonies ar­my afraide, as it might, to receiue such a losse at the beginning. [Page 272] Artabasses the Armenian king, dyspayring of the Romaines, re­turned Artabazes for­saketh the Romanes. home with his army, albeit he was y e cause of the war. They that were besieged, trusted vpon the Parthians so muche, as they vsed spitefull language. Antonie, not thinking good his souldiours courage shoulde be abated, by lying ydly there, loke tenne legions, and three bandes of the guarde, and all hys horsemen, and wente to forage, thinking so to prouoke hys enimies to fighte, and to deale with them orderly. Being gone one onely dayes iourney, when he sawe the Parthians fetching their compasse, and seeking to stoppe his waye, hée commaun­ded the token of fight to be giuen, and the campe to be leauied, not as though he woulde fight, but marche. He passed by the Barbarians, who were sette like a crescent, commaunding the horsemen, that when the footemen were so nigh as they mighte fight, that the horsemen should turne vpon them. The Parthi­ans The Parthians maruel at the good order of the Romanes. did iudge the Romaines order to be better by reason, and behelde them marching wyth equall distaunce quietlye, and with silence, shaking their weapons. When the token was gi­uen, and they went on with shoute, the horsemen turned vppon the enimie, who receyued them with defence, although they were within the shotte. But when the footemen came with crye & clashing of armour, the horsemen of the Parthians gaue place The Romanes haue a victorie of smal accompt. with disorder, and fledde before they came to handes. Antonie followed the chase, hauing greate hope to make an ende ey­ther of the whole warre, or of a great part of it, when they had folowed the chase, the footemen sixe miles, and the horsemenne thrice so muche.

They found no more taken but thirtie, nor no more slayne but foure scoure, euerye manne thinking it an harde case, that they hauing victorye, shoulde kyll so fewe, and loosyng theyr Engines with so manye. When they were ouer­come, they fell into a greate discourage and doubte of them­selues.

The next daye they passed to Phraartes Campe, and by the waye, founde first a fewe enimies, then more, at last all, & as inuincibly, and not to be hurte, they prouoked him, & euerye [Page 273] where set vpon him, so as hardly, and with muche adoe, the Ro­manes went to their Campe. And where they of the Citie hadde The Romaines hardly gette to their Campe. mace a sallie, and put some of the Romanes from their trenche, Antony was so angry, as he punished euery tenth mā by death, The Romaynes punished by lod. according to the deserte, taking euery tenth by lotte, that hadde forsaken his place, and to the other insteade of wheate, hée gaue barley. The warre was painefull to bothe, and the continuance more fearefull, Antonie perceyuing hunger would folowe, for he coulde get no forage without death and hurte of his souldiors. Phraates knowing the Parthians had rather doe any thing, than to lie in fielde, and in an other land, in the winter, was afraide, that Autumne. A craftie pra­ctise. if the Romanes did hold out and tarry, that they woulde leaue hym, the ayre begynning to chaunge, and the time of equall day and night being at hande: he deuised this crafte. The best of the Parthians, vsed the Romanes more gently in their foraging and other encounters, suffering them to carry away some things, and praysing their vertue, as of men moste valiaunt in warre, and in great estimation with their king, as they were wel worthy. And by this meane comming nearer togither, and suffring the horse­menne to passe, spake euill of Antonie, bicause Phraates woulde gladly haue peace, and spare so good and so many menne, that had giuen none occasion, but that he would tarry and abide two gret and harde enimies, that is, Winter and Hunger, from the whi­che, VVinter and Hunger tvvo­great enimies. they coulde hardely escape, thoughe the Parthians would suf­fer them.

Many declaring this to Antonie, and he deceiued by this hope, Antony decey­ued. deferred to sende an Heraulte to the Parthians king, till he knewe of those wel willing Barbarians, if they spake so muche with the Kings consent. They affirming and promising, that he ought not doubt nor dreade, he sent one of his friendes againe, requiring to receiue the ensigns & the Captiues, that he might not be thought altogither to saue himselfe, and to escape. The Parthians aunswe­ring, be shoulde not passe of that, but if he did departe, he shoulde haue peace and safete [...] and by wherefore wythin fewe dayes he brake vppe and went his way. And whereas he was eloquent in perswading, and was wente to [...] the people, and the ar­mye [Page 274] by hys orations, now for shame and heauinesse, he omitted to Antonie com­mitteth the, speeche to his souldiours, ano­ther, contrary to his vvonte. speake to the multitude, and commaunded Domitius Aenobarbus to do it. Some were angry as though he despised them, but the more parte were content and perceyued the matter, & therefore thought the rather to graunt and obey their Generall.

Béeing aboute to leade them the playne and barren waye, a Mardi be people in Hyrcania. Mardus taketh vppon him to leade the armye the best vvay. man that by kinde was called Mardus, acquainted with the Par­thian fashion, faithfull to the Romanes, and at the fielde of the engins, came to Antonie, and willed him to flée on the right hand of the hills, and not to caste his armye laden with harnesse, and weary with iourneys, to suche a mighte of horse and shorte, and that Phraates vnder shewe of beneuolence, went aboute to ent [...]a [...] him, and that he woulde leade hym a shorter way, in she whiche he shoulde haue sufficiencie of all things.

When Antonie heard this, he tooke counsel, and said he would not séeme too distruste the Parthians, touching the peace, but for the shortnesse of the way, and the plentifull Townes inhabited, hée Mardus bounde. praysed Mardus, and requyred saith of him. He offred to be be and till he brought them into Armenia. Being bound, he ledde them .ij. days very quietlie. The which done, Antony not looking for y The Parthians come vppon Antonie on the sodaine. Parthians, and going negligently bycause of his boldenesse, Marde sawe the banke of the floud newe broken, and much water ente­running the place where they shoulde passe. He knewe it was the Parthians worke to make their way the harder, and to set that floude as an impdeiment vnto them, and willed Antonie to [...] about him, for the ennimie was not farre off. Whiles he set hys men in order, and commaunded the shotte to encounter with the, beholde the Parthians appeared, and came as they woulde haue compassed and dissolued the army. The shotte comming vppon them, and hurte being done on both sides, they retyred, and after French horsmen. came againe. Then the French horsmen encountred with them, and putte them backe, so as that day they did no more attempte.

By this, Antonie learning what he shoulde do, he placed ma­nye shotte, not onely at the taile [...] out one she sides, leadyng the armye in a square, commaunding the horsemen to putte backe the ennimies, but not to followe them too farre. So the Parthians [Page 275] in these foure dayes hauyng done no more hurte than receiued, waxed flowe, and entended to goe their waye, making Wynter Flauius Gallus. their pretence. The fifth daye, Flauius Gallus a good Souldioure and a forwarde in feates of warre, required Antonie to giue him some shotte for hys rerewarde, and horsmen for hys fore warde, and he woulde do a good seruice. He gaue him, and he kept backe the ennimies. But nowe not returning to the footemen as he did before, but following and fighting with more courage, when The [...]a [...]hencite of Gallus. The sobernesse of Titius. the leaders of the [...]aile saw him go too far, they called hym backe, but he would not. They say Titius did take the Ensigne to turne him backe, and rebuke Gallus, that woulde lose so manye, and so good men, and that he rebuked him agayne, and badde him medle with his owne matters, and so Titius went his way.

Gallus setting vppon the face of them, was compassed at the backe, and being besette rounde aboute, sente for more helpe.

They bringing the footemen, among the whiche was Canidius, Canidius com­mitteth a greate errour. a man in great fauour with Antonie, who séemed to committe a greate erroure, for he oughte to haue broughte forthe the whole battaile, and to haue sent them forth in bands, one ready to help another, whiche being too weake, to haue supplied more, they perceyued not that it wanted but little that the whole army was not putte to the worste, and to flight, if Antonie hadde not by and by brought the legions, and set them in the face of them, and the third legion had not passed among them that fledde, and stayed the enimie from further chase. There was slaine no lesse than A slaughter of the Romanes. thrée thousande, and there came to their tentes wounded fyue thousande And Gallus among them, shotte thorowe with four ar­rowes, coulde not be healed of his woundes. The other Antonie went about and comforted, and wyth teares bad them be of good Antonie comfor­teth his menne, and they him. cheare, but they chearfully taking him by the hande prayed hym to comfort himselfe, & not to be diseased, calling him Chiefe Ge­nerall, saying they were well, if he were whole: for generally, Antonie a verye good Captaine. there was no captain y led a more noble armi▪ neither in strēgth nor in patience, nor in boldnesse, in those dayes, than he, nor more reuerence and obedience, with beneuolence of all indifferen lye, noble, vnnoble, Rulers, and priuate men, was euer giuen to any [Page 276] Captaine, than to Antonie, preferring hym before their owne liues and health, where in he might compare with the aunt [...]ent [...] Romanes. Diuers causes were of this▪ (as we haue saide) gen­tlenesse, Causes of the souldiours loue tovvarde [...]. eioquen [...]e, plainenesse▪ liberalitie, and magnificence, & courtesie in myrth and spéeche, and for that he woulde pitie and comforte the sicke, and giue what they néeded, he made the sicke and the hurte, the more assured to him.

The enimies for this victorie, were in suche a pride, thoughe they were weary and almost refusing the fight, contemning the Romanes, as that night they encamped hard by them, thinking straight to haue spoiled the voide tents, and sacked the money of them being fled.

When day was come, they were many more, and they saye they were not lesse than fortie thousande horsemenne, the King sending still more vnto them, as to a sure and certaine victorie, but he was not with them, whither they wonne or lost.

When Antonie shoulde speake to the souldioures, he woulde Antony discoura [...]ed. haue a blacke garment, that he might the more be pitied, but his friends not suffering it, he came in a Captaines purple robe, and spake vnto thē, praysing thē that had done well, and dispraysing them that fledde, of the whiche, some prayed him to be of good comforte, some con [...]essed their faulte, and offered to be punyshed euery tenth man, or any other waye to chastice them, onely they Antonies prayer prayed him to cease his sorrowe and grie [...]e. Then holding vppe his hands, he prayed the Goddes, that if ther [...] were any reuenge towarde, for hys former felicitie, that it mighte lighte on hym, and that the reste of the armye mighte haue healthe, and victo­rye.

The nexte day, they marched better guarded: and the Parthi­ans that followed were much dec [...]iued of their purpose▪ for where they thought to come to spoile and pray, and not to fight, beyng resisted with great chéerefulnesse of the souldieures▪ they were wearie againe. And as the Romanes went down certaine hills, The manner of the Romanes a­gainste the Par­ [...]. they came vpon them, and they made a sharpe shotte▪ The Tar­get men turned vpon them, and couered their shotte with their shiel [...]s, for the Targets hid them easily, they knéeling on their [Page 277] knées. They that stoode behind, defended them with their armor, and so did the other. This manner of forme, bowing alike euery way, made a figure of a Theatre, and it is the surest waye to a­uoyde shotte, the arrowes sliding away. The Parthians thinking The Parthians deceyued. The fight at hād the stouping of the Romanes vpon their knées had bin for hea [...]e and thirst, vnbent their [...]owes, and with their spears came nig [...] ▪ thē then the Romanes rising [...]odai [...]ly with a crie set vpon them, and wringing their weapons out of their handes, killed the fore­most of them, and made all the other to runne away. The like was done other dayes. They giuing little way, and famine fal­ling into the army, little mea [...]e being had, bi [...]ause of their often The miserie of the Romanes. fights, wanting▪ Milles to grinde their corne, being loste wyth the engines, for they were lefte behinde, and bicause many of the beasts were killed, the sicke and wounded men were borne. So as they say, an Athens bushel of wheate was worth fiftie drams, Chani [...] atti [...] cō ­taineth. 2. Sexta­rij. and Sextarij, is the sixte part of Corg [...]o. Dragm [...] vvas as muche as a Ro­mane Penny. Hearbs hurtefu [...] vvl [...]che▪ the sol­dioures eat. An hearbe ma­king men mad. and barley was worth the waighte in siluer.

Then being driuen to hearbs and rootes, some they [...]ound of the vsuall sorte▪ but being compelled to proue them that were vnknowne, they first lighted vpon an hearbe that brought death with a maddenesse. For he that eate it remembred nothing, nor knew nothing. Only one thing they did, moue and turne a stone, as a thing of great waighte to be done. The fielde was full of them that stowped to the grounde and digged, and remoued stones.

At length vomiting their choller, they dyed, when wine, whi­che was the only remedy, was spent, many being deade, and the Parthians not ceassing. They say y Antonie many times cried (O Ten thousande Grecians passed from the field of their loste Cap­taine vvithout hurte. the tenne thousande,) praising them that with Xenophon did go a farre longer way from Babilon, and fighting many battells saued themselues.

The R [...]thians could not draw them asunder, nor breake their order, and being diuers times put to the worse, they [...]ed, waxing quiet againe: then they gotte among them that went for forage, & shewyng the strings of their bowes loose, they said they would retire and make an ende of their chase. A [...]ewe Medians folowed [...]et a daye or two, doing no hurte, but onely guarding the towns [Page 278] of Media. By these wordes they gaue salutations and went o [...] with gentlenesse, in so much as the Romanes were chéerefull a­gayne: Antonie soone led to hope. whiche when Antonie hearde, hée sayde he would go by the playne, rather than the hylles, where was lacke of water. And mindyng thus to doe, one named Mi [...]hrid [...]ies came from the enimies, beyng cousine to Moneso, that had bene with Antonie, and had the three Citties gyuen hym, and desired some mighte come to hym that coulde speake the Par [...]hi [...]n or Median tongue. And Alexander of Antiochia, in cred [...] with Antonie, beyng sente to hym, hée sayde, that he was come to yéelde thankes for Mithrida [...]es sent by Mon [...]s [...] gi­ [...]eth Antonie vvarning. Monesus, and asked Alexander, if [...]ee sawe those highe and long hylles before hym, and when he sayde he did, vnder them sayde hée, the Parthians lie in wayte for you, with all their army. This greate fielde stretcheth to those hilles, and they thinke that beyng deceyued by them, you will leaue the way by the hilles, bycause there is thirst and labour: but if Antonie go [...] this way, lette him knowe to fall in Crassus calamitie.

Antonie beyng troubled, when he harde this, conferred with Antonie gri [...]ued. his friendes, and Mardus the guyde of the way, who thought no lesse, he knewe that though there were none enimies, the iourney by the playnesse was waylesse, vncertaine, harde and strange to finde. The way by the hilles, had none other diffi­cultie, but wante of water for one day. Beyng turned to this, he commaunded to goe by night, and to carie water. There was The Parthians come [...]by night. wante of vesselles, therefore they caried water in their head­péeces, and some in skinnes. Their goyng beyng knowen to the Parthians, they came vpon them by night contrary to their ma­ner, and by the rysing of the Sunne, they molested the tayle, now weary with watchyng and labour, for they had gone that night twoo hundreth and fortie furlongs, & not thinking their enimies woulde haue come so soone, they were discouraged, for neyther had they drinke, and muste fight a [...] they went.

The former chaunced to méete with a floudde whose water VVater [...]tful was colde and cleare, but salte and venemous. The whiche [...]e­ing [Page 279] dronke dyd wring the belly with torment, and inflamed their drouthe▪ And though Mardus gaue them warnyng of it, notwithstandyng, they [...]eate them off that woulde haue stayed them and dronke it. Antonie came among them, and prayed them to be content for a whyle, for there was an other floud [...]e of good water not farre off, and that the residue-of the way was sharpe and not for horsemen, at the whiche, their eni­mies would leaue them.

Then blowing the retreate, he commaunded to pitche their tentes, that at the least▪ the Soldiours might repose them in the shadowe. The tentes beyng s [...]tte, and the Parthians goyng their wa [...] as they were wante▪ Mi [...]hr [...]d [...]es came agayne, and wil­ [...]ed A nevv vva [...] ­ni [...]g. Alexander that came to him▪ to see that the armie shoulde take little reste, but goe and make haste to the floudde, by­cause the Parthians woulde goe no further, but i [...]yther they woulde folow them.

This beyng tolde to Antonie, Alexander brought from hym▪ cuppes and vessels of golde, of the which Alexander taking so many as hée coulde carie vnder his [...]ke, wente his waye. They remoued, and w [...]nt the reste of that day, without any trouble of their enimies. But the night, they made to thēselues moste vn [...]ot and fearefull, for they killed them that had any Disorder in the Romanes cāpe amōg thēselues. Golde [...] Siluer▪ and they spoyled the money that was caried, and in the ende [...]nfacked Antonies cariage, and tooke awaye his vessell and tables of Golde, and diuided them amongst them.

There was great feare & confusion in the whole armie, for they thought the enemies had turned and spoyled their people. Antonie called one of hys [...]g [...]rde, whise name was Ram [...]n [...], and Antonie in dispay [...]e. made hym to [...], that when hée commaunded hym, hée [...]shoulde [...] hys [...]rde thorough him, and cut off his head, that it mighte neyther [...]ee taken aliue of the enimie, nor knowne wh [...] hee was dead [...]. His friendes wéepyng, Mar­ [...] [...]omforted Antonie, that the [...]oudde was néere at hande, [Page 280] for a moist breath was felt, and a colde ayre came vnto thē, that A colde aire de­clareth a floude to be at hande. made the breathing swéete: and the time (quoth he) of our iorney, doth agrée with y e measure, for there was but a little of the night left. And then came other and said the tumult did rise of iniurie & spoile among themselues. Therfore bringing the multitude from confusion and feare, to order, he commanded to encamp.

Now day began to shewe, and the army beginning to take a little reste, the archers of the Parthians, fel vpon the hindermoste: wherefore token of fight was giuen to the shotte. The armed men couering themselues againe with the shields, staied to [...]ou [...]e with the enimy. The fore warde going on, a little after the floud appeared, and the horsemen kéeping the enimies off, they caryed ouer the sicke men first, and whiles these were fighting, they had leisure and quiet to drinke.

When the Parthians saw the floud, they vnbended their bows, and badde the Romanes go on boldely, commending much theyr vertue. When they were passed with quiet, they gathered togy­ther againe, for they had no great truste in the Parthians, as they went. The sixte day after the last fighte, they came to the floude, Araxes cōmeth out of the hyll that Euphrates dothe. Araxes, diuiding Media and Armenia, it appeared both déepe and swift, and it was saide that the enimies came to set vpon them in the passage. But when they were quietly passed and come into Armenia, as thoughe they had séene that land from the sea, they knéeled downe, and with teares and embracings one of another for ioye, they ranne togither.

But nowe going by a plentifull Country, and al vsing super­fluitie The reioicing of the Romanes being come into Armenia. after their want, they fell into drop [...]es, and Chollycke diseases.

And when Antonie made his muster, he founde .xx. M. foote­men Thys vvarre vvas not accōp­ [...]ed, for lacke of Armenian horsemen. and horsemen to be slaine, not all of the enimies, [...]ore than halfe of diseases. They were going from [...]h [...] sea [...] and twentie daies, and they ouercame the Parthians in eightéene bat­tells, but their victories had no substāunce nor suretie of them that made ofte and small chases. It was well perceyued that Artabazes the Armenian, was the cause why Antonie coulde not bring this war to end. For the sixtéene thousande horse that hée [Page 281] led out of Media, might haue done best seruice against the Par­thians, being armed like them, and accustomed to fight wyth them: and when they [...]ed from the Romanes fight, they should haue chased them, that being so ouercome, they could not haue bin bold to set vpon them againe so oft. All the army for anger moued Antonie to be reuenged of the king. He vsing discretion, did neyther blame his defection, nor change any of his wonted humanitie and honor to him, his army being yet weake and néedy, but afterwarde being come againe into Armenia, and with fayre words and promises persuading him to come to his handes, he toke him, and carried him bounde to the triumph at Alexandrîa, which most grieued the Romanes, that the goodly Antonie taketh the king and maketh a tri­umph of him at Alexandria vvhiche grieueth the Romanes. and comely things of their country, should be translated to A­lexandrîa for Cleopatras sake. Thus he did. Betwéene the kings of Media and Parthia fell a variaunce, begonne as they say, for the Romanes spoyle: and the Median king being in dā ­ger thereby to loose his kingdome, he sent to Antonie, promising to make war with him with all his power. Therefore Antonie was broughte into greatehope, for he supposed, he wanted no­thing to ouercome the Parthians, but horsmen and archers, the which he saw was now offred him to gratify him without any asking. He prepared to go again into Armenia, & to ioyne with the Median at the floud Araxes, and there to moue the warre, but being called backe by the intercessions of Octauia and Cleo­patra, he deferred the Median til the next sommer, although the Parthians were at diuisiō: yet going to him once again, he made league with him, & when he had maryed one of his daugh­ters with a sonne of Cleopatra, he returned againe to Ciuil warre.

The end of the Romanes vvar vvith the Parthians.

¶ The Romanes war with the Illyriās: by Appian of Alexandrîa.

THe Grecians thinke them to be Illyri­ans, Illyria novv Slau [...] Chaonia, part that is moū ­taines. Thesprotia, that is next to Chaonia▪ Paeonia is a parte of Macedonia. The breadth & length of Illyria. that haue their dwelling beyond Macedonia and Thraecia from Chaonia & Thesprotia to the floud Hister. The greatnesse of it, reacheth from Ma­cedonia and the mountaines of Thra­cia, to Paeonia and the Alpes, thrée days iourney. The length of it, is muche greater by thrée partes, as the Greci­ans thinke. The Romaynes measuring the ground, thinke it is sixe thousand furlongs in length, and a thousand two hun­dereth in breadth. And they affirme that countrey to haue the name and beginning of Illyria, sonne to Polyphemus. For Polyphe­mus Illyrius sonne to Polyphemus. Celte, by that part of Fraunce that is about Lions. Taulantij, vvent from Illyria to Macedonia, and builded A [...]iss [...]. Per [...]hab [...] fled in­to Aetolia. A [...]hillai Ilan­ders. Autarians vvere most vvarlike people of Illyria first subdued of the Scordiscians, and last o [...] the Romaines. Parthene of Ma­cedonia. Da [...]aretians of Thracia. had by Galatia, Celtes, Illyrius, and Gallus: And that they came out of Sicelie, and gaue name to the Celtians, Illyrians, and Galatians. And this I like well of the opinions that haue bene taught hereof. Then they saye that Illyrius had these folowing: Achilles, Autarius, Dardanus, Medus, Taulātius, & Perrhebus: and these daughters, Partha, Daorta, and Dasera, with others, of the which came the Taulātians, Perrhebians, Achilleians, Autaricās. Dardauans, Parthenians, Dasaretians, and Darsians: Autarius had Pannonius or Paeonius, and Scordiscus: Paeonius, had Tribalus, of the which these natiōs haue their names. And these be the antient beginnings of the great countrey of Illyria, in the whiche were the Scordiscians, and Triballians, of so greate possession, as they fought so long togither, till the Triballians, that were lefte, fled to the Celtes beyond Hister. This nation was thought mightye tyll the time of Philippe and Alexander, and now so destroyed, as it hath no man left: and the Scordiscians become to noughte Scordiscians. Paeonians. also, for they being ouercome by the Romaines, came at lēgth to dwel in the Ilands of Hister. And in continuaunce of tyme, [Page 283] some of them went abroade again, and inuaded the vttermost part of Paeonia, wherfore the Scordiscians, be now amōg the Paeo­nians. Likewise the Ardeians, when they had inuaded the beste parte of the Autarians groundes nexte the coaste, they beyng seamen, they droue them away. After them, the Liburnians had L [...]burn [...]. Light shippes. the name to be good with their shippes, another nation of Illy­ria, robbing Ionium and the Ilandes with their swifte shippes. Wherefore the Romaynes call the shippes of spéede, Liburni­ans. There is a saying, that the Autariās came to vtter destru­ction, by the wrath of Apollo. For they and the Celtians wyth the Cymbrians, did encampe at Delphos, and by and by all were Cymbri came frō the north of Saxon into N [...] ­ [...]onne in Fraunce vvhere Marius ouercame them. Punishment of God. dispearsed and fledde, and many of them before the fight, being stroken with raine, tempest, and lightning, and when they that wer left came home, they foūd such a corruptiō made by frogs in their waters, that they all perished. The vapor of the whi­che so infected the Countrey of Illyria, as the Autarians being most plagued with it, fled: and bycause no man durst receyue them, they went on .xxij. dayes togither, comming to a Fen­nie grounde vnhabited, and buylded a Citty next to Basternia. [...]asturn [...], [...]e at the floud B [...]rist­henes in Scythia. They saye also, that Apollo dyd destroy the Celtians and theyr Cities, & did not ende the plague before they fled and left theyr houses, and came into Illyria, that had offered with them, whō being we [...]ke for sickenesse, they soone ouer-came, and by hand­ling [...]irene, is the hill that diuideth Fraunce and Spaine. of their things toke the infection, and fledde to Pirene. And when they moued toward the east, the Romanes being afraid of them with whom they had once foughte an excéeding bat­tayle, sente the Consuls against them, least they shoulde passe the Alpes and come into Italy. And the Romaines hauing the Syllenus [...]i [...] ­lius and C [...]p [...], Consuls ouer­throvven by the Cymbrians. &c. losse of all their armye, the name of the Celtians stroke al Italy with feare, till they chose Marius their generall, which before had ouercame the Libyans, Nu [...]dians and Marusians, very vali­auntly, and ouerthrow the Celtians, and did them many tymes Marius ouer­throvveth them. destroy as I haue shewed in the booke of Celtian. And this end had the Celtians and Illyrians for their wickednesse, yet they did not withholde their wicked handes from holy things, but the Scordiscians, Medans, and Dardanās, ranne ouer Grecia and Mace­donia, [Page 284] and spoyled temples, and once againe besieged Delphos, lo­sing many of their men being then slaine, two and thirtie yeare after the warre betwéene the Romanes and the Celtians, who for their late sacrileage made them warre L. Scipio beyng Cap­taine then, being Lordes of Macedonia and Grecia. An they saye their neyghboures that were their felowes in this wic­kednesse, then not ayding them, left them to Scipio, remembring the plague of the Autarians whiche were vtterlye destroyed through all Illyria. And that Scipio did ouerthrowe all the Scor­discians, Corruption one [...]use of ciuil discord at Rome. and they that could escape wente to Danubi [...] and the I­lands thereof, and that he being corrupted with a couenaunt of holy gold, made league with the Medans and Dardanans, by the which, as many Italians do shew in their wrytings, the state of Rome was stroken with ciuil discorde, vntill it came to the rule of one. These things of Illyria founde among the Grecians, I haue writtē at large. The Romanes cal not only these Illyrians, Rhae [...]ia is at the Alpes, part of the vvhich is novv Gusoni. Noricia novv Ba­ [...]nis My [...]a novv Iosua and Ceruia. but also the Paeonians beyonde them, the Rhetians, the Noricians, and Misians that dwel in Europe, and al other nigh that inhabite the right hand of Hister, by a common name, although they do separate the Hillirians from the Grecians, and call euery of them by their proper names. Being ledde wyth this opinion at the first, they chaunged afterward, and would haue the ende of The sea of Pon­tus from Maotis to Tenedo. Agron. The Illyrian king hauing ouer­come the A [...]o­lians, [...]ranke so much vvine that he died presētly. Agron. Py [...]rbus. Epirus, C [...]ra or Alba­nia. Corcira, Cor [...]u. F [...]d a [...]s. D [...]sso. Pharus, is an [...]land in the Adriaticals [...]. Illyria at the beginning of Hister, to the sea of Pontus, whiche is tributarie vnto them. Howe the Romanes brought them to o­bedience, whē we wrote of the Celtians, we shewed that we did not well learne neyther the beginnings nor occasions of the warres.

And therefore we haue exhorted them to write, that haue more vnderstanding of the matters of Illyria. But as much as we knowe, we wil declare it.

Agron was king of a part of Illyria, y is at the coast of Ionia which Pyrrus king of Epirus, and such as came of him, had some­tyme. And he taking parte of Epirus, and Corcyra beyond that, & Epidānus and Pharus, as a kéeper held them styl. When he sailed the rest of the Ionian sea, an Isle called Essus did reuolte to the [Page 285] Romanes, and sent their Embassadoure to them, to declare what wrong Agron had done them. The Illyrians sayling againe to thē, killed Calemporus the Embassador of Essus, and with them Corun­caenius, Cal [...]mp [...]. Coruncanius Em­bassadors slaine Embassadoures killed, the cause of Illyrian vvar. Pine. the Romane, (as some say.) For this cause the Romanes inuaded Illyria both by sea and land.

Agron dyed, leauing an infant behinde hym called Pine. He lefte the gouernement of the countrey to his wife, that she might bring vppe the childe, althoughe shée was not hys mother. Deme­trius that had Pharus belonging to Agrons dominion, and after, getting Gor [...] betrayed both to the Romanes. They made amitie Pharus and Cors [...] deliuered to the Romanes. with the Epidam [...]ans, and sent an armye to helpe them againste the Illyrians that besieged them: wherfore the Illyrians raised their siege, and some of them called Atintani, yéelded to the Romanes. Atintani.

The wife of Agron sent Embassadours to Rome, deliuering the prisoners and captiues, requiring pardon for that was not done of hir, but of Agron. The Romanes saide that Cor [...]u, Pharo, Essio, and Epidamno, and the Illyrians that be called Atintani, were Peace vv [...] Pine. of their iurisdiction, and if Pine would holde the other Region of Agron, hée myghte vse the Romanes friendshippe, if he woulde refraine from the reste, nor the Illyrians shoulde go to the Essians, but with two boats, and them vnarmed, all the whiche they ad­mitted. And this was the firste doings of the Romanes and the Appolonia novv Vallona. Illyrians, after the which, they gaue libertie to Corcyra and Appo­lonia.

They gaue also rewardes to Demetrius for his reuolting, yet Demetrius. d [...]spi [...]ng his infidelitie, that came from him afterwarde. For the Romanes contending thrée yeares with the Celtians aboute the Eridanus, novve P [...], the greate floude of Italie. floude Eridanus, Demetrius not nowe passing of the Romanes, by­cause they were troubled with warre, gote Histria, an other na­tion of Illyria, and compelled the Atintanes, to reuolte from the Atintanes. Romanes. When the Romanes had made an end with the Cel­tians, they went by and by into Illyria, and tooke the robbers that had ioined themselues with Demetrius and the other Illyrians. And they killed Demetrius, that fledde vnto Philippe of Macedonie, and retourned wyth an Nauye, and spoiled the Gulfe of Ionia, and vtterlye ouerthrewe his Countrey Pharus, conspiring with hym, and [Page 286] [...], and pardoned the other Illyrians, that dydde agrée with Pine.

This was the seconde warre and truce with the Illyrians. The reste be described of me not in order and time, but by the nations as I haue found them. The Romanes inuaded Macedonie when Perseus raigned after Philippe. Gentius an other king of Illyria, allu­red Gentius impriso­neth the Ro­mane Embassa­doures. with mony, ioyned with Perseus, & stirred the Illyrians against the Romanes, and didde caste the Romane Embassadoures into prison, alleadging that they came not as Embassadoures, but as espialls. Wherefore Anitius the Romane Lieutenaunt tooke di­uers Anitius. of Gentius shippes, and inuading the lande, ouercame hym when he hadde shutte him in a place, and he asked forgiuenesse, he counsailed him to yéelde to the Romanes: he desired thrée dayes respite, which being granted, and in the meane time his subiects [...] contrary to promise takē. forsaking him, he desired he might come to Anitius. Whyche when he did, he knéeled on his knees with great shame, and spake for himselfe. The Romane President tooke him by the hand, and badde him be of good chéere, and tooke him to a banquet, from the whiche as he was going, he was taken and made prisoner, and carried to Rome in triumphe with his sonne.

This warre of Gentius was finished in twentie dayes. A [...] ­milius A [...]milius Paulus [...] lxx. ci­ties in a daye. [...]y cra [...]. Paulus that tooke Perseus, and sente hym to Rome, spoiled lxx. of his Citties after this sorte. Going priuily to Rome, with great spéede, and returning, he promised the people forgiuenesse, if they woulde bring in all their golde and siluer. They agréeing to it, he brought parte of his armye to euerye Cittie, then com­maunding the Captaines of the army, at a daye in the morning, to charge the Citizens by Trumpet, that they shoulde bring all their golde and siluer within thrée houres space, whiche bée­ing done, he gaue the reste to his souldioures for spoile. So Pau­lus in one houre spoiled .lxx. Cities.

The A [...]eans and Palerians, an other nation of the Illyrians, in­uaded A [...]eans. Palerians. that part that the Romanes held, to whom the Romanes for other lettes sente Embassadors to affray them. They would not obey, wherfore y e Romanes sent an army against thē of 10000. footemen, and▪ 600▪ horsemen. They not being readye, sente [Page 287] Embassadoures to aske pardon for their offences. The Senate commaunded them to recompence them, whome they had mi [...] ­ried, the whiche thing, when they lefte vndone, Fuluius Flaccus Fuluius Flaccus. goeth against them with a great armye. The warre consisted in Rhodes, and was not fully ended. S [...]m [...]. Tuditanus. Tib. Pandusius. [...].

Sempronius Tuditanus, and Tiberius Pandusius ouercame the Iapo­des within the Alpes. Likewise the Segestanes did yéelde to Lucius Cotta and Metellus, all the whiche shortely a [...]ter forsooke the Ro­manes.

The Dalmatians, an other nation of the Illyrians, inuaded them [...] by se [...]. M. [...]. that obeyed the Romanes, and woulde not admitte the Romane Embassadoures that came to them for that purpose: wherfore I thinke the Romanes made warre vppon them, when M. [...]igulus was Consul. As soone as Figulus cante, they set vpon the former, and droue them from the army, into the fielde, so as they fledde to the floude Nar [...], and then they retyred, for Winter was at hande.

Figulus then thinking he might of the sodaine disperse them, Romanes dry [...] to the floud. Narus. Delminium. Den [...] he droue them all from their places, till he came to the Citie of Delminium, whereof the Dalmatians haue their name. And where he coulde doe nothing against that Citie of the sodaine, nor raise engines for the heigth of the wall, he went abroade againe, all being destitute and vnfurnished. For the wasting aboute Del­minium, he made certaine pearches of two cubites long, laide o­uer with pitch, sulpher and towe, and with his slings, threwe them into Delminium, the which being fyred by the violence, and Deuise of Figul [...]. like lamps fléeing in the aire, did set on fire whatsoeuer they tou­ched, so as many were consumed by fire. Wherof ended the war of Figulus.

In time following, Cecilius Metellus being Consul, when the Cecilius Metellus triumpheth for nothing. Illyrians had offended nothing, he woulde néedes make warre to triumphe of them, of whome being receiued friendly, and remay­ning in Salon their Cittie that winter, he triumphed of nothing. Salon of the Assyrians Pollig called his sonne Salonus Promo [...]

Caesar when he made warre vppon the Celtians, the Dalmatians flourished and tooke a Citie from the other Illyrians called Promo­n [...], which belonged to the Lyburnians, The Lyburnians gaue them­selues [Page 288] to the Romanes, & fled to Caesar. Caesar sent Embassadors to them, exhorting them to restore [...]om [...]n [...] to the Lyburnians. They Caesars army o­uerthrovvne of the Illyrians. desp [...]sing it he sent an army which was ouerthrown of y Illyriās▪ Caesar being occupied with other cares, the sedition of Pompey fo­lowing, did nothing to them, but sayled w t his whole armye, in a contrary tempest, to try y e matter with Pompey in Macedonia. The rest of the army Antonie brought to Caesar by Macedonia. Then in The Illyrians destroy the armye that Gabinius beingeth to Cae­sar. a gret tempest, Gabinius assayed to being to Caesar. xl. bands of foot­men, & .iij. M. horsmen by Illyria, whom y e Illyrians for feare of that he had done, & thinking the victorie of Caesar would be their confu­sion, resisted Gabinius, & slew al saue a fewe, y fled with him, & got a great deale of money, & infinite spoile. Caesar dissembled at thys for the necessitie of the war with Pompey. When Pompey was o­uercome, & Caesar went about to dispatch al the rest, he returned to Rome, & determined a war againste y G [...]tes, & the Parthians. When the Illyrians heard of this, and feared that Caesar would take them [...]te, be people of Sey [...]ia in Eu­rope, of some called Daci, but divided, that Daci be they that are nexte Germany, vvhom some call D [...], vvhich for their seruile behauior be vsed for names of ser­uaunts in Co­medies. in his way to Parthia, they sent Embassadors to Rome, to aske par­don of their faultes, and extolled the worthie nation of the Illyri­ans, and would become friendes.

Caesar being minded to go against the Parthians, answered them sharpely, that he would not haue them for friendes, that had vsed him so vnfriendly, yet he woulde spare them, if they woulde paye tribute, and pledges. They promising bothe, hée sente Atinius to them with thrée legions, and a great band of horsemen, to take pledges and small tributes. When Caesar was dead, they thought that the power of Rome would die with him, & so refused to obey Atinius, neither paying tribute, nor giuing hostages. Atinius sē ­ding .v. bands against them, they ouercame them, and their lea­der Bebius ouercome Durazzo. Prouinces to M. Brutus and C. Cast [...]us. Bebius a Senatour. Atinius with the reste, fledde to Epidamno. Then the Senate appointed to M. Brutus and C. Cassius that killed Caesar, Macedonia and Illyria, with Syria. So they making warre wyth Antonie & Caesar that was called Augustus, y e Illyrians had Paeone. Pannonia novve [...]g [...]rie. no quietnesse. The Paeones, a gret nation inhabiting alongst Hi­ster, stretcheth from the Iaepodans, to the Dardones. They are called Paeones of the Grecians, and of the Romanes Pannonians, and of them, (as wée haue sayde) they bee called parte of the Il­lyrian [...], [Page 289] of the which now I will speake somewhat, béeyng about Agrian [...]. to shew the Illyrian state. They glorie much in y e Agrians which were Macedonians comming out of Paeonia, & did great seruice vn­der Philip & Alexander. And after Cornelius was ouerthrowne of Cornelius ouer­throvven of the Agrians. thē with al his army, the fame of the Paeonians waxed very gret, & made Italie afraide. Therfore of a long time after, the Consulls woulde not take vppon them to warre with the Paeonians. And these great things haue I founde of the Illyrians. But in Caesars Commentaries of Augustus of his ovvne actes. Commentaries, that was called Augustus, I finde no auntient matter of y e Paeonians. It should seeme, there was an other part of Illyria, that did obey the Romanes, but what the name was I can not tel. For Augustus didde not write other mens actes, but his owne, howe he brought them that reuolted from the Empyre, to Tributes, and ouercame other that liued vnder their own laws: and lastely how he conquered the barbarous nations, that dwell in the heigth of the Mountaines, that were nexte Italie, and vsed by stealth to molest it. And surely I maruell, that so manye ar­mies passing from Rome ouer the Alpes, did contemne these na­tions. For Caius Caesar so happy a man in warre, and leading so manye armies againste the Celtes and Iberians, did likewise little passe of these nations, when he lay euery Winter, not far from them, by the space of tenne yeares. But I thinke these menne, making haste onely to that they purchased, did care for no more, but for passage ouer the Alpes. C. Caesar being long about Celtica, thought it ynough to end that, the ciuill warre of Pompey calling Caesar did not passe of Illyria. him from the rest. And where he séemed to chose both Celtica and Illyria, he tooke rule not of all, but of them that belonged to y e Ro­manes. But Caesar Augustus got al, & when he accused the ydlenes of Antonie to the Senate, he shewed how he had made the fierce Caesar Augustus talketh of hys conquest of the Illyrians. Nation of Illyria subdued by Augustus. nation of y e Illyrians, so oft rebelling, tame: he subdued with great experience, y e Oxeans, Perthenetans, Bathiates, Taulantians, Cambians, Cinambrans, Merromen [...]ns, and Prisseans. And thē y t rebelled, which were the Docleatans, Carinians, Interfrurians, Narisians, Clintidions, & the Tauris [...]ans, which he compelled to pay their tributes after they had denied them, the whiche being ouercome, the nexte, that is, Melita, Malta, Corcyra, Corfu▪ cruelly vsed of Augustus. Ipp [...]sinans and Bessians for feare, did yéelde vnto him. And hee ouer­came the Corcyrians & Melitinans with greate fight by sea, bicause [Page 290] they were rouers on the sea. The children he killed, the other hée solde. And tooke the shippes from the Liburnians, bicause they al­so robbed on the sea. Of the Iapodans that dwel within the Alpes, Moentines, Aedetians. Aurupians. the Moentines, and Aedeatians yeelded to him when he came. The Aurupians, whiche were many and warlike, of the Iapodan kind, went oute of the countries into their Cittie, and when he came they lurked in wooddes. He tooke their Citie, but would not set it afyre, thinking they would yéeld to him at length. Which beeing Salas [...]i, Iapodes. Segestan [...]. Dalmatia. Daisi [...], Paeones. The Alpes. done, he gaue them their citie to inhabite. Of al other, the Salas­sans and Iapodans, that dwell beyonde the Alpes, made him to haue moste to do, with whom the Segestanes, Dalmatians, Daisians, and Paeonans ioyned. They kéepe the toppes of the hilles, that bée mountaines vnpassable, an harde and narrowe way, leading to them, by truste whereof they liue of themselues, and take toll of Veterus. them that passe. Veterus comming sodainelye vppon them, gote the straightes of the place by policie, and besieged them twoo yeares.

They wanting salte, wherof they had most néed, receiued gar­risons. VVant of salte. After rebelling from Veterus, and casting down the desen­ces, they got the streights, and laughed at them that Caesar sent, bicause they could do little against them. Therefore Caesar begin­ning warre against Antonie, lette them liue as they woulde, and forgaue them that molested them that obeyed the Romanes, till Messala Coruinus. Messala Coruinus sent of Caesar to subdue them, ouercame them by famine. And so the Salassians came into the Romanes power. The Iapodans that inhabite beyond the Alpes, a most fierce nati­on; and almoste wilde, didde reiecte the Romanes twice in .xx. Aquileia, is novv o [...] the Venetian iurisdiction. Torgius. yeares, and ra [...]nged to Aquileia, and spoyled the Romanes land called Torgius. When Caesar wente againste them, they were the more fierce agaynste hym, and cut down wood to stop him. And when Caesar went to an other wood, they fled, and as he followed Caesar Augustus defeateth the Iapodans. they layde traines for him. Caesar suspecting it, sent some of hys, to the toppes of the hilles, to sette vppon them on bothe sides. He comming easly, and cutting the wooddes, they sodainely appea­red from the traines, and hurte many. But when the other were come from the toppes, they were destroyed. The reste flodde into [Page 291] the wooddes againe, leauing their Citie, whose name was Terpo­nus. Terponus. Caesar tooke it, but did not burne it neither, thinking they also woulde render, as they didde. Then he went to an other Cittie, whiche they call Metulio, which is the chiefe City of the Iapodans. Metulio. It is scituate vppon two hilles, in a wooddy place, betwéene the whiche, a little valley goeth. And the youth to the number of thrée thousande well practised in armes, did easily repell the Ro­manes from the walles. The Romanes set vppon a mounte, the whiche they within, and the other withoute, runnyng daye and nighte, didde muche hinder, hauyng some engines, whyche they hadde gotten in the warre, whereby they made the Ro­maynes to lye further off. For they hadde gotten theyr en­gines Engines taken at the place vvhere Brutus & Cassius fought vvith Caesar and Antony. in that place where Brutus foughte with Caesar and An­tonie.

But when the Romanes hadde beaten downe parte of theyr walles, they made fortes within, and when they were wearye, they leapt into them that they had nowe made.

The Romanes taking the wall that they hadde lefte, bur­ned Brydges made from mountes to the vvals, break. it, and sette two mountes against the other, from the whiche they made also foure bridges to the walles.

When all was readye, Caesar badde some goe to the other side of the Citie, to drawe the Citizens asunder, and willed the other to goe vppon them on the bridges, and he stoode and looked vppon an highe Tower what was done. The Barbarians came to resiste them that gaue the assaulte at the wall. The o­ther laying traynes behinde, beating the bridges with their long speares, waxed more fierce.

And when two of the bridges were broken, and the thirde lyke to fall, the Romanes were in suche a feare, as none woulde go to the fourth.

Caesar rebuked them from the Tower, but they woulde neuer The boldnesse of Caesar August [...]. the sooner goe. Wherefore he tooke a shield and ran to the bridge, & with him Agrippa, Hierom and Lucius, that were Capitaines, & Volas one of his Guard, only these .iiij.▪ and fewe other Tergate­bearers went on the bridge. When Caesar was on the bridge, the Souldioures being ashamed, ranne straighte vnto him, by the [Page 292] reason whereof, the bridge being ouer laden, brake, and manye fell to the grounde, of the whiche some dyed. Caesar béeyng hurte The fourth bridge breaketh Caesar [...]urte. on the right leg, & the arme, went to the tower again, some of the chiefe following him, y t he might shewe himselfe euidently to bée Prudence of Caesar Augustus. aliue, least some tumulte might be made for his death, or the eni­mies thinke he had fled, and by & by commanded an other bridge to be made, which thing chiefly made the Metulians afraide. The next day sending Embassadors for peace, they promised to deliuer v. C. pledges, & receiue a garrisō. And leauing the higher hill, they al went into the other. When y garrison cōmanded thē to leaue their armor, they were grieued, & putting their wiues & children in their Senatehouse, & receyuing the garrison, they tolde the Ro­manes, that if they required of them any vnreasonable thing, they would burne that place, & set vpon the Romanes for desperation. Desperate at Metal [...]o. Which when they had said, they al went from the lowe place to the higher. Then the garrison set y house afyre, many of the wo­men killed themselues, & their children, some broughte their chil­dren aliue, & threw thē into the fire. So al the youth of the Metuli­ans perished with battaile, & the vnprofitable sort with fire, & the city was so burned, that as great as it was, there was not a tokē lefte of it. The Metulians being ouercome, the rest of the Iapodans yéelded to Caesar. Thus the Iapodans beyond the Alpes, became subiecte to the Romanes. When Caesar was gone, the Pos­semans Possenians▪ Metulians. rebelled, whom Marcus Elbius ouercame, & killed thē that were cause of the rebellion, & made the rest slaues. The Romanes hauing gone twice against y e Segestanes, neither tooke hostages nor Paeonians in the vvaye to the Segestanes. any thing else from them, wherefore they were the more bolde­ned. Caesar went against them, through the Paeonian land, who wer not yet obedient to the Romanes. Their land is woddy, & stretch­eth alōg from the Iapodans to the Dardanans. The Paeontans haue no cities, but lands & houses togither, nor any common Justice, Paeonians haue no Cities nor common place of Iustice. Muche people vvithout a head. Caesar burneth the villages. or Princes, to rule ouer them. They had an. C. M. fighting men of the best yeres, but bicause they had none to command thē, they came not togither. Whē Caesar came, they ran into the wooddes & if they found any stragling, they killed them. Caesar thinking they wold haue come to him, did neither burne their fields nor their villages [Page 293] but bicause they came not, he set all on sire, and eight dayes to­gither, did them much harme, and so passed to the floude Sa [...]us, Saeunus runneth by the moun­taynes of [...] into Danu­bius. in the banke of the whiche was a Cittie strong by the floude, and a great ditche. Wherfore Caesar assaulted it as a store house for the warre, against the Daceans & Bastarnans, which dwell be­yond Hister. This floude in that place, is called Danubius, and going to other lower places, hath the name of Hister: Sa [...]us rē ­neth Hister. Danubius. into it. Caesar had shippes in the floude, that might bryng victuall to the armie by Danubio: for this Caesar would haue the citie of Segesta, as he went forward. The Segestanes sent Embas­sadours Segesta. vnto him to know what they should doe, he willed thē to receyue garrison and deliuer pledges, that he might haue Daci be Scythi­ans of Europe, novv Vallachia. their citie, as a store house, for his warre against the Daceans, & as much corne as they could bring. The chiefe men thought good to do it, but the people began to rage, and cared not for the The people of Segesta, refuseth the garrison. hostages, bicause they should be of the great mē: but when the garrison came, they could not abide to sée them, but ranne vpō them furiously, and shutte the gates, and shewed themselues a­gayne vpon the walles. Wherefore Caesar made a bridge euer the floudde, and raysed trenches & ditches about it. And when he had shut them in their citie, he erected two mountes, which they hindred as much as they might: but when they could not defeate the mountes, they threwe fire and burning linkes vpō them frō an higher place. Ayde was comming to them, from an other nation of the Paeonians, against whome Caesar layee ambushes, and so killed parte of them, and parte fledde, so as there came no more helpe to the Segestans. They enduring the siege very valiantly, were ouercome the .xxx. day at a harde fight, and then learned to make supplication, whose ver ue Caesar spared the Segestanes for their valiantues. Caesar marueling, and moued with pitie of their prayers, did not kill them or otherwise molest them, but punished them by the purse, and placed them in an outwarde parte of the Citie, and put in thirtie bands for their garrison. This done, he went False rumor causeth Caesar to haue a vvinter iourney. to Rome, to returne againe into Illyria. When it was tolde, that the Segestanes had slayne the garrison whiche was in the Citie, he came agayne with all spéede, though it were winter. Then [Page 294] hearing the rumor to be false, he vnderstoode of truth that they were in daunger: That the Segetanes had sodainly sette vppon Segestanes, de­stroyed of the garison. them and killed many, but that the next day the souldiours had giuen an onset vpon the Citizens, and gotten the Citie. Wher­fore Taulantians lea­ [...]g their lande, vvent to [...] that part of Macedonia, that is next the Gulfe of [...]enise, not far from Durassa, & [...] a City Ar [...]sse. Dalmatians novv Slauonians ouer­throvv, Gabinius. Versus captaine. he turned his warre to the Dalmatians, an other nation of the Illyrians, next the Taulātians; The Dalmatians after they had giuen an ouerthrowe of fiue bandes vnder Gabinius, and taken fiue ensignes, they were proude of their prosperitie, & were in armour ten yeares togither, and when Caesar came, decréede to helpe the Segestanes. They were aboue 12000. good fighting mē, & had made one Versus, their captaine: He inuaded again Pomo­na, a citie of y t Liburnians, & defensed it with trenche & ditch, & got other strong places of y t country. For it is al hillie, the toppes whereof stand vp like pynacles. The greater part of thē were in the Citie, and the rest kept the hil toppes, so as they mighte easily sée the Romanes armye. Caesar dessembled as thoughe he would enclose them al in a wall, but priuily bad the bolde sorte to go to the mountaynes, & to espie what was to be done there. They going by the woods secretly in the night, set vpon the ke­pers, whom, being yet asléepe, they killed, and signifyed to Caesar that they were at the end of their iourney, and must haue more men to get the Citie, and let some go from the hils to tel others that were in other mountaines. Wherfore the Barbarians were put into great feare, when they saw themselues beset on euery side, & chiefly they that were in the higher hils, for lacke of wa­ter, Lack of vvater. & fearing the wayes would be shut on all sides, they got thē into Pomona. Caesar enclosed the Citie, & two of the highest hylles that were yet holden of the enimies xl. furlongs about, & in the meane season gaue an onset vpon Teutinus another captaine of Teutinus. the Dalmatians, & put him to flight, and chased him by the moun­taines, & toke the citie in his sight. For y Citizens cōming out before the preparation was finished, they had a repulse, and the Romanes, in the flight, got into the Citie with thē, & when they Pomona taken. had slaine the third part of the Citizens, they droue the rest in­to the Castle. There was one bande of the Romanes that kept the gats, vppon whom, when the Barbarians issewed the fourth [Page 295] night, they were afrayd and forsoke the gates, but Caesar came & repulsed the enimies, and the next day they yeelded to them. Of Augustus puni­shed [...] his soul­diours. the band that offended, he punished euery tenth man by lot. Of y Captaines of y t bands, he chastised two of euery ten, the other, at the sommer, he cōmaunded to eate barley in stead of wheate. Thus was Pomona taken.

Teutinus had diuided his army into diuerse parts in the hils, Teutinus. wherefore the Romanes did not folow them farre, being igno­raunt of the way, and fearing the vnknowen and consounded pathes. For there is no entrie into the woods by any plain way, and the Dalmatians did lurke between two hils, when they layd wayte for Gobinius, in the which place they set also an ambushe for Caesar: but he burned the woods on eyther side the way, and Caesar hurneth vvooddes. sent his army by the hils, and himselfe went vp the vallies, cut­ting downe the woods, inuading the Cities, and burning what so euer was in his way. He besieged the Citie Setouia, into ayde Setonia. of the whiche, came a great number of Barbarians, with whom Augustus hurte. Caesar met, and wold not suffer them to passe. Being hurt in that fight in the knée, he lay sicke many dayes. Being recouered, he went to Rome for the Consulshippe; which he toke with Bar batio Barbatius Tullus. Statilius Taurus. Tullo, leauing Statilius Taurus to ende the warre, he entring his office at the beginning of the month. That daye, Antonie be­ing The authoritie of three men re­nued in Rome. appointed to his charge, he went again against y Dalmati­ans, keping yet the power of the thrée men, for now the seconde fiue yeares were expired, the which they toke of themselues, & the people confirmed it. Therfore the Dalmatians being in wāt of victuals on euery side, they came of thēselues to Caesar, hum­bly Seauen hundred Hostagies. yéelding, and deliuering seauen hundered hostagies of their olune children. Caesar commaunded them to bring the ensignes that they had taken from Gabinius, and to pay the tribute, whi­che Ensignes re [...] ­couered. they promised to Caius Caesar, and had deferred to this tyme. And so they were made the more obedient to the Romaines e­uer after. Caesar set these ensignes in the Gallerie that is called Octauia. When the Dalmatians were ouercome, the Derbanes Derbani. came to yéelde themselues, and to deliuer pledges, and pay tri­butes, which they had so long omitted. [Page 296] Then Caesar came néerer to them, and they deliuered their pled­ges, which in his absence being sicke, they refused to do. These are thought to be the laste, whiche Caesar brought to obedience, whiche before had reuolted and were not acquainted with o­thers rule. Wherefore the Senate appoynted him to triu [...]phe of the Illyrians, which he did when he had ouercome Antonie. Caesar Aug. tri­um heth of the Illyrians▪ R [...]et [...]n [...], be they in the hils that be called Gr [...]es. Noritia, some thinke to be Ba­ [...]ria, some S [...]ria and Carinthi [...]. Mysi [...], novve [...]os [...]a and Sernia nigh Hungaria. The other Illirians that the Romanes had before the Paeonians, were the Retians, N [...]rigians, & Mitians, whiche inhabite at the Euxine sea. I thinke C. Caesar did subdew, the Retians and Nori­tians, when he made warre vpon the Celtians, or that Augustus did conquere them, when he inuaded the Paeonians, for they haue their habitation betwéene both, I finde no warre made against them of purpose, wherfore I thinke they were ouercome, with their neighbours. For M. Lucullus, L. Lucullus brother, that o­uercame Mithridates, did ouerrunne all the region of the My­tians, and helde his course to the floud, in the which place there be foure Greeke cities next to y Mytians, that is, Histr [...]s, Dioni­sop [...]l [...]s, Istri, Dionisopo­lis, Odisus, Me­sembria, novv Mesembler. Odisus, and Mesembria. Then he brought out of Gallia that great Apollo that standeth in the palace. I do not remember that any other that ruled that common wealth, did bring the Mytians to tribute, or Augustus, but Tiberius which reigned af­ter Tiberius. Augustus, had them. But these things are shewed of me in their place. Before they had Egipt, what the Emperours did after Egipt was wonne, or how they spedde in warre, we haue shewed them, as their proper actes, after these cōmon enterpri­ses: in the which many things be also conteyned of the My­sians. Now seing the Romanes take the Mysians to be Il­lyrians, this booke shalbe named of me the Illyrians, the which I wrote, that it might be an abso­lute matter, For Lucullus ruling in the peo­ples Lucullus. time, did ouerrun the Mysians, and Tiberius did receyue them vnder his Monarchie.

¶ The Romanes warre with the Celtes.

THe Celtes did first inuade the Romanes, and toke Celta be those Frenchmen that inhabite from the floud S [...]me to Gatona. Camillus. Rome without the Capitoll, and burned it. Camillus did ouercome them, and dryue them away, and when they came agayne another time, he dyd ouerthrow them, and triumphed of them whē he was fourescore yeares of age.

The thirde time they came into Italy, when they were de­stroyed by the Romanes, vnder Ti [...]us Quintus their Generall.

After them, the Boians, a most fierce nation of the Celtes, came Bo [...] vvere part of the French about Byons. C. Sulpitius his policie. vpon the Romanes, and Caius Sulpitius Dictator, wente agaynste them, and vsed this policie. He had the Souldyoures of the front to cast their darts, and streight way to set downe, till the seconde, thirde, and fourth, had done the like, then euery one stouping, when they had done their shotte, that the contrarie weapons mighte be throwne in [...]ayne, when the last hadde throwne, then to runne all with one force and crye with vio­lence vpon the enimie, for so they shoulde affray them, if they came so suddaynely to fight with them at hand, after so greate The French call their darts Gesa, The Macedo­mans Larisse, The Romanes Pila. Popilius. Camillus. P. Aemilius. a brunt of strength. Their weapons were not like the dartes which they of Rome call Gese, the halfe of a square staffe, with a péece of yron square also, and that soft, beside the poynt, and e­uen thus these Boyans were destroyed of the Romanes, with all their armie. Popilius ouercame other Celtes, and after him Ca­millus, sonne to Camillus, did the same, and Paulus Aemilius sette vp tokens of victorie against the Celtes. Before the Cōsulships of Marius, a greater number more warlike, and for age to bée feared, inuaded Italy and Gallia, and ouercame some Censuls of This Gallia vvas vvhere novv Lombardy is. &c. Rome, and ouerthrewe their armies, againste whome Marius went, and ouercame them all. The last and greatest fight with the Galles, was done by C. Caesar, being generall, there fortie C. Casar. hūdred thousands of fierce nations did he ouerthrow in tenne The victories of Caesar. yeares, whiche if a man will put togither in one summe, he [Page 444] shall finde they were about foure hundreth thousande, it is cer­ten that a hundred thousand were slayne, a hundreth thousande taken, foure hundreth nations, eight hundred Cities, some re­uoltyng, & some fréely yéeldyng, he brought to obedience. Be­fore A [...]milianus. Marius Fabius, Maximus A [...]milianus leadyng but a meane armie, did ouercome a hundreth and twentie thousande Celtes, with the losse of fiftene men. And though he were wounded on the knée, yet he rested not to ryde aboute, and encourage his armie, instructyng them how to fight agaynst the Barbarians, sometime carried in hys Chariot, and sometime ledde by hand. Caesar makyng warre agaynst them, did firste conquere the Luc­tians Luctians, Hel­uetians, Tigri­ans, novv Lu­rick, put the Ro­manes vnder yoke. Labienus. Ap. Claudius. Germanes passe in greatnes de­spising death in hope to liue a­gayne. Triconi. and Tigrians, to the number of two hundreth thousande. For the Tigrians afore tyme, Piso and one Cassius being leader, o­uerthrew the Romanes, and put them vnder the yoke, as As­pinus Claudius wryteth in the olde Monumentes. Labienus the Lieftenant ouercame these Tigrians, the reste Caesar subdued, and the Triconians helpyng them. Then he conquered the Germanes with Ariouisto, whose greatnesse passed the greatnesse of all o­ther: they haue moste fierce maner, hardy in giuyng battayle, not afrayde of death, for the hope to ryse agayne. They can a­byde colde and hunger when néede requireth: their horses ma­ny tymes are fed with shrubbes, yet they were, as is thought, not very paynefull in warre, nor goyng to it by order, but in rage lyke brute beastes, and so they were conquered by the Ro­manes patience and sufferaunce: for they woulde runne about the Romanes battayle with great violence, and the Romanes kée­pyng order, after the discipline of warre, easily ouercame thē, and at tymes, killed .lxxx. thousande of them. After them Cae­sar Belga, is from Scalde to Se­quane. inuaded the Belgian▪ with whome he mette at a passage, and killed so many of them, as he made a bridge of their bodies. Notwithstandyng the Neruians made him once goe backe, co­ming [...]eru [...], be people about Tornay vpon hym sodainely, and killyng many of his people, for they slewe almoste all the Capitaynes and Leaders, and be­sieged him in an hill, where he was dryuen with his Garde: but when the tenth legion came on their backes, they killed Teutones Ger­manes. C [...]mbrians Danes▪ lx. thousande of them, whiche were of Teutones and Cymbrians. [Page 445] Caesar also did ouercome the Allabrogians, nations of the Vsipe­tans Allabrogians Sauoyans. Vsipetans, Tan­tharians. Sicambria Gel­derians. and Tantherians, some of them good in the warre, and some not: the Sicambrians with fiue hundreth horse put to foyle fiue thousande of Caesars by a suddaine onset, but they were plagued for it. Caesar was the first that passed the riuer of Rhene, and ca­ried Caesar had loss [...] in the lovv coū ­treys, and say­led into En­gland. his armie into Britaine, the greatest Ile in the earth, where was no feare of him: he passed at the fleedde, and first had losse by sea, and was tossed with the waters, which were first calme, and after violent, so as he got into Brytaine by great payne and sufferaunce.

There is no more founde of this matter.

¶ Faultes escaped in the Preface.

Line. 16. Ma [...]aea. line. 22. Palaestines. line. 21. Arabians. line. 24. put out The first side. pe [...] Mi [...]aris, and say Palmy [...]ians.

Line. 12. Thracius. line. 15. Axenus. The secōd side.

Line. [...] Daoubius. line. 6. Mnesiae. line. 7. Myrtoo. line. 13. seme. line The third side. 22. the sentence beginueth at Two hundred yeares.

Line. [...]. the sentence beginneth at But after. line. 27. sentence be­ginnoth The fourth side. at But they had great. line. 28. sentence beginneth at The dominion. line. 30. ye. line. 25. sentence beginneth at, For the.

Line. 3. Cyprus.

Line. 10. sentence beginneth at And this Booke, for The fifth side. The seuēth side.

Faultes escaped in the forren vvarres.

FOlio. 1. line. 28. Thraclus. folio. 5. line. 25. make the cōma at suc̄cee­ded. folio. 6. line. 21. stocke. folio. 6. line 29. put out and. fol. 8. line. 29. Pericles. fol. 26. line. 26. a full poynt at remayning. fol. 28. lyne. 2 [...]. Sylla. fol. 29. line. 7. Chalcida. fol. 60. lyne. 19. Chotenians. fol. 70. lyne. 20. Magnopolis. fol. 70. lyne. 28. Triario. fol. 40. lyne. 8. Col [...]hians. fol. 61. lyne 17. allyance. fol. 51. lyne. 14. Tigranes. fol. 7. lyne. 14. s [...]tt [...]. fol. 73. lyne vlt put out ciuill. fol. 74. lyne. 34. Granata. fol. 76. lyne. 24. others. fol. 26. lyne. 32. Zenobius. fol. 87. lyne. vlt. sentence beginneth at A [...]uball. fol. 93. lyne. 12. Sophonisba hys wyfe. fol. 95. lyne. 8. precept. fol. 97. lyn. 1 of. fol. 101. lyne. 15. by. fol. 113. lyne. 30. and▪ 32. Caepio fol. 98. lyne. 21. Blesi­us. fol. 115. lyne [...]en [...]. N [...]ines. fol. [...]9. lyne. 12. companyons. fol. 49. lyne. 25. An [...]lyc [...]. fol. 119. lyne. 5. dis [...]. fol. 51. lyne. 14. Tigranes. fol. 127. lyne. [...]. [...]. fol. 15 [...]. lyne. 2. Ma [...]lius. fol. 189. lyne. 12. Adrumentū. fol. 19. lyne. 29. Dimochetes. fol. 197. line. 28. Asdruball. fol. [...]. lyne. 24. Dorilaus. fol. 173. lyne. 6. she. fol. 129. lyne. 16. [...]. ibid. 20. o [...]e. fol. 131. lyne. 22. Fum [...]nes. fol. 137. lyne. 25. Romanes. fol. 141. lyne. 17. Manius. fol. 140. lyne 2. one. fol. 149. lyne. 29. India. fol. 157. lyne. 18. Leucra. fol. 168. lyne. 12. Queene. fol. 176. lyne. 24. adde to. fol. 205. lyne. 10. [...] that. fol. 224. lyne. 3. tong▪ fol. 261 lyne. 31. deiecting. fol. 265 line. 6. legiō. fol. 257. lyne. 4. rodes. fol. 233. lyne. 29. Hipp [...]retū. fol. 269 lyne. 3. Phra­ates. fol. 269. fol. 10. A [...]sacides. fol. [...]82. lyne. 27. Getes. fol. 138. lyne. 14. adde at Larilla. fol. 262. lyne. 10. O [...]ode [...]. fol. 3. lyne. 17. Temples. fol. 280. lyne 1. put out famine. fol. 289. lyne. 32. Pyri [...]eas. fol. 249. lyne. 22. was. fol. 223. lyne. [...]1. X [...]ll [...]. fol. 256. lyne. 30. Acha [...]s. fol. 175. lyne. 2. Zantippus. fol. 179. lyne 15. he. fol 216 lyne. 28. w [...]. fol 244. lyne vir. Crassus. fol. 363. lin. 17. then. fol. 273. lyne. 3. made. fol. 206. passer fol. 270. lyne. 25. Phraates fol. 25 [...]. line. 29. Ag [...]arus. [...]o. 285. lyne. 10 Corfu. fol. 23 [...]. lin. 24. Mastabales. fol. 164. line. 15. Nicator. fol. 295. lyne vlt. put out and. fol. 288. line. Pro­mo [...]a. 294. fo. 64. lyn. 17. X [...]phares. fo. 72 .li. 28. Priario. fo. 250 .li. 24. thou.

A Table for the Forrene▪ vvarres.

A.
  • ABsarus floode. 60
  • Acirius Manius procureth vvarre. 7
  • Acheans came from Troy. 61
  • Actes of Mitbridates. 68. 69
  • Adramittenians cruell. 14
  • Adrumetum. 180. 196
  • Aemilius seeketh vvarre and is deposed. 117. 118
  • Aegipte, for borne of the Romanes. 70. 162
  • Aetos vvith the golden fleefe. 62
  • Aemilius Lepidus reproued. 117
  • Aetolia vvasted. 141
  • Af [...]r Captaine. 103
  • Affrica, vvasted of Scipio. 174
  • Affricanes campes inuaded by night. 183
  • Agathocles buylded Hippo. 233
  • Agathocles tovver, victorie of the Romanes. 180
  • Agbarus deceyueth Crassus. 255. 256
  • Agares phisitions. 53
  • Agaue tragedie, played in contumelie of Crassus. 268.
  • Agema vvhat. 150
  • Agron king of [...]yrians. 284. 285
  • Alexanders sta [...]e diuided. 162
  • Alexander the counterfayte. 172
  • Amastris. 7
  • Amnius, vvhere they first fight against Mithri­dates. 11
  • Amisus Achelous forsaketh Mithridates. 38
  • Ambassage to be laughed to scorne. 5
  • Amazones vvhat vvomen. 62
  • Aminander. 135.
  • Amilchar. 187
  • Amilchar Barcha. 76
  • Amilchar Admirall. 185
  • Amilchar Samu [...]s doth vvrongs. 108
  • Anniball. 78. 131. 132. 133. 136. 189. 190. 195. 196. 201
  • Antiochus. 130. 133 138 141. 147. 149. 152. 157. 152. 154. 155.
  • Antiochus. marieth his mother in lavve. 166. 168.
  • Antiochus the God, vvhy? 171. 173
  • Antigonns. A valiant prince. 163.
  • Antip [...]ter. 163
  • Andrisco the counterfayte. 248
  • Anchor, vvhat signifieth. 165
  • Andronicus conspireth vvith Nico [...]edes. 4
  • Antonie is called into Italie, is made minister of Caesar that dead is 269. Cōpareth vvith kings of Persia. 270. His errours, losse of his artillerie, his Lieutenants. 272. His victories. 273. His do­ [...]ing on Cleopat [...] 2 [...]1. His estimation and con­ditions. [...]76. His despayre. 279
  • Antarij people plagned. 283
  • Antarius, his sonnes. 282
  • Antonies Angell, fedreth Oct [...]us. 269
  • Arioha [...]an [...] restored by the Romanes. 7
  • Arist [...]o [...], a tyranne. 17.
  • Is killed. 23
  • Aristo at Carthage. 133.
  • Aristides. 156
  • Aristides condemned of felonie. 156
  • Arideus chosen king. 163
  • Argos in many places. 170
  • Aristander, southsayer. 171.
  • A [...]tocus. 63
  • Araxes, greatest floodde. 280. 63
  • Argonautes visited of Pompey. 63
  • Armour deliuered at Carthage. 214
  • Armed Chariots. 24. 15 [...]
  • Archelous ouerthrovvne. 25. 29
  • Arsaces the royall house of Parthia. 10. 268. 262
  • Artabazes cause of the Romanes losse. 290
  • Archelous fleeth to Murena. 38
  • Aruaceans slayne of T. Didius. 127
  • Aruaceans denieth helpe to the Numantines. 124
  • Aruaceans molested by Lucullus. 100
  • Artaxata, royall citie of Tigranes. 62
  • Asasis reuolteth. 208
  • Asclepiodotus, against Mithrida. & vvith him. 28
  • Asdruball killed in Spayne. 77
  • Asdruball ouerthrovvne by Massinissa. 2 [...]0
  • Asdruball vvrongfully iniured. 184. 187. He is killed and despighted. 191
  • Asdruball called into Italie. 88
  • Asdruball Gisgo, into Spayne. 181. 81. 177
  • Asdruball ouerthrovveth Manlius. 128
  • Attains. 3
  • Attilius killed. 54
  • Athens cruelly vsed of Sylla. 22
  • Athenion captayne of Ciuill vvarre. 35
  • Attalus giueth his kingdome to the Romanes. 36
  • Au [...]pinans vvarlike nation. 501
  • Auarus. 12 [...]
  • Augustus vseth crueltie. 290. 295. 501
  • Autolycus companion of Hercules. 49
B.
  • BAlissus. 257.
  • Basyllus. 20
  • Barley giuen for punishment. 233. 295
  • Bacchus Eu [...]ke sent to kill. 40
  • Barathrum the great dongeon vvasted of Scipio. 232.
  • Basitanes hindred by negligence of [...]. Pomp. 109
  • Bellians iniured by Lucullus. 99
  • Bebrycia, beginning of Bythinia. 2
  • Betis floodde. 113
  • Beneuolence of Spaniardes gotten by Scipio. 86
  • Bernice a tovvne of Epirus. 4
  • Bithynia gyuen to the Romanes. 43
  • Blastophenices originall. 103
  • Blesius killed, of the Coltiberians. 98
  • Blesus Roman [...] ▪ 98
  • Boetarchus a chiefe officer. 260
  • Boldnesse of Sylla. 2 [...]. Crueltie. 22
  • Bolde ansvvere of a vvounded Romane. 47
  • Bottones reuolteth. 140
  • Bosphorus. 60. [...]aded. giuen to P [...]naces sonne of Mithridates. 60
  • Bryttanie, not farre from the continent. 74
  • Byrsa buylded. 174.
  • Besieged. 244. Taken [Page] vvith L. M. 245
C.
  • CArthagies deliuer their atmour. 214
  • Carthagies deliuer. 300. Hostagies. 212
  • Carus ouerthrovveth Romanes. 97
  • Cato of an ambassage. 5. His maner. 94. 95. Cō ­pared to Demosthenes. 94. 140
  • Calamities in Asia. 27
  • Causeans vse the Romanes cruelly. 14
  • Castor destroyeth Mithridates children. 65
  • Causes of Souldiours loue to Antonie. 276
  • Cassius. 288
  • Calidius counterfaict message. 38
  • Carthalo. 210 206
  • Carthagies kill Romane Merchants. [...]70. lend the Romanes Shippes. 143. Haue losse by Mas­sinissa. 200. Breake peace. [...]89. Kille the Romane Embassadours. 189. 190. Make peace againe. 191. Breake it. 191. Their courage. 238 239. Make a nevve nauy. 240. Their errour. 241. Their desperation 243.
  • Canidius prospereth in Armenia. 270
  • Calembrotus Embassadour killed. 285
  • Captiues killed of Aemilianus. 110
  • Captiues deliuered by Scipio. 86
  • Captiues deliuere by Pompey. 58
  • Captiues deliuered by Mithridates. 12
  • Cappadocia inuaded by Tigranes. 40 [...]
  • Cappadocia giuen to Ariobarzanes. 63
  • Caucasus full of springs of gold. 62
  • Caecilius Met ellus. 287.
  • Caepio. 113
  • Caesar stirreth Crassus to vvarre. 250. Sendeth his sonne honorably. 251. his happinesse in vva [...]e. 289.
  • Cae [...]e holovv parte of Syria. [...]
  • Celtiberius vseth craft. 96
  • Cessaro, ouerthrovveth Mum [...]ius. 103
  • Ceraunus. 170. Cynegus. 2
  • Chariot vvith vvhight horses. 41
  • Charchedon. 174
  • Chians cruelly vsed. 27
  • Cilicians called pirates. vvhy? 55
  • Cilicia, hovv it fell to the Romanes. 161
  • Cilicia inuaded of Antiochus. 129
  • Cimbrians spoyle Delphos.
  • Clypeia. 175. called Aspis. 233
  • Colde ayre signifieth vvhat. 280
  • Coleheans come from Troy. 40
  • Comagene. 73.
  • Cotta. 43
  • Commentaries of Augustus. 299
  • Competitours of the Consulship. 249
  • Comintus his hardinesse. 96
  • Crassus his flougth. 251. His ansvvere. 261. His dis­courage. 262. 263. His abusing. 264. 265. 266. His noble vvordes before his death. 267
  • Crueltie of Asdruball. 238. 239
  • Crueltie of Mithridates. 26. 15. 14. 3 [...]. 4 [...]. 64
  • Cyrtis chiefe cittie of Syphax. 186
  • Cyrus vseth Craesus, as Scipio Syphax. 186
  • Cyzians defendeth valiantly. 44
D.
  • DAdo. 174
  • Dalmatia. 287
  • Dalmatians deliuer. 700. Piedges to Augustus. 295
  • D [...]nubius. 293
  • Darius the Median, inuaded of Pompey. 63
  • Death of Mithridates daughters. 67. of himself. 68
  • Deceipte noted in the Romanes. 10. 39. 2 [...]
  • Deceipt of Manius vvith Mithridates. 43
  • Delphos spoyled. 283.
  • Deruetrius. 159. 160
  • Demetrius, vvhy called king. 164
  • Demetrius, killed of his vvife. 173
  • Demetrius inuadeth Romanes, is killed. 285
  • Derbanes deliuer pledges and pay tributes. 296
  • Description of Carthage. 214
  • Desperation causeth furie. 90 293
  • Deuise of Scipio, to arme. 300. Romanes. 177
  • Diademe blovven off Alexanders hedde. 155
  • Dimochetes. 19. Dori [...]aus. 28. Capitanes of Mithri­dates.
  • Diodotus vsurper, surnamed Triphon. 17 [...]
  • Dioph [...]es valiant. 145
  • Diocles fleeth to Lucullus. 46
  • Diogenes, [...] sonne, slayne. 29
  • Diogen [...]s [...]nd to [...] ouerthrovvne. 242
  • [...] himselfe. 45
  • [...]. 60
  • [...]. 119
  • [...] of the Romanes. 9. 212 21 [...]
  • Drea [...] of A [...]nus. 6
  • Dre [...] of Lucullus. 49
E.
  • EDeates yeldeth to Caesar Augustus. 290
  • Eliodorus vsurpe [...], killed. 159
  • Elephants cause of Romanes losse. 99. of Antio­chus his losse. 152. Burned in Syria. 160. Cause both of gayne and losse. 194
  • Enuie against Scipio. 227. 228
  • Ephestans despighte the Romanes. 13. 14. Kill Zenobius. 27. Punished. 36
  • Epaminondas. 157.
  • Ensignes recouered. 295
  • Erasistratus a good Phisitian. 168. 169
  • Erisana besieged. &c. 110
  • Errour of Canidius. 275.
  • Eating of hearbes. 277
  • Etrurians descended from the Lydians. 205
  • Euill tokens of Crassus. 252. 253. 254
  • Euils, the lesse to be chosen. 223
  • Euargetes, vvhy so named. 6
  • Eumachus erected of the Galatians. 26
  • Eumenes refuseth Antiochus. 251. 131
  • Eumenes revvarded at Rome.
  • Eupater. 169.
  • Eusebes. 17 [...]
  • Example good, a good lesson. 237
  • Execrations against Crassus. 250
  • Exiled from Carthage, flee to Massanissa. 207
  • Expenses payde by the Carthagies. [...]88
F.
  • FAbius abateth Viriatus. 109
  • Fabius ouerthrovveth Mithridates. 53
  • [Page]Fab. Maximus first tamed Viriatus. 109
  • Factions in Carthage. 206
  • Fayntnesse of the Romanes. 263
  • Faith of Carthage. 175. 176
  • Famine in Carthagies campe. 209
  • Famine in the Romanes campe. 118
  • Famine compelleth the Donatians to yeelde. 295
  • Famine the vvay to ouercome Lucullus. 501
  • Fate of necessitie. 167. 240
  • Feare of the Romanes. 13. 242
  • Feare of Mithridates. 17
  • Fidelitie of slaues to the Romanes. 19
  • Fight vvith Mithridates. 12. vvith Archelous. 25. vvith the Rhodians. 16. vvith the Miners. 21. At Orchomeno. 28. French horsemen. 274
  • Fightes vvith Scipio and Anniball. 194. 195. 166
  • Fight by Sea. 16. 143. 144. 146
  • Fimbrius killeth Flaccus 30. Is killed. 35
  • Fire of Mithridates sacrifice, hovv farre seene. 39
  • Flaminius malitious. 135
  • Fleshe of men eaten. 23. 125
  • Foresigbt of the Romanes. 137
  • Forgetfulnesse remedy against miserie. 219
  • Fuluius loseth in Spayne. 98
G.
  • GAbinius banished for making vvarre vvrong­fully. 162
  • Gabinius forbiddeth Meurena to make vvarre.
  • Gabinius refuseth Gold. 39
  • Galathians do valiantly. 260
  • Galba ouercome. 104. Col [...]tonse. 105
  • Generals seeke profite. 117
  • Gentius king of Illyria. 286
  • Getes a nation beyond Hister. 282
  • Gift royall of Antonie. 270
  • Goodes gotte of the Romanes. 93
  • Golden fleese. 63
  • Golde spoyled, saueth Mithridates. 49
  • Gold not regarded of Celtiberians. 105
  • Gordena appoynted to Tigranes. 63
  • Gordius Capitayne against Murena. 39
  • Gracchus name great in Spayne. 96
  • Grauitie of Scipio. 89
  • Greeke citties take parte vvith Antioch [...]. 132
  • Greeke letters knovvne to Orodes. 268
  • Gulussa Asdruball killed at Carthage. 234
  • Gulussa, Masinissas sonne iniured. 208
  • Guyde folovved in the mountaines. 47
  • Gymnasij Islandes. Baleares. 193
H
  • HAnno one of the chiefe of Carthage. 76
  • Hanno is deliuered to Martius. 90
  • Hanno vvorketh vvyles. 187
  • Harlot saueth Atoichus the pityfull. 173
  • Health most necessary for a generall. 47
  • Hearbes. 277
  • Heliodorus killeth Seleucus. 159
  • Helepolis an engine to beate vvalles. 43
  • Helepolis an engine against Cyzi [...]. 43
  • Hellespont, inuaded of Antiochus. 129
  • Henetnais destroyed of Sylla. 32
  • Heniochians of Pontus receyue Mithridates. 6 [...]
  • Hercules of Tyrus. 74
  • Heralde of Spayne. 99
  • Heraclea, vvonne of Lucullus. 49
  • Hiber the floodde, limite of the Carthag. 176
  • Hiberians, novv Spaniardes vvhich. 60
  • Hierusalem, holy citie dismanteled. 161
  • Histories vvritten by the king of Armenia. 268
  • Hippozareta reiecteth the Romanes. 233
  • Horoscopa, gotte of Massanissa. 208
  • Humaine things, subiect to kings next God. 167
  • Husbandry surer than Merchandise. 277
I.
  • IAson Trallianus a vvriter of Tragedies. 268
  • Iassus taken of Pyrates. 37
  • Iapodians ouercome. 287. 290
  • Iberia novv Spaine a mighty country. 74
  • Idumea vvonne by Pompey. 64
  • Ievves hovv oft ouercome. 161
  • Ievves taxed vvith great tributes. 161
  • Ignorant Captaines not obeyed. 166. 120. 122
  • Ignominie of Soldiours, leud by hardinesse. 20
  • Illitinga taken. 99.
  • Illyria. 282. 283
  • Illyrius, vvhat sonnes he had. 282
  • Ilium, Troy, and Carthage had like lucke. 299
  • Ilius, made fellovves of Rome by Sylla. 36
  • Ilium. 30.
  • Io. 60
  • Inconueniences in Asia. 37
  • Incommodities by pyrates. 55
  • Indus a floodde. 164
  • Indibilis reuolteth. 94
  • Ingratitude of the Romanes. [...]6
  • Ingratitude of Carthagies. 175
  • Iniurie done by Prusias. 7
  • Iniurie done by Mithridates. 14
  • Iniurie done by Ambassadours. 10
  • Ioneans, vsed to obey kings of Asia. 135
  • Io turned into a covve. 60
  • Ioy of the Romanes. 28
  • Ipsuma tovvne of Pluygia, vvhere Antiochus vvas flaine. 164
  • Iphe [...]ia builder of Hercules pillours. 75
  • Ippasineans, Interfrurians, yeeld to Augustus. 289
  • Iscadia taken by Aemitianus in Portingall. 116
  • Isis honored of the Rhodians.
  • Italians killed in Asia. 14
  • Ituraea, vvonne by Pompey. 64
  • Iugurtha commeth to Scipio. 122
  • Iuno, ielouse. 60
  • Iupiter Fabirins temple at the Rhodes. 16
  • Iustice of Pompey. 62
K.
  • KIngs ruled by God. 167
  • Kingly minde of Mithridates. 47. 64
  • Kings in Pompeys triumphe. 17
  • Kingly sacrifice. 3 [...]
  • Kindnesse of Souldiours. 276
  • King Antiochus the God killed of his vvise. 171
  • [Page]Kiing Sele [...]cus poysoned of his frendes. 172
  • King Antiocus dyeth of consumption. 172
  • King Alexāder the bastard, killed of Triphon. 172
  • King Tryphon killed of Antiochus. 172
  • King Antiochus killeth himselfe. 173
  • King Demetrius killed of his vvife. 173
  • King Seleucus killed of his mother. 173
  • King Grypus killeth his mother. 173
  • King Antiochus Gripus burned in a schole house. 173.
  • King Seleucus the great killed of Cerau [...]us. 170
  • King Orodes killed by his sonne. 269
  • King Machares killeth himselfe. 61
  • King Mithridates desireth to be killed. 68
  • King Prusias killed in lupi [...]s temple. 5
  • King Syphax dieth in prison. [...]7
L.
  • LAbinius made generall of the Parthians. 269
  • Lacedemonians sendeth a Captaine to Car­thage. 175
  • Lambrac [...] vvonne by Caepio. 112
  • Lamentable destruction of the Chians. 27
  • Lampsacenes, craue help against Antiochus. 120
  • Laomedon, first Prince of Syria. 163
  • Laodicians deliuer Oppius. 13
  • Larissa besieged of Antiochus and forsaken. 138
  • Large commission of Pompey. 58
  • Lavves sleepe for this day. 234
  • Lavves restored by Sylla in Athens. 23
  • Leptines killeth Octauius. 160
  • Letters in Lavvrell. 46
  • Lethes the [...]looode, first passed by Brutus. 111
  • Libertie of Rome not sure, Carthage continuing. 207.
  • Linteuon, capitaine of the Numantines. [...]00
  • Lisistratus Captayne of Cizicus. 43
  • Los [...]e of Romanes. 54
  • Loue of thertie, vvorketh extremitie. 126
  • Locha spoyled, against Scipio his vvill. 180
  • Lucia plagued for helping their friendes. 125
  • Lucia cittie punished. 125
  • Lucullus his diligence. 20
  • Lucullus espieth aduantage. 41
  • Lucullus ouercommeth Capitaines. 46
  • Lucullus ouerthrovveth Tigranes. 5 [...]
  • Lucullus forsaken. 55
  • Lucullus doth vvrong in Spayne. 100. 101. 105
  • Lusitans make vvarre. 103
  • Lusitans, ouerthrovvne. 104
  • Lycians, giuen and taken from Rhodes. 30
  • Lysimachus. 129. 1 [...]4
  • Lysimachia restored by Antiochus. 129
  • Lysians admitted felovves to Rome. 1 [...]
  • Lysias killed by Demtrius. 160
M.
  • MAchares King of Bosphorus. 50. 61
  • Macedome inuaded by Mithridates. [...]. 34
  • Magnesians made fellovves of Rome. 36
  • Ma [...]cus resisteth valiantly. 52
  • Marcellus doth little in Spayne. [...]
  • Marcus Figulus ouerthrovvne. 2 [...]
  • Masultan [...] vnder King Syphax and Massan. 17 [...]
  • Maxaties Parthian, killeth Crissus. 267
  • Mastabales and Micipsa moued against Rome. 2 [...].
  • Mago yeeldeth to Scipio. 85
  • Massinissa allieth vvith Scipio. [...]3. 178
  • Massinissa vexeth Carthage. 1 [...]8▪ his manliue [...]le and stature. 208. his age, his felicitie & end. 230
  • Manlius. 157. 158
  • Mancinus in danger. 235
  • Martius despighted. 13. 33
  • Marius denyeth buriall. 36
  • Machares killeth himselfe. 6 [...]
  • Maner of the Romanes against the Parthians. 276
  • Martius against the Hiberians. 90
  • Mardus faithfull to the Romanes. 274
  • Mans life subiect to mutation. 213
  • Meotian Princes receyue Mithridates. 61
  • Media hovv it encreaseth. 12 [...]
  • Me [...]itini of Illyria subdued. 289
  • Menas Embassadour of Prusias. 3. 4▪
  • Meromenaus subdued by Augustus. 280
  • Menophanes saueth Pharnaces. 66
  • Men saued beyond hope. 5 [...]
  • Message of Hiberians 9 [...]
  • Messala Co [...]inus. 290
  • Megata taken. 237
  • Mind taken avvay by Miserie. 247
  • Mithridates expelled by Orodes his brother. 162
  • Mithridates expelleth Ariobarzanes. 7
  • Mi [...]h [...] ouerthrovveth the Romanes. 135
  • Minio of Smyrna conspireth. 28
  • Mithrobarzanes Captaine of Tigranes. 50
  • Mineruas Temple burned by Fimbria. 31
  • Micipsa sendeth a [...]d to F. M. Aemilianus. 109
  • Miserie of the Romanes. 217
  • Miserie maketh much speech. 216
  • Minister of Comagena equall to a King. 70
  • Mithridates killeth his sonnes. 64. 38. sendeth to Sertorius 40. is abused. 43
  • Mithridates fleeth in a Pirats boate. 46. vvilleth his vvines to be killed. 40
  • Mithridates ouerthrovveth Fabius. 53. is hurt. 54. 53. fleyth Pompey 50. vvill not deliuer fugi­tiues i [...]id. conceyueth great things. 60. vvill not come at Pompey. 64. gathereth forces. 65. hys children killed. 65. his army reuolteth. 66. hys ende. 68
  • Mithridates Parthian saueth Antonie. 278
  • Mothers f [...]i [...] for losse of their children. 212
  • Mo [...]. 270 278
  • Mo [...]e is killed. 4 [...]
  • Money occasion of mischiefe. 17
  • Malice obteyning pardon vnthankefull. 60
  • Multitude of Rouers. [...]5
  • Mu [...]ence of Tigranes. 63
  • Musicke esteemed of Mithridates. 60
  • Mu [...] of the Romanes. [...]
  • [Page]Mummius victorie and triumph. 104
  • Mutation of Kingdomes. 249
N.
  • Narces gotten by Anniball. 188
  • Name of Kings giuen to Alexanders succes­sors. 164
  • Name of Carthage. 185. 240
  • Na [...]i [...]an [...] ouercome by Augustus. 28 [...]
  • Necessitie vvithout lavv. 234
  • Nepheris taken vvith great slaughter. 243
  • Nergobriges vse craft. [...]0
  • Necessitie of Numantines. 126
  • Neruians ouerthrovve Caesar, and be ouerthro­vven. 207
  • Nicanor killed of Seleucus. 164
  • Nicanor a name, vvhy giuen to Seleucus. 155. 164
  • Nicephoriū takē & desaced 3. Nicopolis. 166. 70
  • Nicomedes against his father. 4 beginneth vvarre 7. fleeth. 12
  • Nonius refuseth to svveare. 35
  • N [...]d [...] fleeth. 43
  • Numidians of long life. 208
  • Numantines kill the Romanes. 114. 115
  • Numantines kill themselues. 126
  • Numidians victorie. 210
O.
  • OBstinacie of the Aslapians. [...]1
  • Obo [...]a taken. 110
  • Ocile pardoned. [...]9
  • Octauius killed. 160
  • Olcabas forsaketh Lucullus. 47
  • Oppius deliuered by the Laodicians. 13
  • Oracle of Seleucus death. 1 [...]3
  • Oracle of Annibals death. [...]34
  • Order of Anniball. 192
  • Order of Scipio. 1 [...]3
  • Oraces King of Albania. 62
  • Orodes. 25 [...]. 256. [...]70
  • Order of the Romanes. 276
  • Order of the Romanes affrayeth the Parthians. 272.
  • Oration of [...]s [...]l [...]ll. 1 [...]7
  • Oration of H [...]o. 216
  • Oration of Auarus. 125
  • Oration of Pelopides. 8
  • Ornaments of a thousand talents spoyled by Py­tats at Samothracia. 3 [...]
  • Oration of Mithridates. 4 [...]
  • Osta [...]es vvonne by Attalus. 104
  • Ostra [...]a taken. 99
P.
  • PAlladium ymage of Minerua. 3
  • Parthian King craftie. 52
  • Parthians deceyue Crassus. 256. 264
  • Parthians spighteth Crassus. 267 267
  • Parthians deceyue Antonie. 267. 268
  • Passion pitifull of Carthagies. 215. 216
  • Parthians manner in vvarre. 258. 259
  • Pacorus killed of Ventidius. 2 [...]9
  • Pallantia. [...]. 10 [...]
  • Paphlagonia inuaded of Mithridates. 1. 34
  • Pallantines ouerthrovv the Romanes. 11 [...]
  • Pannonians Paeonians. 288. 202
  • Paphlagonia giuen by Sertorius. 4 [...]
  • Paulus Aemilius ouerthrovveth Perseus. 286
  • Parthia inuaded by Antiochus. 129
  • Pausimachus deceyued by Polyxenides. 144
  • Peace made vvith Carthage. 188. 77
  • Peace vvith Mithridates. 3 [...]
  • Pergameneans vse crueltie. 14
  • Perpenna. 12 [...]
  • Pergamenians covvardes. 1 [...]5
  • People of the Cities tumultuous. 191. 197. 20 [...]. [...]25. 207.
  • Peace broken vvith the Numantines. [...]
  • Peace broken vvith Viriatus. 11 [...]
  • Perdiccas ruleth after Alexander. 6
  • Pharnaces against his father. 66. 7 [...]
  • Phanagorea. 65. 69
  • Phraartes. 271. [...]7 [...]
  • Phalaux of Macedonia. [...]40. 144. 15 [...]
  • Phameas yeeldeth, and i [...] revvarded. 2 [...]2. 2 [...]3
  • Philip clea [...]eth to the Romanes. 138. 13 [...]
  • Philip of Megalopolis prisoner. 1 [...]
  • Phileten [...]e buyeth a dead body. 17 [...]
  • Philip is gratifyed. 141 14 [...]
  • Philosophers Tyrannes. 17
  • Philoctetes monument. 4 [...]
  • P [...]aenix forsaketh Mithridates. 47
  • Pharnaces getteth Phanagorea. 7 [...]
  • Phares a Countrey ouerthrovven. 285
  • Pitifull state of the Romanes. 263
  • Pine committed to his stepmother. 285
  • Platte of Citie destroyed by VValles. 24 [...]
  • Pompey his diligence. 55. his iustice. [...]
  • Pompey defaceth Hierusalem. 63
  • Pompey dealeth streightly vvith Antiochus. 64. vi [...]teth the monument of Argonantes. 62. ap­poynteth Kings. 70. buyldeth Cities. 70. [...] a pleaser of his vvile. 250
  • Policie of Augustus. 2 [...]0
  • Policie of Figulus. 28 [...]
  • Policie of Paul. [...]milius. 286
  • Popilius to Antiochus. 17 [...]
  • Polibius. 249
  • Povver of Mithridates. [...]. 10. [...]
  • Policie of the Iberians. 76
  • Poliph [...]nius and his race. 282
  • Poyson that Princes can not auoyde. 68
  • Pray of Sagunti sent to Rome. 86
  • Pray of Nergobugo giuen to the Souldiors. 100
  • Pray of Spayne allieth the Carthagies. 76
  • Prometheus monument visited of Pompey. 6 [...]
  • Promona taken from Liburnians.
  • Prusias deceyueth the Romanes. 3
  • Prusias recompenceth Attalus. 3
  • Prusias practiseth to kill his sonne. 3
  • Prusias is killed. 5
  • Princely vvord of a King. 47
  • [Page]P [...]olomen [...] called King. 164
  • Pusillan [...]mutie of Hamunus. 135
  • Pun [...]hment of rebellious Souldy oures. [...]2
  • Pyrisseans of Illyria subdued. 280
  • Pyrenec Mountaynes. [...]4
  • Pygn [...]lcon, Ty [...]ant of Tyrn [...]. 174
Q.
  • QVintus Fabius against Viriatus. 108
  • Quintus Fulutus Nobilis. 116
  • Quintus Pompey 114. 115
  • Q [...]k [...] saying of Cas [...]ius. 264
  • Quicke saying of Tig [...]anes. 51
  • Quick [...] s [...]ying of D [...]o [...]s. 251
  • Quicke saying of C [...]as [...]us. 251
  • Quicke saying of Vergises.
  • Qu Sopho [...]isha dyeth of poyson vvillingly. 187
  • Qu. N [...]onima dyeth by commaundemente. 40
  • Qu. L [...]odice killed by Prolomie Philadelph. 171
  • Qu. Cleop [...]tra of Syria killed by his sonn [...].
  • Qu. Oppius taken of Mithridates. 13
  • Qu. [...]p [...]o breaketh p [...]ace. 110
  • Qu. F. M [...]ximus Aemillanus, against Viriate. 109
  • Qu. F. Nobilia against the Sogodan [...]s. 97
  • Qu. Pompe [...]us against Viriate. 110. 114
  • Qu. Sertorius sty [...]reth Spayne. 1 [...]8
R.
  • RAshnesse of Gallus. 275
  • Regulus taken. 175
  • Report. 252
  • Renolt [...]ng people punished. 36
  • Regions im [...]aded o [...] Mithridates. 1
  • Rhodians val [...]antnesse. 15 16
  • Rhodians made f [...]llovves of Rome. 36
  • Rhodians ioyne vvith the Romanes. 144
  • Rhodians revvarded at Rome. 150
  • Rhodes beseeged of Mithridates. 15
  • Ritogenes act at Nu [...]antia. 124
  • Romane Name saued. 185
  • Romanes partiall. 206. 207. 20 [...]
  • Romanes s [...]keth occasi [...] against Carthage. 210. 211
  • Romanes in vvhat ioy. 247
  • Romanes ou [...]rcome. 12
  • Romanes iniured in Asia. 14
  • Romanes hated. 15
  • Romanes flee. 48
  • Romanes falle to spoyle. 40
  • Romanes resrayne from spoyle. 5 [...]
  • Romanes hate Mithridates. 5 [...]
  • Romanes re [...]oyce at the death of Mithridates. 6 [...]
  • Romanes defiance of the Carth [...]gies. 80
  • Romanes courage encreaseth in perils. 84
  • Romanes killed at Delos. 135
  • Rom [...]nes [...]layne. 275
  • Romanes disordred. 2 [...]
  • Romanes fall into diseas [...]s. 280
  • Rommes a frayde of P [...]onians. 280
  • Ruffu [...] is holp [...]n of Scipio. 121
S.
  • SAcrific [...] to lightning. 166
  • Sacrifice to boldnesse and seare. 183
  • Sacrifi [...]es signifying s [...]. 187
  • Sacrifice of a blacke [...] 44
  • Sacrifice of King [...]. 3 [...]
  • Samb [...]ca an [...]. 1 [...]
  • Sa [...]o the Count [...]ey of Fra [...]ce. [...]3
  • S [...]unt dest [...]ved by A [...]iball. 80
  • Sagunt r [...]coue [...]ed by Sc [...]pio. 8 [...]
  • Sala [...]i trouble Augu [...]us. [...]00
  • Sa [...]us and Samothraci [...] taken of Pyrates. 27
  • Sa [...]ga [...]us the floud vvhere Man [...]us pas [...]ed. 12
  • Sa [...]us slovveth into Hister. 203
  • Sc [...]ptons tvvo b [...]eeth [...]en killed in Spayne. 82
  • Sc [...]p [...]o accompted rash. 83
  • Sc [...]pio [...]hevveth modestic. 83
  • Scipio getteth nevv Ca [...]thage.
  • Scipio seemeth to vvorke by inspiration. 87
  • Scipio senere. 127
  • Scipio killeth hand to hand. 102
  • Scipio reformeth the Camp at Carthage. 236
  • Scipio is made Consull before his tu [...]e. 134. 135
  • Scipio sent vvith his brother into Asia. 143
  • Scipio is m [...]de orderer of Mais [...]cluldrē. 230. 23 [...]
  • Scipio is stenderly set forth. 177
  • Scipio is accused. [...]56
  • Scipio killeth not spyes. 1 [...]1
  • Scipio saneth Romanes. 226. 227. 228. 229
  • Scipio reformeth the Campe at Numan [...]a, and getteth the Citie. 11 [...]. 121. 122. 123
  • Scipio beholdeth the fight betvveene Mass [...]nissa, and the Carthag [...]es. 209
  • Scipio is made arb [...]trer betvveene them. 209
  • Scipio conte [...]neth his accusers. 150
  • Scoroba, bounds of Cappadocia & Pontus. 12
  • Scordis [...]ans ouerthrovven by L. Scipio. 284
  • Scythians aydeth Mithridates. 61
  • Sextus shutteth Manceus vp. 51
  • Sedition at Rome for vvant. 248
  • Seleucidans reigne, hovv long. 173
  • Segeda cause of Rebellton in Spayne. 96
  • Semella sharply handled of Ae [...]illianus. 110
  • Senate of Nucena choked in a bath. 203
  • Senate of Acerra buried quicke. 203
  • Se [...]torius. 40. 12 [...]
  • Seleucus of greate dominion. 164. Tokens of hys prosperiti [...]. 165. lus stature. 166. his building of Cities. 166
  • Sele [...]cia at Tigris, vvhat hapned. 166
  • Sele [...]cus giueth his vvi [...]e to his sonne. 160
  • Seleucus is trayterousely killed. 170
  • Seleucus sonne to Ant [...]ochus killed. 150
  • Seleucus buried in a Schole house. 173
  • S [...]nce sayleth in cal [...]nuti [...]. 147
  • Sence of hearing soonest troubled. 258
  • Sea, occasion of offence. 210
  • Serpents vsed in medicine. 53
  • S [...]leucules the royall house of Syria. 173
  • Segestanes vali [...]nt. 203
  • Ships bu [...]ned in Syria. 160
  • Sharp speech to Crassus. 252
  • Sicel [...]e recouered by the Romanes. 1. 2
  • Sign [...] to help one another by Scipio. 123
  • [Page]S [...]enes se [...]te at Carthage. 241
  • Sino [...]eg [...]a a rich Castell of Mith [...]lda [...]es. 60
  • Sicknesse strange in the Romanes host. 27 [...]
  • S [...]than [...] resto [...]ed by Sc [...]pio of the goodes th [...]t the Carth [...]g [...]es h [...]d taken from them. 24 [...]
  • S [...]ne [...]s resi [...] Ant [...]o [...]hu [...]. 12 [...]
  • So [...]ovv [...]ull verse re [...]arsed of Scipio. 240
  • Souldyo [...]es fight taken by lotte. [...]0
  • Sophonisb [...]. 186. 187
  • Sobodacas accused by Olcabas. 47
  • Soc [...]ates condemned. 156
  • Soter Demetrius. 160
  • Sostus prospereth in Syria. 270
  • Socrates Chr [...]stus inuadeth Byth [...]nia. 7
  • Southsayer to A [...]on [...]e. 269
  • Spirituall state of Comagena. 73
  • Spight of the Parth [...]ans. 267
  • Stratonice con [...]ubiu [...], priuie to treasure. 64
  • Stratonica Queene. 1 [...]7. 64
  • Streight interpretation of fight. 64
  • S [...]reames of gold. 62
  • Suba reuolteth from Massanissa. 208
  • Suspitions betvveene the Roma. & Antioch. 1 [...]0
  • Supplications at Rome for victorie against Anti­o [...]hus. 14 [...]
  • Superstition of the Romanes. 250
  • Suraenas subtill. 255. 258
  • Suspition betvveene Massinissa & the Roma. 223
  • Surer life by land than by Sea. 2 [...]0
  • Syphax goeth from the Camp. 180
  • Syphax practiseth peace. 181
  • Syphax practiseth to kill Massinissa. 185
  • Syphax is taken of Ma [...]sinissa. 185
  • Syphax is vvell vsed of Scipio. 186
  • Syphax dyeth at Rome. 187
  • Syria ruled by Prolomeus. 163
  • Syria hovv it can [...] to the Romanes. 163
T.
  • TAlke of Anniball and Scipio. 192 134
  • Talke of peace. 3. 33
  • Tantalus Captayne yeeldeth. 113
  • Tanginus, a [...]aptayne of manly th [...]ues. 115
  • T [...]gus floud passed by Lucullus. 100
  • Ta [...]tes [...]us the place of Argonthonius. 74
  • Taulentians subdued by Augustus. 28 [...]
  • Tanuscians of Illyria subdued by Augustus. 28 [...]
  • Tau [...]us the hill pas [...]ed of Pompey. 6 [...]
  • Telling of truth punished. 50
  • Te [...]mantine [...] distresse the Romanes.
  • Temples robbed. 38. 243
  • Tempest destroyeth Roman [...] Shippes. 30
  • Tempest destroyeth Mithridates nauie. 46
  • Temples turned into Shoppes at Carthage. 223
  • Terentius Varro ouerthrovven of the Portu­galles. 103
  • Tentinus Captayne of D [...]mati [...]n [...]. 294. 205
  • Tetrarches of G [...]litia eui [...] vsed &c. 26
  • Themiscinans strange fig [...]. 46
  • Thebes [...]enolteth o [...]t. 18
  • Th [...]mopyl [...]. [...]9. 14 [...]
  • Themisto [...]les compared vvith Mon [...]us. 1 [...]
  • Thessa [...] cased of en [...]m [...]es. 1 [...]8
  • Th [...]u [...]tes t [...]ken of Syph [...]x. 1 [...]2
  • Th [...]u nedde vnto by A [...]iball. 1 [...]6
  • T [...]be [...]us Pandusius. 28 [...]
  • T [...]oth [...]us Plus [...]a. 54
  • T [...]e [...]su [...]. 20 [...]. Emperoure of Rome.
  • Tigrane [...] speech of Lucullus army. 5 [...]
  • Tig [...]anes inuadeth Cappadocia. 40
  • Tigranes vvill not see Mithridates. 40
  • Tigranes killeth tvvo of his sonnes. 63
  • Tigranes submitteth to Pompey.
  • Tigranocerta. 50
  • Ti [...]h [...]unta part of Thermopyle. 130
  • Tithians helpe the Romanes, and be iniured of Lucullus. 107. 100
  • Torg [...]s Captayne of the Iapodians. 200
  • Tre [...]lin [...] of Mithridates hevvrayed. 64
  • Tragedies vvritten by Artabazes King. 26 [...]
  • Triballi people of Illyria. 282
  • Tributes for [...]ue yeares vpon Asia. 37
  • Tryphon vsin per of Syria killed. 172
  • Trallians vse the Romanes cruelly. 14
  • Treason greatest poyson of Princes. 68
  • Trianus ouerthrovven. 53
  • Troy cruelly vsed of Embria. 31
  • Triumph of Pompey. [...]1
  • Triumph of Scipio. 205
  • Triumph of Scipio. 248
  • Triumph of Augustus. 206
  • Triumph of Antony vnpleasaunt. 281
  • Triumph priuiledged.
  • Tumult in Carthage. 207
  • Tysca a place conteyning fiftie Cities. 206
  • Tygranes of Syria expelled by Antony. 270
V.
  • VAliantnesse of the Grekes at Tigranocerta 52
  • Vargunteius and foure bands killed. 263
  • Valiantnesse better than number. 94. 102
  • Valiantnesse and daunger of Augustus. 291. 292
  • Valiantnesse of tvventie souldyoures. 20 [...]
  • Vacceās ouercome by Metellus & Scipio. 114. 1 [...]1
  • Varius a Captayne sente from Sertorius to Mi­thridates, is killed of Lucullus. 46
  • Vagises sharp aunsvvere to Crassus. 25 [...]
  • Vertu in Souldyoures better than number. 102
  • Vertue of Crassus shevved in daunger. 161. 266
  • Versus valiant Captaine of the Dalmatians. 244
  • Vermi [...]a, Syphax sonne, aydeth Anniball. 189
  • Vettiluts slayne by Viriatus. 107
  • Veterus a Captayne of Augustus scorned, & resi­sted of the Sal [...]sians. 2 [...]0. and be pardoned.
  • Ventidius prospereth in Parthia. 260. 270
  • Ve [...]us Temple spoyled, Antiochus perisheth. 1 [...]2
  • Victorie of Manius. 140. 141
  • Victories of Mithridates. 12. 48. 3 [...]. 5 [...]
  • Victorie of Sylla. 2 [...]. 25
  • Victorie of Lucullus. 46. 48. 5 [...]
  • Victori [...] of Pompey. 5 [...]
  • Victorie of L [...]uiu [...] by &ca. 142
  • [Page]Victorie of Lucullus by Sea. 146
  • Victorie of Domitius. 152
  • Victorie of Manlius. 157
  • Victorie of Martius. 90
  • Victorie of Flaccus▪ 95
  • Victorie of Cato. 95
  • Victorie of Scipio. 93. 88. 190. 196. 180.
  • Vision feareth Mithridates. 17
  • Vision of Caesar. 248
  • Viriatus valian: Captayne. 105. 106. 107, 108
  • Viriatus shevveth himselfe noble. 110
  • Viriatus is killed by treason. 112
  • Villages. 400 destroyed by Mu [...]aena. 38
  • Vovv made to destroy Carthage. 210. 207
  • Vovv made, not to reedifie Carthage. 247
  • Volso giueth oth to Antiochus cu [...]bassadors. 155
  • Vtica forsaken of Scipio. 188
  • Vtica revvarded vvith Carthagles land. 248
  • Vtica resisteth Scipio. 188. is yeelded. 211
VV.
  • VVAnt of Salte. 290. 501 2 [...]0
  • VVater Venemous. 2 [...]8
  • VVarre vvithout Proclamation. 211
  • VVant of treasure in Rome. 11
  • VVhat brought the state of Rome to the rule of one. 284
  • VVise of Asdruball bold. 240
  • VVinter and hunger tvvo great enimies. 273
  • VViles layde against Pompey. 62
  • VViles of Pompey against Mithridates. 59
  • VViles layde for Ve [...]lius. [...]07
  • VViles of the Par [...]lisans discouered. 258
  • VVlues of Mithrida. commanded to be killed. 49
  • VVind extreame breaketh the fight. 52
  • VVise of the father giuen to the Sonne. 169
  • VViues taken out of time. 139. 13
  • VVisedome of Scipio. 227. 182 [...]2
  • VVilsuln [...] of vvomen of Metulio. 2 [...]2
  • VVords of Scipio at the taking of Carthage. 249
  • VVomen valiant. 62. 111. 80. 62
  • VVords of Scipio. 238. 23 [...]. 240
  • VVodde burned vvith Barbarians. [...]2
  • VVoddes burned by Auguslus. 2 [...]5. 230
  • VVonder at Rome at the nevves of the taking of Carthage. 217
X.
  • XAntippus 157. ouerthrovveth the Romanes.
  • Xenophon, and his tenne thousand. 277
  • Xerxes. 139
  • Xiphares killed of his father. 64
  • Xoras. 154
  • Xolla victualleth the Romanes. 223
Y.
  • YOng Crassus pitifully killed. 261
Z
  • ZAcinthians, auncesters to Sagunt. 77
  • Zama, vvhere Scipio fought first vvith An­niball. 190
  • Zenodotia vvonne by Crassus. 251
  • Zenobius spoyleth the Chians. 27
  • Zenobius killed by the Ephelians [...] 27
  • Zeuxis Captayne of Antiochus. 150
FINIS.

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