THE Tyrant of Spayne, gaping and watching a long time for the inuasion of Fraunce, and generall ruine of the French, working (to his own desire) the disorders not long since, and which yet continueth in all the estates of thys Realme. Seeing likewise, that the last of the house of The King [...] was [...] by Iacobi [...] Fryar. Valois swayed the Scepter, after the death of Monsieur his brother, who was reported to be poysoned; By his owne subtilty, & by the means of hys Agents, Ambassadour, and adhering Pen­cionars, [Page] (whom he hath drawn into a very great and high hope, to his owne profit and their per­dition) hath raised a League, and thereby engen­dred Monsters, more horrible and hiddious, then those that (of old) are sayd to be subdued by the valour of Alcmenaes Sonne.

It were needlesse to make further search for newe horrours in the depth of Lybia: let mee ra­ther question howe to banish hence the crueltie and barbarisme of these Scithians, Gothes by na­ture, these Moores & Sarrasin Spanyards, whose first Fathers had theyr originall from the Gothes, and from hence thys League (the mother of all mischiefe) that is heer so louingly cherished, had her beginning. Thys Pandora hath so cast a­broade her poysons out of her boxe, as the ayre, the earth and men, beeing vnprouided of a coun­ter-poyson, yea, very neere all things els, are in­fected therewith. It hath changed in many pla­ces, the face of this fayre Monarchie, into an A­narchie or many headed gouernment: it hath o­uerthrowne the throne and royall Authoritie, violenced the Magistrates, murdered the Prince, peruerted all order and policie, both diuine and humane. It hath made Fraunce a den of theeues, murderers, robbers and spoylers, such Monsters hath thys League prodigiously brought foorth; among infinite of the very worst sort, is igno­rance, malice, deceit, guile, hypocrisie, robbing, theft, incest, feigned Religion, all kinde of exe­crations, [Page] murder, sacrilidge and parricide; thys Witch, engendered by the terror and ambition of the Spanyards, hath made a strange metamor­phosis of a most beautifull estate.

But GOD the Authour of all good, fore­seeing in mercie such as he made choise of: gaue courage to theyr harts to detest thys Scithia, to flye from thys Lybia, whose Monsters strangle liuing men, as hath beene known and seene: and so to come into a sweete ayre, pure and not poy­soned, vnder the gracious Lawes of their naturall and legittimate Princes. To worke this effect, (a meruaile amongst them esteemed of greatest meruaile) it is his will and pleasure, that out of a great euill, shoulde spring and arise as great a good, that from a most strange conspiracy of fel­lons, murderers, and parricides of theyr King, should be raised and lifted to the Maiestie royal, the man, whose life this Sorcerer daily sought to abridge & confound. For heereon did he build, and to this day doth builde all his arteficiall and pernicious deseignes, thinking heerby at one bit (as it were) to swallowe and deuoure the King, (whom the lustie cutters of this Medea, scorn­fully call a Bia [...] a na [...] scorne [...] they [...] the [...] Bearn-nish man) yet in sted of pre­uenting, is he placed in the front of the gate of Fraunce, and lifted to the highest royalty there­of, through the midst of many treasons, and euen (as it were) against his owne will, hath God sea­ted him in the Empire.

[Page]Thus thinking to ruinate and ouerthrowe at once thys very sickly estate, ready to stagger and fall downe vnder the burdenous weight of op­pression: the onely and soueraigne meane of re­liefe is found, and where the very stroke of death was directed against the hart, heere-hence ari­seth the speciall remedie and medicine of the wounde.

Thou Circes, what sayst thou? thou horrible Megera, what saist thou? thou forespent Sorcerer lyke the shadow of death, what saist thou? canst thou perswade thy selfe as yet to preuaile by thy enchauntments? are not thy false and poysoned drugs now manifestly discouered? knowes not each one thy counterfeit dissembling? are not thy vnderminings preuented? thy blowes reba­ted? thy sinnowes shrunke vp? holdest thou stil thys auncient withered Sarasin for thy support? puttest thou thy hope in the Duke of Parma and his Spanyards, who by nature vse crueltie e­uen towards thine own followers, because they loue the League no better then they doe theyr Kings, in respect they are French borne, & but serue themselues with them, onely to reache the highest of theyr tyrannous enterprise? thinkest thou yet to help thy selfe with thy Monks coule and hoode, to bath againe thy parricide hands in the bloode royall? VVhat meane is left thee whereby to exterminate thys royall house of Burbon, issued from S. Lewes, to whom God in [Page] succeeding right hath trans-ferred the Crow [...]e?

Thou bendest thy browes, thou cursest, thou spightest, and grindest thy teeth to beholde all thy Magicke artes deluded, thou art ready to burst with rage and despight, and deafnest our eares with exclaimes, that thus at last thou art kept at a bay. The vertue, the Lawrell, the for­tune and victories of our Hercules of Gaule, the queller of so many Monsters thy children, makes thee ready to die with fury, ther are so many pu­nishments, and so many deserued corrections hammering in thy head. Thy goodly Armies, thy puissant forces, nor all thy presumption wil serue to benefit thee, the fields all couered with thy strange men at Armes, in short time will be (as oft heeretofore they haue beene) died and imbrewed in theyr owne vnhallowed bloode, by the strength which the great God of Armies, hath vouchsafed to the arme of our victorious Prince.

How is it, that thou forcest reason? chaun­gest the Lawes, exterminatest the blood royall, and chasest the true heyres, to place a stranger in theyr roome? who can endure this? No, no, the valiant, vertuous, and most magnanimous issue of S. Lewes, with so many couragious Princes of his blood, and so many worthy & noble French­men: hath both wisedome, counsell, experience, and the sword wherewith to defende hys royall house, and in iustice to correct the iniury that [Page] hath beene doone vnto him.

Magitian, thou lookest pale and wan, when I oppose against thee the force of this Sampson, the counsell of this Nestor, the valour of this A­chilles, the generositie of this French Prince, with the martiall labours and happy fortunes of this Alcides. Thou flyest (Enchanter) and all thy pollicies faile thee, thy practises, thy poy­sons, thy parricides, thy incantations, with thy other wicked helps: which can nothing at all preuaile against this rock of constancie, strength and vertue: but feare conuerreth thy winges to thy heeles, and many times hath forced thee to take a shamefull flight.

Thinkest thou the enclosement of walles, and Rampiers of Citties can warrant thee? try­umphest thou already of two small Townes, which the Spanyards haue taken with such paine and losse of theyr men, as the gaines they made thereof was very little: marie the marks of their crueltie there exercised (according to their nature) meruailous great? Doost thou buckler thy selfe with Fortresses, Cittadels, and one Ba­stillon? vnable are they to sheelde thee, hauing beene vanquished in field, & glad to flye the bat­taile with thy newe forces? Wilt thou ward thy selfe with walles, and therein put assuraunce of thy defence? Our Hercules shall pluck thee out as another Antheus, or so shut thee vp with his powerfull Arme, as euen there thou shalt smoo­ther, [Page] and so loose thy life.

Thou shewest thy selfe to be sencelesse, ra­uing, mooued with impacience, and stark mad: the fire of thy frenzie makes thee trauaile and torment thy selfe; but these thy very latest be­hauiours, this heate, furie, frantique feuer and plague, brings thee into a sprightly resolution of thy strength, and so will foorthwith conduct thee to thy death.

VVhat medicine may serue thee in thys mortall malladie? what hearbe can any way re­leeue thee, whereby thou maist refortifye thy selfe, and so withstand our valiant Hercules? to what Saint hast thou vowed thy selfe? who shall be thy Aesculapius? what phisicall drugges and simples canst thou helpe thy selfe withall? I vn­derstand thou hast gotten a newe Armie of Spa­nyards, conducted by the Duke of Parma, who feares vs with the renowne of his valour, and the taking of one or two small booties, (he hauing notwithstanding alreadie refused the battaile fiue times, because against so many of the noble and generous French, he durst not be too prodi­gall of the liues of vile Moores, the Kings euils, and the very base beggers of the Coūtry.) With these barbarous Rodemontes wouldst thou dis­harten vs, they that gaue succour to the Rebels of Paris, and the Ambassadour Mendoza of Spaine, or, to terme him more rightly, The lyar of Spayne: hee that not long since fled with thy [Page] puissant Armie into Laon, when hee perceiued himselfe pursued by his Maiestie with fifteene hundred horse, ouer-spent and wearied with ex­treame iournyes: yet perswading thee he wold destroy them all, with so many strange powers, as amounted to many Cornets of Spanyards, who like the forces of Pharao came to swallowe vp Gods people: yet as then ensued, so doubt­lesse will he now permit, that they shall be ouer­throwne in the Red Sea, which shall be made of their owne proper blood.

Thy olde Caballe and couerture of Religion, is as good to thee as nothing, this drugge was long since vttered, and returnes thee no profit: the Catholique Noble men that abhorre thee, doe very well knowe, that heerein is no vertue left to sheelde thee from falling; at thys hooke and line, angling for the estates, thou fastnest sun­drie licorish baytes, of Crosses, Miters, Digni­ties, Prelat-ships, Partages of Prouinces, Offices, Gouernments, and great prerogatiues, which thou promisest to distribute among such, as with thee doe cast the Nets for so rich a Fish.

The first Fathers of this halfe crowned Iewe, (who to thy proper ruine, and his own aduance­ment, plucks the hart out of thy bellie) to wit, Atlas, Oris, Anus, Siceleus, Lusus, Vlus, (as then in the Pagan Religion) tooke Spayne by the like bayte, feigning themselues religious, and men of good behauiour; So this olde Foxe, [Page] seeing himselfe readie to succeede his forefa­thers, hath practised, and doth practise the like in the vsurpation of this Crowne, hoping to make a bootie of it, and to tyrannize therein at his owne pleasure: but that our noble Prince makes him let goe his holde, and surrender vp the estates he proudlie vsurpeth, namely, the Realme and estate of Nauarre, sometime troden down by Ferdinand of Castile and Arragon, one of thy Grandfathers.

This Ferdinand, vsurped on D. Iohn of Al­bret, the thirtie fiue King of Nauarre, who e­spoused Katherine Sister to King Phoebus the thirtie foure, who died without issue, whereby she came to the Crowne, in the yeere one thou­sand, foure hundred, eyghtie-three. Then Hen­rie of Albret the second, the Sonne to Iohn of Al­bret, succeeded in the right of Nauarre, the yere one thousand, fiue hundred, and seauenteene, & espoused Margaret of Fraunce, the Sister to K. Fraunces the first. Of this marriage came Ione, whom Bertrand Helie calleth Charlotte, who suc­ceeded in the right of her Father, the yeere one thousand, fiue hundred, fifty-fiue, and was mar­ried to the most puissant and magnanimous Duke, Anthonie of Vendosme, of the most illu­strious and royall house of Burbon: whereof is left this Mars in earth, Henrie the thirde of that name, the true succeeder in the rights of Nauar, & now by lawfull succession, the most Christian [Page] and most victorious King of Fraunce, the fourth of that name.

These effects make knowne thy pretence to the verie ignorant, thy disloyaltie, thy ingrati­tude, & thy impietie (in many places) hath made the people wise: they know that the dotage and simplicitie of men, is the assured foster nurse of Tyrants. The bountie and clemencie of our King towardes his Subiects, yea, euen his ene­mies hath, from a great number, taken away the frontlet of ignoraunce; the Christian & Catho­lique Religion, florisheth more among his faith­full Subiects, then els where, obedience there maintaineth it, where cōtrariwise, such disobedi­ence as thou vsest, hatcheth nought els but rebel­lion, breach of faith, and lastly vtter ruine and confusion.

Thy Masque cannot hide thee from beeing noted for a most disloyall and infernall Furie; thou hast brauely extolled thy selfe like a God, thou hast smoothly beguiled the people wyth outward shewe of Religion and holinesse: these make thee known for such a one as thou art, & that thou doost but lye, when thou tearmest thy selfe a Christian and a Saint.

The mercinarie tongues of thy false Prea­chers, with all theyr cosenages and impostures, are other sophisticall wares of slender valewe: in that they cannot maintaine thy health, albeit they haue broken and altered the humours of a great [Page] number of thy folowers, to make them like and conformable to thine owne. Who sees not that the Sermons which thou causest them to make, are Phillippicall Appologies, and inuectiues? Where is the Gospell of peace, concord, chari­tie and loue? Where is the office christian bro­therly kindnesse, humilitie, deuotion and obe­dience? Where is the Christian catechizing, or the exercise of Gods commaundements? Thou by them prescribest a cleane contrary matter, for thou hast hired theyr tongues, to thunder foorth a Gospell of blood, vengeance, disobedi­ence, and rebellion: such Trouch-men and Trumpeters of sedition, haue learned of thee to speake, so to distill into French-mens harts thy golden poyson, whereof already the Rebels feele the bitter taste and deadly operation.

Thou hast thrust into theyr hands the fla­ming firebrande, wherewith they haue circled the foure corners and very midst of Fraunce: and all was wel neere lost, without the succour of our Alcides, who ranne to the water, and would not suffer his House and Heritage to be consumed in the violence of thys fire. They haue annimated the simple, (who now are wex­en to be deuilish partakers, and tearme them­selues zealous Catholiques) to the spoyle, mas­sacre and totall ruine of theyr Parents, freends, and Countrimen, to receyue therefore in the end with them, the earnest of diuine iustice on [Page] the Iibbets and Gallowes: the spectacles and witnesses whereof, are continually before theyr eyes, for theyr notorious crimes and offences. By these kindled fires, hast thou already mur­dered one King, and by the same pursuest him that now raigneth, that he beeing slaine, and all his race cut off, the estate might be trans-ferred to thy selfe; a horrible & most lamentable case, that Ecclesiasticall persons will pertake in such enormous foule deedes and treasons.

One Iohn de Prochite, chiefe Authour of the conspiracie against the French-men in the Realme of Scicilie, performed the same, beeing disguised in the [...]utward [...], the [...]tenance [...]edition murder, [...] the ex­ [...]ples. habite of a Gray Fryar: and so sollicited and induced the Scicilians to the massacre of the French, which by them was doone one euening in the Easter holy-daies. So thou, like these Prochites, couered wyth the habites of penitence & Religion, diddest com­passe thy villanie and treason against our late King, whom thou murderedst by a Iacobine Monke, or rather, to tearme him righter, A hoodded deuil, & so continuest against the Prin­ces of his house and blood, of whom thou hast sworne the destruction.

Thus by Monkes thou iniurest the estate, which thou wouldest dismember, and deuide a­mong those Coniurers, (albeit thy craftie Au­thour pretendeth otherwise) and thus are the faithfull subiects to the Crowne abused. Vnder [Page] this Masque, what impieties are cōmitted tho­row all Fraunce by Monkish Souldiours, who haue changed their former simplicity, pouerty, and humility, into audacious trechery and pre­sumption?

And because the Spanish hypocrisie, the shadow of their Atheisme, is one of the princi­pall pillers of thy contriued conspiracie, and that thou makest our men beleeue (by the in­troduction thou hast made to the K. of Spaine, who at thys day raiseth warre in the heart of Fraunce, to destroy thee together with the King if he can, after hee hath first serued hys owne turne with thee:) that these Moores are good Catholiques, and theyr followers religious. If any such were to be founde, it were shame to deny it, then looke a little on theyr deuotion, and whether the Monachall rage kindled not a notable sedition in Lisbone, in the yeere one thousande, fyue hundred and nine, when two bloodie Two Ia­cobines the procurers [...] foure tho [...]sand and more to b [...] murdered Lisbone. Iacobines parted from theyr Cloyster, with a Crosse in theyr hands, (a tricke at this day practised among our fyring Mon­kish Souldiours, that beare a Crosse in the one hand, and a sword in the other, with Corslets on theyr banks vnder theyr [...]owles, as if Iesus Christ and warre-weapons agreed together, when neuer was he seene harnessed or weapo­ned amongst hys Apostles and Disciples) and so dyd they enflame the people against certaine [Page] that were newly conuerted to Christianitie: that they altogether gouerned by their malice and enuie, crying they were but dogs and here­tiques, slewe forthwith more then foure thou­sand; thys beeing the principall spurre of thys mercilesse butchery, that the sedicious might spoyle and make hauocke of the others goods.

The King, who was named Emanuell, bee­ing aduertised of this exceeding Massacre, cau­sed the two aforenamed plagues of the Cloyster and the Common-wealth to be apprehended, they that had excited this pittifull and bloodie Tragedie, who by his commaunde, were pub­liquely burned in Ebora: and information bee­ing giuen against the other theeues and murde­rers, about three-score and tenne of them were most iustly hanged.

At thys day in Fraunce it is heresie with the Leaguers, to doe iustice on such like naughtie villaines, when as theyr crimes, trecheries, and murders, are as miraculous. An obseruaunt Gray Fryar, named brother [...]n obser­ [...]t Fryar [...]swaded King of [...]stile, to [...] sundry [...]ristians [...]eath, [...]ming [...] Apo­ [...]aes. Ferdinand de la Place, wyth other that were hys zealous com­panions, went so fast as he could to Madrill, to the King of Castile: there this impudent and bloody Monke, perswaded him shamefullie to put to death certaine Christians, whom he ter­med to be Apostataes, which afterwarde was found to be most false. So many abuses & mis­chiefes hath beene committed by these coun­terfeit [Page] hypocrites, these scellerous and hooded murtherers: as not without cause, in the yeere one thousand, two hundred and threescore, vn­der the raigne of S. Lewes, was the order of the begging Friars extolled to the third heauen for theyr profession, yea, they preferred themselues before all other in holinesse of life, and stoutlie commended their voluntarie pouertie: where­by they prouoked many Prelats against them, and almost all men that were seene in Diuinity. But Guillaume du Temple d' Amour, a Doctor of Sorbonne, (being a man of better conscience then any at thys day of the same Colledge, who create the like instruments of rebellion by their pernicious resolutions, and defende the abho­minable murder of the late most Christian and religious King) with other more of great lear­ning: both dispised and disproued openly, such Beggers, alleadging, that theyr pouerty was vowed without cause, and that he would main­taine such manner of life, to be but a pretext of Religion, and onely fit for such The dys [...]grace of [...] begging Fryars, by Doctor of Sorbonne. beggers as de­sired to liue in loosenes and idlenes. In the end neuerthelesse, they got the vpper-hand in their cause, by the iudgement of Pope Alexander, and the Booke that this Doctor made, (which at thys day remaineth in the Librarie of Sor­bonne) was condemned. But shoulde not thys Doctor haue highly aduantaged his cause, if he had liued tyll now? adding to his plea the im­pieties, [Page] parricides, & all sorts of crimes, smooth­ly hyd and couered (for the present time) vnder the habites of this holinesse.

Thou hast (wretch) brought in and practi­sed another manner of people, that are called Iesuites, Iesuits too [...]roud to be [...]eggers, [...]ey rather [...]ake beg­ [...]ers to [...]aintaine [...]emselues. not beggers, but such as make beg­gers: of whom the scandalles are more secrete, yet much more pernicious then of the other. But why say I, thou hast practised thys bad ge­neration, seeing thou thy selfe art not onely practised, but begotten & ingendred by them? Howe now? mee thinks I heare some one say, belike then thys Alecto or accurssed League, hath many Fathers? Verie true: the Spanish pride and ambition (as I haue saide) brought it into the world, as a mishapen masse or lumpe, but these turbulent Iesuites, with the Rodemont of Mendoza, haue so louinglie lyckt it, as they gaue it forme, composition, and garments to decke it withall.

These thou esteemest fit for thy coniurati­on, or els they are founde to be very necessarie members: to thee cleaue these hypocrites, for the particuler profit of themselues, and of theyr Maister the King of Tyrants, they being all of the Spanish Nation, or at the least issued from Spaine. For about the yeere one thousand, fiue hundred, and twentie-one A Spany­ [...]rd the first [...]uthour of [...] Iesuits. Ignatius de Layola was the first founder of these Iesuites, (an ob­stinate enemy to the house of Albret, & which [Page] malice yet continueth in his seede) at what time Pampelunae reuolted, & the affectionate friends to the royall House of Albret, (from whence descended the King, by the late Queene Mo­ther of most worthie memory) with those of Foix, as also the true heire of the Realme Hen­rie d' Albret: tooke occasion (by the retreit of the Garrisons of Pampelunae, that sallied forth to succour the Gouernours of Castile) by rea­son of the warres and deuisions then beeing, to haue theyr secrete intelligences in Bearne and Fraunce. In fauour of whom, King Fraunces sent Andrew de Foix, Lord of Asperraut, the younger Brother to Odet de Foix Lord of Lau­trech: who gathering vnto him those of the faction of Grammont, tooke the Castel of Saint Iohn at the foote of the gate. Whereupon, the Duke of Nagera Don Anthonie Manrique, seeing himselfe so suddainly surprised, and that the Citty of Pampelunae began to grow tumul­tuous: secretly got forth thereof, and withdrew himselfe into Castile, leauing his house to the peoples spoyle.

Thys Layola, then at the dislodging of thys Viceroy Manrique out of Nauarre, remained in Garrison in the Castell of Pampelunae, with o­ther Souldiours belonging to the Emperour. It so chaunced, that the Castel was assayled by the people, and the mouth of the Cannon directed by the assailants to a certaine place: where, by [Page] hap, it met with thys Layola, who had both hys feete brused in peeces with the stones, that the force of the bullet droue out of the wall, so that he fell downe from the height of the Castell, & beeing with-drawne, was afterwarde preserued from death, and hys hurts healed.

Then seeing himselfe thus maimed and vn­apt for Armes, he gaue beginning to thys good kinde of people. Let vs not then account it strange, that these men so desperatly applie themselues to remoouing of estates, especiallie thys heere, considering they are come of a Spa­nish Father a warriour, a naturall enemy to this estate: whom heerein they follow very perfit­lie, but not in change of lyfe. For thys holy Fa­ther, beeing thus metamorphozed, could weare no [...]lame [...]ning [...] proud [...]nde of [...]le, that [...] whole [...]doms [...]ther by [...]ares. shooes, and therefore went bare-foote, and came for followers first to Paris, where beeing vexed by some, and relieued by other-some, his owne Maister, Peter Fabri, Diego Laynes, Iohn Codury, Claudius Gay, Pasquall Brouet, Fraunces Xauierre, Alphonsus Salmeron, Simon Rodrigues, and Nicholas de Bonadilla, students in diuinitie, he raunged into the rule ordained by himselfe, each making a vowe of perpetuall pouertie and chastity.

But to them alone I will not giue thys ho­nour, for many other haue trauailed in this high peece of worke, as faithfull seruaunts, and coun­sellers of so woorthie Fathers: the bellowes of [Page] ambition, abortiue sonnes of the Father of lyes, bringing nothing hether but what they learne of him, and marked with his marke to know them for his owne.

Thy face (Sorcerer) is writhen, and like to that Sibillaes, whom the Poets feigne to be the Mother of the Gods: but thy Bawdes and Pan­dars, haue made thee a false visage, so faire as can be, to entise young Lordes and Gentlemen to loue thee. The draught of thy dissembled coun­tenaunce, to diuers of thy chiefe consorts, hath brought immediat death: yet seemed it so ex­cellent, as in theyr eyes it surpassed the aunci­ent Marble portraite of Venus, that wonderful­lie enflamed men with loue. Diuers Lords and Gentlemen haue been rauished with thy looks, whom thou in the end hast depriued of life, in sundry battailes and encounters: to make them receiue due chastisement to theyr impudent & dishonest affection.

But who would not dis-robe thee of thy sha­dow (false Venus) seeing it is nothing else but gold, siluer, & all sorts of stones about thee, with Perfume, Amber, Muske, and Ciuet, that thus makes thee smell so sweete as violets? Thy gar­ment is bordered about with certaine Ciphers, onely vnderstoode by thy principall Cabalists, with diuers Letters and Charracters wrought on the imbroyderie, carrying thys report: This The [...] & coun [...]naunce this [...] vn-holie League. is the Sanctuarie or defence of the Catholique re­ligion, [Page] and of the Common-weale. All the fore­part and exteriour shew of thy body, is fayre, yet semblable to painted and guilded Sepul­chers, that containes within them nothing but loth-some smels and rotten bones: farre dyffe­ring from theyr goodly appearaunce, yet like to that deceite shrowded with the Mantle of hypocrisie.

Thou hast gotten Archers for the guard of thy person, who on their best coates, beare the double Crosse of Ierusalem, but on the other, the red Crosse, with teares. In what part soe­uer thou marchest, thou art followed wyth a great Court of all sorts of people, because thou giuest heere, and bestowest there. Thou ma­kest some Marshals of Fraunce, others Gouer­nours, others Chauncellours, others Presidents, others Secretaries at commaund, others Coun­sellers of thy Priuie counsell and the brother­hood: despoyling the better sorte of their Of­fices, and substituting thy seruaunts. So manie boot-halers, so many Banck-rupts, so manie shamelesse persons come to kisse thy hande: each one striuing who shall beare thy Com­missions so full of profit, who shall first extort a gyft, by falsly giuing the Pope to vnderstand, the fulminations against the death of the Prince; who is in Spayne, who is in Flaunders, who in Lorraine, & who in Sauoy. When thou shewest thy selfe in publique, these poore Bro­kers [Page] of thy Colledge, these Carriers of rogati­ons, these Graplers for benefices and pencions, these Fishers with Crosses, these Preachers for reward, with the gesture, habite and Castillane countenaunce, goe publishing with hart and voyce: An oth [...] bragge a [...] dissembli [...] shewe of these wick [...] Cōfedera [...] See heere the blood of Charlemaine, see heere the enemie to the Heretiques and Pollitiques. And thys is but to beguile the valiant Princes that take part with thee, as some haue written, to wit, the Authour of the Booke called Stem­mata Lotharingiae, in thus blazing thy discent: euen as thou deceiuedst & brought to a poore end, the couragious Duke of Guyse & his Bro­ther, who but for thee (the onely cause of their losse) had much credite and many honours in thys Realme. And not long since vnder thy shadow, I saw a band of Armed men, breaking and renting the armes of Fraunce, vnder the authoritie and conduct of a simple Attorney, at this day named Bussi: who hauing doone vio­lence to iustice, & forced (perforce) the Senate against the Senate, alas, led captiues and pryso­ners the chiefe of Harley, the example of con­stancie, and only president of vertue: as also the other principall Officers of the Court, to the Dungeons in the Bastille, which at thys day re­maineth in his hand.

Fayre Goddesse, one can heare nothing more openly cryed by thy back-bearers, then thy cō ­mendations, and panegiricall prayses: and con­trariwise, [Page] the execrations of Henrie of Valeys, and of the Bearn-nish-man: he is not the sonne of a good Mother, that rayles not against them, & who so holdes his peace, is thought a suspici­ous person, a pollitique, and a Huguenot.

By how many sundry waies, hast thou dealt against the very cinders and ashes of that good King, since thy violent hands so bloodily mur­dred him? And how at this instant doost thou baffle and abuse our lawfull King his succes­sour, who deserues not this Empire alone, but (as Alexander had) the whole world? Albeit thou art throwne down from this thy greatnes, and that notwithstanding thy pollicies, thou canst not reach (I will not say to thy desseignes) but to the step frō which thou art with-held by by the strength of our Alcides, & very neer van­quished: yet neuertheles thou presumest neere Paris, with thy Duke of Parma, whome thou tearmest thy Deliuerer: thou makest the earth tremble where thou pacest: thou hastest to the succour (but indeede the generall ruine rather) of this sincke of all filth, this Babylon Paris, where, as a Shyp without a guide, thy followers flote alofte with euery guscke of winde, ready to endure shyp-wracke, and fall from Scilla into Charibdis or run on the ineuitable rocke of thy imminent end and destruction.

Nowe, the Spanyards discerne thee aboun­ding infurie like the wounded beast, at the wild [Page] Bore pursued, or the chafed bul, & therfore they nourish thee with the succour of thy sworne e­nemie, execrable Enion, furthering thy charmes wherwith continually thou bewitchest the peo­ple, that thou with them mayest be confounded together. What need thy borne-foe stir further? thy The Frē [...] against [...] French ex [...]cute the bloody [...] of the Spa [...]nyards. selfe holdest the weapon on thy peoples throats: if they speake of peace or returning to duetie, thou dis-armest them, thou killest them, thou hangest them, thou cuttest their throats, thou castest them into the Riuers. Thou hast no care of the extreame calamitie of so many poore people, of the strange necessity & want, wherby thou hast and still doost send forceably to wracke so many innocents, so many artizans and Husbandmen, who liue (as it were) but from this day vntyll to morrowe. If they leaue thee, thou watchest them with Spyes, to robbe, spoile, and lastly kill them: but let vs not abash our selues hereat, for at all times thou hast been cruell, and onely feedest thy selfe with theftes, spoiles, blood, and pittilesse murders.

Thou (deuillish Circes) hast had recourse to one like thy selfe, to be maintained and conser­ued in nature and reason alike: but heere thou wilt prooue to haue a contrary and far different issue. Thou art cruel, and callest to thy helpe all kinde of crueltie, to holde for euer, if thou coul­dest, thy Babylon, slaue like to thy tyranny, if thy associats did not surmount & out-goe thee. [Page] Thou now makest thy selfe strong with Spany­ards thy freendes, who at all times haue beene enemies to the honest minded French: the cru­elties of them committed in Fraunce, in Italie, and in Flaunders, haue beene manifested e­nough vnto vs, and as yet remaine fresh in our memorie. But if wee would see how they haue imployed their industrie, to make themselues renowmed with the Prototype, first patterne and mould of all barbarous crueltie: let vs read the hystorie of the horrible insolencies and de­testable tyrannies, exercised by them of late me­morie in the West Indiaes, vnder the raigne of Charles the fift, and Phillip his sonne, they Atlas and thy chiefest Minnion. Thys Historie is written by a Spanyard himselfe, named D. F. Bartholmew de las Casas, a religious man and a Bishop, and out of the Castilliane tongue, was turned into French. And is [...]ewise in [...]glish, by [...] name of [...] Spanish [...]donie.

Good GOD! how cruell did this Sarrasin shewe himselfe, in his tyrannous conquest of Portugale, where hee murdred and massacred the faithfull Subiects of the King Don Antonio: and martyred an hundred or sixe-score Ecclesi­asticall persons, men of worth and good quali­tie, as also the poore religious men that tooke not part with him. Thou shouldest forsake this vowed enemie, in thy pretence to this Realme, which pertaines not to thee, neither canst thou gaine it by thy forces so often vanquished: but [Page] heerein thou resemblest the bold-faced and shamelesse A fitte [...]ample of the Lea­guers pro [...]ceedings [...] Fraunce. Woman iudged by Salomon, who was contented, that the Childe which neuer sprang from her body, (rather then it shoulde be deliuered to the rightfull Mother:) should be deuided and cut in halfes, according to the discreet iudgement of the King, who pronoun­ced that sentence, onely to know the true Mo­ther, well knowing that she would neuer con­discend to such a crueltie.

Thou canst not by right obtaine Fraunce, wherein remaineth nothing of thine, and there­fore thou wouldest rather dismember it, and giue it as a pray to the Spaniard our greatest e­nemie, then we should enioy our true & legitti­mate successour, who shewes himselfe a Father of his Countrey & the estate, and as one rather desirous to loose, then see it ruinate: woulde by kindnesse call home the Rebels to repentance. Heereto tended his so long siedge against Pa­ris, beeing certaine, that if hee had not detested the spoyle thereof, (notwithstanding it was the fordge of all this rebellion) hee had long since forced, taken and possest it, or layd it leuell with the ground in cinders.

Thys succour of the Spanyards, (which at at this present are thy Gods, yet in the ende, thou shalt finde them rauening Woolues) is very conformable to thee: but if by thy incan­tations and charmes, thou canst call the deade [Page] from theyr graues, or draw them out of the fire infernall, call to thy ayde if thou wilt, [...]at [...] to the [...] black [...], Son [...] [...] the 3. [...]ngland, [...] re- [...] thys [...]lesse K. [...] seate [...] he had [...] it. Don Pedro, the first and onely of that name, sur-na­med the cruell, hee beeing the fourth King of Castile, and the thirtie-fyue of Leon, who be­gan his raigne in the yeere one thousand, three hundred and fiftie, by crueltie, and therein con­tinued all his life tyme. In vnhappy houre hee espoused fayre Blanch of Burbon, (of that royall house which raigneth at this day in despight of thee) whose life he shortened by poyson in the pryson of Medina Sidonia: and her bodie was afterward taken vp by the French, who (on this occasion) entred into Castile on the behalfe of Don Henry, and so was buried at Tudela in Na­uarre.

Rayse vp thys Python, rayse vp this mon­strous Tyrant if thou canst, whose cruelties sur­passed all other cruelties: addicted to vnlawfull loues, to murders, massacres, persecution of his Lords, cruell to his Subiects and his owne proper blood: a periured wretch, a parricide, an impious robber, he will serue thee for a goodly guide to thy men of warre.

Call vp Erithia, who vnder collour of Re­ligion and holinesse, in the time of the former Kings, established and caused to be builded in Spayne, a great and magnificent Temple, in the Ile of Tartessus, nowe called Calis, or Tarifa, whereof she then changed the name, & caused [Page] it to be called Erithia. To this Temple was due the tenthes of the pyllages and theeueries of the West parts, by perpetual ordinaunce, and very long time obserued: because those Kinges of Spaine, to couer theyr thefts and spoyles, gaue part thereof vnto their false The S [...]nyards [...] cōtinue deuotion their Go [...] Gods.

Drawe foorth of Hell a most ambicious Cardinall of Spayne, called Ximenes, no meane enemy to them that were of greatest authoritie in his time, for he could scant brooke any com­panion in the gouernment of Castile, and ther­fore would deuide betweene the King and him­selfe, the authority royall. Call the authours of the tumult of Medina Sidonia, and those turbu­lent fellowes, that forced and violenced the Courts of Parliament and Chauncerie, in Vail­ledolid: whereupon ensued a rigorous deter­mination, yet no more then the rebellious brea­kers of iustice had deserued.

Summon the sedicious people of the Cittie of Badaios to the Realme of Castile, who reuol­ted from theyr King Don Sancho, and yet ne­uerthelesse were too cruelly punished: for the King hauing giuen thē assurance of their lyues, suddainly caused them to be massacred, with­out sparing man, woman, or child, to the num­ber well neere of foure thousand. Send for the A Ca [...]logue of honest [...] Span [...]ards, such they [...] still to th [...] day. sedicious of Lisbone, of whom I spake be­fore. Call for the rigour & crueltie of the Spa­nish Inquisition. Ayde thy selfe with the facti­ous [Page] of Castile, for the Bishop of Siguenca. Draw to thee by thy sortiledges, the conspyring Vail­ledolitaines, in the yeere foure hundred & six­tie foure, who rebelled against the King Don Henrie the fourth, who were accompanied with certaine of the chiefest personages, beeing moo­ued with a kind of iealousie against Don Ber­trand de la Cueua, made Maister of the Caua­lierie of S. Iames, because he was the Kings Mi­nion: yet defended they themselues with other reasons, and made the desire of publique bene­fite, a shadowe for theyr conspiracie. Which was not punished when it might haue beene, through the negligence and ouer-great com­passion in the King, who rather loued to shewe himselfe quiet, then valiant.

Hee endured the peremptory speeches of the Byshop of Calorra, without being moued, and was betrayed on all sides, but principallie by Aluaro Gomes, whom he putting in trust with hys greatest affayres, because from meane degree he had highly aduaunced him: yet hee notwithstanding wrought the meanes, wherby hys aduersaries warred against him, and gyuing no credite to the coūsel was giuen him: was be­trayed to the Arch-bishop of Toledo, & depri­ued of courage, was afterward disgraded igno­miniously in Auila, & so deposed frō his royall seate. But it may be these fellons are not bad e­nough to receiue thy prest-money, because thy [Page] present companions, surpasse them in villanie and treason; for these rehearsed, contented thē ­selues wyth chasing theyr King, marie thy com­panions haue murdered theyrs. Then call yet if thou wilt from Plutoes kingdome, other worse Bloodie Spanyard murderer of Kings spoylers o [...] Commo [...] weales. Spanyards: the rebellious Subiects of Phillip de Castro, Prince of Arragon, whom they kyl­led in Castile; the Granadanes, who slew Ioseph the seauenth, and Ismaell the fift, theyr Kinges; The Valentians in the yeere one thousand, three hundred, and fortie-seauen, because of the suc­cession in the Realme of Arragon: notwith­standing, their rebellions were subdued by the King, Don Pedro the fourth, who gaue battaile to these rebellious confederates: Sarragossa was captiuate, and Valentia conquered, albeit at the first, the Valentians thought to make resistance, and many skyrmishes past betweene them and theyr Kings: but beeing many times vanqui­shed and repulsed wyth losse, they resolued in the end, to surrender vp the Citty, which the King (beeing by nature sharpe and rigorous) would haue rased, that the plough might passe thereon, and then haue sowed salt in the place, in hatred of the dishonourable insolencies hee sustained by the Valentians.

Neuerthelesse, he was disswaded from hys angry purpose, by his Lordes that then were with him: and contented himselfe with the ex­ecution of iustice on certain of the conspirators.

[Page]I see thee nod thy head, and that yet thou hast neede of other kind of whelpes: for these yet rehearsed, thou wilt but place among so many Rebels, as holding yoke with thee, do yet trust to the clemencie of our Alcides, & wold be submitted to his mercie. Then ioyne to all these, to increase and make vp the number of thy newe Spanish Armie: the League of Arra­gon against theyr King: rayse vp the vsurpers of Zaell in the Realme of Valencia.

I will propose no other No exam­ [...]es allead­ [...]d, but [...] of the [...]cked Spa­ [...]ards. Rebels to thee, then onely of the Spanish Nation, confederates & Nursses of thy Fore-fathers; extreame cru­ell, and agreeable to thy humours. The Rebels of Gallicia, who cast off Ramis, the third King of Leon; The coniuring Bishops, that scaffol­ded theyr King of Arragon, and made him pay an honourable fine, because hee had taken the reuenewes of the Churches, whereto hee was constrained by necessitie, to satis-fie the char­ges of the wars against the Moores, in the yeere one hundred, foure-score and two. Get to thee also by the same enchauntments, the Rebels of Sallamanca, against the King of Leon; Of the Nauarrets, by whom neuerthelesse these sediti­ous were besieged, taken and chastised; Of the Lords of Lara, who mooued great threatnings and attempts, in the raigne of King Henrie of Castile: An Almorand, quarrellous and sedi­cious against the estate of Nauarre; The mu­tinous, [Page] of Ebora, hauing for their cheefe leaders, Gonsallo and Vincent Ianes.

If the Spanish Tyrant Phillip, if his sonne in lawe the Duke of Sauoy, if the Duke of Parmae [...] war but [...] his owne profit, and the King [...] maister. Par­ma, who is come to thy succour for his owne profit and his maisters, suffice not with theyr forces, in steede of them which haue beene van­quished by our inuincible Hercules and his va­liant Noblemen: call vppe to thy ayde by thy charmes, the predecessours of thy King, no lesse cruell and bloody, to wit, Alphonsus, King of Castile and Leon, vnhappie, vicious, and most tyrannous: Almundir, desirous to raigne: Be­renger, the murtherer of his brother Remond, whervpon hee dyed very miserably: Bermond, the 21. King of Leon: Henry the fourth of Castile: Eringo, who poysoned the King Bam­ba, and raigned ouer the Gothes: Don Alphon­so, the 11. who caused his brother the infant of Castile to bee smothered: Ferdinand of Arra­gon, who conspired with the Duke of Ferrara, to poyson the King Don Ferdinand: Garcia, King of Leon: Mahomet the fourth, King of Granado: and many others besides.

If the women that beare thee company, haue not their wits sharpe enough, to aduance both thine & their own affaires: withdraw thy selfe to hell, and there consort thee with that wicked Queene of Metz, Brunechilde the Sorceresse, by nation of a Spanish Goth, daughter to Atanagilde, [Page] the twelfth King of the Gothes, whom Sigibert King of Mets married for the plague of France. And if thou wilt, for company ioyne with her Goswind the Gotthish Queene, who conspired against King Richard very troublesomely: take likewise Brunehault, Fredegonde, and all the de­uillish women of the world. Ayde thy selfe yet if thou pleasest, with Cerberus, the Sisters Eu­menides, and with all the horrible route of hell, because thy The holy [...], is [...]ll it selfe. selfe art very hell in-deede. Re­uiue againe all the Monsters vanquished by auncient Hercules: but being thy selfe so mon­strous, thou hadst neede fortefie thee well with the Monsters already subiected by the force of the aduenterous Thebane.

Doost thou trauaile thy selfe to seeke on the earth, and vnder the earth, all that is an e­mie, pernicious, monstrous, cruell, turbulent, bloody, barbarous, odious, horrible, and con­trary to vertue, knowing the same to bide in thine owne selfe? Needest thou any other assi­stance then thine owne? other forces or other horrours? Thou surpassest all the horrours of earth and hell, all the malices of the ayre: and neuer was any crueltie or treason exercised, but thine hath surmounted them. Canst thou not content thy selfe to haue thys Geryon of Spayne thy succourer? Are not these thy fathers strong enough to maintaine thee in thy greatnesse?

But when thou shalt be thus assisted with all [Page] that I haue spoken of: can all these forces, all these cruelties, treasons, charmes, Magical-arts, Fryers frocks and hoodes, these Monsters, the horrours infernall, & these Furies, ouer-throw our Alcides? The body is stronger then the shadowe, and trueth more forcible then false­hoode.

Thou groundest thy selfe on an vniust cause, on humaine strength and exceeding violence: our Hercules (in his iust cause) buildeth not on fleshly forces, but on GOD onely that esta­blished him, the vertue, equity and right of hys claime; thy in-iustice and ambition, are the e­nemies, that hetherto haue disgraced and defi­led thee. Thinkest thou to conquer by flatte­ring and embracing thy foe? the spye that be­trayes thee, and discouers all thy enterprises? Would God thou hadst beene smothered in thy byrth, then had not this estate beene in such combustion where thou raignest: but thou hast gyuen him the fayre collours, which begui­leth thee, and strengtheneth vs, thou hast ho­noured and shaddowed him with the goodly ti­tles of The bl [...] ­dished [...] of y ^e [...] wherby t [...] deceiue [...] world. Catholique, zealous, the enemie of the Heretiques and Pollitiques, the Freende of the Common-wealth, and the holie Vnitie.

These couertures are too slender and feeble to blinde the eyes of our Lynceus: and are no other to thee then Nets, to wrappe thee in, as [Page] Venus with Mars, by the cunning of Vulcane, or as ambuscadoes, on suddaine to surprise thee. Thou flyest fayre, with thy enemie after thee following at thy heeles, and euer-more to our great aduantage: he spurres thee, and yet (as I haue said) keepes thee companie, albeit thou hast deckt him with so many double Crosses and bought Pater nosters, after the fashion Ca­stillane and Albanois, as hee seemes to thee thy speciall friende; thus louest thou thy fraudulent coulloured enemy, and hatest and pursuest vs to thy vttermost.

And albeit so many learned pennes, haue discouered him for a bold-faced shamelesse beast, defacing his faire glistering collours, where-with like a Peacock hee makes thee fol­low him about: let vs once againe lift vppe this counterfeite Masque, and wee shall see wyth what Chymaera, and with what Hydra our Her­cules hath to deale.

He that vnder thy Ensigne makes open war vppon vs, and couert warre vppon thee, or ra­ther this enemie that fights for vs against thee, (for he neede not doubt, but the faithlesse am­bition which thou hast brought foorth and be­gunne, will bring both thee and thy other Con­iurers to a miserable end,) decks himselfe with feigned loue to the Common-weale & the ho­ly vnitie. VVhat publique-weale? what holy [Page] vnitie meanes he? Callest thou it cōmon-good to ruinate so many Countreyes and Citties? is this detestable League, this coniuration so per­nicious to the estate and the Catholique Reli­gion, a holy vnitie? If it be? the effects doe publish themselues. VVas neuer seene such out-rages, such impieties, wracke of Religion, corruption, licentiousnesse and Atheisme: as since thou thus exaltedst thy selfe, and hast trode both iustice and Religion vnder foote: thy Armes haue brought in thys dysorder, and generally hath dyspersed bothe bloode and fyre.

Thou prophanest iustice, thou forcest and slaue-like leadest it vnder thy irregular and most indirect Lawes: thou makest the Catho­lique Religion the Goddesse of warre, that strikes, spoyles, and kylles. Hast thou no shame? Knowest thou not that Religion is full of peace, and makes it her glorie to suffer and endure torments, and not to torment any? Knowest thou not that shee defends her-selfe by Martyrs, by Fayth, Humilitie, Obedience, yea, all the other Vertues: and not by mortall Armes?

The Church is millitant, but with what warre, hurts and woundes? euen those of her Spouse CHRIST IESVS; who so giues Religion anie other Armes, then those that [Page] Christ Iesus gaue to hys Church, in stedde of aduauncing, dooth ruinate it. The Armes gyuen by GOD to a Christian, are iustice, in sted of a Corselet, [...]hn, 29. [...]. 5. [...], 59. the Helmet of Health, the inexpugnable Target of Equitie, the Shield of Fayth, the Sworde of the Spirit, which is the worde of GOD.

Heere-vpon Saint Paule sayth: [...] Thes. 5 Let vs which are of the daie, bee sober, putting on the Breast-plate of Fayth and Charitie, and the hope of Saluation for our Helmet. For God hath not ap­pointed vs to wrath, but to obtaine Saluation by our Lord Iesus Christ.

And to the Ephesians he sayth: [...]. 6. Finally my Bretheren, be strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might. Put on all the Armour of GOD, that yee may stande against the assaults of the de­uill. For wee wrestle not against fleshe and bloode, but against Rulers, against powers, against worldly Gouernours of the darkenesse of this world, against spirituall wickednesse in heauenly places.

For this cause take vnto you the whole Ar­mour of GOD, that yee may be able to resist the euill daie, and hauing fynished all things, to stand fast: hauing your feete shodde with the prepara­tion of the Gospell of Peace. Aboue all, taking the Shielde of Fayth, where-with you maie quenche all the fierie Dartes of the Wicked.

Take also the Helmet of Saluation, and the [Page] Sworde of the Spirite, which is the Woorde of GOD.

These Armes are commendable, & meete for a Christian, and hee is forbidden to vse o­ther materiall Armes, where he goes for Reli­gion and for hys conscience, vvhich are no pro­per meanes to maintayne and defende them withall.

And nowe at thys instant comes to my me­morie, an example well worthie noting, shew­ing that Religion ought not to be debated or prooued by corporall Armes; The Hysto­rie is taken from the faythfull Corriualles of Spayne.

The Maister of True R [...]ligion no [...] to be dec [...]ded by th [...] sword, [...] the exam [...]ple. Acantara, D. Martin Ianes de la Barduba, of the Portugall Nation, entred in quarrell with the King of Granado, about Religion, and woulde make proofe of the trueth of his Religion by Armes. Heereupon, at the motion of a certaine Hermit, vvho had promised hym victorie against the Infidell Moore King, (in despight of the King of Ca­stile to whom he was subiect, and had forbidde him to enter war on this occasion:) he brought an Armie to the Fielde, gaue Battaile to the Moore King, and there by the iust iudgement of God, was worthily punished; For there was he slaine, and hys Armie vanquished, & driuen to flight by the Granadanes.

[Page]In thys case he vsed no manner of collour or pretence, the trueth was, that he tooke Armes for the maintenaunce of the Christian Religi­on, and yet neuerthelesse was ouer-come. Then thou, that vnder cloake of Religion hast raised these Armes, and perpetrated so manie sundry euils: what thinkest thou will become of thee?

IS it not permitted thē (sayst thou) to bandie our forces against an hereticall Prince? Albeit thou hadst such a one, yet is it not for a Subiect to Arme himselfe a­gainst his King, and that the Catholique Noble men which follow him, may well gyue thee to vnderstand. Tush, this is no­thing els but thy deceit▪ it sits thee well to haue such a colloured pretext▪ although thou hast no hereticall Prince. For the good life and beha­uiour of his Maiestie, with the desire hee hath to be better instructed without obstinacie, if he were in errour as he is not, exempts him from [Page] that infamous name, and renowneth him wyth the most Christian King.

The tree is knowne by his fruite: good rea­son then that thy barbarous actions, shoulde shewe thee to be plunged in the bottomlesse depth of Atheisme. For if thou didst beleeue in GOD, or but loue him: thou wouldest fo­low his word, and obey thy Prince: what euer he be in hys conscience, he seeketh not to con­straine thine. He is a Christian, & most Chri­stian King, further of from the infidelitie and impietie that raignes in thee, then thou or thy helpers, are neere your tyrannous willes to de­spoile him of hys Crowne.

I would particulerly aunswer to all thy false inductions, placed in a rancke vnder thys slye pretence: if others (better able then I) had not doone it before mee, wherein there is not anie thing forgotten.

This is to bee granted, that a soueraigne Prince is not to be violate, and hys Subiects are bound to obey him (whatsoeuer he be:) with­out doing that which is contrarie to the honour of God. If the King command me to goe to war in his seruice, to mount my horse, and to giue a charge vppon the enemies of his estate: I will doe it most gladly, and am bound in duetie so to doe. If he commaund me to change my Religi­on: I will not doe it, neither is there any such duetie to be exacted on me. But his Highnesse [Page] is so wise, as he well knowes, that his power ten­deth not that way: at his descretion and ap­pointment remaines our bodies and goods, the conscience onely appertaineth to God. He can not force it, and if (perchaunce) he should offer the meanes of Religio [...] not to b [...] changed any con­straint, b [...] to be [...] stood by [...] suf [...]raunce, God in i [...]stice righ [...] the cause. constraint: I would withstand him by sufferance, and giue ouer force, not resist againe by force. I will change my Countrey to shunne this compulsion, or I will dye in the de­fence of my Religion: notwithstanding, our good Kings thoughts are farre from this, he wil not make warre against God, to take from hym his kingdome, which is our conscience & soule, he being inspyred with him, and burning in the zeale of his loue. Hauing deuided the French Empire with God: thinkest thou hee will take from him his part, or but enterprise vppon hys estate?

Hee is no Tyrant to doe so, like thee, that wouldest vsurpe, and teare it altogether out of his handes: but hee shall well enough defende thee, thou hast a puissant and vnconquerable aduersarie against thee, hee that with him hath part of this Empire. And when thou hast pre­sented all thy humaine forces, those that thou hast gathered together of lost men and strange Spanyards, equall in number with the Armie of Xerxes: yet shalt thou not be able, (I will not say to fight) but onely to hold head against our Alcides, hauing hys Maister, the most mighty [Page] King of Kings to be hys helper, who holds him by the hand, who in thys estate established him and the predecessours of hy srace, for the space of sixe hundred yeeres and more, & commaun­deth vs to obey him: thou (to thy extreame da­mage) hast prooued hys force more then Her­culean.

Hys Edicts and holy ordinaunces be obey­ed, and most expresly already proposed by ma­nie pennes, and sundry Doctors of diuinitie, for our perfection: which consisteth in the obedi­ence due to GOD, and consequently, to such as he hath placed ouer vs, [...]ath. 10. [...] 23. [...], 13. [...]ct. 2, Kings, Princes, and other theyr Lieuetenants, for the chastising and punishment of male-factors, and sounde assu­raunce of the good.

To resist the King and hys seculer authori­tie, is to ryse against GOD, the Authour and protector of royall dignitie: by which [...]ou, 8. Kings raigne, and the Princes of the earth exercise iu­stice towards theyr Subiects; [...]hat we [...] to [...] our [...], and [...]rebell any [...] of cause. By which the wise are maintained, Rebels prostrated, theyr enterprises ouer-throwne, and the iniury doone to the blessed and annoynted of the Lord, sear­ched into, and venged wyth seuerity. The an­tiquity of the Royall estate, is most excellentlie noted in the holie Scripture, and recommended in Melchisedech King of Salem, in the tyme of the great Patriarch Abraham, long before Moises.

[Page]Kings depend and are established by God ouer theyr people: God sayd to the people of Israell; Deut. 17 When thou art come into the land which the Lord thy God giueth thee, and enioyest it, and dwellest therein, and if thou shalt say, I will sette a King ouer me, like as all the other Nations that are about me: thē thou shalt make him King ouer thee, whom the Lord thy God shal chuse from among the number of thy Brethren, and thou maist not sette a stranger ouer thee, that is not of thy Bretheren.

Since thys Lawe, in the tyme of Samuel, the 1. Sam. 9 Israelites, desirous to vse theyr priuiledge re­ceiued of GOD: demaunded that a King might goe before them, leade theyr warres, de­fend theyr Countrey, and venge them on theyr enemies, euen as by all other Nations they be­helde the Maiestie royall to florish and be ad­uaunced. Which by the commaundement of God was graunted to them, wheron succeeded Dauid, chosen according to Gods owne hart, and so continued this dignitie among the Isra­elites: tyll by the deuision of the people, & di­uorce of the auncient Religion, it was tottered and shaken, and afterward in the ende, dissipa­ted and brought to nothing.

Neuerthelesse, what captiuitie ensued on the people of the Hebrewes; what-soeuer strange Kings were commaunded them: yet had they euermore in chiefe commendation the Royall greatnesse, and were instructed by the [Page] Prophets to obey and pray for their Kings, yea, although they were Ethnickes and Pagans, in so much as GOD had appointed them theyr Lords, during theyr bondage and captiuitie.

1. Peter, 2 Subiects ought in all feare to submit them­selues to theyr Princes, not onely the good and humaine, but those likewise that are stearne & rigorous, for this is agreeable to the wil of God. If any one for the cause of hys conscience to­wards God, endureth vexation and suffers vn­iustly, our God in no case will permit the Ser­uaunt to contend against his Maister, nor the vassayle to take vp Armes against his King.

But the King (sayst thou) is contrary to thee in doctrine, what dooth thys pretence auayle thee? when were he contrary in doctrine, and as impious and sacriligious as thy selfe: yet it followes not, that iustly thou art to reuolt from him, to make warre vpon him, to attempt hys life, and the spoyle of his estate.

It is certaine that Saule, for hauing contra­ryed Gods commaundement, in pardoning the Amalechites, whom he should haue put to the sword: hee was giuen ouer to the euill Spirit, who by times tormented him, and declared him vnworthy of the Realme: Notwithstanding, was it lawfull for any liuing man among his subiects, to enterprise against him? So much wanted it in Dauid himselfe, who coulde finde farre greater occasion to doe it than any other, [Page] not onely pretending to the Crowne, (hauing beene before by the Prophet Samuell annoyn­ted 1 Sam. 1 King of Israell) but also carrying in me­morie the iniuries he receiued of Saule day by day, in recompence of his good and faithfull seruices: albeit he were a fugetiue, he, his father, and all his race: albeit in despight of him, (through cruell indignation) Saule had caused to be slaine, the sacrificing Priests of God, to the number of foure score and fiue, that wore the linnen 1 Sam. 2 Ephode: besides, discomfited their cit­tie Nob, & in the same rage slewe with the edge of the sworde, so many men, women, children, yonge sucking Infants, Oxen, Sheepe, and As­ses, as were there to bee founde, onely because the hygh Priest Ahimelech gaue Dauid to eate in extreame necessitie, as also deliuered him the sword of Goliah, being ignorant that he had fled the Court, and was in Saules displeasure.

Although that Dauid was searched through all the corners of Israell, in the Mountains, De­serts, Rockes, and places very neere vnaccessa­ble: although that Saule had appointed & con­cluded his death, and Dauid hearing this sen­tence, well knew himselfe to be innocent: al­though that God had giuen the King into hys handes, and easily hee might haue put him to death. Yet had he no will to touch the person Royall, assuring himselfe, that who soeuer durst be so hardy, what good right to euer he coulde [Page] pretend in the cause: yet should he not stande innocent before the face of God.

Which well hee witnessed in the Caue of 1. Sam, 24 En-gadi, and in the Desert of 1. Sam, 24 Ziph, euen there where soone after Saule was discomfited. For euen as Dauid was hyd in the Rockes of En-gadi, Saule beeing aduertised thereof, tooke three thousand of the most chosen men in all Is­raell, and so went to seeke Dauid and his men, in sollitarie and vn-habitable places. There Saule causing his men to come before hym, went into a Caue to ease himselfe, and Dauid and hys men remained behind within the same Caue, whē as Dauids people thus spake to him. Nowe is the day whereof the Lorde thy God tolde thee: [...], 26 see heere I giue thine enemie into thine hand, and thou shalt doe with him what thou pleasest.

Dauid behelde his enemy alone, in a place conuenient, farre enough from hys men, disgar­nished of defence, and brought in all poynts according to hys owne wyll. Hee coulde haue smytten hym, without hazarding the meanest of hys people, or without moouing his enemies troupe: now could he haue left the Host a bu­ried memorie of the place wher Saule had with­drawne himselfe, that there should not remaine any tracke of hys entrance or foorth-comming. Albeit he knew by thys deede, he should be de­liuered from all hys enemies at once, and aduan­ced to the Maiestie royal promised him before: [Page 24] notwithstanding, hee was so farre of from re­knowledging the ingratitude and ill will of the King, as secretly hee arose, and cutting a peece of the skyrt of hys garment, beeing yet touched in his hart because he had done so much, he sayd to hys men. 1. Sam. 24. The Lord keepe me from dooing that thing to the King my Soueraigne Lord & Maister, the Lords annointed, let not me lay my hand on his person that is sacred and annointed. For albeit hee is nowe in my power to reuenge my selfe, yet will I not doe that which I knowe is defended and prohi­bited by God, seeing he is annointed of him.

Thus Dauid appeased the people wyth hys words, and woulde not permit them to ryse a­gainst Saule, notwithstanding all the reasons they could alleadge: so that Saule acknowledg­ing his humanity, by the demonstrations he had of Dauid at his comming forth of the Caue, he fell into teares, and thus spake vnto Dauid.

Thou art more righteous then I, for thou hast rendred me good, whereas I intended thee euill, and thou hast shewed mee this daie the good thou hast doone me: for asmuch as when the Lord had gy­uen me into thy handes, yet thou wouldest not kill me. For who shall find his enemie, and let him de­part into a good waie: wherefore the Lord will re­ward thee with good, for that which thou hast done vnto me this day. And nowe I beholde, and knowe for a certaintie, that thou shalt be King, and the kingdome of Israell shall be stablished in thy hands.

[Page]Such were the words of Saule to Dauid, be­holding the humanitie Dauid had vsed towards him: by which pardoning of hys enemy, he ad­uaunced hym, and was so farre of from beeing auenged, as hee withdrewe himselfe from his right of raigning in the Kingdome which God had giuen him.

I cannot omit in thys case another deede of Dauid toward Saule. The Ziphians being come to Saule in Gibea, aduertised him that Dauid was hid in the Mountaine of Hachilah, which was face to face before the Desert of Iesimon. Then Saule renuing hys mortall enmity against Dauid, accompanied himselfe with three thou­sand able men, and pitched his Campe on the Mountaine of Hachilah.

Nowe Dauid dwelled in the wildernes, and knew by hys espials that Saule was come neere him; wherfore (in the night) hee came to the place where Saule had placed his Campe, and hymselfe slept within the Fort, hys Tents bee­ing pitched rounde about him, and very neere him was Abner the sonne of Ner, the chiefe Captaine of hys Armie. Which Dauid percei­uing, discended into that place with Abisay, & approched neere his enemy Saule, when Abisay thus spake to Dauid. [...] Sam, 26. God hath closed thine e­nemie into thy hand this day, now I pray thee let me smite him once with my speare to the earth, and I will not stirre a foote from thee: wherto Dauid an­swered. [Page] I will not haue him smitten: for what is he can lay his hand on the Lords annointed, and be guiltlesse. And Dauid said furthermore. So truelie as the Lorde liueth, no harme shall be doone him: but rather God shall smite him, or his day shal come to die, or he shall discend into battaile, and there pe­rish. The Lord will keepe me from luying my hand vpon his holie and annointed: but I pray thee one­lie take hys Speare that standes at his heade, and his Cruse of water, and so let vs depart.

Thus Dauid contented hymselfe wyth thys brauado: euer-more declaring hym to be no way excusable, that should attempt any thing against the person of the King.

Let me say beside, that Saule beeing slaine in the fight against the Philistines, 1. Sam, 3 [...] and Dauid hea­ring tydings of hys death, was very sorrowfull, and vsed meruailous lamentations: commaun­ding him to be brought before hym that had cut off his heade, who thought to delight hym with bringing the head of Saule, saying that he had doone him to death, when Dauid, mooued with pitty and anger: How is it (quoth he) that thou wast not afraid to lay thine hand on the Lords annointed? 2. Sam, 1 Thy blood be vppon thine owne heade, for thine owne mouth hath testified against thee, saying: I haue slaine the Lords annointed.

All the water of the Sea cannot then serue to wash the murderers of the late King, neyther shall any of them be held excusable, that pursue [Page] the life and estate of hys successour, our vertu­ous and most valiant Prince. But thou allead­gest the Prouerbe common among the barba­rous: Si ius violandum est, regnandi gratia vio­landum est: If right be to be violate, for a kingdoms sake it is to be violate. Wherfore then vsest thou the pretence of Religion and common-good, to ouer-throw the most simple with these deceits? Thys prouerbe is of Tyrants and Atheists, who regard not that God is the reuenger of Kings, and returneth euill to such as enterprise against theyr estates.

VVhat aduauncement receiued Absalon, listning to the pernitious counsell of [...] Sam, 16 Achi­tophell, and following it, attempted against the person of King Dauid hys Father? What hap­pened to [...] Kings, 1. Adonia, who thought to vsurpe the Realme against Salomon, hauing deceiued the Mother of the King, as very well it was made knowne vnto him afterward? How is it chaun­ced to those, who (to the hard hap of Fraunce) taking a morsell wyth the Spanish enemie and the trecherous League, haue troubled thys e­state? Howe will it fall out with such, who af­ter beeing in fauour wyth the coniuration, dyd by a Monke murder the late King? let them not now stand doubting, seeing that GOD is iust.

But to confute the colloured obiection of the Leaguers at thys day, who say, that the King [Page] is of a contrary Religion, and thereby pretende an excuse for theyr conspiracie. Haue they not read in the holy Scripture, that 1. Reg. [...] Ieroboam king of Samaria, had raiected the auncient Religi­on? VVhat Prophet perswaded to make war against hym? Hys Sonne dyed of disease be­cause of hys sinne: the ruine of his Realme was fore-told him, but not executed by hys Sub­iects, offenders against the Law of God.

Great euils befell to 1. Reg. [...] Achab & the Realme of Israell, for hauing brought in new Religion by the perswasion of Iezabell, Daughter to the King of the Sidonites; false Prophets were per­mitted, the Altars were destroyed, and the bet­ter sort of people put to death. Neuerthelesse, 1. Reg. [...] Elias the chiefe Prophet of that tyme, albeit he was of wonderfull zeale: yet did not hee cō ­maunde that any one shoulde rise against the King?

The Prophets of God were hid in Caues, an hundred in one place, and an hundred in an other, secretly nourished with simple breade and water, the good men of behauiour afflic­ted on all sides: and yet was none of them of­fended with the King, or any enterprise prepa­red against hys person.

The Prophet onely shewed him his sinne, and that 1. Reg. [...] GOD would punish it by drought, three yeeres and a halfe: but who euer read, that hee incited any one to contend against his [Page] Prince? Farre off from him was, quae▪ vim vi re­pelleret, he willed none to repulse violence with violence, and so to deliuer their Countrey: but hearing that Kin. 19. Iezabell sought for him to put him to death, he referred vengeance to the hand of God only, who sheweth himselfe a Reuenger, when any one is vniustlie punished by the Ma­gistrate, (whome no man is permitted to resiste with armes) according as it happened to Achab and Iezabell. For besides the death of many Pro­phets, they caused righteous Kin. 21. Naboth to bee murthered, thereby vniustly to gette his Vine­yarde, and then our God, who reserued the pu­nishments heereof till conuenient time, suffered Achab to endure such necessitie, as hee ouer­threwe himselfe and was Kin. 22. slaine. As for Ieza­bell, shee was Kin. 9. throwne from the height of a Towre by her Eunuches, rent in peeces with dogs, & her members scattered in the vineyard of the innocent, whose death shee had before sollicited.

Dyed not Kin. 22. Athalia, who put to death all the royall Children of Ochozias: whereto with­stood the high Priest Iehoiada, that reserued Ioas, in whom the reigne was afterward establi­shed and made peaceable? But very true is it, that when Ioas fell into forgetfulnesse of thys good turne, hee consented to the death of Za­charia sonne to Iehoiada: for which cause, God suffered that he shoulde be slayne by hys owne [Page] proper seruants, which (notwithstanding) none of the sacrificing Priestes nor Prophets woulde attempt or perswade, considering that aboue all things the person Royall is to be reuerenced.

How many Epipha [...]us in hys bo [...]ke o [...] the lyues the Pro­phets. Prophets were in tymes past put cruelly to death by Kings, who neuer exci­ted any tumult against them, but rather coun­celled and induced them to repentance? Esay was parted through the myddest of the bodie with a Sawe, by the commaundement of the King Manasses.

Ieremie was kept prisoner vnder Zedechias, by the Gouernours of the Lande of Beniamin. The Dan, 3, and 6. three Children were cast into the midst of the fiery Fornace, by the commaundement of Nabuchodonozer King of Babilon. Daniel was two seuerall tymes cast out to the Lyons, vnder the raigne of Pagane Kings; Yet reade we not that these dyd so much as speake euill of the Princes & Magistrates, that gaue such sentence on them.

Looke then vpon our Sauiour Christ hym­selfe, the true example of iustice, albeit hee knew the wicked intent of Iohn. 1 [...] Pilate, did he make any acknowledgement of hauing power from aboue? Where dyd he commaund to force the cruell Magistrates, albeit he could haue done it when himselfe pleased? Moreouer, did he not reproue the wish of Luke. 9 S. Iames and S. Iohn, who desired that fire might discend vppon Samaria, [Page] because theyr entrance there was refused? Acts, 23, S. Paule, albeit he were smitten before the Prince of the Priestes: dyd he not freely say: He knew not his greatnes when he reproued him? For it is written (quoth he) Exod, 23, Thou shalt not curse or speak euill of the Ruler of the people: howe much lesse lawfull is it then, to attempt any ill against hys person▪

But still thou obiectest, that the King is of a contrary Religion. The late King whom thou dydst murder, was not he a Catholique? yet in thy bloodie passion hast thou not slaine him, cōtrary to the will of God. And shold it be that our King were of a contrary Religion, and an e­nemie to the Lawes of God, (which hee is not, but feares & honours him: cherisheth his sub­iects both of the one and other Religion, would gladly pacifie hys Kingdome, & requires to be instructed if he were in errour,) is that suffici­ent cause for thee to kyll him, whom GOD a­lone hath lifted to thys authoritie? The con­trary were more necessary rather, as S. Paule sayth Rom, 12 To ouer-come euil by dooing good, [...], Pet, 2, so that our good works may serue to stop the mouthes of ig­noraunt and foolish men: whereby those may be confounded, that esteeme Religion to be an e­nemy to the publique quiet.

For who doubts that Nabuchodonozer was not a man of pernicious opinion, [...]. 1, et 3. when hee de­stroyed the Temple, ouerthrew the Altar, pyld [Page 28] away the holy Vessels, led captiue the people of Israell into Babilon, and constrained many to worship the Image which he caused to be e­rected? yet neuerthelesse▪ so farre were these people from conspyring against him, as Baru▪ 3. Ba­ruch the Scribe to Ieremie, in the name of them wrote to the Iewes that remained at Ierusalem, that they should pray for the life of Nabuchodo­nozer, King of Babilon, and Balthazar hys Son. See Daniell himselfe, was not he faithfull to Da­rius and Cyrus theyr successours? Albeit he was a stranger and a Captiue, found he not grace of thē for hys loyall seruice? yet notwithstanding, he was by nation a Iewe, the other Gentiles: he the seruaunt of God, the other Idolaters: he a Prophet of God, the other blinded in al their doctrines.

I would haue all the Prophets alleadged, & find me but one, that vnder any pretence what­soeuer it were, dyd at any tyme take Armes a­gainst hys Prince: yet were they vsed but as vagabounds, glad to lyue in Heb, 11 Mountaines, in sollitarie and desert places, to escape, and not to mooue persecution.

Math, 3. Iohn, 1, Marke, 1, S. Iohn the fore-runner of our Sauiour Ie­sus Christ, saw in his time Herode Idumean, a counterfeit Iewe, vsurpe the Realme of Galilee and Iurie, he knew the Romaines to be Gentiles and Idolaters, that they had by force not right, depriued the people of Israel of theyr lybertie: [Page] brought them to be tributarie, ordained Go­uernours after theyr owne minde, and doone such things against the people of God, as hee myght well complaine on and lament: did he for al that purpose any thing to their preiudice? or teach them to reuolt against theyr Empyre? The Pharisies came to hym for counsell: gaue he them any meane to mutinie against the Ro­maines? The Souldiours and men of war came to hym, sayd he any thing else to them, but that they should remaine contented wyth their wa­ges?

Dyd he say to them, that the Romans ought not to raigne, or because it was permitted, that therfore they should rise agaynst them? More­ouer, Herodias molested him, King Herode ha­ted him, because he was not a pleaser of theyr persons; He knew wel that his death was plot­ted by Phillips wife, dyd hee therefore animate his Disciples to sette themselues against her or Hered? or dyd he practise any meane to escape? Nothing lesse, but willingly entred the pryson, submitted hys necke to the Executioner, offe­red himselfe to the death: hauing good meanes by hys followers that day by day visited hym, to rayse a mutinie among the people for his deli­ueraunce. For how should hee haue prepared the Esay, 40 Lords way, if at that time and place hee had shewed himselfe impacient? Hee was the fore-runner of hym, that taught him to obey, [Page] pay tributes, & doe the rest of hys dutie to the Princes of this worlde, albeit they were Pagans and Idolaters.

That it should be so, our Sauiour IESVS CHRIST, dyd hee euer preach or permit, that any one should styrre against Caesar? he so much despised it, as beeing demaunded if it were lawfull to pay hym tribute or no, hee aun­swered Math, [...] Giue vnto Caesar that which is Caesars, and vnto God, that which is Gods. I say further­more, himselfe, although he was poore, yet paid he the Trybute for him and S. Peter: comman­ding him to take out of a Math, [...] Fish a peece of mo­ney, to dyscharge there-with his duetie. Hee sawe the Publicanes and gnawers of the peo­ple, to be exacters & ransackers of poore soules, vnder pretence of seeking the Romaine Prin­ces right: neuerthelesse, he neuer did or would take occasion to murmur, but himselfe haunted to the Publicans, and dyd Luke, [...] eate & drinke wyth them.

He well noted the ambition of the Kings of the Gentiles, saying: they would stand vppon the tytles of gouerning: yet did hee euer ani­mate the people to chase them frō their seates? He knew the cruelty of Herod, the iniustice of Pilate, the auarice and hypocrisie of the Scribes and Pharisies: notwithstanding, he euer-more commaunded to obey them. Dyd he find fault with the Scribes and Pharisies sitting in Moises [Page] chayre? or that the people should not do what they sayd, albeit theyr workes were very con­trary? Beeing brought before Herode, dyd he murmure? When he was bounde to be presen­ted before the wicked Iudges, as well Iewes as Pagans; Did not he forbid [...], 18, S. Peter to vse the sworde? yet neuerthelesse he knew himselfe to be innocent, the other vile men: he iust, the o­ther vniust: he trueth it selfe, the other full of lyes, and corrupted by false witnesses.

He could with one word haue ouer-thrown them, as sometime hee did the imperious Ru­lers: he could haue past thorow the middest of them, as he dyd in Nazareth: hee coulde haue made the earth swallowe them, as of olde the mutinous were with Dathan, Corah, and Abi­ram. Notwithstanding, to leaue an example to such as were his, he esteemed it better to suffer, and councelled rather to flye, then vse violence against the Magistrate.

So other-whiles, seeing his Disciples began to animate themselues against the Pharisies, [...]ath, 15 Let them alone, (quoth hee) they be the blinde, leaders of the blinde: and so taught them rather to Arme themselues with pacience, then to of­fer any violence. He very often fore-told them, [...]ath, 10 That they should be brought before Kings, Prin­ces and Iudges, for his sake: Did he therefore bid them finde some meane to sette footing in the Realmes they entred, to the end they shold cō ­plot [Page] and practise the death of the Lordes that there ruled? Did he councell them after theyr entraunce into speech, to aduaunce theyr com­plaints, afterwarde Armes, and then treasons?

Did hee euer aduise to vse humaine forces, to such as had nothing but the two Iame [...] [...] weapons in the time of their furie? To take from any for such as had left their owne; to lift such to the Luke [...] seates of the earth, as war-fared onely but for heauen? He told them that they should be hap­py when they endured persecution, when they were afflicted and chased. Did he ioyne hereto, that they should be happy when they had mur­thered a King, spoiled a faire Countrey, prayed on all the goods of poore people, massacred and killed all such as withstood them?

In what place of the Scripture canst thou finde, one onely point for confirmation of such deedes? Where canst thou shew that the Apo­stles made themselues heades of such enterpri­ses? From what word dost thou gather, that the Subiects may bandye themselues against their Prince? If we shall come to the Apostles, wee shall read sufficiently, howe they endured per­persecution by Tyrants: yet shall wee not read, that by corporall armes they offered rebellion. The Apostle S. Peter was helde prisoner by King Herode: the Armes of the Acts [...] Church, was fasting and Prayer for his deliuerance. The selfe same Herod put to death S. Iames, the brother [Page] of S. Iohn: yet did not the Church in any case mutinie against him. [...], 7, S. Stephen was stoned by the wicked sentence: with what Armes did he reuenge himselfe? He knewe that the Prophet had sayd: Leaue vengeance to me, for I will doe it: therefore he spake no euill, but prayed to God for his persecutors.

Thys charity dyd hee learne of hys Maister Christ Iesus: who kissing the Traytour Iudas, called him friende, and prayed vpon the Crosse for hys tormentors. Likewise he had learned of him, that he which sheddeth blood, is the child of the deuill, such as the Iewes were, in follow­ing the desires of their fathers. [...], 8, For (quoth he) the deuill your father, was a murderer from the be­ginning. And because that [...]ath, 6, [...]or, 6, light and darkenesse, Christ and Beliall, God and the deuill are not a­like; Therefore our Sauiour gaue his Disci­ples manifestly to vnderstand, that they ought to abhorre bloode and slaughter. VVhich S. Cor, 9, Paule well witnessed, when he gloried not in temporall Armes, but spirituall: not in the ho­nours of thys world, but in afflictions for Iesus Christ: in prisons, fastings, shyp-wracks, ha­tred, perrils on the way, daunger of spoyles, de­ceite of false bretheren, and other persecutions, assuring himselfe, that these were the meanes whereby a Christian man was to be exalted.

[...]al, 44 Hee (sayth he) shall be hated and despised of the world. Likewise, [...], 8, He is as a sheep appointed [Page 31] for the slaughter. Great difference is betweene the Apostles and the false Apostles at this day, in seeking the meanes to surprize Kings, gainst whom they no way practised any reuenge. We endured persecution, sayth Saint Paule, yet were we not vanquished, in that, as witnesseth S. Iames, Iames, 1, That the persecution of our fayth, moulded vs in patience, whereby all the worke of a Christian is ac­complished.

For thys cause he taught hys scholler Timo­thie, 1, Tim, 1, to make prayers for Kings, Princes, and Gouernours, to the end hee might liue peacea­ably: albeit such as then raigned in hys tyme, were Pagans and Idolaters. 1, Pet, 2, S. Peter enioyned the lyke to the Churches, to honour their Kings, acknowledging that they were established of GOD, who ordained that all persons shoulde be subiect to the higher power; He commaun­ded they should be obeyed, and if any one offe­red to resist them, he went against the ordinaunce of God.

Notwithstanding, who ruled in hys tyme? Was hee a Christian Prince? or any King that looued true Religion? Hee was a barbarous Nero, inhumaine, an Idolater, the most cruell of all the worlde. Dyd the Apostles resist his tyrannie by Armes, although he was not theyr naturall Prince? Acts, 13 S. Paule reuerenced Agrippa and Felix, he honoured Lithius the Proconsull: he neuer lifted weapon against the Princes, after [Page] he had rid himselfe of those Armes, which at first he bare against Christ Iesus. Of a Woolfe, he became a Lambe: of a blood-seeker, peacea­ble: of a sedicious, humble and obedient: of a mutiner, soft and tractable: thys chaunge hee made of himselfe, after he was brought into the yoke of the Euangelicall doctrine. On the con­trary, madly these false Apostles, haue throwne off thys manner of life, forsaken Christian Re­ligion, gyuen place to rebellion, enemies to GOD, the Church & Princes: sedicious, rob­bers, spoylers, murderers, and in all points lyke to the Prince of dissention.

For who-soeuer commeth into the Church, is conducted by the Spirit of peace, 1, Cor, 13, endureth all things, rendereth good for euill: and according to the words of Christ, Math, 5, loueth his enemies, doth good to them that hate him, pray for them that per­secute and afflict him, surmounting the wicked, not in euill, Rom, 13, but in good. But he that is aban­doned to the euill spirit, is ruminating on bad thoughts, prepareth traines for his brother, and by force seeks to lay hold on hys enemy. And in all these actions is not foūd any one more dete­stable against God and man, then to rise against the person of a King or Prince, to smite or murder him: for he is hallowed and annointed of God, of whom he representeth the maiestie, though he be but a man, and mortal as others are.

[Page 32]Thou vnder-proppest thy hatefull will, to kill thys King as thou didst the last, with the examples of Iaell and Iudith, the first whereof kylled Sisera, chiefe of the Armie to Iabin King of Chanaan: Iudg. 4, he flying to saue hys life in her house, and she perceiuing him a sleepe, tooke a nayle of the Tabernacle, and a hammer in her hand, and so droue it thorow the temples of his head. Iudith, 13, The other leauing the Cittie of Bethulia, and brought into the Pauillion of Holophernes, Captain of the Armie to Nabuchodonozer, see­ing hym drunke and a sleepe, occasion presen­ting it selfe, she cut off his head, and brought it away in a bagge by her seruaunt.

These actes truly were very gracious in these Dames, and worthy of great commendation, in respect they attempted not against theyr King or Prince: but against such as wold ouer-throw the estate royall of theyr Country, and there-a­gainst opposed thēselues with all their strength. Do these examples excuse thy villanie & faith-breaking with thy King? In those tymes, Ia­bin & Nabuchodonozer had no right ouer those people, they came as strangers and enemies a­gainst them, (as at thys day thy aliens and con­federate Leaguers, come against our King, a­gainst his estate, and against his subiects,) and therefore were they so entertained by them.

But after that God had permitted, that one of them should commaunde his people: what [Page] was he that would not endure it paciently, and (as we haue said before) did not vse prayers in Ierusalem, for Nabuchodonozer & Balthasar his Sonne?

I could stand long vpon the reasons and ex­amples of elder times, to testifie the obedience and reuerence, that the first Christians bare to theyr Emperours and Kings, they that were both Pagans & Ethnicks: acknowledging their dignity to be venerable, albeit they would not follow theyr Religion. Which hath beene ap­proued by the Can. Iu­ [...]ianus, Can. qui resistit [...]otestati. Can Impe­ [...]atores, et Can. seq. 11 q. 3. Canons of auncient Popes, and deliuered in theyr owne Decretalles: as before me hath beene very well noted, by the Authour of the Labyrinth of the League. They all haue agreed, that the pretence of Religion what soe­uer it be, coulde not giue any collour to a Chri­stian man, to mutinie and rebell against hys Prince, to take his life from him and hys estate.

They ordinarilie pronounced this sentence, Tertul. in his Apol. Malumus occidi, quam occidere, that they lo­ued rather to be kild, then to kill. For although they were vniustly afflicted by their Princes: rather woulde they submit themselues to the death, then lyft Armes against them. Therfore not to grow tedious to the Reader by prolixi­tie, I will cease from bringing in the auncient Ecclesiasticall Histories, and testimonies of the Fathers: considering that diuers other haue largely discoursed thereon.

[Page]Thou pretendest a collour of libertie and ease of the people, but doost thou therefore bring any remedie? Doost thou discharge them when thou pillest and ransackest the poore, and burnest what-soeuer thou canst not cary away? Thou wouldest call the King to iudgement, ac­cording to the fable of the Aesop Apolo. Woolfe and the o­ther Beastes: to the end, that vnder the shadow of reason, thou mightest vse violence and mur­der him.

Doe we reade of the auncient Prophets, that they complained of Occas [...] taken by imposts the [...] publique [...] exactions of their Prin­ces, and that thereon they grounded occasions to make warre against them? All theyr care was, to shew the Princes their faults, and to ad­monish them of Gods vengeances: not to pro­uoke the people, and to incite thē to lift Armes against them. And it is not to be doubted, but such as gouerned in theyr time, were well wor­thy of reprehension: for which cause, Esay in the beginning of hys prophecie, thus deliuered his words to the people of Israell. Esay, [...] Thy Prin­ces are wicked, and companions of theeues, they loue gifts altogether, and gape after rewards. As for the fatherlesse, they helpe him not to his right, ney­ther will they let the widdowes causes come before them. Therefore saith the Lord God of Hostes, the mightie one of Israell: Ah, I must ease me of mine enemies, and auenge me on my aduersaries, and set thy Iudges againe as they were sometime, and thy [Page] Councellers as they were from the beginning, and then shalt thou be called the righteous Cittie, the faithfull Cittie.

Thus this good Prophet fore-told the iudg­ment of God against these Princes, and the re­storing of the good Iudges and Counsellours: considering that the reprobate were the cause of the euill happened in Israell. A little after, he sayth. [...]say, 3, My people, thy Leaders deceiue thee, and corrupt the way of thy foot-steps. The Lorde shall enter into iudgement with the Elders and Princes of the people, and shall say vnto them. It is you that haue burnt vp my Vineyarde, and the spoyle of the poore is in your houses.

The Prophet Ezechiell sufficientlie witnes­sed & noted the vices of the Princes in his time, saying, they we [...] as [...], 45, Woolues that rauished the pray, that effused blood, that they lost their soules, and gaue themselues to auarice. Hee brought in GOD, speaking against their exactions and imposts, and admonished them to keepe onely a iust ballance. Amos calleth them [...]os, 4. Kine of Basan, outragious to the needie, & oppressours of the poore. Micheas deliuering them before God, reproo­ueth them [...]ich, 3, that they hated the good, & loued the euill, they pluckt off the skinnes of the people, & their flesh from their bones. Sophonia calleth thē [...] 3, ro­ring Lyons: all which tytles sufficiently testifie, that the Gouernours and Iudges in theyr times, were verie wicked. Yet notwithstanding, none [Page] of the Prophets, although they beheld the peo­ple to sincke vnder the exactions, as despoyled of all, and brought into pouertie, did at anie tyme, vnder pretence of the Weale-publique, counsell the people to mutinie or rebel against theyr Princes, but rather vehemently perswa­ded them to pacience.

Callest thou in question any Pagans, or of the doctrine of Mahomet, or Heretiques, who for maintenaunce and aduauncement of theyr deceitfull & false opinions, haue wickedly con­spired against their Princes? Alexander, who was slaine by a Souldiour, that prostrated hym­selfe at his feet before the Cittie of Tauris. A­murath, the first King of that name in Turkie, who after hee had discomfited the Despote of Seruia and Bulgaria, was traiterously put to death by a slaue of Bulgaria, who feigned that he came to saue his life. King Sigibert, enuiro­ned with all his people, who at the motion of Fredigonde, was assailed and murdered by two aduenturous Gentlemen. Certaine people of Phenicia, holding the Law of Mahomet, called murderers, otherwise Beduines, dwelling in hollow nookes of the most spacious Moūtains, lyuing vnder a Lord, whom our predecessours knew by no other name, then the Auncient or Great of the Mountain: they vnder imaginati­on of a Paradise of pleasure, which he had per­swaded into theyr heades, bare this marke on [Page] them, that they made a sollemne vow to mas­sacre all Princes they could lay holde on, that were contrary to theyr sect and opinion.

By them was the County of Tripoli put to death, Edward of Englande taken, and many o­ther great Lords, who by them were either slain or held as prisoners. From them came first the word of murder, as whē one cōmitteth slaugh­ter or such like crueltie, by watching for spoile. I knowe that dyuers other raised themselues a­gainst theyr Kings and Princes, vnder the co­uerture of Religion: but I deny that such mur­derers, (seeing necessarily we must so call thē) were Christian Catholiques, or that for the true faith they enterprised such massacres, so oft and many times condemned in the holy Scripture.

Moreouer, Alexander and Amurath were not Princes and Superiours to such as slewe them, the other likewise were led by a sathani­call spirit, euen as these murderers or Beduines were; And the [...]eiden in [...] of estate of [...]gion. Anabaptists, who within thys little while preached the aduauncement of the Kingdome of GOD, teaching all Princes to crowde in with theyr feete likewise.

Then tell me Leaguer, what remedy is left for thy euill? What excuse can saue thee for thy late murder? Thy leueying of al thy Armes and hostility against thy last Prince, and hys so worthy successour our Alcides, the restorer of the estate, and the Father of hys Countrey?

[Page]Sayst thou he is a Tyrant, or an Heretique, if thou gyuest him these tytles, it is onely but thy passion that leades thee, because of the death of the Duke of Guyse & hys brother: for before their death, the pernicious booke which thou didst cause to be imprinted, in fauour of thy tyrannie, intituled, An aunswer of the true Catholique Frenchmen, to the aduertisement of the English Catholiques, for excluding the King of Nauarre from the Crowne of Fraunce, published abroade in Paris since the Barricados: exalted him, and called him the enemy of heresie, in the leafe 125. beside, named hym, the most religious and deuout of all the Kings of Fraunce, or thorowe the worlde, leafe fiue hundred seauentie-three, and fiue hundred sixtie-one. That he was verie foolish and a beast, who shoulde imagine him to fa­uour an heretique, leafe one hundred fortie-sixe, and fiue hundred sixtie-two. That the Catho­liques ought to serue him faithfully, and by all man­ner of good words to adore him, leafe thirty. How comes it to passe then thou art so suddainlie changed, and gone so farre from thy dutie to­ward thy Prince, by thee acknowledged so Ca­tholique, and voyde of all suspicion of heresie? But if belying thy selfe, thou wouldest not­withstanding tearme him to be a Tyrant, lysten the resolution of Thomas of Aquine agaynst Tyrants.

[Page]Sayst thou then vnder this pretence of ty­rannie, that iustly thou mayst raise thee against the King, to kyll him, murder him by treason, and so to take his estate from him? For the first, he is no Tyrant, and though hee shoulde consent to make any tyrannous Act, (as therein thou saist most false) yet thy wordes fauour of most abhominable errour, and are condemned by the The co [...]sell of Co [...]stance. counsell of Constance, who aboue all things would haue abolished and rased foorth such a pernicious doctrine: That it shoulde bee lawfull to kill a Tyrant, for any cause what soeuer it be. They declared such people to be wicked, erronious in fayth and manners, reproouing and condemning them as Heretiques, or scanda­lous preparers of the way to fraudes, deceites, dreames, periuries, and treasons.

Thys holy Sinode declared furthermore and ordained, that such as obstinatly affirmed and maintained this doctrine, were heretiques, and ought to be punished according to the ho­lie and Canonicall ordinaunces.

Then tell me Sorcerer, art not thou an he­retique, hauing murdered not a Tyrant, but a iust, debonnaire & lawfull King? Art not thou an heretique, to pursue the life and estate of his admirable successour? whom thou art en­forced to confesse & account for a mightie, ge­nerous and affable Prince, gracious euen to­ward his verie enemies, a conseruer of Religion, [Page] although he make profession of that is contra­rie to thee. But thou fearest (as it seemeth) that beeing the heade of his Subiects, hee wyll not change his Religion, but rather his clemencie into rigour and seuerity: thys proceeds but frō the fardle of thy malice.

As concerning the matter of Religion, I haue thereto aunswered thee alreadie: but for the alteration of his kinde nature into another more rigorous, I am perswaded that he is esta­blished by GOD to doe iustice to the wicked. Beside, he is so soundly acquainted with mercy and gentlenes, as hee will neuer from them de­generate: but will pardon hys simple Subiects that gaue but consent to rebellion, and were not authours or procurers thereof.

Dooth it then appertaine to thee to iudge thy Prince? [...]om. 6. Men (saith the holy Scripture) see the outward part, but God onely regardeth the inward. God reserueth to himselfe the ex­aminations of the intents and thoughts of men: wherefore presumest thou then to iudge the hart of thy Soueraigne, when thou sayst he will doe but as such a King, or such a Queene?

Art thou a Prophet, or hath GOD reuea­led to thee the minde & thoughts of the King? It is not for thee, beeing a seruaunt and Subiect to iudge thy Maister, [...]om. 14. but it appertaineth to the Maister to iudge his seruaunt: thy offences are the cause of thys temerarious iudgement.

[Page]A man can haue no better censure of others then of himselfe: for he is of this nature, that he thinkes others doe erre in what himself erreth, so because thou art a lyar and deceiuer of thy King, thou iudgest his Maiestie after thine own affections, and in respect thou art not capable of any good, therefore thou attributest an euill end to all good works, eyther because thou va­luest them as nothing, or for the enuious wyll thou bearest to the King.

The Sunne, whose radiant beames passeth thorow the glasse, receiueth his collour of the same glasse: in like sort, the iudgement which passeth the hart of a wicked man, must needes be wicked, because hys hart is painted wyth a wicked collour: so thy euill opinion of the Kings deedes, proceedes but from thyne owne euill disposition.

A wande thrust neuer so right into the wa­ter, seemeth crooked and broken: euen so thy broken, vicious, and rebellious hart, censureth the sound actions of the King to be broken: as the sicke-man that reiecteth good wholesome meates, and imagineth them to be bitter, because himselfe hath lost his taste.

The deuill, seeing hee could not ouer-come by slaunder the good workes of Iob. 1. Iob, iudged wickedly of hym, that what he did, was doone to an euill end, and therefore he sayd to God: The good which Iob did, was rather for his owne [Page] profit, then his loue. 1. Sam. 10 King Dauid wyth a holie intent, sent to visite Ammon King of Ammon, to comfort hym after the death of his Father Nahas: but the people sayd incontinent, that Dauid had sent priuie Spyes for inuasion of the Kingdome.

So Leaguer, in like manner thou interpre­test to an euill end the good endeuours of the King, as also of hys followers and faithfull Sub­iects. The better sort of people, because they are well minded, iudge euer-more the better way, and wyll themselues excuse the bad dea­lings of theyr neighbours, so much as in them lyeth to performe.

Ioseph in Egypt excused so much as he could, the mallice of hys Brethren, who enuiously had sold him into that Kingdome, saying to them: Gene. 45 That God had permitted it for their profit, and the succour of so manie people. Acts. 7. Saint Stephen ex­cusing before God the mallice of hys persecu­tours that stoned him, sayd: they did it through ignoraunce: so to make lesser the faulte of hys enemies. Euen so the mallice or good inclinati­on of each ones hart, is cause of their iudge­ments good or euill.

The naturall heate in a man, that is health­full, of good nature & complexion, consumeth all that he eateth, and conuerteth it into good blood: as by the like example, the man that fea­reth God, & is enflamed wyth his loue, turneth [Page] what-soeuer he beholdeth to profit therby, but the wicked conuerteth euery thing to euill. A good man giueth credite to all good wordes, (sayth Prou. 1. Salomon:) and thys facillitie in beliefe, is not to be blamed in him, but rather commended. Thys is the holy simplicity of the Doue, which Mat. 10 Iesus Christ commended to his Apostles, wherein consisted: that they should not be ma­licious, they should iudge well of all, and take in good part what-soeuer they saw doone by their Bretheren.

The Iosua. 5 Gabaonites came to Iosuah with an e­uill disposed will, and betrayed the holy person and people of GOD by theyr falshood & de­ceits: and so long as Iosuah with his followers did well, these Gabaonites woulde not beleeue, but that they were come to beguile them. Cha­ritie thinketh no euill, or misiudgeth of anie one. A good man hath no eyes to looke on the faultes of another: but thou that art wicked, ha­uing lost both charitie and the vertue of obedi­ence, thou considerest rashlie, thinking others to be sinners, and thy selfe iust.

Our Sauiour reprooueth thee, where hee sayth: Luke. 6 Hypocrite, thou seest not the great beame in thine owne eye, but thou well notest the lyttle moate in thy neighbours eye. It is a great matter, that not caring for thine owne conscience, thou art become so busie an examiner and inquisiter of the deedes of thy Superiours, as thou wylt [Page] see and pry into theyr thoughts: wherein thou shewest thy selfe but a foole, that hauing to correct so many faults, by thee committed bee­ing a Subiect, thou wilt presume to iudge of thy King & Prince, as also hys Seruaunts, whose deedes imploied to a good end, by thee are mis­construed and iudged after thyne owne fancie. In the old Law, God forbad the Priest to iudge presently of the Leper, but to let Leuit. 13. 7. dayes first be past. If then God wold not permit the priest to iudge so suddainly of the Leper, whom he manisfestlie beheld: thinkest thou he wyl suffer thee (beeing a Subiect) to iudge of thy King, and of the mallice (which thou sayst) is in hys hart, where-into thou hast no eyes to discerne?

Thou Leaguer, thou examiner of the hart and thoughts of thy King, remember the cha­stisement of God on the Bethsamites, because they would needes so curiously looke & search into the Arke of the Testament, as it passed thorow their Countrey: [...]. Sam. 6. God smote to death three-score and ten men of the chiefest sort, and fifty thousand of the common people. The hart of thy King is as the Arke, inscrutable, & much more interiour and secrete are the intentions of a Kings hart and his seruaunts: then were the tables of the Law, the vessels for the Manna, or the rod which was within the Arke of Israell. If then thou weenest so curiously to sift and exa­mine the thoughts & meaning of thy King, be­ing good and iust, yet notwithstanding inter­preted [Page] by thee to an ill ende, thou canst not e­scape the punishment which God inflicted on the Bethsamites: iudge not then rashlie, nor de­tract thy King. The Apostle saith Rom. 1. detracters are abhominable before God: then speake wee in general, how much more abhominable are such subiects, as dare detract against their King and Superiours? All these detracters and slaunde­rers, promise to themselues by their rebellion, a high step into glory; hauing hetherto lyued at theyr ease, on robberies and spoyles made on the faythfull French-men. But ô God! howe farre of are they from theyr account, hauing in hatred the bridge of true repentance, with so­lemne acknowledgment of theyr offences, ouer which all sinners that are Christians must of ne­cessity passe. What-soeuer good the K. doth, thou art in such sort possest with the spirite of dissention▪ as thou sayst it is no more then a Dreame or fantasie.

Thou blamest the Catholiques, that they are allyed with such as thou callest Huguenotes, for maintenaunce of the royall authority in the house of Burbon, the most famous of the world. Didst thou imagine them to be so mad, after the slaughter of theyr most Christian King, as to defend the cause of murderers? And then when no question was to be made of the estate, woul­dest thou haue them falsely breake theyr bond to theyr naturall & legittimate Prince, to whō [Page] by dutie they owe all fidelity? Thy tearme of Religion, ought not hinder the assistance due to him by allegeance: for the Prince is elected of God, what is he thē that shal refuse & be dis­obedient to the heauenly appointment? And who hath made this alliance or coniunction of the Kings Catholique & faithfull seruaunts to­gether, for the placing him in his estate, but thy selfe Leaguer? that didst betray and kill a most Catholique King, to trans-fer the Crown whe­ther thou pleasest.

Art not thou thy selfe leagued with certaine Protestants, who euery day make a preaching in thine Army, & commit great indignities in the Churches, which thou both knowest and be­holdest? But heereof I neede not make anie wonder, for thou art content, that thy zealous The Lea­uers may [...]oe what [...]hey please, [...]nd yet it is [...]o sinne [...]ith them. Catholiques shall spoile euen to the high Al­tare, and yet not be sacriligious. Thou pillest Churches, & our King vseth them as a defence for hys person: so according to thy mallice in­uetterated by nature, thou immediatly turnest all hys good works into poyson, as all things els likewise of thys vertuous Prince.

The The Pope [...]or money, [...]ispenseth [...]ith all Re­gions. Pope himselfe, did he make any dyf­ficultie in matters of estate, to cōsent heretofore with the Huguenotes, by meanes of a certaine a­nuall pension, for the conseruation of the Coun­tie of Auignon, which appertained to him? The Emperour Charles the fift, and Phillip hys [Page] sonne King of Spaine, the source and support of the League: did they find any fault in assem­bling their troupes and Armes, composed of men of all religions, for the ayde and defence of theyr busines?

Thou Sorcerer, doost thou oppose to mee by the mouthes of thy false Prophets, that 2. Ch [...] Io­saphat was contented by the Prophet Iehu, to ioyne in affinity with Achab? And by the pro­phet Elizeus he was likewise vnited to Ochozias King of Israell, he beeing giuen to do ill? That King 2. Ch [...] Asa for making a couenaunt with Ben­hadad King of Assiria, was tempted? That God by the mouth of Esay, as also by the Kinges of Iuda, sayd: Esay. Euill be on you that walke to goe downe into Egipt, and haue asked no question at my mouth, but seeking strength in the ayde of Pharao, haue knit your selues with the number of Egipt, therefore shall the strength of Pharao be your con­fusion? That in Ieremie we read the like words, Iere. 4 [...] and how GOD commaunded hys people, not to make any alliance with the Cananites, Amo­rites, and other Infidell Nations? I aunswer to these arguments, that the prohibition made to King Iosaphat, reached no further then to him­selfe particulerly: because hee was ioyned with a King not onelie irreligious, but also impious. And Asa is reprooued, because forgetting God, he trusted in humane power, whereto in lyke manner tendeth the reprehension of Esay. But a [Page] Christian Prince, that beleeueth in God, may not hee (according to occasion and time) re­ceiue the amitie and alliance of another Prince, different in Religion, especially in the affayres of the estate? Said not [...] to thē [...]dged [...]. [...]ut. 20. Moises, When thou cō ­mest neere to a Cittie to fight against it, thou shalt offer them peace. If then they aunswere thee againe peaceably, and open the gates to thee, then let all the people that is founde therein, be tributarie to thee and serue thee.

Dyd not [...]. 5.16 Iosuah receiue the Gabaonites in­to alliance: which (albeit hee had discouered their fraude and treason) he woulde neuer after breake? What sayst thou to the alliance [...]. 20 A­braham made with King Abimelech? Was not [...]. 23, [...] 27. Dauid in such sort ioyned in amity with king Achis, as himselfe was made of the Guarde to the person of the King? Dyd hee not beare like amitie to [...]. 29. Nahan King of the Ammonites, & allied himselfe with him? Hys Sonne [...]. 5. Salo­mon, did not he the lyke with Hyram King of the Tyrians? Of whom by the meane of alli­ance, he receiued both matter and worke-men, to build the Temple of God in Ierusalem?

It is not then vnnecessarie, that Catholique faithfull Subiects, should ioyne themselues with their naturall and legittimate Prince, although he differ from them in Religion: and with those also of contrary opinion, in so iust a cause: and if they should doe otherwise, who doubts but [Page] they are to be attainted and conuinced, of the selfe same crime as Rebels are?

What saist thou then now? Wilt thou make the Law? appertaineth it not to the King to do it, who relieth on no bodie els but God? Darest thou attempt against his Maiestie? Darest thou yet oppose thy selfe against Gods annoin­ted? Hydra, dooth more heads stil bud foorth, hauing alreadie lost so many? Who doubts but hell is called hell? Thou hast murdered Henrie the third, a Christian King, and yet thy violence is not therewith pacified. Thou hast striuen, & still doost daily striue, to glut thy false and most cruell hart with the blood of our present King, who hath been so kind and debonnaire to thee, and beeing able to doe nothing by force, thou hast recourse to Magique-artes and Charmes: but the goodnesse of God is farre beyonde thy mallice, and in pittie he wil not permit, but that the King and his poore Subiects, who suffer by thee so many abuses and enormities, shall haue the vpper-hand in these waighty affayres, and that it is his pleasure, to let vs shortly see thy nose flatted to the earth, wyth thy neck broken, and neuer heere-after to be better then thou art: as I am fully perswaded thou canst not be, bee­ing clothed with such cruell passions and vio­lent executions. Spare not (for vs) still to ligh­ten the warre with thy ambition, that thou take to thee thy Spanish King & Maister, that thou [Page] bestow on him the supreame power, that thou associate thy selfe with men of spoile, and fit for the halter, robbers, theeues, murderers, & such like, and that all such are the most gratefull and welcomest guests to thee: we expect no other, but the ende of thee and them at the [...]he onely of [...] and [...]ytors. Fourca or Gallowes.

Thou braggest a little, that thou hast some Gentlemen of good birth, whose Fathers (with the price of their liues,) did valiantly defende the crowne: these hast thou in such sort inuei­gled, by thy wicked wrappings & enchaunting perswasions, as their fault and themselues are a­like, and their crime of Lesae Maiestatis, beares witnes of their vertue. They Idoll-like honour thee, and willingly are charmed with thy Siren perswasions, thy sweet songs & affecting blan­dishments, because thou layest thy selfe wide o­pen to theyr lightnes. But I attende the time, that according to the good nature they receiued from their Auncestors, if any at all be left with­in them: they comming to discouer how hidi­ous thou art, how false and full of all detestati­on, in the end wil set their feet on thy neck, be­fore they be swallowed in this depth altoge­ther; as already many of the better aduised are; who find themselues drawne forth of thys La­byrinth, euen as it were by the thredde of A­riadne.

YOV Gentlemen of ho­nourable minde & byrth, that make loue to thys deceitfull Courtezane, good God! how are you abused? Doe yee not behold, that in promising she plucks from ye? and in giuing, she takes away? Despoyling ye of your Noblesse, renowne and honor? See ye not that she cherisheth ye, to the end to slack and weaken ye to your King and Countrey, by making ye drunk with her vnlaw­ful loue? Know ye not the cunning of this wi­thered Geryon, that would separate and deuide ye, in the end to triumph ouer ye? Doe ye not yet discouer her mallice? Haue ye yet your eyes [Page] sealed vp? will ye not purge them of the pow­der of so many collours and false pretences, as are thrown into them, that yee might cleerelie discerne your selues to come into a good way?

The League you reuerence so much, is like a Tree secretlie and subtillie planted in the midst of you, [...] very apt militude [...]f y ^e Lea­ [...]ue. the fruit whereof at the first beholding, seemeth faire, yet are they verie bitter and poy­sonable to poore Fraunce: how happens it thē, that they are so sweet and sauorie to you whose tastes are so fine & delicate? Know yee not that such Leagues, confederacies, and particuler as­sociations of Subiects amongst themselues, or with other Princes, vnder what-soeuer pretence it be, are forbidden by Monarches? Yea, the King of Spaine himselfe that thus beguiles yee, hath by expresse Edicts inhibited his Subiects from thē: yet shal this old Reynard (by the same meanes) spoile & destroy you? Are ye ignorant (my Lords) that there was no accusation more great, against Lewes Duke of Orleance, slaine by meanes of the Duke of Burgundie. Lewes of Fraunce Duke of Or­leance, after he was slaine by the pollicies of the Duke of Burgundie: then because he was allied and leagued with the English Duke of Lanca­ster? Nor can yee defende your selues with the authoritie of the late most worthie Prince, the Cardinall of Burbon, whose integritie and holie zeale to Christian Religion, the Maister whom you serue, vnder the afore-named pretence of pietie and Religion abused. And doubtlesse [Page] as much would he doe, to this honourable, ver­tuous & religious Prince, the Cardinall of Bur­bon his Nephewe, if he did not well perceiue, that so great a Prince and Prelate, by his wise­dome and most carefull fore-sight, (instructed by nature, & cōfirmed from his yongest tender yeeres, by the vertuous documents hee receiued of Mounsieur de Bellozane, a sharp sighted, good Catholique, & most faithful Frenchman) would discouer his fraude and coniuration, and finde readie at his fingers endes, what he entended to his King and all other of his blood. It was not lawfull for that great Prince, the late Cardinall of Burbon, of praise worthy memorie, so kind­ly and easily (notwithstanding his authoritie) to league himselfe, or to giue any occasion or co­uerture of a League: because it pertaineth to none but the King to doit, or to commaund or consent to Leagues, hee hauing the onely soue­raigne authoritie. But the enemies to the King, the estate and his honour, very easilie deceiue him, vnder the colour of Religion & the Weale publique.

You are capable of reason, then conceiue what I say. Forsake the error of thys vile kynde of people, that are dulled and infected with this daungerous poyson: defende your selues with this preseruatiue, and consider, that these Rebels haue their weapons in hande euen against you, seeing they menace▪ the estate, which you ought [Page] and are bounde to maintaine and defende, be­cause thereon dependeth your Noblesse, goods, and liues. The Lea­ue would [...]one pe­ [...]sh, if these [...]ewe would [...]orsake it. The enemie hath diuers times re­ceiued shrewd checkes, but that your assistance and hostilitie relieued him: had we your fideli­tie, with all the rest of this noble body, soone should both the checke and mate be giuen him▪ or rather this Hydra with so many heads, shold be ouerthrowne and vtterly vanquished.

Abandon and giue ouer this Sorcerer, vn­wrappe your selues out of these snares, if you bee wise, and knit your selfe in a Gordian knot vnto your King, our Hercules, who holdes his armes wide open to receiue you courteouslie, albeit ye haue so greatly offended. Would ye by any badde deede of perfidie, loose the name of Frenchmen, heeretofore so admyred amonge strangers, as that for the auncient Noblenesse of the French, it was attributed by the Orientall Zonar. in the History of Mich and Alexand. Comines. O­thofrising. Cron. Lis. 7. c. 4. Vrsperg. de expediti­one Godfrey de Bullen. Greekes, before all the Latines and people of the West?

Can ye endure that the Spanyard, who wold commaund euery where, shall distaine your names and famous race? Will ye let your selues loofe the naturall enfranchise and libertie, so long time frequent among the auncient french, before it was peece-meale rent by manners and opinions of strangers, nowe when yee haue no­thing left more deere, then your honour and re­putation? Neuer thinke to make your selues [Page] great by that which you ruinate, but think what shall become of you & yours in such accidents. The difficulties and occurrances that happen in an estate, troubled with affaires of partiali­ties, are the moreful of dangers, in that they de­pend on what may ensue, and cannot easilie be referred to anie certain rule; so that prouidence must there haue greater place thē knowledge. But the humane spirit is so blinded with selfe­loue, and dazeled with things present, carrying shewe of delight: as it imagines such pleasures ought alwaies to endure, and little cares for ought may afterward come to passe: the next way to vse speciall regard heereof, is not to en­tertaine our thoughts with flattering desseignes or opinions.

So GOD, who to himselfe hath reserued all power, destributeth no otherwise his gyftes to men, but that often-times hee ouer-throwes their determinations so soone as they are con­ceiued: and some-times, fore-seeing the scope of mens drifts, conuerteth the enterprise to the ruine of the inuenter.

Then flatter not your selues concerning the part you take, which is directlie against God, against the estate, and against your King, and so cōsequentlie, to the extirpation of al the French Nobilitie: for the Stranger, accompanied with a multitude of base peasants and groomes, will loose and betray you to the Switzers. If anie one [Page] of the wiser sorte, that attendes on which side the winde will turne, and now are halfe Spany­ards, nowe on the Kings side, according to the occurrences, shall say vnto me, that I shew my selfe ouer passionate: I aunswer him, that in ge­nerall deuisions, a man ought to take one partie, for otherwise hee shoulde shewe himselfe to be faultie, standing as a Neuter, and so deserue the punishment ordained by Solon for such people. As for me, reason tels me, that I faile not in ta­king and following the part of my King, whom God hath lawfully and by the degree of succes­sion giuen vs, to gouerne and relieue this poore afflicted kingdome, which doth nothing else but stagger, beeing so extenuate and weake, as if his Maiestie (assisted by God) did not sustaine and restore it, hardlie should she find any other to helpe her with recouerie of health: albeit this is not the first time that Fraunce hath been deuided into Leagues and partialities, after which it hath beene reunited and reconciled.

For the disease of this estate is so sharpe and violent, albeit the cause thereof is well knowne to all: as if it find not an aunswerable remedie, by the admirable prescription of some speciall and no vulgare Phisition, vndoubtedly imme­diate death will ensue.

Which were great pittie (my Lordes) that Rebels should so doe, after they haue mangled, dissipated and spoyled it, vnder collour of re­formation, [Page] and pretence of Religion: haue like­wise brought in the Spanyard, euen to the verie hart of the estate, and then caused him to dis­cend into Brittaine & Prouince, to enrich him­selfe with the publique ruines and hauocke of French-mens goods.

Doe ye not already behold, that the Spany­ards are Maisters within The [...] ho [...] Spanya [...] behaue himself [...] Paris, [...] places [...] where [...] preuail [...] Paris? Doe yee not see them gorging the riches & treasure of the Cittizens? See yee not likewise how they han­dle the foolish people, that when they come to acknowledge theyr fault, they are so feeble and faint-harted: as they easily chase & driue them forth of their houses, wherof they presently will haue the authority and disposing; beside, ey­ther by faire meanes or force, deale with theyr wiues, theyr daughters, and their seruaunts.

Ode 4 Pythi. It is easie (as Pindarus saith) for the rude & base multitude, to trouble and ouer-turne a great Cittie: but to bring and re-establish it in the former florishing esttae, requireth a little more paine and trauaile. For such onely can doe that, to whom God (as the true Gouernour) giueth the means and counsell how to performe it. The King a­lone can re-establish Paris, and the Spanyarde, assisted with the Rebels both without & with­in, gapeth but for the generall ruine therof. The King labours to preserue it, as beeing his pro­per heritage, and principall seate of the Kinges: the Spanyard imployeth his daily paine for the [Page] losse therof, & accounts it best to vse it as a gar­rison, a pernicious garrison, a garrison which will be the miserable end of the greatnesse and excellencie of Paris: for whose safety, the King endured before it the discommodities of a long siedge, desiring rather to recouer it by reason, and reknowledging of offences past, thē to take it by force, and so commit it to sack & the Soul­diours spoyle.

Therfore thou needest not accuse the King because so long time he besieged [...] cause the K. [...] such [...] and [...] Paris. Paris, with no other intent: rather heereby thou shouldest conceiue an argument, of most wonderfull and debonnaire kindnesse, or rather a princely fa­therlines towards his Subiects, who are as deere to hym as his naturall Children. What man is he so foolish, that will thrust fire into his house, vnder shadowe that it is occupied by his ene­mies: if he haue the meanes left to chase them away, or to make them become hys Freendes? VVhat Father is it, beeing neuer so greeuously offended with hys Sonne, will therefore imme­diatly worke his death or destruction? Will he not rather vse discretion, and tarry the time, wherein by necessitie, or other kinde of trauer­sing, hee may bring him againe into the right way, or acknowledgement of hys fault? In vain were it to doubt otherwise: marrie if the sonne perseuere long time stubborne, and the Father be seuere, in the end he will chastise him accor­ding [Page] to his deserts. The King then hath procee­ded like a good Father of a familie, hauing v­sed incredible pacience and kindnesse, euen till the extremity, when he might haue ruined and confounded all his enemies. God therefore will permit him a double recompence, and if heere­after the Rebelles be handled by his Maiestie more rigorously, themselues thereof haue giuen him iust occasion.

It is harde to order or well guyde an ad­uice and deliberation, for reducing a Kyng­dome vexed wyth troubles and sedicions, into a sounde assuraunce: as the Pylot (what-soeuer experience he hath,) findes it difficult for him to guide the Shyp, when he is hindered with ex­ceeding rough Seas, and extraordinarie tem­pests: when he shall be dryuen from hys right course of Nauigation, and see the vessell begin to splyt and shyuer against the Rockes, being vnable longer to man the stearne. But GOD gyueth grace to the King, as a most good, as­sured, & expert Pylote, to recouer the Barque of the Common-wealth of Fraunce, so menaced and in danger of ship-wrack: to the confusion of all his enemies.

And nowe to returne to you my Lordes, loue yee better to lyue miserably, vnder the ty­ranny of them that would destroy yee: then vn­der the sweete and agreeable subiection of the most gracious King on the earth? Who makes [Page] no spare of himselfe, but standes exposed to all daungers, to winne you by his Armes, and by the assistance of so many great Lords and Gen­tlemen, to re-seate peace, quiet and tranquillity. As [...]de 8. [...]. Pindarus writes, comparing Peace to a fayre and mylde weather, which causeth aboun­dance, and fertilitie of all good things, and is (as he saith) the soule of the spirite and thought, the daughter of Iustice, that conserueth and maintai­neth the greatest Citties, hauing the most excellent keyes of counsell, and good deliberation.

VVyll not you then trauaile with your King, to gaine thys fayre and precious Iewell? Will not you followe him, to chase hence the cruell dysquieters of your Countrey? Loue ye better to consent to theyr inuasion, to loose and bury your selues in theyr Conquests: then liue vnited to your King, in peace, in your Houses, and Castels, wyth your Wyues and Chyldren? Wyll yee suffer your selues to fall head-long in­to thys discorde, which ingendereth nothing but confusion, which in such sort dazeleth the very greatest spyrits, as they shall not see and know what is good for them? How soueraigne a vertue is it to counsell well, and howe equall there-with is it, to listen good counsell and fol­low it?

It is greatly to bee feared, considering the mallice of these Rebels: that it bee not saide of this estate, as Cicero wrote of the Romaine com­mon-wealth: [Page] ‘the shaddowe whereof, (to our great paine) remaines in this kingdome. Cicero Cattel. Sedi­tion is lightly mooued, and oftentimes on very small occasion, but suddainlie it engendreth dy­uers troubles, as raging stormes and tempests, that sundry wayes tosse and turmoyle the Com­mon-wealth: and sometimes it falles out, that the Author of these broyles dooth as the Bird, who hauing got bird-lyme by chaunce into her winges, the more shee striues to loose her selfe, the faster her winges cleaue together with the lyme. If then wee woulde haue the Common-wealth to liue and florish, let vs liue in agree­ment with our King: for concorde is the verie soule of the Common-wealth.’

The vnitie which you haue followed vntill this present, is contrarie both to your quiet and welfare of the state. Perceiue yee not by the dis­orders heere engendred by the enemies of the Realme, that their entrance was made onely to triumph ouer you? And will yee forget your selues so much, as to imagine it may any way redownde to your profit and aduantage? be not I entreate you so easily deceiued. What mis-for­tune is it to The sta [...] of Fraun [...] in forme [...] times. Fraunce, that heeretosore hath beene a refuge to other afflicted Nations: a ter­ror to the very proudest people that reigned in Greece, in P [...]lestine; and hath been renowmed thorowe Europe, Asia, Affrica: hath astonied the Almaignes, conquered the Gaules, comman­ded [Page] in Italie, often-times combatted the hardie English, with-stood Emperours, and other great Monarchies, chased the Sarrasins of Spayne, (who neuerthelesse haue left behind them too many of their seede.) What mishap is it (I say) that Fraunce shold now be constrained to send for the succour of Strangers, not to augment her glory, to conquer from the enemy the aun­cient patrimony of the Crowne, and thereby to erect Trophies of your victories, according to the famous testimonies left by your Aunce­stors: but to deliuer vp herselfe to them as a pray, to expose to their pillage, holy Temples, Pallaces and Castels: to giue them raunsome, or rather to sell them her Gentlemen, peaceable Cittizens, Merchaunts, handicrafts-men, wo­men, children, and sucking infants: yea, euen against herselfe to coniure so resolutely?

Behold the estate wherein you may now see thys poore King, beggered (well neere) by the meanes of your League, glyding vnder the spe­cies (albeit a false pretence) of Religion, heere too long a time. Will ye not (my Lords) by the accustomed fidelity of true French-men, vn­maske your eyes, see into what Labyrinth you are entred, and ioyne in this most iust cause, to recouer with your King the happy times, that were in the raignes of K. Lewes the 12. Fraun­ces the first, and Henrie the second, whom your Fathers and Grand-fathers faithfully serued?

[Page]Who is the French Historian, that now can say of the three estates of this Realme, as Titus Liuius wrote of the good accorde of the three orders ordained in Rome? Titus [...] concern the [...] good [...] in Ro [...] Certainly (saith he) the Cittie of Rome is verie happie, inuincible and e­ternall by her concorde: the Knights are excellent men, and worthy to be praised: the people kinde and dutifull: the mildnes and humanitie of the Senate, onely conquers, through the prompt and voluntarie obedience of the people. The Antithesis heere is most apparent, for The [...] trary est [...] of the [...] of Pari [...] Paris is brought into such estate, as she may cal herselfe vnhappy, & neere her destruction. The Ecclesiasticall persons, that ought to maintaine this great Citty in peace & concord: they breath forth nothing but bloode and fire sowing no other seed but of dissention, and perswading the people to force iustice, and abuse the Magistrates.

Consider my Lords, you that haue read Hi­stories, how discorde and partialitie (the cause of sedition and troubles) hath wrought the fall and vnfortunate end of most mighty Empyres and florishing Common-weales, that strange enemies neuer brought them such misery and calamity, as their own domesticall disquietnes: where vnder the countenaunce of Weale pub­lique, liberty, and such like pretences, (euen as the Leaguers do at thys instant) they conspired and compassed the vniuersal ruine of the estate.

It hath been well noted from time to tyme, [Page] that neuer was any florishing Cittie destroyed by an Armie of Strangers, if first of all she nou­rished not ciuill warres in her owne bosome: then must it needes follow, that after long ciuill warre, eyther her estate is changed, or els by the stranger, she is brought into a lamentable con­dition. Doe not your selues heere beholde the like? Paris, is it not already (and that very wil­lingly) in the Spanyards gouernement, vnder collour of deliuerance, seeing it remaineth now at hys deuotion.

O [...]ho so [...] as [...], that [...]ully run their [...] de­ [...]ction. blinded French-men! who for reiecting the sweet Lawes of peace, abiure the fidelity you owe to your King, & to sheeld ye from the pu­nishments due to your breach of fayth, became Rebels & murderers of the late King: making recourse to your enemy, who hath circkled you with his Armes, that knowes right well how to raise his profit on your insolencies, as already ye see what he hath doone? Were it not better for you to acknowledge your faults, and desire par­don of the King, who naturally is inclined to mercy? And you my noble Lords, who through misgouernment haue suffered your selues to be carryed away with the passions of the League, shall doe much better to reioyne againe wyth your King and heade, you beeing (as you are) principall members of the estate: whereby at once will be quenched sedition, discorde, warre, & partialities, as also the stranger chased away, [Page] who smiling in his sleeue at our deuisions, by these bad affaires returneth himselfe good pro­fit. I beseech ye consider what Plato saith Plato [...] de [...] Ci­uill war is nothing els but sedition, a capitall & per­nicious plague to the Common-wealth, which infec­teth with the contagion thereof, all the partakers therein: and most commonly it proceedeth of couert and small occasions, like vnto a pyning Ague, which beeing not at the first perceiued, and by medicines preuented, consumeth the body by little and little to iust nothing. This ciuill warre is then the more dangerous, in that it is enterprised against the King and the estate, vnder a false pretence: which will cause, (if you open not your eyes, & God vouchsafe to holde strong hande with the true and holy intent of the King) such ciuill spoyle among our selues, as wee shall be made forreiners in our owne Country.

For thus will the Spanyard (if he can) deale with ye in the end, set foote vpon your throates to rid himselfe of you, and then will make warre on ye: not as a freend or confederate, but as an enemy both to one and other; Not as a Protec­ter, or Deliuerer (as the foolish rebellious peo­ple vainlie tearme him) but as a proude Vsur­per and blood-thirstie Tyrant. Can ye thinke his cōming into Fraunce is for any other intent? If ye dreame on any other friuelous opinions, ye but abuse your selues. Preuent then in good tyme this slye deceitfull Spanyard, beate backe [Page] his stratagemes with other of more honor: for if ye with-hold your selues ouer-long from as­swaging this discord, which is daily and houre­lie aduaunced by your mortall enemie, that al­ready leades yee with him as captiues in try­umph: ye shall find it as hard to get any reme­die or helpe, as to heale the Feuer Ethique, that hath got the maisterie in a languishing bodie.

This rebellion hatched so long time by the practises and deuises of the Spanyard, who al­readie vaunteth that he hath yee in possession, and (as it were) tyed fast in his snares: is euerie hand-while mooued and enflamed, as [...] apt si­ [...]tude of French [...]. a fyre kindled in a thicke wood, and as the one wyth the winde, so the other with smooth shadowes, sweet speeches, and notorious trecheries, is dis­persed with such violence, as the greater part of Fraunce is rent and mangled; The rest that is left, and abideth in obedience to the King, re­ceiueth wonderfull discommodities. Notwith­standing, they are resolued not to forsake hym, or to participate with a thought of thys rebel­lion, because they are not ignorant, that GOD hath expresly commaunded in so many places, (as heer-tofore wee haue declared) to obey our soueraigne Princes and Magistrates: and be­side, they know right well by the behauiour of Rebels, that the greatest euil in sedition & trea­son, as Cornelius Tacitus & others haue learned­lie described, is; [...]rnelius [...]itus, hys [...] on [...]. That euerie one woulde com­maund, [Page] hauing no other counsel or reason, then their owne wil. Moreouer, the most factious and turbu­lent, will euer presume on most authoritie: by whom the Magistrates and peaceable Cittizens are ordi­narily suspected, and are in danger to be prescribed, robbed, killed, or banished. There is such mixture of defiances, as nothing is ingendered but hate, suspiti­on and priuie dissembling: so that all honestie, all Fayth and humilitie, is vtterly forgotten and vi­olated, and true reconciliation euer-more hinde­red.

All things amongst Rebels are very mise­rable, yet if there fall out any thing to their own desire: nothing is more miserable then such a successe, as not onely makes them to be more arrogant and vntractable, but rather entertaines or nourisheth them more & more in mischiefe. Do ye not behold, that (of necessitie) the Duke The [...] de Main [...] the [...] Duke o [...] Parma i [...] a contrar [...] minde. De Maine must doe all things by the aduise and will of the Spanyards, although by them he pretends to conquer? Marie, the Duke of Par­ma, he is too fine to serue them as a Seruaunt, he rather wold vsurpe for himselfe (if he could) a cruell and tyrannicall gouernement: to main­taine himselfe by force, ouer-throw the Noble­men of this Country & afterward, beate down the people with feare and terrour.

VVill not you then take aduantage offe­red against these Rebelles? If yee loue your King and Countrey, as I thinke ye doe, lay hold [Page] yet on the vallour of your Auncestors, who va­liantly repulsed the Spanyard when hee would haue entred Fraunce, & made a famous slaugh­ter of all his followers. Consider the vnfortu­nate fal & ruine of the ancient estate of Greece, & very latest Empire therof, of Carthage, Rome, Italie, and infinite other Common-weales, king­doms and Signories, which onely happened by partialities and deuisions.

Phillip de Commines heereof wrote well and truelie. [...]hillip de [...]omines. Such dissention and discordes (saith he) are verie easily sowne amongst rebellious people, and they are a true signall of the ruine and destruction of a Countrey or Kingdome, when they take roote therin, as they haue doone in diuers other Common­weales and Monarchies. And to thys purpose, (if I were not well assured, that the mallice and ambitions of the rebellious Leaguers, rather thē destenie, is the cause of the desolation of thys estate) I could say, as Salust sometimes saide of Rome. [...]alust, his [...]nion of estate of [...]. I am perswaded, seeing all things that had beginning must haue end, that then by destinie, the ruine of Rome shall approch: when the Cittizens fight against the Cittizens, and so beeing spent and weakened, shall be exposed as a pray, to some King or strange people: otherwise, all the Nations of the world assembled together, cannot ouer-throwe this Empire. But any man, (not sinisterlie carried a­waie) doth euidentlie perceiue, that the origi­nall and source of the downe-fall of this estate, [Page] except God set his hand to in time: ariseth frō the rebellion of these Leaguers, so long time practised by the Spanyard and his adherents.

To escape then from so great an euill, with­drawe your selues (my Lords) to this partie, re­concile your selues to your King and relieue your Countrey, exposed by the Rebels as a pray to the Spanyard, who hath no little while beene plotting and practising this deuice for his pur­pose. Demosthenes fore-seeing the ruines of Greece, (through the vnderminings and poli­cies of Phillip King of Macedon, who kept it in deuisions, not only Cittie against Cittie, but the Cittizens deuided against each other in euery Cittie, by corruppting the chiefe Gouernors that were drawne to take part with him:) im­ployed all his paines to reconcile the Atheni­ans and other people of Greece, from such dan­gerous factions, and to regard the maintenance of their estate. For my selfe, I haue not the elo­quence of Demosthenes wherewith to perswade yee, but this I plainely giue you to vnderstand, that an other A [...] be [...]tween [...] of [...], and Phillip [...] Spaine. Phillip, King of Spayne, hath v­sed the like deceits in Fraunce, wherby to spoile and ruinate the Countrey, as Phillip King of Macedon did in Greece, to make himselfe Lord thereof.

Fly my Lordes, fly this partialitie, cause of so great troubles, pernicious to the publique soci­etie and priuate kind of life, euermore readie to [Page] hurte, and which bringeth no meane damage, according to the occasion and occurrences of the time, your selues do daily behold the effects heereof, for the Armie of the Leaguers beeing hemde in with this partiall Monster, as well a­mong the French-men as the Spaniards; it will come to passe, that without any great labour be­stowed by the King, their owne deuision wyll both frustrate their enterprises, and hinder the victorie they liue in hope to haue: euen as it happened in the battaile of Cannas, where the Romains lost the day, thorow the partialitie of the two chiefe Leaders, Paulus Aemilius and Terentius Varro.

I cannot thinke that the Duke De Maine and the Duke of Parma, the onely commaun­ders of the League, will agree long time toge­ther, but that the one must giue place to the o­ther: for the Spanyard is too braue & arrogant, to holde yoke with the French Rebels, hauing occasion so fayre and fit for the purpose, where­by to gette the maisterie ouer them now or ne­uer. My Lords, you that are faithfull Gentle­men and Seruaunts to the King, me thinks thys one cause should induce a good accord and vni­on among ye, for the seruice of his Maiestie, & that ye shoulde be both iealous and enuious of the charge and honors distributed by his high­nes, not to haue thē trans-ferred to such as are so farre vnder you in woorthinesse: and vnlesse [Page] this fire of iealousie kindle the sooner in yee, it will redounde to the great disaduantage of the publique affaires, and your own proper ruine. As for the rest of you my Lordes, that side it with the Rebels, wrap not your selues in theyr offences, loose not your selues altogether in the heape of theyr discords, nor yet forget, that you but defend their perfidie & impietie: in so my­serable a confusion, forsake such part-taking.

Large an [...] liberall pr [...]testations, but no dee [...]des ensuin [...] them. They can talke enough, that the publique Lawes and common rights ought to be kept, as also the auncient receiued religion of Christi­an Catholiques, the liberty of the estates, the comminalty of the Citties, the authority of the Princes, Officers of the Crown, the Magistrats, and Parliaments: yet notwithstanding they tra­uaile day and night (as by their effects is plain­ly discerned) to trouble all these by disorder and sedition, and to thrust the estate into the hande of a stranger, who makes himselfe assured ther­of alreadie, except (next the helpe of God) you ioyne with vs to remedy this danger.

The Leagues and deuisions that were in Gaule, betweene the Nowe ca [...]led Burgon [...]ans. Sequani and The Iris [...] people. Autini, when as Iulius Caesar there arriued, was the cause that brought the Gaules vnder the Romaine obedience.

This League of Rebels is more pernicious & dangerous to the estate, were it not we haue a King that wel enough wil preuent them: but [Page] God especially on our side, who hitherto hath ouerthrown the enterprises of the Rebels and theyr Defenders, and will confounde the one with the other, that in the end we may haue the maisterie ouer them. Behold howe the Spany­ard woulde reconcile, and bring ye into quiet, if it were possible for him: if so be the King and his fayre forces had their hands bound, to gyue leaue to these Rebels and their gracious Deli­uerers, to vse them at theyr pleasure.

Doe not yee remember the ciuill The wars [...]etween the [...]ouses of [...]rleance & [...]urgundie, [...]hen the K. [...]f Englande [...]ntred into [...]raunce, [...]heron en­ [...]ed most [...]range mis­ [...]aps. warres, that endured so long time in the reignes of King Charles the sixt, and Charles the seauenth, occasioned through the partialities and dissenti­ons, betweene the houses of Orleaunce & Bur­gundie, when the Burgundians caused the King of England to enter Fraunce? The times were then so full of calamity and miserie, the French being afflicted with warre, famine & pestilence so cruelly, as the Fieldes were long time fallo­wed and vnmanured, the Citties ransacked, the houses and Fortresses, ruined, destroyed and burned, the great Lordes and loyall Officers of the Crowne, the most worthy, heroyick & va­liant personages kilde, massacred or banished: then was iustice prostituted and brought into bastardie, merchandise and publique negotiati­on abolished; In breefe, all religion and huma­nitie violated, & for certaine yeeres was so great a mortalitie in Paris, as the Woolues could not [Page] be kept out, but entred the Cittie, and deuou­red the dead bodies. Are we not now in danger to beholde the like times? If the French Rebels get not some whol-some Elleborus, and become wise by the remembrannce of passed examples: well may they doubt to see farre worse trou­bles.

For the violence of this warre (so long time closely practised and intended) tooke begin­ning by excesse of treasonable offences, and af­terward proceeded by murder of the King: the progresse and end cannot but presage, but to be worse then the warres I haue alreadie allea­ged.

Let vs be aduised by what wee haue seene, because the testimonie of sight is more assured and certain, then that which we receiue by hea­ring: and we know, that there is nothing so di­uine, humaine, holy, religious, chast, nor anie thing so well established and ordained, but the rebellion of these Leagues hath troubled, spoi­led, broken, violated, defaced and ouer-thrown.

See yee not alreadie a most deplorable e­state of all the Leagued and rebellious Citties? Semblable to the opinion of Thucidides, vvho speaking of the vniuersall dyssention which in his tyme happened in Greece, most ellegant­lie in these tearmes set downe his minde.

Theucid [...]des in the booke of his Greeci [...] hystorie. So soone as anie noueltie or insolence is vnder­stoode to be committed in a Cittie, there are such as [Page] presently practise howe to make it worse: prouoked (moreouer) to enterprise new stratagems, eyther to declare themselues more insolent, or for their bur­ning desire to be reuenged. And what-soeuer euil is doone, they haue arteficiall names to disguise it withall, which (for their excuse) they change into contrarie signification, as if they were no such mat­ters as they call them. For they tearme rashnesse, to be hardinesse and magnanimitie, so that such sud­den fellowes, are called valiant defenders of theyr freendes. Softnes or temporising, they name honest feare: modestie, couert cowardlines: violent rage, couragious resolution: wise and discreet deliberati­on, cloked dissimulation. So by these meanes, he that is most vehement and audacious, is reputed faith­full, and (as they say) verie zealous, and wel affec­ted to the cause: and he that wil not ad-here to thē, is held suspicious.

As for him that brauely executes their enter­prises and reuenges, he is a wise and able man: but much more he, that knowes best how to fore-see and discouer the intent of his enemie, and prouides that no man on his side shall depart from the faction, or stand in feare of the Resister. In breefe, who most readily out-rageth or offendeth others, is praised, but especially, he that can induce another to execute his determinations. Such a faction is farre greater among strangers, thē freends or kinred, because they are disposed to all enterprises, without any excuse: euen so, conspiracies and assemblies, are not doone by [Page] authoritie of the Lawes, or for the weale publique, but for auarice, against all reason: and the fayth kept among such, is not for Religion (as they would haue it seeme) but to entertaine such contagious e­uill in the Common-wealth.

Thucidides declared, that such was the va­lour and courage among these partialists, as the one party thought nothing that proceeded frō the contrary faction, and altogether tended to no other end, then the extermination and de­struction the one of the other. As for anie ap­pointment or reconciliation made with theyr sollemne oath, there was very slender assurance in their words, when they had neyther feare or reuerence in an oath: because they wold keepe them no longer, then while they found occasion to lay hold on theyr aduersaries, or some-what returned to their own aduantage.

These Faction [...] customa [...] ensue th [...] row cou [...]tousnes [...] ambition factions proceeded of couetousnes and ambition, and they that were the cheefe heereof in the Citties, made an honest pretence of euery partialitie. Each one in words debated the defence of the Common-wealth, but theyr deedes did witnesse the contrary: because that without hauing any regarde to the common-good, they laboured but to satis-fie their owne greedines, making profit of others spoyle, & ex­ecuting vengeances as themselues pleased. If there were any one that shewed himselfe a new­ter, he was forth-with assailed by both parties: [Page] where because he was affected to neither side, or the enuie of them to see him in quiet, he was thrust into the euil which the other suffered.

[...]he [...] that such [...]fusion [...]edeth. In such ciuill diuisions, the mishaps are so great, that without cōsideration of good turnes and benefites receiued, or the vertuous actions of excellent men: the people so furiously cast themselues vpon them, as they cease not to pur­sue them, euen to death or banishment. As it happened in Athens to Themistocles, Aristides, Demosthenes, and Phocion: in Rome, to Coriola­nus, Camillus, Scipio Affricanus, Cicero and o­thers.

Beholde ye not my Lordes, you that should see more cleerely thē the rest, euen a like forme of estate among these Leaguers and Rebels? Will yee not acknowledge it to be an extreame disorder and insolence? See yee not heere ty­ranny in place of Monarchie? which is the most perfect, firme, and surest fourme of a Common-wealth, so highly commended by Homer. [...]omer [...]ad. It is not good (saith he) that many haue an equal autho­ritie, but one sole King to haue the prehemenence: to him hath God giuen a golden scepter, therwith to cō ­mand and well gouerne his Subiects. Heere you see in stead of an [...] princi­ [...]us. Aristocratia, (which is the iust and ciuill administration of certaine vertu­ous personages, who haue all their thoughts and deliberations prouided for the Weale-publique, beeing called by the Latines The chiefe [...]ble [...] in a [...]mmon-weale, [...] whom t [...] rest are t [...] be goue [...]ned. Op­timates, [Page] such as through the will and consent of the soueraigne Prince, haue euermore beene ioyned to thys Monarchie, to keepe it in a tem­perate state & cōdition:) is now growen among vs a confused Where few facti [...] holde th [...] regimen [...] Oligarchia, which is the gouern­ment of the most mightie and factious. And in the ende, by vnbridled libertie, in many places and Citties where the Rebels are, you shall be­holde not any where [...] people [...] y ^e rule [...] out any periour. Democratia, or populer estate, wel & pollitiquely gouerned by the Lawes, but rather a most miserable A conf [...] ­sed rule [...] multitud Olocratia, an insolent domination of the multitude, or rather a many headed Anarchia, the oppression whereof is most horrible and pernitious. For you knowe that the people either serue humbly, or com­maunde imperiously, and tasting a little of the bayte of libertie, exemption of taskes, subsidies and charges: in furie they reiect and throwe off the yoke of obedience to the King, Superiours and Magistrates, themselues weilding and ma­naging the highest authoritie.

Then pretending an equalitie, they practise nothing els but seditions, mallice, robberies, spoyles, insolencies, and destructions: where­vpon Plato thus spake very notably. Plato hy [...] iudgeme [...] of the Co [...] ­mon-we [...] The whole Common-wealth shall decay and perrish, when it is to be gouerned by Brasse or yron, that is to say, by foolish men, such as are borne rather to serue and o­bey, then to rule and commaunde. For albeit that men are (both the one and the other) composed of [Page] soule and bodie, and that in the soule is bestowen the seed of the diuinitie, which ought to be receiued, til­led, and husbandred by reason, to the ende it may bring forth fruite according to the seede: yet is not the culture or husbandry in all men alike, but there is found a great difference betweene their spirits: so that in some it appeareth, that the diuine seed poured and thrown into a barren field, is eyther smoothered and lost, or taketh so weake roote, that it cannot pro­sper and increase. Such is the varietie & difference among men, as some for the exercise of reason and vertue, are more noble, valiant, and [...]orne, (as it were) to commaund: others againe, for their rusti­citie and ignoraunce, seeme more proper or aptly dis­posed to serue.

Therefore Plato helde this opinion notable [...]inion of [...]ato. that God in the creation of man, did so distinguish and seperate their natures, that such as were na­turally apt and proper to commaund: them in generation he formed (as it were) of fine gold: such likewise as were meet and conuenient for theyr aide and assistance, hee constituted not of so precious a mettal, yet of pure siluer: the third sort, as labourers and work-men to attende on the other, of a more grosse matter, to wit, brasse and yron.

GOD established Superiours to com­maund, and made the other to obey, the one e­state worthy of honor, the other, not to presume so high: as the Potter (according to the Apo­stles [Page] words) of one selfe same matter maketh a vessell to honor, and annother, seruaunt to mea­ner things. You see my Lords the trouble, dys­order, and vniuersall confusion of your parta­kers, yet will ye follow them, and giue thē your voice? Will yee imploy your courage, put on your Armour, draw your swords, for the defence of theyr vniust cause, and to aduaunce the Spa­nyards vsurping? Where is the vertue and ho­nor which Trogus Pompeius in his time attribu­ted to the French Nation? when he thus spake of them. Trogu [...] Pompeiu [...] hys prai [...] the [...] Nation. They are sharpe, hardie and valiant, & the first of them, next Hercules (who therfore was admirable & reputed immortal) reached the height of the inuincible Alpes, they beeing not passe-able by reason of the cold, and managed sundry battailes, ha­uing vanquished the people of Pannonia, vvhich at thys day are called Austria and Hungaria. Ah open your eyes my Lordes, and come to your Prince whom you ought to acknowledge, con­sider what before I haue declared to yee out of the word of God, to bring again the strayed & rebellious people in obedience to their King.

Heerein ye may perceiue, that a Subiect can­not find or pretend any occasiō to rebel against his King▪ notwithstanding any cause what-soe­uer it be. But perhaps thou wilt tell mee, that in the warre for the Weale-publique against King Lewes the eleuenth, certaine of the chiefest sort entred Armes, moued with a discontent against [Page] the King, because they were not honoured and recompenced as their deedes had deserued: yet he gaue to such as were vnworthy, men vtterlie vnknowne & of small acquaintance.

They reconciled themselues to theyr King, and did not as these Leaguers doe, who vnder collour of reconciliation, troubled the estate, & in the ende bereft the King of lyfe. And that which is most horrible to speak, and scandalous to men of sound Religion, they practised wyth an vnhappy Iacobine Fryar, making him the in­strument and Executioner, of theyr accursed conspiracie and monstrous crueltie. As for the other thou talkest of, they only were but Male-content, as they wel declared by their appoint­ment and reconcilement with their King: but these Leaguers, breaking all order and pollicie diuine and humane, after they had proditori­ously by a trayterous Fryer, or rather a very de­uill of the Cloyster, massacred & murdered the late King: would change the estate, or as the truth is, they would transport a stranger out of one house into another. Haue not these Lea­guers despoyled the good nature of the aunci­ent French Nation, vnnaturally to participate with the treason of the Spanyards? And if they tearme themselues good French-men, looke on their pernicious damnable complots, against the King, and the estate of Fraunce. Doe they not apparantly be-lie Iulius Celsus, who thus speaks [Page] of the French-men in his fift booke. Iulius [...] in hy [...] booke. The French (saith he) are men sound and plaine, no deceiuers, or troth-breakers: and by custome, they will rather fight for vertue, then for fraud, malice, treason or such like. How can these Lea­guers then by any right, attribute vnto them­selues thys faire and excellent French title: see­ing they are Rebels, enemies to the Countrey, and Traytors to the estate they should most la­bour to preserue? Doe not all Nations of the earth detest the perfidie of Rebels against the Maiestie royal, which is the image of the Diui­nitie, the King being Lieutenant & Vicegerent of God, in the kingdome which he hath put in­to his hande? Haue not the Allemaignes good occasion at this present, to call thē A wor [...] very gre [...] disgrace the [...] tongue, wit, villa Schellums, hauing in such sort dispoyled the naturall fayth of true French-men toward theyr King? coniu­ring against him, atempting his estate & life.

Can they be so ignorant as not to know, that the K. hath the soueraigne power next vnder God, and that no subiect of his can take it from him, without full condemnation of Crimen le­sae Maiestatis in the highest degree, a most hor­rible Traytor, and more to be detested then if he had murdered his own Father?

See yee not also my Lords, that God (who is iust) doth dailie pursue them with vengeaunce and punishment, by the fidelitie of so many ge­nerous and magnanimous Princes of the blood [Page] royall of the house of Burbon, that onely remai­neth heyre to the Crowne, besides, with so ma­ny great Lords of Fraunce, so many Gentlemē, and all the good and loyall French-men? You likewise, that are issued of Fathers so vertuous and faithfull to the Crowne, who (for the most part) made prodigall expence of theyr bloode, for the defence of thys most royall estate: see ye not now how a stranger would rauish and carry it away?

Will ye be so blinded, as to imploy your for­ces in so bad a cause? Are ye so vnnaturall, as willingly to betray your King and Countrey? Will ye turne your backes in so true and iust a cause, and subiect your selues to the iniurious rebellion of the Leaguers? The other Lordes and confederates of this Crowne, are mooued with vs, and resolued to pursue such monstrous iniustice: will you then be so blinded & decei­ued, with the false inducements and perswasions of the League, as to maintaine the ruine and o­uerthrow of the estate, and of your owne selues likewise?

Ah that it might please yee, to lende your eares a while to this my simple and not decey­uing declaration, perhaps some one of you, be­ing touched either with hate, enuie, or some o­ther discontentment, or the bond of affection he beares to the chiefe of the contrary part: vvill enter into consideration, that he cannot do this, [Page] without blemish to his honour and reputation, which hee ought to esteeme more deere than a­ny thing else, so that rather then he will consent to such a detestable rebellion, & generall spoile of his natiue Country, the loue wherof he ought to preferre before all other vaine passions: hee will imitate the example of worthy A no [...] example Scipio A [...]canus. Scipio Africanus, who thought it better to withdraw himselfe to Linternum, then bee the cause of trouble and sedition in Rome, albeit the Com­mon-wealth had dealt with him very vnthank­fully. Would yee my Lords purchase the tytles of Rebelles, with this rude heape of people? which cannot agree with you: in that betweene your courage and those of the vulgare sort, there is no simpathie or likelihoode, but euen so great a difference, as is betweene vice & vertue. Wold ye my Lords haue the dishonored name, of fac­tious enemies against the king & the estate? Ah thinke what a hell and eternall infamie, followes such as are cōdemned of high treason, breach of faith and rebellion: are ye ignorant that the end of all pernitious complots deuised by rebels, by the help of God, return to their own euerlasting shame and confusion?

In euery Kingdome & Common-wealth, we ought principally to regard the benefit therof. The op [...]nion [...] Thucidi [...] For if the Estate be in prosperitie (as saith Thucidi­des) euery one particulerly shal profit & feele the bles­sing therof: but if it be destroyed & ouerthrownt, all the particuler members, notwithstanding whatsoeuer [Page] Treasure or riches they haue, shall therwith bee lost and vtterly spoiled. When I speake of the good of the Common-wealth, I meane not onely the riche, & hazarde of fortune: but also [...]ne good more firme and assured to the better part of man, which is of the Spirit, wherby the commō ­wealth is made more happie, and is defended against all the assaults of Fortune. In a priuate mans house are these vertues: in a Common­wealth good lawes and manners, prescribed and established by wise Kings, Princes, Gouernors, and soueraigne Magistrates, to well order, com­mand & gouern their seruants in a direct com­passe, y ^e people likewise to obey dutifully, there­by to liue in peace and tranquillitie. [...] of mē, [...] of the [...]. For the felicitie of men, and of the Common-wealth, com­meth both from one selfe same fountaine, to wit, rea­son, which ought to rule in all things: and such are the Citties, as are the Cittizens, whose liues and be­hauiour makes the Cittie happie or vnhappie.

[...] his [...] kindes [...]. Plato in the Cittie which he reformed, in­stituted two kind of disciplines: the one for the exercise of the spirit, which he called Musique, to wit, an harmonie or concordance of the spi­rite, when the actions agree & consent with the vertues. The other was for the exercise of the bodie, which he tearmed [...] exer­ [...] of wrest or such exercises [...]he body Gymnas [...]eum, which augmented and maintained the strength of the body: to declare, y ^t these two exercises coupled together, did vpholde an estate pollitique, as [Page] they make a man fit and aptly composed.

Will not you (my Lords) trauaile to recouer this good & quiet for your coūtry? Will ye yet longer time consent to their disorders and inso­lencies, that doe nothing else but hinder vs from this good? Ma [...]e ye so little account of your ho­nour, as to hold hand with them in their execra­ble complots? You should immitate the Pilot, who least the shippe should be altogether rent and mangled, wisely fore-seeth & aduiseth, least he should be accounted wise after the hurt is re­ceiued. For it is a most simple and foolish kind of speech, to say after the iniurie and daunger is gotten: I neuer thought on this. When the ship is beaten with outragious tempests, & so fiercly assailed with the windes, as there remaines no hope of bringing her to some Porte, whereby she might escape the perrill and ship-wracke: the skill of the Pilot then serues him to no pur­pose. The shun you these Rockes, flye from these tempests & dangers in due time, although yee beginne when it is almost ouer-late: yet me thinkes he saide wisely, that better is late, then not at all.

But if on the side you now follow, you vain­lie promise your selues, some happie issue of your guilefull deseignes & imaginations: con­sider my Lordes what our Elders haue saide, A sayi [...] worthy [...] be note [...] Man hath desire in his power, but not Fortune, for what shall happen is unknowen to man. Let the [Page] Leaguers purpose what they will, deuise theyr enterprises and the execution of them, leuey so many men and strange forces as they can, and vse what stratagemes shall come into their heades: yet the diuine prouidence, who hath established in this estate the order of Sup [...]rioritie and the Maiestie royall, whereby to command vs, with the most happie and assured forme of a Com­mon-wealth: As I haue already saide, will dis­pose of all, according to his infallible and neuer changing will. In vaine then doe these Re­bels repose their trust on strange forces, a­gainst him that can consume them all, and their imaginarie deliberations, which are no other (as Pindarus saieth of man) then a [...]. 12. de [...]. dreame or shad­dowe. The hopes of mortall men remooue many thinges, sometimes high, sometimes lowe, feeding but on vaine fantasies and oppinions. There is no man living in the worlde, that canne conceiue a certaine signe of his future actions: because of things to come, the councels are concealed, and many occasi­ons happen to men, farre different from their liking and expectation. Yet some there are, that being smit­ten with tempests of griefe and sorrowe: immediatly the euill is turned into as great a good.

These thinges you shoulde thinke on, that attende an vniust cause of Rebelles, who haue troubled the estate, slaine their King, and nowe continue disobedient to their Prince, whome GOD by lawefull succession hath giuen vs: [Page] that they will bee deceiued in their attempts, and all theyr opinions are but vayne and friuo­lous. They imagine one thing, and an other will happen: they thinke to ouer-goe the E­state by the force and assistance of the Spany­ard, and the Spanyard will vanquish and spoile them by themselues. But although GOD per­mitteth, for our correction, and proofe of the auncient constancie and fidelitie of the French, that these leagued Rebels should afflict and o­uer-trauaile vs: yet his iustice will neuer suffer, that they shal confound or tread vnder foot, the estate Royall, or to dispose it where they please, hauing placed and established it for so many ages, in the royall Lynage of S. Lewes. But in the end he will take vengeance on their crimes, treasons, periuries, murthers, with other hor­rible disorders and shames, giuing them as a pray, euen vnto those people, whom now they holde as theyr great friendes and confederates: the worst is, The Spa [...]nyards ha [...] no regarde but make hauocke o [...] all. that they will destroy a great number with them, which neuer did partake in their detested treason.

Some subtill cunning Rebell, as a collour or shaddowe to such disloyalties, will saye vnto mee. That all thinges are subiect to alteration and change, and there is nothing that perpe­tually continueth in one selfe same estate, for heauen it selfe is not exempt from change and ending. I aunswer, that I am very certain of this [Page] alteration, likewise that there is a course of ages and dispositions of things in the world, as in our humaine body: to wit, after they are borne, they haue their infancie, child-hood, and state of a yonge stripling: then they increase in manly strength, and so continue a while in force and vi­gor: afterward they become aged, declining, and in the end perishinge. For this is a maxime in Phisique, that all thinges composed by gene­ration, are dissolued by corruption, and the ende of the one is the birth of the other. Such variety and change commeth not onely to priuate men, who declare sufficiently these effects, by the mu­tabillitie of their desseignes and enterprises, suf­fering themselues to bee carryed away with no­uelties, that makes a confusion of their wits, and in the ende is their vtter spoyle; but likewise to Families, who at the instant when they imagin they haue freely builded their fortune, and try­umph in the conceit of their owne greatnesse: they behold their present fall, and all their foun­dations throwne on a heape together.

I knowe likewise, that Empires, Kingdomes, Signories, & the most flourishing estates, are no lesse exposed to remoouings, varieties, & chan­ges: as it may seeme a naturall reuolution, that oftentimes makes the state of a Cōmon-wealth to change and rechange. But what is the cause of the change that thou wouldst make? Is it not the change of thy manners? of thy fidellity into [Page 64] disobedience? of thy milde and gentle nature, into audacious behauiour? of thy loyaltie, into breach of faith: of thy duetifull office of a true subiect, into all loose libertie and licenciousnes? Is it not ambition and greedy desire to reigne, that in this sort transporteth men of high cou­rage, being madded with their enterprises, that without feare and reuerence of Religion, (which dooth defend them from such tyrannies) or care of their faith and loue to their Countrey, they striue to attaine the soueraigne place of com­manding? couering themselues with the maxi­me of Eteocles i [...] Euripid. Eteocles, as it is in Euripides, or practising as Iulius Caesar. Iulius Caesar did, and other Vsurpers. For at this day, in such remoouements as tende to this ende, the pretences of Religion and the Weale-publique (as I haue before declared) serue to no other ende, then to bring a sleep the most simple and foolish, who are rauished with the deceitfull eloquence and faire perswasions, of thy factious & rebellious Preachers. I say vn­to thee moreouer, that the better to hide the cō ­iuration of the Leaguers, thou mightest lay be­fore me this place of Plato. Plato. That there is a cer­taine fatall reuolution, and changing of Kingdomes and Comm-weales, which is done by the course and inclination of heauen and the starres. To which I thus reply. That Christians in iudging better, attribute the cause of such reuolutions to the prouidence diuine: which moderates and go­uernes [Page] this huge frame, and all thinges else therein comprehended.

God hath established Kingdomes & soue­raigne estates, he dooth maintaine and preserue them, he suffers them to be afflicted with diuers calamities, hee ouerthrowes or trans-ferreth from one to an other, from Familie to Familie, and from Nation to Nation. Heereof wee haue example by the Monarchies of the Assi­rians, the Babilonians, the Persians, and the Ro­maines: the Empire of Greece, such as it hath beene since the deuision made between the two parties of the East and West: but without more remembrance of these aforesaide changes, we shall be sufficiently furnished, with the won­derfull alteration, which the Turke hath there brought in. And not to vse these externe ex­amples, let vs looke on them that are our owne particuler & domesticall: In this estate the See the hi­ [...]orians, [...]at haue [...]ritten of [...] origi­ [...]all of [...]ugh Capet [...]oth aunci­ [...]nt and [...]oderne. Merouingians first of all reigned, & after them the Carlingians, to whome Hugh Capet succee­ded, beeing issued of the Merouingian bloode, and legitimate Princes of Fraunce, by reason whereof, hee was placed in possession of that, which had beene vsurped on his Grandfathers the Merouingians, and was willingly obeyed be­yond all the Monarches and Kings in the world. Nor shal ye finde any race that hath so long en­dured, (as thanks be to God it stil continueth in the sexe The King [...]f Fraunce [...]hat now is, [...]iscended of [...]he Mero­ [...]ingians frō Hugh Capet Masculine) then thys whereof wee [Page] now speake: if wee should searche all Monar­chies both auncient and moderne.

I confesse that sometimes happeneth the al­teration of Monarchies, namely by the diuine permission, and that they are trans-ferred from one house to another: but heerein I yeeld not, that God will haue the change made by disloy­altie, breach of fayth, and treason, committed by subiects against theyr Prince, to whom he hath commanded them expresly to be obedient. For the King is the annointed of God, and who-so­euer resisteth the King (as I haue amply decla­red in the seconde part of this discourse, by the authority of holy Scripture) resisteth God, the establisher of Kings and Princes on the earth, to gouerne in his sted. And if it so fall out, that subiects by force or violence, attempt the estate and life of their King: they doe against the or­dinaunce of God, and earely or late they shal be chastised. Hence then it came, as I haue breef­lie touched, that the Carlingians, hauing per­force helde the Realme against the Merouin­gians, by the Armes of Pepin a stranger prince: God pleased that the Crowne should return by Hugh Capet, of whom our Kings are discended to this present day, in the race of the Merouin­gians, who therof was a while vniustly frustra­ted.

Will yee then permit (my Lordes) that our King Henrie the fourth, a branch of the Mero­uingians, [Page] by Hugh Capet, and S. Lewes of the selfe same race, should be depriued of the suc­cession which appertaineth to him in right and iustice: Will not you assist him against such as seeke to hinder his peaceable possession? Are ye so weake of minde and spirit, as to let him be smitten and conquered by his enemies, without giuing the assitance you owe him of duetie? Take ye such delight in your owne ruine, as it stirres ye not, when the stranger treades your state vnder his feete, but you drawe your wea­pons to helpe him to his enterprise? Knowe ye not that alteration in all things, but chiefelie in these publique affaires, is most dangerous?

Without wandring for farre fetcht exam­ples, [...]hillip de [...]mines [...]he strife [...] the [...] of [...]caster Yorke. Phillip de Commines deliuereth one of the Realme of England, where thorow the partia­lities betweene the Houses of Lancaster and Yorke, each aspyring to the Crowne: dyed in eyght and twenty yeeres, more then four-score persons all of the blood royall, with the verie flower of the English Nobilitie, and infinite o­ther valiant men, the onely and best Souldiours in all the Land. The other Lords were thrust in prison or banished, passing the remainder of theyr liues very miserably in strange Coūtries. In the end, the two Houses being vnited by the marriage of Henrie the seauenth, with Elizabeth daughter to King Edwarde the fourth, all these troubles ceased.

[Page]See the hurt that ensueth by such deuisions, what more strange matter are wee then to ex­pect in such a huge rebellion as this is of the Leaguers? Find you it any way reasonable, that the true and naturall successour of the Crowne, shold endure any other to call his right in que­stion, & by force of Armes to take it from him, that is the most hardie & valiant Prince on the earth: and who hath learned to haue his Ar­mour oftner on his bodie, then the habit royall, or the pompe and seruice that other Princes haue which lyue in quiet?

It is the common cause of all Monar­chies, to maintaine against the Subiects the e­state of a iust and lawfull King, and you beeing Noble-men, that holde assuraunce of your no­blesse, goods and faculties of your King, will not you maintaine the same against his Sub­iects and rebellious enemies?

The Lawe and custome of Fraunce recei­ued at the first establishing of the Kingdome, dyd alwaies refer the Crowne to the next Male issue of the blood royall: our Kings then heer­in beeing giuen vs by nature, mee thinkes there is no reason that any occasion shoulde remooue our estate. The Crowne is seated in this so an­cient, illustrious and royall House of Burbon, next succeeding that of Valoys, discended of the linage of Orleance.

[Page]In the time of K. Charles the sixth, thorowe the practises of the Duke of Burgundie, who had made a League with the King of England, against [...] Dol­ [...] of [...]ince dis­ [...]ed by [...]ather, [...]olpen [...]od to [...]ight in ende. Charles Dolphine sonne to the King: beside the exheriditation his Father made of him, depriuing him of succession in the king­dome, there was a certaine iudgment giuen a­gainst him, in an assembly held at Paris, wherby he was exiled & banished the Realme, beeing declared vnworthy there to succeede. On this vniust iudgement, he appealed to God and hys sword, when the iustice of his cause beeing assi­sted by the inuincible power of GOD: the Crowne was preserued for him, and hee establi­shed with very wonderfull victories thorow all all his kingdome, from whence hee chased the Englishmen, beeing reconciled to the Duke of Burgundie, and deceassed, to the great griefe of all his Subiects, leauing them in good peace & quiet.

Whereby you may perceiue, that albeit e­uery one was set against the true heyre to the Crowne, yea, the Father himselfe: yet God in his admirable prouidence, woulde not permit, that the kingdome should be trans-ferred from the race and linage of S. Lewes, neither is it to be doubted, that his grace preuenting, with the deuoire of all good and faithfull French-men: but that it will be continued to all his posterity, whereof this most famous and royall House of [Page] Burbon, is the very neerest and onely heyre to the Crowne.

What cause then is there to prolong these ciuil warres & troubles for the estate, seeing we haue the legittimate successour? Ah, nothing els but absurd and monstrous ambition. But some zealous Rebel tels me, that he is an Here­tique: tush, these are old stale lyes, thys poynt, if he were so, seeing he demaundeth and offereth to be better instructed, is not as yet discided.

To be an heretique, (as els where I haue said) is obstinately to holde an opinion concerning Religion, and rather to die then to forsake it. Seest thou in our King any such headdie or ob­stinate resolution? Howe many times hath hee giuen thee to vnderstand his ready will and in­tent? Moreouer, this is no argument and good consequent: The friu [...]lous obiec­tion of t [...] Leaguers. The King is not of our Religion, therefore hee is dishabled from succeeding in the Crowne. Thou argumentest very ill, & not like any good Logitian. The debate thou vrgest for the Crowne, makes a greater breach & blemish into Christian religion, then if willinglie thou didst consent & giue him place, as in dutie thou art bound to do: seeing that right, neither thou or hee can hinder from him to whom it apper­taineth, which thou hast neither eyes to behold, or wit to conceiue. If heerin thou mightst pre­uaile, couldst thou be tearmed a good Christi­stian? that flyes and abhors as a plague the in­infamous [Page] note of rebellion, yea, fosakes landes, goods, wife, children and all, to follow his King. That tearme thou maist returne vpon thy selfe, though now thou callest his Highnesse follow­ers, pollitiques and heretiques, as pleaseth thee to baptise thē: notwithstanding, they are more assured of their fayth then thou art, and better Chritians then any that take part with thee.

Of what Religion were our first Kinges of the Merouingians race, vntill Clouis the fi [...]t king of Fraunce, and first Christian King? VVere they any Christians, or knewe they what the name of a Christian was? What were their sub­iects hauing receiued the Christian fayth? Dyd they for thys cause refuse the obedience they ought in dutie? Did they reiect, chase or kyll them? Ye shall not find one such poynt, or anie History that maketh such mention.

But you Rebels (that are too much at your case) will not acknowledge your King, who so many times hath protested to ye, to preserue & maintaine ye in your estates, and in the Christi­an Catholique Religion, (vnder a shadow, saist thou) himselfe not beeing a Catholique. Doost thou know the inward of his words & purpose? Is there any one can say, that euer he falsified his fayth? Hee hath sollemnely sworne to defende the Catholique religion, as his proper life: thinke then if it should be hindered, although he neuer will goe against his owne commaun­dement, [Page] thy selfe must be the onely cause ther­of. Obey thē the King, let the estate be brought againe into quiet, and then thou maist assure thy selfe, that when the King would alter any thing in Religion (whereon I am perswaded he neuer so thinks But to keepe hy [...] own con [...]ence sted [...] fastlie to GOD.) he cannot do it, nor is it any part of his intent. You rather ought to pray to GOD with vs, that he will graunt him grace stedfastly to embrace the Catholique religion, & to plant it heere mildly, by reason and not force, violence or fyre: likewise to loue and esteeme so many valiant good French of contrary opinion, that sell not (as our zealous Leaguers doe) theyr King and Countrey to the Spanyard. It is not by blood and death to winne mens consciences, but by the doctrine, proofe and good exam­ple, which greatly wanteth in your false Apo­stles.

I beleeue there is not any Christian Catho­lique, a faythfull member to the Crowne, but would earnestly desire, that the King, (enriched with such store of vertues, required in so great a Prince as he is) shold likewise be a Christian Catholique, to the end, that as we ought to haue but one King, so wee might also haue but one fayth and Religion, wherein, as in the feare of God, our Prince earnestly labours to haue vs liue. Heereof not only the Philosophers and Christian Doctors, but also Emperours are as­sured witnesses, by many constitutions recited [Page] as well in the Ecclesiasticall hystories, as also in the bookes of Theodosius & Iustinian, who great­lie trauailed to maintain the vnion of the Chri­stian Catholique Church. When there is vnitie in religiō in an estate, who doubts but al things do prosper the better? We desire (without of­fending our selues, against them that are con­trary to our religion) that they would louinglie become partakers with vs: and not (pursued to the death, by the animositie wherwith the Re­bels follow both them and vs,) subiect vs toge­ther vnder one selfe-same detection or An iniu­ [...]ous accu­ [...]tiō, where [...]od & bad [...]e regarded [...]like. Cate­gorie.

VVe desire (I say) that according to the good and holy custome helde of olde, the King should be sacred and annointed at his Corrona­tion, and take the oath of a Catholique Prince, that is, to maintaine the Catholique Church, & all the rights, franchises, and priuiledges there­of. We know well, that since the raigne of Clo­uis, Fraunce hath beene constantly maintained in the Catholique Religion, which is the same (as say the I. C. de [...]mma Tri­ [...]it. et fide [...]ath. L. Re­ [...]ētes. C. eod. [...]it. Emperours Gracian, Valentini­an, and Theodosius,) that was giuen and taught by Saint Peter to the Romaines, and vvhich both holy Emperours, Bishops and Councels haue euer since followed, for which cause it is yet called Apostolique and Romaine. We are not ignorant (although some call vs heretiques, because that acknowledging the Princes autho­ritie, [Page] according as God hath commaunded vs, we haue withdrawn our selues to his side:) that many See [...] Chronice [...] Genebra which t [...] ­teth of matter▪ [...] larminu▪ Costerus, others. great personages haue shewen as much by authority of the holy Scripture: that the an­cient Fathers and Doctors of the Church, both Greekes and Latines: that the Catholique Re­ligion is the onely and true Religion, which hath beene from the Apostles vnto this present by continuall succession, alwaies taught & pre­serued in the Romaine Church. But we are cer­taine withall, that through the vices which haue slipt thereinto by fault of the Pastours, the e­state of that Church hath much more neede of reformation thē others. We know likewise, that we are admonished by Iesus Christ and hys A­postles, to liue in concord and vnity with God, as S. Paule witnesseth in these words: The God of patience and of consolation, giue you the grace to know one onely thing amongst ye, according to Iesus Christ: to the ende, that with one sole courage, and with one mouth, you may glorifie God his Father. Marcel lib. 22. Religion is a constant vertue, teaching the true a­doration of God, which is done with an intire spirit: and the vnity thereof is figured by the garment of Christ Iesus, wouen without a seame, that it was not to be cut or deuided. This is in truth, a faire assem­bly of such as are knit in one brotherly vnanimity & consent, as well in religion as policie: whereof the Prophet Dauid singeth, beeing assured that to such, God wil send blessings, and lyfe euerlasting.

[Page]To this effect, Plato and Cicero (albeit they were both Pagans) haue written: [...]ato [...]. That there is nothing more agreeable to the highest God, that go­uerneth the whole world, than the assemblies of men, that associate and meete together in selfe same will and affection. There is but one Catholique Church (sayth S. Paule) which frameth all Chri­stians of one minde and spirite: concerning the doctrine whereof, it were in vayne to dispute, after so many auncient [...]eneus ad­ [...]s. haeres. [...]ant. de [...] sap. li. 4 [...]tul. de [...]cript. [...]rian li. 1. [...]. 8. lib, 3. [...]. 11. li. 4. [...]. 8. [...]ugust. [...]. 162. [...] other [...]hors. [...] Geua­ [...] de pri­ [...]u Petri Doctors of the Church, and religious Counsels.

We desire nothing more, then that the King (according to the most Christian tytle of hys Predecessors) and his people shoulde be vnited in Christian Religion, as for preseruing peace in his Kingdome, he is declared the Defender and Protector of the Catholique Religion: with protestations so oftentimes reitterated, so to preserue it as his proper life. Nor is he ignorant what Cicero sayth: That Religion beeing troubled, the whole Common-wealth is troubled, because the disquiet and change that happeneth there­in, dooth nothing else but cloy the spirites of men with disorder and confusion: whence pro­ceedeth contempt of Gods true worshippe, and hee beeing offended, punisheth and afflicteth with diuers woundes and calamities, the Coun­trey that is fallen into such a miserie. This ther­fore his Maiesty wold fore-see by his wisdome, desiring that Religion shoulde bee preserued, [Page] euen as (before God) the gouernment of the e­state is put into his hande. God hath giuen vs such a one, adorned with so many heroycall ver­tues, as makes him admirable to all Nations of the world: Would you then haue vs goe rang­ing about, and vrge a beleefe contrarie to that we doe beleeue? Is it possible we should doe so? Faith is the gift of God, and is not imprinted in mens consciences, by stroakes of swordes, or a­ny other weapons: it is necessary that the spirit of God should be in quiet: all the harts of men, especially of vs that are his subiects, would here­in dye and be consumed. Of necessitie is it, that this grace commeth from aboue, and we can do no otherwise, but pray to God for his Maiestie, and that he will graunt vs to be still mindefull of our dueties, hee is our King, wee ought to obey him, and he ought to preserue & maintaine vs, according to the Laws & statutes of the Coun­trey, as all other Kings hys predecessours haue doone.

But what shalt thou gaine by desiring the thing thou doost? I beleeue, that if the King were such a Catholique as thou wouldest haue him, and for one Masse, he should dispose him­selfe euery day to heare two: yet the Rebels would say no lesse of him, then they did of the late King, that he did it for hypocrisie, and to be quiet in hys estate. What can we else iudge? se­ing their intent is to exterminate his life, with [Page] all the generous and royall linage of Burbon, to follow the seruice of a Stranger. But (as I haue sayde) GOD hath euer-more preserued that race, euen for sixe hundred yeeres and more, to this present: and yet by hys holy will stil con­tinues it, for the good & quiet of this poore di­stressed kingdome.

These Armes that you haue taken against him (ô Rebels) will turne to your owne ruine and confusion, seeing God forbids ye so to doe, what-soeuer pretence ye make of Religion. Re­ligion should moue ye to pitty and not to rage: to compassion, and not furie: to loue & regard of your King, and not to rancour or hatred: to a naturall French-affection of hys seruice, and not to an obstinate will, to wound, destroy, and take his life from him, if ye could.

Now say my Lords and Gentlemen, if yet ye haue not sufficient manifestation, that euen a­gainst Tyrants, Religion cannot serue for anie cloake or collour? The Spanyard, hath not he declared so much, who tearming himselfe in Fraunce, Protector of the Catholique Religion, hath not hee (neuerthelesse) suffered Paganisme in many places of Granado, Andalozia, and Arra­gon, for the great [...]eligion, [...]ny thing [...]es the [...]nyard, if [...] may get [...] profit [...] it. profit hee got by it many yeeres together? Will ye not yet bethinke your selues, what good affection the Spanyards haue (of old) borne to the French? Did they not (no long time since) kindly intreate thē at Florida: [Page] where they pluckt out theyr eyes, to make them die the more miserably? Their drift is, to bee Commaunders ouer ye, and if you haue goods and faire wiues, to put you and your heyres to death, to possesse your wiues and your goods: as they haue practised the like in Flaunders, Naples, Millaine, and in euery place where they by force doe domineere. It is the Crowne, it is the Crowne that all this debate is for, although we hauing (as I haue proued) a lawfull succee­der, there cannot be gathered any occasion for such a debate.

VVhen heere-to-fore there happened anie such like strife, they had recourse to the estates of Fraūce: as it chanced after the death of Lewes the 10. called Hutin, that the Crowne was ad­iudged to Phillip le Long his brother. And after Charles le Bel to Phillip de Valloys his Cousin, a­gainst Edward king of England, who pretended the cause of his Mother, the daughter of Phillip le Bel, & sister to the last three kings: but there she had no right, by force of the Salique Lawe, which excludes the daughters of Fraunce from any succession. It is now no question of holding the estates, in this regard, seeing no one maketh doubt, but that the Crowne appertaineth to Henry of Burbon, by whō, for his race & admira­ble perfections, with his happy fortunes in war, amidst so many trauerses: the estate receiueth more honor, being gouerned by such a king, thē [Page] the King dooth of the estate, which comes to him by succession, as beeing the very neerest heire to the Crowne.

Then you braue Lordes and Gentlemen of Fraunce, whose famous Grandfathers defended this Kingdome by their vertuous strength, and made their glorie wondered at through the world: spend not your valiant & noble blood to your eternal destruction, but as your spirits are rockes of far more excellent perfection, so seeke such waies as are more worthy and cōmendable for ye. To bring again this estate, with the whole body of the Nobillity, who haue euer stood with the King, & from whom through false impressi­on your selues are dismembred: into her former splendour & honorable quiet. Vnite your selues to your king your soueraigne Lord to extirpate this rebellion, and chase hence your entertained euils, the Spanyards, your auncient and mortall enemies: thereby to bring and re-establish this poore afflicted Realme, into such peace and tranquillitie, as all good mindes desire, and is promised by your generositie & force, with the grace and blessing of God: who I pray to open your eyes, to let you wade no further in the loue of thys vnlawfull League, that like a subtill Thais, is prouided of a thousand baytes and sleights to catch yee withall. But if ye continue in her seruice, ye shall find your selues betweene two stooles, wher-through (as the Prouerbe is) [Page] the taile falles to ground: and too late repen­tance, with most pittifull end, will be the recom­pence of your pernicious pursutes, and the dis­honest pleasures you haue had with her.

Followe, followe then the steppes of the most magnanimous and valiant Princes of the blood, so many great Lordes, Marshalles of Fraunce, Dukes, Earles, Marquesses, Barons, and Gentlemen of marke, the number wherof is infinite and innumerable, al which expose them selues and their deuoire, for the seruice of hys Maiesty, the reliefe of the estate, to preserue you (if ye forget not your selues) in your goods, pri­ueledges, and immunities, seeking nothing but the quiet and prosperitie heereof.

God giue them grace, and you likewise, to make some profit of this fore-warning, to the end, that wee hauing occasion more and more, to bee thankefull to the King for his infinite bountie, & those faithful subiects that attend on him: the celestiall fauour and assistance accom­panying the Kings power, your amendment and reconciliation, may turne to the happie successe of these publique affayres, the rest and re-esta­blishment of thys disolate Kingdome.