I Intend by the helpe of God, and your furthe­rance my noble Lord, Viscount Rochester, to write a briefe Historie of the principall affaires tempo­rall of England, especially from the comming of the Norman, to the end of the line of Tewdor. A worke I know great, and difficult, being to be raised of many scatte­red peeces, variable & vncertaine relations of times, diuersly affected: wherein, notwithstan­ding, [Page 2] I vow to bee of no other side, then of Truth, or as neer truth-likelinesse as I possibly can get. Nor will produce any thing, but out of the best approued Monuments domesticall and forraine. Holding it an impietie to mis­fashion the memorie of times past, and sute them to our present liking, and discourse: or to mis-leade the credulitie of men, by making vp the opinion of Antiquitie, with improba­lities, considering we are not so tyed to stand to the fame of things, as to suffer our vnder­standing to be abused: nor yet so freed, to trafficque, all vppon our owne coniectures, without custome of tradition: or so to vnder­valew the discretion of former times, as if ours were of a greater dimension: and pe­remptorily to censure those actions, whose causes, and counsels we know not, hauing no­thing but the euents, as dead carkasses, to shew vs what their liuing motions were.

And though I had a desire to haue deduced this Breuiarie, from the beginning of the first British Kings, as they are registred in their Catalogue, yet finding no authenticall war­rant how they came there, I did put off that desire with these considerations: that a lesser part of time, and better knowne, was more then ynough for my abilitie: and it was but our curiositie to search further backe into times past, then wee might well discerne, and [Page 3] whereof we could neither haue proofe nor profit: how the beginnings of all people, and states were as vncertaine as the heads of great Riuers: and could not adde to our vertue, and peraduenture little to our reputation to know them. Considering how comonly they rise from the springs of pouertie, pyracie, rob­berie, and violence, how soeuer fabulous writers, to glorifie their nations, striue to abuse the credulitie of after ages with heroy­call or miraculous beginnings: Seeing states, as men, are euer best seene, when they are vp, and as they are, not as they were. Bisides, it seemes, God in his prouidence, to checke our presumption, wraps vp all things in vncer­taintie, barres vs out from long antiquitie, and boundes our searches within the com­passe of a few ages, as if the same were suffi­cient, both for example, and instruction, to the gouerment of men. For had we the per­ticular occurrents of all ages, and all nations, it might more stuffe, but not better our vn­derstanding. We shall find still the same co­respondencies to hold in the actions of men: Virtues and Vices the same, though rising and falling, according to the worth, or weaknesse of Gouernors: the causes of the ruines, and mutations of states to be alike: and the trayne of affaires carried by precedent, in a course of Succession vnder like coulors.

[Page 4]But yet for that the chayne of this busines hath a linke of dependancie with those former times, we shall shew the passage of things the better, if we take but a superficiall view, of that wide, and vncertainly related state of this Land, since the candle of letters gaue vs some little light thereof. Which was, since the Ro­mans made it a tributarie Prouince to their Empire. For before, as it lay secluded out of the way, so it seemed out of the knowledge of the world. For Iulius Caesar, being but on the other side, in Gaule, could not attayne to any perticular information of the state of Britayne, by any meanes he could vse, but by certaine Marchants (of whome he got together as ma­ny as he could) who tolde him somthing of the cost-townes, but of the state and conditi­on of the in-dwellers, they could say nothing, either so incurious were they offurther know­ledge then what concern'd their trade, or the people here so wary, to keepe their state re­serued, & vnknown to strangers. And yet Cae­sar gaue out, that they sub-ayded the Gaules a­gainst him, and made it the occasion of his quarrell, and inuasion of the Land, whereof he onely subdued the South parts, and rather shewed it, then won it, to the Romane Empire?

But now what was the state and forme of gouernement among the Britaines before this subiection? the first certaine notice we haue [Page 5] is also by the same Caesar, who tels vs how they were deuided into many seuerall states: nomi­nates Caes. comment. libro. 5. 4. Princes of Kent by the title of Kings: how Casseuillaunus, by the comon counsell was elected, in this their publicque daunger, Complures sunt apud cos domi­nationes Strabo. lib. 4. to haue the principall administration of the state, with the businesse of warre: and after­ward how the citties sent their hostages vnto him. Whereby we perceiue it was no Monar­chie, as it is reported to haue beene, but like to the Gaules, with whom it was then, one in re­ligion, & much alike in fashion & language, deuided into a multitude of pettie regi­ments, without any intire rule, or combina­tion. As now, we see all the west world (lately discouered) to bee, and generally all other countryes are, in their first and natural free na­kednes, before they come to be taken in, either by some predominant power from abroad, or grow to a head, within themselues, of strength and vnderstanding, to ouermaister, and dis­pose of all about them; introducing such formes of rule, as ambition, or their other ne­cessities shal beget. And such was thē the state of Brityane, Gaule, Spaine, Germany, and all the west parts of Europe, before the Ro­mans (ouergrowing first the people of Italy, in like manner deuided) did by strength, and cunning vnlocke those liberties of theirs. And such as were then termed Kings, were but as [Page 6] their Generals in warre, without any other great iurisdiction, within those small limits they held. So that to tell vs of the state of a Monarchie in this Land, (before that time,) as if alone vnlike, or more in State then all o­ther nations, is to giue entertainment to those narrow conceits as apprehend not the pro­gresses in the affaires of mankind, and onely the inuention of such as take all their reason from the example and Idea of the present Cu­stomes they see in vse. For had there bene an absolute Monarch in these parts, which might haue affronted the Romans, with the powre of a well-vnited state, it had bene impossible for them (hauing oftentimes much to do euen with some poore Prince of a small territorie) to haue circumuented or confounded, with all their stratagems, & iniustice, the peace and libertie of the world, in such sort as they did. And though the Britaynes were then simple and had not that fire-brand of letters, yet see­med they more iust and honest, and brought forth on the stage of action, men as magna­nimous, and toucht with as true a sence of ho­nour, and worthynes, as themselues. But ha­uing no firme combinements to chayne them together in their publique dangers, they lay loose to the aduantage of the common ene­my, working vppon the factions, and emulati­ons, vsuall to such diuisions, and were made [Page 7] the instruments of their owne subiection: for whilst euery one defended them apart, the whole was ouercome.

So that with what credit, the accoumpt of aboue a thousand yeares from Brute to Casse­uellaunus, in a line of absolute Kings, can bee cleared, I do not see, and therefore will leaue it on the booke, to such as will be creditors, according to the substance of their vnderstan­ding. And yet, let me craue pardon, least be­ing but to report, I might seeme to contend, if I make this inquirie: how the memorie of those former times, came to be preserued and Cic. in Ep. ad At­ticum vbi belli Britannici exiti [...] expectari scribit, nullius ex ea spem praedae, nisi ex mancipijs, ait. ex quibus nullos puto te, literis, aut musicis cru­ditos expectare. deliuered to posteritie, if they had not the vse of letters in this Land (as it seemes by all pro­babilitie they had not) before they were in­troduced by the Romans, who sure would haue giuen vs notice thereof, had they found them here at their comming, and especialy of schooles and the Greeke tongue, reported to haue bene planted here for many ages be­fore: but they tell vs of no such thing: they in­forme Et lib. de Nat. Deorum, paris eos cum Scithis barbaries insi­mulat. vs how the Druydes, who were the mi­nisters of Religion and Iustice, the especiall men of knowledge, cōmitted not their miste­ries to writing, but deliuered them by tradi­tion, Ingenio Gallorū partim simileis sunt partim sim­plicioreis, & ma­gis barbari. Sra­bo lib. 4. whereby the memorie of them after their suppression (first by Augustus, and after by Claudius) came wholy to perish with them. Which had they had letters & bookes, could [Page 8] neuer by all the power and authoritie of the Roman State, bene so vtterly extinct, but that we should haue heard something more of them.

Besides it is strange how the Greeke tongue, and the knowledge of Philosophie, should be brought hither so far off, and so soone, seeing it was late, as Liuy saith, before it came into Italie, being so neere at hand. Moreouer, it is considerable, how it made that transmigra­tion, whether by Sea or Land? by Sea, Hercu­les had set Pillars that shut vp the world, ma­ny ages after for passing that way. If by Land, Germanie, and other Countries on that side, would haue taken some part in the passing: but Germanie then, we find had no letters at all. Only Merseilles, a Colonie of the Greekes be­ing in the mid-way, might be a gate to let it in­to Gaule, and so hither And it was af­ter the subie­ction of Gaule that they inter­tayned Philo­sophers, and physitions for publique Rea­dings, and be­came a schoole for those parts as we may per­ceiue by Strabo libro. 2.: but they say the Mer­seillans vsed onely Greeke Charecters at first but for their priuate accoumpts & contracts in traffique, & no other wise: So that it seemes then, the Britaynes receiued first letters (with their subiection) from the Romans, and Agri­cola Praefect of the Prouince vnder Domitian caused them here to be taught, (as Cornelius Tacitus (his sonne in law) reportes vppon this occasion. ‘Aduice Was taken, saith he, that the people dispersed, rude, and so, apt to rebellion, should be inured to ease and quiet by their plea­sures: [Page 9] and therefore they exhorted priuatly, and ayded them publikly to the building of Temples, Bourses, Pallaces; commending whome they found forward, and correcting the unwilling, so that the emulation of honour was for ne­cessitie: then they caused the principall mens sonnes to be taught the liberall Sciences, extol­ling their wits for learning, aboue the Gaules, in so much that they, who lately scorned the Ro­man tongue, now desired eloquence. Herevpon grew our habits in honour, the Gowne frequent, and by degrees a generall collapsion into those softnings of vices; fayre howses, bathes and delicate banquets, and that, by the ignorant, was termed humanitie, when it was a part of seruitude.’ Thus far he acquaints vs with the introduction, and cause of the Roman learning in this Land. Which had it had the Greeke tongue, so many hundred yeares before, would haue bene as forward in the liberall Sciences, as the Romans, and not needed this emolli­tion by learning. Philosophy would haue pre­pared them to a sufferance of subiection, that they could not haue bene so vniuersally rude, and Barbarous as they are reported to haue been. So that I feare me, of all that lies beyond this time, we can haue no other intelligence, but by tradition. Which how we may credit for so long past (when letters, for all the assu­rance they can make, breake faith with vs, in [Page 10] the information of things euen present) let it be iudged.

And now for the time since (which seemes to be all that amounts to our knowledge of the State of Britayne) we find it, during the domi­nation of the Romans, gouerned by their Pre­fects: and if they had Kings of the British na­tion, they were tributarie, and had their whole authoritie depending on that Empire; which as the same Tacitus, (that free-tongued Ro­man) saith; made it now their custome to haue Kings the instruments of seruitude: speaking of Cogedunus, to whome Claudius gaue certaine Citties in Britayne, with title of King. For now after Cesar had opened the passage, & made tri­butaric so much, as he subdued, the rest could not long hold out, against that all-incompas­sing State of Rome: although during the time of their ciuill warres, and change of gouern­ment, Nostra aetate, in­quit Strabo. lib. 4. Regulorum quidem Britani­corum, legatio­nibus & officys amicitiam Au­gusti Caef. consecuti, dona­r [...]a in Capitolio dedicarunt: fa­miliarem (que) Ro­manis totam pe­ne insulam redi­gerunt. And at that time it seemes by Strabo, held it not worth the garding, for that it would not quit the charge. from a Republique to a Monarchie, this Country lay neglected the space of 20. yeares: yet after Augustus had setled the soueraigntie, and possest all the wide obedience of that Em­pire, the Princes and Citties of Britayne, fea­ring to be inforced, came in of their owne ac­cord, with their guists and tributes, and the ra­ther, for that as yet, they had found no other weight of subiection, then a tollerable tribute, which, it seemed, they were content to indure with the rest of their neighbours. But after Au­gustus [Page 11] time, when the corruptions of that State, had bred miserable inflammations in all parts of the world, the Britaynes, what with their owne factions, and those of their Roman commanders, remayned in an vncertayne obe­dience till the time of Claudius the Emperor; who hauing much of the fume of glorie, and little fire to rayse it otherwhere: casts an espe­ciall eye on this Prouince, to make it the pom­pous matter of his triumph, and to prepare the way, without aduenture of himselfe, fore­sends Publius Ostorius Scapula a great warrier, Pro-praetor into Britayne, where he met with many turbulencies, and a people hardly to be driuen, howsoeuer they might be lead: yet as one who well knew his mistier; and how the first euents are those which incussed a daun­tingnesse, or daring, imployed all meanes to make his expeditions sodayne, and his exe­cutions cruell. Notwithstanding did Carodo­cus, one of the British Kings, hold these great Romans worke for 9. yeares together, and could not be surprised, till, betrayed by his owne nation, he was deliuered into their hands, and brought to Rome captiue, with his wife and children, to be the subiect of their triumph: whereof notwithstanding the glorie was his.

But Claudius had the honour of taking in the whole isle of Britayne, to the Romane Em­pire [Page 12] which though thus wonne, was not, till a long tyme after, ouercome. For now the Bri­taynes (vnderstanding the miserie of their dis­sociation: how their submission brought but the more oppression) colleague themselues, against the Romans, taking their occasion vpon the outrages, committed on the person, and State of Queene Voadicia, widdow of Prasu­tagus King of the Iceni, a great and rich Prince; who at his death had left Nero his heire, and two daughters, hoping therby to free his house from iniurie: but it fell out contrarie; for no sooner was he dead, but his kingdom was spoyled by the Centurions, his house ran­fack't by slaues, his wife beaten, and his daugh­ters rauished. Besides the chiefe men of the Iceni (as if all the region had bene giuen in prey) reft of their goods, and the Kings kins­men esteemed as captiues, with which contu­mely, and feare of greater mischeife, they con­spire with the Trinobantes and others not yet inured to seruitude, to resume their liberty. And first set vpon the Garrisons of the Veteran souldiers (whom they most hated) defeited the ninth legion, whereof they slew all the foote, forced Cerialis the Legat, and leader to flight, and put to the sworde 70. thousand ko­mans & associats, inhabiting their municipall Camolodunum now Maldon. townes, London, Virolame, and Camolodunum; before Suetonius Gouernour of the Prouince [Page 13] could assemble the rest of the dispersed for­ces, to make head against their Armie consis­ting of 12000 Britaynes, conducted by Voa­dicia, who (with her two daughters, brought into the field to moue compassion and re­uenge) incites them to that noble, and manly worke of libertie: which to recouer she pro­tests to hold her selfe there, but as one of the vulgar, without weighing her great honour and birth, resolued either to win or dye. Many of their wiues were likewise there, to be spe­ctators and incouragers of their husbands va­lour, but in the end Suetonius got the victorie with the slaughter of 80. thousand Britaynes, whereupon Voadicia poysons herselfe, and the miserable country with their heauie losse, had also more weights layd vpon their seruitude. And yet after this made they many other de­fections, and brauely struggled with the Ro­mans, vpon all aduantages they could appre­hend, but the continuall supplies, euer ready from all parts of that mightie Empire, were such, as the Britaynes, hauing no meanes, but their owne swordes, in an vncomposed State layde all open to inuasion, & spent their bloud in vayne. And in the end, growing base with their fortune (as loosing their vertue with their libertie) became vtterly quayled, and miserably held downe to subiection, by the powrefull hand of 14. Garnisons, disposed in [Page 14] seuerall limits of the Land, with their com­panies, consisting of sundry strange nations, Noticia. computated in all to be 52. thousand foote, and 300. horse, besides 37. companies con­tayning 23. thousand foote, and 1300 horse; which continually guarded the North parts, where that, which is now Scotland, and obeyed not the Roman Empire, was excluded from the rest with a wall or trench, first raysed by Agri­cola, after reëdified by Adrian, Seuerus and others.

And in this sort continued the State of Bri­tayne, whilst the Romans held it; induring all the calamities that a deiected nation could do, vnder the domination of strangers, proud, greedy and cruell. Which not onely content, by all tyrannicall meanes, to extort their sub­stance, but also constrayne their bodies to serue vnder their ensignes, when, or where­soeuer their quarrelous ambition would ex­pose them. And besides the being at the will of their rulers, in their obedience, they were forced to follow them also in their rebellions. For after the election of the Emperours grew to be commonly made by the Armyes, many possessing those mightie Roman forces here, were proclaymed Casars, & put for the whole Empire. As first Carausius, & after him Alectus, whome Constantius (the associate of Maxi­mianus, in the Empire) at his first comming [Page 15] into Britayne, by Asclepiodorus the Praetorian Praefect, vanquished, with all such as tooke part with him. After that, the Caledonians, and Picts, made eruptions into the State, and much afflicted the Britaynes: whom to represse, Con­stantius, (then sole Emperour of the west) came the second time into this Land; and in an expedition to the north parts, died at Yorke; whether his sonne Constantine (a little before his death) repaired out of Illiria, escaping a traine, laid for him by Galerius, Emperour of the East, with whom hee was in warres against the Sarmatians, when his father came first into Britayne, against Alectus; & heere was he now first saluted Emperour, for which it seemes hee much esteemed the Countrie, as that which gaue birth to his dignity. And re­ordring the gouernment therof, for a future security, deuides it into. 5. Prouinces, to be ruled by one vice-gerent; 5. Rectors, 2. Con­sulars, and 3. Presidents. After whose time, we haue no certaine nor important marke to direct vs, which way the Sate went, till the raigne of Valentinian the elder; who sendes Theodosius (the father of him who was after Emperour of that name) into Britayne, against the irruptions of the Picts, Attacotti, Scoti, Sa­xones & Eranci, which of all sides inuaded and spoiled the Countrey: and after Theodosius had by the forces of the Battaui, and Heruli, [Page 16] cleered it, Ciuilis was sent to gouerne the Pro­uince, and Dulcitius the Army: Men of faire names for such offices.

In these warres with Theodosius, was one Ma­ximus, a man borne in Spaine, but of Roman education, who after, in the time of the youn­ger Valentinian, hauing the charge of the Ar­mie, was here proclaymed Caesar, and to sub­uert the present Emperour, transports the whole power of Britayne: and first in his way subdues Gaule, and there furnishes euery place of defence with British souldiers; and they say, peopled the whole Countrey of Armorica, (now called Britayne in France) with the same nation: which yet retaines their language, in somekinde, to this day. And hauing spread one arme to Spaine, the other to Germany, imbraced so great a part of the Empire, as he draue Valentinian to seeke aid of Theodosius, Emperour of the East, after the vanquishment and death of his brother Gratianus at Lions. And by this immoderate vent, both of the Garrisons, and the ablest people of the Land, he dis-furnisht and left it in that impotency, as it neuer recouered like power againe. All those great forces he tooke with him, either left in Gaule, or perishing with him at Aquileia, where hee was ouerthrowne by Valentinian.

And yet againe in the time of Honorius the Emperour, the Colony of the Veteran souldiers, [Page 17] fearing the inuasion of the Vana'ales, made ano­ther defection, and tumultuarilie proclamed Emperour, one Marcus, whom shortly after they slue, then Gratianus, who likewise within 4. monethes being murthered, they gaue the title to one Constantine, not so much for his merit, as the omination of his name. This Con­stantine taking the same course that Maximus did, whatsocuer strength was left, or lately in any sort recouered, he emptied it wholy, and made himselfe of that power, as he subdued many of the westerne Prouinces: gaue his sōne Constans (a Monke) the title of Augustus, and after many fortunes, and incounters with the forces of Honorius came vanquished, and exe­cuted at Arles. Where also perished the whole power he brought out of Britayne. And so the State hauing all the best strength exhausted, and none, or small supplies from the Romans, lay open to the rapine and spoyle of their nor­therne enemies: who taking the aduantage of this disfurnishment, neuer left till they had re­duced them to extreme miseries: which for­ced them to implore the ayde of Aetius, Prae­fect of Gaule vnder Valentinian 3. and that in so lamentable manner, their Embassadors in torne garments (with sand on their heads to stir compassion) as Aetius was moued to send forces to succour them, and caused a wall to be raysed vpon the trench (formerly made by [Page 18] Adrian) from Sea to Sea of 8. foote thicke, and 12. high inter-set with Bulwarks, which the Roman soldiers, and an infinit number of Britaynes (fitter for that worke then warre) with great labour effected. And so Aetius left them againe, once more freed and defended from their enemies, aduising them from thenceforth, to inure and imploy their owne forces, without any more expectation of suc­cour from the Romans, who ouer-wrought with other businesse could not attend affayres that lay so far off.

No sooner had the enemy intelligence of the departure of these succours, but on they came, (notwithstanding this fortification) bat­tered downe the wall, ouerthrew the defen­ders, and harrowed the country worse then be­fore. Whereupon, againe this miserable people send to Aetius, vsing these words: ‘To Aetius thrice Consull, the sighes of the Bri­taynes,’ and after thus complayne: ‘The bar­barous enemy beates vs to the Sea, the Sea beates vs back to the enemy: betweene these two kind of deathes, we are either murdered or drowned.’ But their implorations preuayled not, for Aetius at that time, had inough to do, to keepe his owne head, and Valentinian the Empire: which now indured the last convul­sions of a dying State, hauing all the parts and Prouinces thereof, miserably rent and torne [Page 19] with the violencies of strange nations. So that this was also in the fate of Britayne to be first made knowne; to perish by, and with the Ro­man State. Which neuer suffring the people of this Land, to haue any vse or knowledge of armes, within their owne country, left them (vpon their dissolution) naked and exposed to all that would assayle them.

And so ended the Roman Gouernment in The end of the Romans Gouer­ment in Bri­tayne Anno. 447. Britayne, which from their first inuasion by Iulius. Caesar to this Valentinianus 3. had con­tinued the space of 500. yeares. In all which time, we find but these 7. Brittish Kings, nomi­nated to haue raigned: Theomantius, Cunobeli­nus, Guiderius, Aruiragus, Marius, Coelus, and lastly Lucius, who is crowned with immor­tall honor for planting Christian religion within this Land. All other from Lucius to Vortigern, (who succeeds this relinquishment) were Roman gouernors.

This is briefly so much of especiall note, as I can collect out of the Roman historie, con­cerning the State and gouernment of Britayne: finding els-where little certaintie, and from hence forth (during their short possession of this Land) far lesse: Whereof Gildas, the Bri­tayne complaynes, laying the cause on the barbarisme of their enemies, who had destroy­ed all their monuments & memoriall of times Gildas de exci­dio Britaniae. past. And though himselfe wrote, about 40. [Page 20] yeares after the inuasion of the Saxons, and was next these times we come now to remem­ber, yet hath he left (in his enigmaticall passi­ons) so small light thereof as we discerne very little thereby. Nor hath the Britaynes any honour by that antiquitie of his, which ouer­blacks them with such vgly deformities as we can see no part cleere: accusing them to be neither strong in peace, nor faithfull in warre, and vniuersally casts those aspersions on their manners, as if he laboured to inueigh, not to informe. And though, no doubt, there was, as euer is, in these periods of States, a concur­rencie of disorder, and a generall loosenes of disposition, that met with the fulnes of time; yet were there, no doubt, some mixtures of worth, and other notions of that age, where­with after-times, would haue bene much plea­sed to haue had acquaintance. But it seemes his zeale (in that respect) wider then his cha­ritie, tooke vp the whole roome of his vnder­standing, to whom the reuerence of antiqui­tie, and his title of Sapiens doth now giue San­ctuarie, & we must not presume to touch him.

Such was the State of Britayne, left with­out armes or order, when Vortigern, either by vsurpation or faction, became King, and is saide to be the author of the first calling in, or imploying, being in, the Saxons, to make good his owne extablishment, and the saftie [Page 21] of his kingdom, against the Picts and Scots.

The Saxons at this time, possest the third The State of the Saxons. part of Germanie, holding all the country be­tweene the Riuers Rhene, and Elue, bounded on the North by the Baltique Sea, and the Ocean: on the south by Silua Hircinia, and diuided by the riuer Visurgis into Ostphalia, and Westpha­lia: gouerned by an Optimacie of 12. Princes, with an election of a soueraigne leader for the businesse of war. This being so spacious, po­pulous, and neere a country, well furnisht with shipping (which the Britaynes had not) yeel­ded euer plentifull meanes to supply the vn­dertakers of this action, which were first 2. brothers, Hengist and Horsa, with all necessarie prouisions vpon euery fit occasion. After they had beene here a while, as stipendaries, and finding the debility of Prince & people, their number soone increased. And first they had the Isle of Thanet allowed them to inhabite: then the whole country of Kent, was made ouer to Hengist by transaction, vnder coue­nant, to defend the Land against the Picts, and Scots. And vpon the marriage of Vortigern, with the daughter or neece of Hengist, an ex­ceeding beautifull ladie, (brought ouer of purpose to worke on the dotage of a dissolute Prince) larger priuileges were graunted: so that, by this allyance, and the fertillity of the Land, were drawne in, so many of this popu­lous [Page 22] and millitary nation, that Kent, in short time, grew too narrow for them, and Hengist, to distend their power into other parts, adui­sed Vortigern, to plant a Colony of them in the North beyond Humber, to be a continuall guard against all inuasions that way. Which being graunted, hee sendes for Otha, his bro­ther, and sonne Ebusa, with great supplies out of Saxony, to furnish that diseigne. And so came the Saxons to haue first domination in Kent, and Northumberland, which conteyned all the countrie from Humber to Scotland. And now beganne of seruants, maisters; to con­temne their enterteynors, and commit many insolencies. Whereupon the Brittish nobilitie Vortigern is de­posed. combine themselues, depose Vortigern (the author of this improuident admission) and Vortimer ele­cted King of Brittayne. elect Vortimer his sonne, a Prince of great worth, who (whilst he liued, which was not long) gaue them many fierce incounters: but all preuailed not, for the Saxons being possest of the principall gate of the Land, lying open on their owne countrey, to receiue all supplies without resistance; had the aduantage to weare them out of all in the end. And beside force, they are said to haue vsed treacherie in mur­thering 300 of the British nobilitie at an as­sembly of peace at Amesburie, where they tooke their King prisoner, and would not re­lease him, but vpon the graunt of three Pro­uinces [Page 23] more. Also the long life of Hengist, a pollitique leader (of almo st 40. yeares con­tinuance) made much for the settling heere of their estate: which yet they could not effect, but with much trauaile, and effusion of bloud. For the Britaynes, now made martiall, by long practice, and often battailes, grew in the end so inraged, to see their countrie surprized from vnder their feet; as they sold the inheri­tance thereof at a very deere rate. Wherein we must attribute much to the worthines of their leaders (whence the spirit of a people is raised) who in these their greatest actions, were espe­cially Ambrosius the last of the Romans, and King Arthur. Arthur, the noblest of Britaynes: A man in force and courage aboue man, and worthie to haue beene a subiect of truth to posteritie, and not of fiction, as legendary writers haue made him: for whilst he stood, he bare vp the sinking State of his countrie, and is said to haue in­countered with the Saxons, in 12. set battailes: wherein he had either victory, or equall re­uenge. In the end, himselfe ouerthrowne by treason; the best men consumed in the warres, and the rest vnable to resist, fled into the mountaines, and remote desarts of the west parts of the Isle, and left all to the inuadors, daily growing more and more vpon them.

For many principall men of Saxony, seeing the happie successe and plantation heere of [Page 24] Hengist, entred likewise on diuers coastes, to get Estates for themselues, with such multi­tudes of people, as the Britaynes making head in one place, were assaulted in another, and euerywhere ouerwhelmed with new encrea­sing numbers.

For after Hengist had obtained the domi­nion of Kent, (which from him became to be The seuerall entries made by the Saxons. a kingdome) and Otha, and Ebuse possest of all the North countries from Humber to Scotland: Ella, and his sonnes conquered the South-Easte parts and beganne the kingdome of the south Saxons, contayning Sussex, and part of Surrey. Then Cerdic and his sonnes landed at Ports­mouth, inuaded the South, and west parts, and beganne the kingdome of the west Saxons, which after contayned the countries of Ham­sheire, Berkesheire, Wiltshire, Dorcetshire; So­mersetshire, and Deuonshire. And about the same time, Vffa, inuaded the North cast parts, and beganne the kingdome of the East An­gles, conteyning Northfolke, Suffolke, Cam­bridgeshire, and the Isle of Eley: Erkenwin, beganne the kingdome of the East Saxons, contayning Essex, Middlesex, and a part of Hertfordshire.

Hauing thus, in a manner, surrounded the best of the whole State of Britayne; they after inuaded the inner, & middle part. And Cridda beganne the kingdome of Mercna-land, or [Page 25] middle Angels, conteyning Lincolnshire, North-hamptonshire, Huntingdonshire, Rutland­shire, Bedford, Buckinghā, Oxfordshire, Chesshire Derbie, Nottingham, and Staffordshire, with part of the shires of Hereford, & Hartford: War­wicke, Shropshire, Lancaster, and Gloucestershire.

And with all these Princes, and leaders, be­fore they could establish their dominions, the Britaines so desperately grappled, as plant they could not, but vpon distruction, and dessolation of the whole countrie, wherof in the end they extinguished, both the religion, lawes, language, and all, with the people and name of Britaine. Which hauing beene so long a Prouince of great honour and benefit to the Roman Empire, could not but partake of the magnificence of their goodly structures, Thermes, Aquaductes, High wayes, and all other their ornaments of delight, ease, and greatnesse: which all came to be so vtterly razed and confounded by the Saxons, as there is not left standing so much as the ruynes, to point vs where they were: for they, being a people of a rough breeding, that would not be taken with these delicacies of life, seemed to care for no other monuments but of earth, and as borne in the field, would build their fortunes onely there. Witnesse so many In­trenchments, Mounts and Borroughs raised for tombes and defences vpon all the wide cham­pions [Page 26] and eminent hils of this Isle, remayning yet as the characters of the deepe scratches made on the whole face of our country, to shew the hard labour our Progenitors endu­red to get it for vs.

Which generall subuersion of a State, is very seeldome seene: Inuasion, and deuasta­tion of Prouinces haue often beene made, but in such sort as they continued, or recouered, with some commixtion of their owne, with the generation of the inuadors. But in this, by reason of the vicinage, and innumerous po­pulacie of that nation (transporting hither both sexes) the incompatibility of Paganisme & Christianitie, with the immens bloud shed on both sides, wrought such an implacable hatred, as but one must possesse all. The con­quest made by the Romans, was not to extir­pate the nation; but to maister it. The Danes, which afterward inuaded the Saxons, made onely at the first depredations on the coast, and therewith for a time contented them­selues. When they grew to haue further in­terest, they sought not the subuersion, but a community, and in the end, a soueraigntie of the State; matching with the weomen they heere found, bringing few of their owne with them. The Normans dealt the like with the Prouince of Nuestria in France: and after they had the dominion, and what the victorie [Page 27] would yeeld them in England, were content to suffer the people heere, to haue their being, intermatched with them, and so grew in short space into their bodie. But this was an ab­solute The absolute subuersion of Britayne. subuersion, and concurred with the vniuersall mutation, which about that time happened in al these parts of the world; where­of, there was no one country, or Prouince, but chaunged boundes, inhabitants, customes, language, and in a manner all their names.

For vpon the breaking vp of the Roman Empire (first deuided into two, and then by faction disioynted in each part) imploying the forces of many strange nations to fortifie their sides; were made so wide ruptures in the North, and North East boundes of that Em­pire; as there burst out infinite streames of strange people, that ouer-ranne, and laide open the world againe to libertie, other for­mes and lymits of State: wherupon followed all these transmigratiōs & shiftings of people, from one countrey to another. The Francs and Burgognons dispossest the Gaules, and gaue the names of France and Burgogne to their Prouince. The Gaules transplanted themselues on some coastes of Spaine, where they could finde, or make their habitation: and of them had Gallicia and Portugall their names. The Hunnes and Auari subdued Pannonia, and there to gaue the name of Hungarie. The Long­beardes, [Page 28] a people of Germany, bordering vpon the Saxons, entred Italie, got the greatest part therof, and left there their name to a principall Prouince, remayning to this daie. The Gothes and Vandales, miserably afflicted the rest, sackt Rome, and after subdued, peo­pled, and possest Spaine. So that it was not in the fate of Britayne alone, to be vndone, but to perish, almost, with the generall dissolution of other States, which hapned about the same age.

Wherefore, wee are now heere to beginne with a new Bodie of people, with a new State, and gouernment of this Land, which retai­ned nothing of the former, nor held other memory but that, of the dissolution thereof: where scarce a Citie, Dwelling, Riuer, Hill, or Mountayne, but changed names. Britayne it selfe was now no more Britayne, but New Sa­xonie, and shortly after either of the Angles (the greatest people of the inuadors) or of Hengist, called Engist-Land, or England. The distance, made by the rage of warre, lay so wide betweene the conquering and conquered people, that nothing either of lawes, rites and customes, came to passe ouer vnto vs from the Britaynes: nor had our Ancestors any thing from them, but their countrie: which they first diuided into eight kingdomes: all which, continued to the last extermination of [Page 29] the Britaynes vnder Caretius their King, with whome they were driuen ouer Seuerne, 136. yeeres after the first entertainement of Hen­gist. And soone after, the Saxons, encroching vpon each othe rs parts, or States (which ne­uer held certaine boundes) and the stronger vsurping vpon their weaker neighbours, re­duced them to seauen kingdomes; that of the Northanimbrians, being made one of two: and then to sixe (the west Saxons taking in the kingdome of Sussex to their dominion.) And so it continued about 250 yeares.

At the first, by the space of 150 yeares, they were meerely gouerned by their owne lawes, without mixture of any other. But after Augustine the Monke, sent with 40 others, by Pope Gregorie, had conuerted Aethelbert, King of Kent, and some other, they all shortly after receiued the Christian faith, and had their lawes and rites ordered according to Ec­clesiasticall constitutions. Many of their Kings, when their sterne asperitie grew molified by humility of the religion, beganne to raise pre­sently so many and great monuments of their piety, in all parts of the Land, as if they striued who should exceed therein, and had no other glorie: Diuers of them renounced their; tem­porall dignities for Spirituall, solitude, and became Monkes; as Aetheldred, and Kinred, Kings of Merena-Land; Offa King of the East [Page 30] Saxons; Kadwalla, and Ina, Kings of the west Saxons; Eadberte King of the Northumbri­ans. &c.

At length the kingdomes of Merc-naland, and west Sax, so far ouergrew the others in power, as betweene them two it lay, who should haue all. For Ina, a martiall, wise, and religious Prince, gouerning the west Saxons, first aduaunced that kingdome to a prehe­minencie, & did much to haue subdued Merc­na-land: but yet Offa, (afterwards King thereof) was in faire possibility to haue swallo­wed vp both the west Saxons, and all the rest of the kingdomes. For whilst hee liued, which was in the time of Carolus Magnus, (with whom hee held league and amity) hee was esteemed as the especiall King of the Land. But the many wrongs he did, and the murther committed in his house, vpon Aethelbert, King of the East Angles, comming to him vnder publique faith, and a suitor to his daughter, were iustly reuenged vpon his posteritie, which after him declining, in the end lost all. For Egbert, discended from Ine­gild, the brother of Ina, attayning the king­dome of the west Saxons, beganne the way to bring all the rest into subiection. And being a Prince, who from a priuate fortune, wherin he liued below, with, and not aboue other men, had learned sufferance and moderation; [Page 31] and by the Estate of an exile, experience, grew to haue great aduantages ouer the time, and others borne fortunes, and rose by these meanes.

Ina, his great vncle, renouncing the world, with his kingdome, and dying without issue, left the succession imbroiled, and out of the direct royall lyne as hee found it. So that those foure Kings of the west Saxons, who seuerally succeeded him. Ethelard, Sigibert, Kinulph and Britric, were rather Kings by election, and their owne power, then by right of discent. And Britric knowing the weakenesse of his title, and the much promising forwardnes of Egbert; with his propinquitie in bloud, to the former Kings, practized to haue him made away; which he perceauing, fled first to Offa, King of Mercna-land, where finding little security, in regard Britric had (to strength himselfe) married the daughter of that king, hee escaped into France, and there remayned till the death of Britric, and then returning, obtaines the kingdome of the West­saxons; subdues Cornewall, inhabited by the Britaynes; and after sets vpon Bernulph, newly inuested in the kingdome of Mercna-land; a State by the rupture of the Royall lyne, like­wise growne tottering. For Egferth, the sonne of Offa, enioyed but. 4. monethes, the inhe­ritance of his fathers immanitie: whereby [Page 32] that kingdome discended collaterally to Ken­nulph, who left it to Kenelme a child, after murthered by his sister Quinred. Ceolulph, bro­ther to Kennulph, succeeding, after his first yeares raigne, was expeld by Bernulph, and Bernulph by Egbert, who made that kingdome Egbert obtey­ned the king­dome, which by him was named Eng­Lind. Anno. 802. tributarie to the west Saxons, as he did after that of the South, and East Saxons, with the kingdome of Northumberland. And by this meanes, in a manner, attained to a soueraignty of the whole. But the Danes imbroiling his peace in the end of his raigne, held him backe from enioying such a fulnesse of power, as that wee may account him the absolute Mo­narch of the kingdome, nor yet any of his successors so long as the Danes continued vn­subiected. For they hauing first made irrup­tions into the State, in the raigne of the late King Britric (his predecessor) euer after held a part thereof, and afflicted the whole, till they had attayned the absolute soueraigntie to themselues.

The Danes were a people of Germanie, next The discripti­on of the Danes neighbours to the Saxons, and of language and manners little different. possessing besides Cimbrica Chersonesus (now called Denmarke) all the Isles adiacent in the Baltique Sea, and sometimes the kingdome of Norway, A mightie, rough, and martiall nation; strong in shipping, through their exercise of piracie, [Page 33] and numerous in people for all suppliments. Who perceauing heere the happie successe, and plantation of the Saxons, were drawne with desire and emulation, likewise, to put in for a part, the coaste lying open to inuasion, and the many diuisions of the Land, with the discord of Princes, making them an easie way thereunto. So that in a manner, as soone as the Saxons had ended their trauailes with the Britaynes, and drew to settling of a Monar­chie, the Danes, as if ordain'd to reuenge their slaughters, beganne to assault them with the like āfflictions. The long, the many, and hor­rible encounters betwene this two fierce na­tions, with the bloudshed, and infinit spoiles committed in euery part of the Land, are of so disorded and troublous memory, that what with their asperous names, together with the confusion of place, times, and persons, intrica­tely deliuered, is yet a warre to the reader to ouer-looke them. And therefore to fauour myne owne paines and his, who shall get little profit thereby, I passe them ouer.

After the death of Egbert, Aethelwolph, his sonne succeeded in the State, with the title of King of the west Saxons only, and was a Prince more addicted to deuotion then acti­on: as may be seene by his donation of the tenth part of his kingdome (with exemption of all regall seruice) for the seruice of God: [Page 34] besides an annuitie of 300 markes, to be besto­wed in pious vses at Rome; whither he went twice in person, with his yongest sonne Alfred, whom he especially loued; and whom Pope Leo 4 annointed a King at eleuen yeares of age, as if deuining of his future fortune.

Vpon his last iorney, and whole yeares stay at Rome; Aethelbald, his eldest sonne, com­bin'd with the nobilitie of the Westsaxons, to keepe him out, and depriue him vtterlie of his gouernment, and wrought so, as notwith­standing the great loue his people bare him, he was brought to yeeld vp the kingdome of the Westsaxons, to Aethelbald, and retaine one­ly the kingdome of the East Angles, (a State of far lesse dignitie) to himselfe. After which, raigning but two yeares, Aethelbald succeeded in the whole, and with great infamy, marrying his fathers widow, Iudith, daughter to Charles le Chauue, King of Fraunce, enioyed it but two yeares and a halfe; when Aethelred, the se­cond sonne of Aethelulph, entred to the go­uernment, which hee held 5 yeares in conti­nuall conflict, with the Danes.

After whome, Alfred, the mirrour of Alfred. 872. Princes (made a King before he had a king­dome) at 22 yeres of his age, and in a yeere wherin eight seuerall battailes had beene giuen to the Danes, by the Saxons; begane his troublous raigne, wherin he was perpetually [Page 35] in warre, either against his enimies, or cls against vices.

First after a great danger to lose all, hee was forced to yeild vp a part of the kingdome (which was that of the East Angles and Nor­thumberland) to Guthrun, leader of the Danes, whome vpon his baptization, he made his confederate, and owner of that by right, which before he vsurped by violence.

And notwithstanding all the continuall, and intricate toile he indured amidst the clat­tering and horror of armes, he performed all noble actions of peace: collecting first the lawes of his predecessors, and other the Kings of the Saxons, (as if Offa, King of Merena-land, and Aethelbert the first christian english King) of which, by the graue aduise, and consent of his States assembled, hee makes choice of the fittest; antiquates those of no vse, and ads other according to the necessitie of the time.

And for that the wildenes of warre, by rea­son of these perpetual conflicts with strangers, had so let out the people of the Land, to vn­lawfull riots and rapine; that no man could trauaile without conuoy: hee ordained the diuisions of shires, hundreds, and tithings: that euery Englishman (now the generall name for all the Saxons) liuing legally, might be of a certaine hundred or tithing, out of which hee was not to remoue without secu­ritie: [Page 36] and out of which, if he were accused of any crime, hee was likewise to produce sure­ties for his behauiour, which if hee could not finde, hee was to indure the punishment of the law. If any malefactor, before or after hee had put in sureties escaped; all the Tithing or Hundred were fined to the King, by which meanes he secured trauailers, and the peace of his countrie.

The opinion he had of learning made him often complaine the want therof: imputing it amongst his greatest infortunes to haue beene bred without it, and to haue his king­dome so vtterly destitute of learned men, as it was, through the long continuance of this barbarous warre: which made him send out for such, as were any way famous for letters, and hauing gotten them, hee both highlie pre­ferred them, and also (as they doe, who know not to much themselues) held them in great veneration: rarenes then, setting a higher price on meaner parts, then after, plenty did on more perfections. Grimbald, and Scotus, hee drew out of France: Asser (who wrote his life) out of wales; others from other parts: he was the first lettered Prince we had in England; by whose meanes and incouragement publique schooles had here, either their reuiuing, or beginning.

Those wants of his owne, made him take a [Page 37] greater care for the education of his sonnes, with whome were bred, vnder most deligent masters, almost all the children of the Nobili­tie within his kingdome.

All his owne time he could cleere from other businesse, hee bestowed in studie, and did himselfe, and caused others, to translate many things in the vulgar tongue: which he laboured, it seemes, much to adorne, and es­pecially affected the Saxon meeters: whereby Mat. Westm. to glorifie that of a King, hee attained the title of Poet.

The naturall daie, consisting of 24 howers, he cast into 3 parts: whereof eight he spent in prayer, studie, and writing: eight in the ser­uice of his bodie, and eight in the affaires of his States. Which spaces (hauing then no other engine for it) hee measured by a great waxe light, deuided into so many parts, re­ceauing notice by the keeper thereof, as the seuerall howres passed in the burning.

With as faire an order did he proportion his reuenues, equalling his liberalities to all The first fur­uay of the kingdome. his other expences: whereof to make the cur­rent runne more certaine, hee tooke a precise notice of them, and made a generall suruay of the kingdome, and had all the particulers of his estate registred in a booke which hee kept in his treasurie at Winchester. And within this circumference of order, he held him in [Page 38] that irregularitie of fortune, with a weake dis­position of bodie, and raigned 27 yeares, lea­uing his sonne Edward, a worthie succestor, to mainteine the lyne of noblenes thus begun by him.

EDward, though he were farre inferiour to Edwardus Se­nior. 900. him in learning, went much beyond him in power: for he had all the kingdome of Merc­na-land, in possession: whereof Alfred had but the homage, and some write, helde soue­raignitie ouer the east Angles, and Northum­brians: though wee finde in the ioynt lawes that hee and Guthrun made together, they held the same confederation fore-concluded by Alfred. Hee also subdued the Britaynes in wales: fortified and furnished with garrisons diuers townes in England, that lay fit to pre­uent the incursions of the Danes; and was all his raigne of 23 yeares, in continuall action, and euer before hand with fortune. And surely his father, hee, and many that succeeded, du­ring this Danicque warre, though they lost their ease, wonne much glory and renowne. For this affliction held them so in, as hauing little out-lets, or leisure, for ease and luxury, they weare made the more pious, iust and carefull in their gouernment: otherwise it had beene impossible to haue held out against the Danes, as they did: a people of that power [Page 39] and vndauntable stomacke, as no fortune could deterre, nor make to giue ouer their holde. And the imbecillitie of some vnactiue Prince at that time, had beene inough to haue let them quite into the whole: which may be the cause, that in the succession of some of these Kings, were certaine ruptures made out of course, in respect of their ablenes. As first after the death of this renowned King Edward Senior, his sonne Athelstan of full yeares, and Anno. 924. spirit, was (notwithstanding the bracke in his birth) preferred before his legittimate sonne Edmond, vnder age: Nor did Athelstan disap­point the kingdome in this worke, but perfor­med all noble parts of religion, iustice, and magnanimitie, after 16 yeares raigne, dying without issue, Edmond his brother succeeded Edmond. 940. him. A Prince likely to haue equalled the worth of his predecessors, had hee not vn­timely perished by the hand of a base outlaw in his owne house, at a festiuall, amidst his people, that deerely loued and honoured him. And though he left two sonnes, yet was Edred his brother preferred to the kingdome before Edred or Eldred 946. them: who making no variation from the lyne of virtue, continued by his auncestors, was held perpetuallie in worke by the Danes, du­ring the whole time of his raigne, which was of 10 yeares.

Edwin, his nephew, the eldest sonne of Edwin. [Page 40] Edmond, succeeded him, an irregular youth, who interrupting the course of goodnesse, liued dissolutely, and died wishedly. Other­wise had Edgar (the other sonne of Edmond) continued that rare succession of good Prin­ces, without the interposition of any ill.

959. Edgar, though he were but 16 yeares of age, yet capeable of councell, was by the graue aduise of his Bishops (who in that time of zeale held especially the raines on the hearts and affections of men) put and directed in the way of goodnesse, and became a most heroi­call Prince.

Amongst other his excellent actions of go­uernement, he prouided a mightie Nauy, to secure his coasts from inuasion; which now he found (though late) was the onely meane to keepe out these miseries from within, that thus lamentably afflicted the land, euer before neg­ligent, or not inured to sea-affaires. For when the Romans first subdued the same, there was no shipping, but a few small vessels made of wicker, and couered with hides: whereby they, and after the Danes, both mightie (as those times gaue) in shipping, found that easie foo­ting they had: Yet Egbert is said to haue pro­uided a strong Nauie, about the yeare 840. And Alfrid 30 or 40 yeares after did the like. But either now dis-used, or consumed by the enemy, Edgar re-edifies, and sets forth a Fleet [Page 41] consisting (as some write) of 1600 saile, others a farre greater number, and those he deuides and places in foure parts of the Realme, ma­king his progresses yearly, with part of this mightie Nauie, round about the whole Isle, whereof he assumed the title of king.

And to reduce it all to one name and Mo­narchie, he was intitled, king of all Albion; as testifies his Charter granted to the Abby of Maldesmesbury, in these' words: Ego Edga­rus totius Albionis Basileus nec non Maritimo­rum seu insulanorum Regum circum habitan­tium, &c. For he hauing first of all other made peace with the Danes, and granted them quiet cohabitation through all his dominions; had the soueraigntie ouer them: And Kenneth, king of Scots did him homage, whether for Cumberland and Westmerland, giuen to that Crowne by king Edmond his father, or for his whole kingdome; I cannot say. And fiue kings of Wales did the like for their countrey, and came all to his Court at Cardiffe.

So that he seemes the first and most abso­lute Monarch of this land that hitherto we find: The generall peace that held all his time, honored his name with the title of Paci­ficus: and rendred his kingdome, neuer be­fore acquainted with the glory of quietnesse, very flourishing.

But as if the same had bene giuen to shew, [Page 42] and not to vse, like a short calme betwixt stormes, it lasted but little beyond his raigne of sixteene yeares: being too short to close the disseuered ioynts of a commixed kingdom; which was onely to haue bene the worke of Time: and that none of these late Princes (who were best like to haue aduanced and confirm'd the State of a Monarchie,) were ordained to haue. But all (as if things would another way) were put off from their ends, by their vntimely deaths: as was this glorious young Prince, in the 32 yeare of his age: Saint Edward. leauing his sonne Edward, a child, to vnder­go 975. the miseries of nonage, to be made a sa­crifice Elfred his step­mother is sayd to haue mur­thered him, hunting in the Isle of Purbeck. for ambition, and a Saint by persecu­tion, through the hand of a step-mother; who to aduance her owne sonne Ethelred, brake in, ouer the bounds of nature and right, to make his way: and is sayd, her selfe to haue murthered him, comming to her house, e­strayed, in hunting, and discompanied.

BVt Ethelred, as if ill set, prospered not Ethelred. on this ground: the enterance to whose 978. raigne was bloud; the middle, misery; and the end, confusion: They write, Saint Dunstan preaching at his Coronation, prophetically foretold him of these calamities would follow this transgression: saying: ‘For that thou hast aspired to the Crowne, by the death of thy bro­ther, [Page 43] murthered by thy mother; thus saith the Lord: the sword shall neuer depart from thy house, raging against thee all the daies of thy life, slaying those of thy seede, till the kingdome be transferred to another, whose fashion and language thy people shall not know. Nor shall thy sinne, nor the sinne of thy ignominious mother, with her councellors, be expiated, but by long auengement.’ And this (whether so vttered or not) was ratified in the euent. For either this vniust disordring the succession, or the concurrency of hidden causes meeting with it, so wrought, as this late begunne Monarchie fell quite asunder, and begat the occasion of two conquests, by forraine nations, within the space of 50 yeares.

For the Danes, hauing now beene so long inmates with the English, dispread ouer all partes by intermatching with them, and mul­tiplying with the late peace and confederati­ons, had their party, (though not their rule) greater then euer: so that this oportunitie of a yong and vnsettled Prince, in a new & bran­ling State, drew ouer such multitudes of other of the same nation: as euery coast and part of the Land, were miserablie made the open rodes of spoile and saccage: in such sort, as the State knew not where to make any certaine head against them: for if incountred in one [Page 44] place, they assaild another, and had so sure intelligence what, and where all preparations were raised, as nothing could be effected auaylable to quayle them; Whereupon Ethel­red, in the end, was faine, seing hee could not preuaile with the sword, to assaile them with money, and bought a peace for ten thousand pounds: which God wot, proued after, a very dere penny-worth to the cōmon wealth, shewing the seller thereof, how much was in his power, and the buyer, at how hard a rate his necessitie was to be serued; and yet not sure of his bargaine, longer then the con­tractor would. Who hauing found the bene­fite of this market, raised the price thereof almost euery yeare. And yet had not Ethelred what hee paid for: the Land in one part or other, neuer free from spoile and inuasion, but rather the more now opprest, both by the The originall of Dane gelt the first impo­sition laid vpon the king­dome.warre, and this taxation. Which was the first wee find in our annales laid vpon the king­dome, (and with heauie greeuance raised in a poore distressed State,) continewing many ages after the occasion was extinct: And in the end (though in another name) became the vsuall supplyment in the dangers of the kingdome, and the occasions of Princes.

And hereby Ethelred both inlarged the meanes and desire of the enemy, so that at length came Swayn, King of Denmarke, and [Page 45] Aulafe, King of Norway, in person, as if like­wise to receaue hire for committing outrage, and were both returned with great sums, and Aulafe of a milder disposition, with baptisme.

These calamities from abroad, were made more, by the disloyalties at home: faith and respect (being seldome found safe in lost for­tunes) held not in most of the principall men imployed in the defence. Aelfric, Admirall of the Nauy, is said to haue giuen intelligence of all Sea-preparations, and disappointed that worke. The Earles Fran, Frithigist, Godwin, and Turkettle, discended of Danicke progeny, and of greatest comaund, deceiued the ar­mies by Land, and were the aucthors of dis­couragement to the people they led. Edric Earle of Mare-land, after them made Generall of the Kings forces, is branded with euer­lasting ignominie, and the title of False, for his barbarous disloyaltie, frustrating all at­tempts wherin he was imployed.

Wolnod, a nobleman, for his misdemeanor outlawed, made depredations on the coastes, with 20 ships, and was the cause that 80 more sent to take him in, were vtterly consumed.

This defection of his nobilitie, howsoeuer it might be by their owne discontent, emula­tion, corruption, or affection, is laid to the pride of Ethelred, whom yet wee finde more vnfortunate then weake, howsoeuer they haue [Page 46] set his marke: and neglected no occasion to make resistance and reparations against all e­uents, bringing often his affaires to the very point of dispatch, and yet put by, at an instant from all, as if nothing went with him, bur his will to do worthily: which howsoeuer it were (besides the miserie to loose) he must haue (that which accompanies infelicity) Blame, and Reproch. Though the many and desperate battailes he made; the good consti­tutions for the gouernment; the prouisions to supply all important occasions, shew, that he was not much behind the best Princes, but onely in fortune.

By the example of Edgar his father, he pro­cured a mightie Nauie, causing of euery 310 hide or plough-land throughout the king­dome, a ship to be built, and of euery eighth, a Corslet to be found: Yet all this shipping stood him in little stead, but was either quasht with tempest, consumed with fire by the ene­my, or otherwise made vnusefull by neglect, or ignorance: whereby the hope and infinite charge of the State were disappointed. Fa­mine, and mortality, the attendants of warre, with strange inundations, wrought likewise their part, as if conspirators of destruction, and all concur'd to make a dismall season.

Many yeares it was not, ere Swaine king of Danes returned to raise againe new summes [Page 47] by new afflictions; and totmenting here this poore turmoyled people, more then euer; re­ceiues a fee for bloud-shed, to the summe of 48000 pounds; granted in the generall assem­bly of the States at London, and a peace, or ra­ther paction of seruitude concluded; with quiet cohabitation, vse of like liberties, and a perfect vnion betweene the two nations, con­firmed by oaths of either part, and hostages deliuered of ours.

But this as a breathing time, scarse held out the yeare. When the occasion of greater mis­chiefes was giuen by a vniuersall massacre of the Danes suddenly here contriued: and effe­cted by the kings commandement, vpon the suggestion of Hune, a great Commander, and a violent warrier of that time. Vrging the inso­lencie of the Danes, that now growne haughty with this peace; Committed many outrages, violating the wiues and daughters of great men, with many other intollerable disorders.

Such, and so suddaine was the generall exe­cution The massacre of the Danes. of this act, throughout all parts of the kingdome at one instant, as shewed the con­currencie 1002. of an inueterate rankor, and incom­patability of these two nations, impossible to be conioyned. So that neither Temples, Al­tars, Supplications, nor any band of aliance, were auaileable to saue them from slaughter. Wherein to incense the more their king, [Page 48] Gunild, his sister, a woman of masculine, cou­rage, who had a little before receaued Chri­stendome, a mediator & pledge of the peace, hauing first her husband and sonne slayne in her sight, rather with a threatning, then appa­led countenance, met her death, making im­precation for reuenge, and foretelling her bloud would, as it did, cost England deere.

Soone was the notice of this enormious act, giuen to Swaine, and as soone armed with rage and power, reentred he the kingdome, hauing now a fayrer shew to doe fowly, then euer: wrong had made him a right, who had none before: and the people of the Land, not so forward to maintayne their act, as to com­mit it, rather were content to giue him the possession of their country, then that he should wyn it: the greatest part of the kingdome sub­mitting themselues vnto him; onely the citie of London, which Ethelred held fortified made noble resistance till he left them; and, conueyed himselfe first into the Isle of Wight, and after into Normandie, whither hee had sent Emma his Queene, with their 2 sonnes, Aelfrid and Edward, before, from the rage of this tempest. But within 2 moneths he was recalled home by the people of England, vpon the death of Swaine, who at the point to haue beene crowned King, and had generally taken ostages and oathes of fealty, died suddenly: [Page 49] leauing his sonne Knute to succeede his for­tunes, and accomplish what he intended.

Ethelred returning, was soone furnisht with an Army, sets vpon Knute in Lindsey, where he lay with his fathers shipping, and Hostages, and draue him to take the seas: wherewith in­raged, making about to Sandwich, he misera­bly mangled, and dismembred those hostages, and so sent them home: himselfe, with the spoiles his father and he had gotten, returned to his countrey, to make greater preparations for the prosecution of his purpose.

Ethelred in the meane time, to increase the summe of reuengement with more wrath, at a generall Assembly at Oxford, caused many of the Danicque Nobilitie to be murthered: A­mong which were Sigifrith, and Morchar, Earles of Northumberland, whom the false Edric (who had a hand on each side for mis­chiefe) inuiting them to his lodging, vnder pretence of feasting, barbarously caused to be slaine: their followers, after they had so long as they could desperately defended them­selues and their maisters, fled into a Church, where they were with the same burnt. Knute armed with the greatest of his owne & neigh­bours powers made his confederates, landed againe, within the yeare, at Sandwich, & with­out resistance, had all the West parts rendred vnto him, with pledges for their obedience, [Page 50] and furnishment with horse and armor. Here the false Edric leaues his Liege-lord, & yeelds vp 40 ships, and his periur'd faith to Knute. Ethelred, languishing in minde and body, Ed­mond his sonne, surnamed Ironside (to oppose youth to youth) was imployed against this rabious inuador. A Prince worthy of a better time, and had he found faith, had made it so, and deliuered his country at that turne, from the worst of miseries, the conquest by stran­gers.

BVt now vpon the death of Ethelred (whose 37 yeares raigne, shewes that infelicity shall haue time too much, and happinesse too little.) Knute was by most of the Clergie and Nobility chosen king: onely the City of Lon­don, with some of the Nobility thereabout, made election of Edmond Edmond Iron­side sonne to Ethelred, by his first wife Ethelgina. , and furnished him with that power, as thereby, with the coura­gious ardour of his youth (which commonly 1016. is most in the first attempts) he had the better in three imminent battels, within. 3 moneths, and had likewise obtained the fourth at Essen­don (likely to haue bene the last with the Danes) but that the disloyall Edric (late renouncing his new Lord, seeing Edmonds part in possibili­ty to preuaile) againe betrai'd his trust, & with­drew himselfe, and the charge he had, to the enemy. This fatall battell lost England: here [Page 51] perished the best flower of honor it then had: Here amongst the rest was slaine, Vlkill, an Earle of Essex, of euer memorable worth, who had long stood vp for the kingdom, and in the time of Swaine, was the first that shewed there was hope and possibility to quaile the enemy, had there bene an vnion in loyalty.

From this bloudy worke, Edmond escapes to Glocester, to recollect new forces, nor was he so forsaken with this fortune, but that he soone recouered another armie, to re-assaile the enemie, that might be idle vpon this victo­rie. But Knute, as prouident in the prosecution of his businesse, as fortunate therein, makes after: Here when both Armies were at the point to incounter, a motion of peace was propounded: Some say the two Kings, by single combat consented to decide their for­tunes, and the ouer-commer to take all: and that in an Isle of the riuer Seuern (their Ar­mies on either shore, spectators of the act) they tried the maistery for the prize of a king­dome: After long and equall fight, finding each others worth, they cast away their wea­pons, imbraced and concluded the peace: But howsoeuer, it seemes both sides tyred with the miserie of a consuming warre, neuer like to be ended, but by the vtter extirpation of the one, and considering the danger of ei­ther, and incertaintie of the future, were easily [Page 52] perswaded to imbrace a present agreement: which was made by parting England betwixt them two, and confirm'd by Oath and Sacra­ment: putting on each others Apparell, and Armes, as a ceremonic to expresse the attone­ment of their mindes, as if they made transa­ction of their persons each to other. Knute be­came Edmond, and Edmond, Knute. A fatall ex­change for so free and magnanimous a Prince as Edmond: who indeede was now no more himselfe; and being but halfe a king, was in so few dayes after, none: as makes this peace shew fouler then warre: for that armed him for life, this exposed him naked to death, which was shortly after treacherously giuen The death of King Edmond Ironside at Oxford. him at Oxford; some say by the sonne of Edric (as if to shew he would be the heire of his father also in Treason) whereby both the hope, and the other halfe of England were vt­terly lost, as determinable with his raigne: which (with all we haue else of his magnani­mous actiōs) took vp scarce the circuit of one whole yeare: And yet had that bene space e­nough for gloric (whose measure is to be taken rather by the profundity, then the length, which seldome holds long and euen) could he haue had that cleere, and better for his re­nowne to haue died at the battaile of Essen­don with England, then discended to haue made it halfe Denmarke, and liue.

[Page 53]BVt by this meanes Knute attayned the ab­solute Knute the first Danic King. dominition of the whole kingdome, which he gouerned with better Iustice then he got, conforming his natiue roughnes, to 1018. a more ciuile and regular fashion of life: And to haue England see that now he was hers; he sendes away his Nauie, & stipendary soldiers, home to their countries, and puts himselfe wholy, vpō this people, taking the way of mild­nesse, a better meanes for his establishment, then force: but the Land paid for the remu­neration of his people, & this euacuation of Strangers, 83000 pounds of siluer; which it ra­ther cōsented to do at once, then to haue them a daily burthen, to pester the Statefor euer.

At his first comming to the Crowne, he sought to ridde himselfe, as well of his friends as of those might proue his enemies. Edric who came first to salute him sole King of Eng­land (as if to tell, that hee made him so) hee caused his head to be set on the highest part of the Towre of London, therin performing his promise of aduancing him aboue any Lord of the Land, and thereby discharged himselfe of such a debt, which though hee should haue paid, would neuer yet be held fully cleered; giuing a generall satisfaction to the people, that reioyced to see Treason so iustly rewarded. Like compensation had short­ly after, the Earles Turkil, & Erick, who being [Page 54] banished the Land, were executed vpon their arriuall in Denmarke.

But the loue, and high opinion of Iustice he got in these, were lost againe in those acti­ons, wherin he tooke counsell onely of his feares, for the extirpation of all those of the Royall bloud of England; As of Edwin, and Edward, the sonnes of the late King Edmond (to whome apperteyned the moyetie of the kingdom by contract) & of Edwin his brother; which three, he sent to be murthered abroad, to beguile the rumor at home: But, which is strange, those times, though rough, afforded not yet an instrument for the execution of his desire: and all these Princes were preserued and conueyed out of danger by those who should haue made them away. The two last were bred by Salomon, King of Hungarie, where Edward (suruiuing his brother) maried Aga­tha, sister to that Queene. (And some write, daughter to the Emperour Henry 3) by whom hee had two sonnes, Edmond and Edgar, daughters, Margaret and Christina.

Aelfred, and Edward, sonnes of King Ethel­red, by Emme, were preserued by Richard, Duke of Normandie their vnkle, and so lay out of his way.

This priuate iniustice (which often may be more in compassion, then hurt to the State) hee sought to recompence with all publique [Page 55] satisfactions: repairing the naufrage of the common-wealth (made by the rage of warre) both in ornament and order: erecting Chur­ches and Monasteries, with large patents of prouisions, both for the expiation of his in­manities fore-committed, and to memorize the places of his victories with his thanke­fulnesse to God. The Constitutions Ecclesi­astical and Ciuile, diuulged in the language of that time, testifie his tender piety, and care of Iustice: and are so full of religious admoni­tions, as it seemes, he held the best meanes to haue lawes obserued, was, to haue them first enacted in the consciences of men. Amongst others, hee inflicted exact punishment on all intemperances of his people, and offences committed against publique manners. Seuere he was, but not cruell: few of his lawes san­guinarie, as being not the custome of the time: which though rough, yet found meanes to maintayne publique order, without the luctu­all remedie of bloud. No punishments capital, vnles conspiracies: the rest were all pecuniaric mulcts, banishments, bondage or imprison­ment.

To shew his clemency, this (amongst ma­ny) is one example: there was a law, that who­soeuer had committed thest, and the goods found in his house, all his family were made bond, euen to the child in the cradle: This [Page 56] he antiquates as most vniust, and ordaines, that onely the malefactor, and such as could aide him, should endure the punishment: and that the wife, vnlesse the thing stolne, were found vnder her locke, should not be guilty of her husbands offence.

Thus was hee to his people, with whome, hee is said to haue so well cleered himselfe (how­soeuer he did with God) that he became King of their affections, as well as of their countrie. And to maintayne this opinion, hee did many popular acts: as first all rites of honor and reuerence to the memorie of the late King Ed­mond, his confederate: besides: the executing all such as could be found to haue had any hand in that murther. Then married he heere at home, Emme, late wife to King Ethelred (though it were more for his honour then hers, to accept his bed, that had beene the persecutor of her husband and children) whereby he held the Duke of Normandie from attempting any thing for his nephewes, in regard his sister might haue other by him.

Hauing thus established this mightie king­dome, occasion prepares him another. The people of Norway, cōtemning the debilitie of their King, and conspiring to depose him, grew into faction: wherupon he fastens; and with the great forces he brought out of Eng­land, the might of money, and high estima­tion [Page 57] of his worthinesse, so preuailed, as hee soone obteyned that kingdome; and was now the most renowned and potent Prince in all these parts of the world: intitled, King of Eng­land, Denmarke and Norwey.

Herewithall grew his magnificence, as wide as his power, and was especiallie exten­ded to the Church, which hee laboured most to gratifie, either for the conscience of his deedes, or that his people, (generally ad­dicted to deuotion) might be made the more his. And holding it not enough to poure out his immense bounty here within the land, seekes to make Rome also feele the fulnesse thereof; whither he went in person, and per­formed many famous workes of charitie and honor; both there, and in all his voyage. He freed the Saxon schoole, his predecessors of England had founded, from all imposition: as he did likewise all streights and passages, where trauellers were with rigor constrained to pay toll.

Of his entertainment at Rome with the Pope, Conrade the Emperour, and diuerse other Princes of the Christian world, himselfe writes to the Bishops and Nobilitie of England, and withall exhorts them very powerfully to haue an especiall regard to the due administration of Iustice, to all his subiects alike, without do­ing the least wrong for his gaine, hauing no [Page 58] need to aduance his reuenue by sinne: And also charges them to see all Chirchscot and Romescot fully cleered before his returne.

The actiue vertue of this Prince, being the mightiest, and most absolute Monarch that cuer yet appeared in this kingdome, the au­thor of a cloze, and first of a new Gouernment, is such; as shewes he striued by all worthie wayes, to lay the ground-worke of a State; which according to his frame, was either to hold good to his posteritie, or not. And as likely was he, to haue bene the roote of a suc­cession, spreading into many discents, as was afterward the Norman; hauing as plentifull an issue masculine, as he: besides, he raigned neere as long; farre better beloued; of dispo­sition more bountifull, and of power larger to do good. But it was not in his fate; his chil­dren miscaried in the succession, and all this great worke fell in a manner with himselfe.

1038. HArald, the eldest sonne of Knute (some Harald. write by his fathers ordinance, others by the election of the Danicque Nobilitie, in an assembly at Oxford) was made king: whereas Godwin Earle of Kent, and the Nobility of England, would haue chosen Hardiknute, borne of Queene Emme, or else Alfride, the sonne of Ethelred, who is sayd to haue come out of Normandy, vpon the death of Knute, to claime [Page 59] the Crowne; But Harald, being at hand caried it; The first act of whose raigne, was the ba­nishment, and surprizing all the Treasure of his step-mother Queene Emme: Then the put­ting out the eies of Alfrid her sonne, his com­petitor: and committing him to a loathsome prison, where he died. For which deed, the Earle Godwyn beares a foule marke, as betray­ing him. Queene Emme repaires to Baldouin, Earle of Flanders, her kinsman, where she re­mained during the raigne of Harald, which was but offoure yeares, and then with her sonne Hardiknute (who came out of Denmarke, as it seemes prepared for some thing else, then to visit her at Bridges) returned into England.

THis Hardiknute inuested in the Gouerne­ment, Hardiknute, soone frustrated the hope and opi­nion 1041. fore-conceiued of him: and first in like sort began with that degenerous act of re­uenge (wherein none are sayd so much to de­light in, as women) causing the body of the late king to be vntomb'd, the head cut off, & throwne into Thames; Then makes inquisition for such as were guiltie of the death of Alfride, his brother by the mother: whereof Earle Godwyn and the Bishop of Worcester are accu­sed; The Bishop is disposest his Sea: and the Earle with a rich and rare deuised present, in forme of a ship of gold, appeased that furie: [Page 60] making publicke protestation of his innocen­cy before the whole Nobility, with whom in respect his deepe roote had spread so many branches, he stood firme, and all the blame was laide to the violence and rankor of the late king.

Besides the offending these great men, he added a generall grieuance to the whole king­dome, by a prodigall largesse, giuing to euery Mariner of his Nauy eight Markes, and to e­uery Maister ten, which he imposed to be paid by the State. But after hauing called home Edward his other halfe-brother, out of Normandy, he liued not long, for farther vio­lences; Dying suddenly the second yeare of his raigne, in the celebration of a mariage at Lambeth in his greatest iolity, not without sus­pition of poyson.

ANd with him ended the gouernmēt of the Danes in England, hauing only continued The reason of the extinction of the Danes in England. 26 yeares vnder these three last Kings: and that without any cracke or noyse, by reason the nation had no predominant side, that might sway the State in respect of the remission of Anno 1043. their power home in the first yeare of Knute, and no great admission of others after: and that such, as were here before, were now so in­corporated with the English, as they made one bodie: and most of them planted in the [Page 61] remote parts of the kingdome, that lay ouer against Denmarke: where by, that which with all the strugling, no power or dilligence of man could resist, expired of it selfe: leauing England to a King of her owne, and Denmarke to ciuile discord about the succession, Norwey likewise returning obedience to a sonne of Olaue, recouered quietnesse, & a home borne King.

BY which occasion, Edward, the sonne of Edward the Confessor. Ethelred, succeeding in the gouernment, raigned 24 yeares in peace (which besides a 1043. few monethes, was all the space that lay be­twixt, the two gulphes of strangers domina­tion) and was a Prince more necessarie then profitable: fit for no other then the calme time he had. For hauing beene so long brought vp with the Nunnes at Iumieges, in Normandie, he scarce knew to be a man when he came into England. And to shew how little he vnder­stood himselfe; they note how in a great anger he said to a base fellowe that disturbed his game in hunting, I would punish thee were I able. And as if hee had vowed their conti­nencie with whome hee was bred, was so far from knowing other women (either thorowe conscience or debilitie) as his owne wife, after his death, protested herselfe free from any carnall act done by him, and yet liued he with [Page 62] her in all formall shew of marriage.

The soft simplicitie of this King, gaue way to the greatnesse of the Earle Godwyn, and his children, who for that he would seeme the especiall man in his prefermēt to the Crowne, and by matching his daughter Edith to him, swayed cheifely the wheele of that time: and yet not without opposition: For Syward, Earle of Northumberland, and Leofrike, Earle of He­reford, men of as great State and spirit, seeing him most for himselfe, became more for the King, and had their turne in performing very noble actions. Nor did their emulation but much conduce to the present benifit both of the King and State; For the Earle Syward, would not be behind hand in effecting as braue deedes in the North, as Harold, Earle of Westsex, the sonne of the Earle Godwyn perfor­med against the welsh in the west: For the first depriued of life and Crowne, Macbeth, an vsurper, and inuested Malcolin, in the king­dome of Scotland, the other defeited Ris, and Griffine, two brothers, Kings of Wales, and subdued that Prouince to this Crowne.

Besides the Earle Godwyn, had to struggle with an Arch-byshop of Canterburie, Robert, a Norman, preferred, from a Monke, first to London, and after to that Sea, by the King, in­wardly affecting most that nation, as being part of their bloud, and bred amongst them. [Page 63] Of whom it seemed he had many about his person, whose neerenes, being strangers, whatsoeuer they did, could not auoid to be thought to doe ill offices against the Earle, and the English in generall: whereby, what went not right in the lyne of menn's desires, was thought to be their cause. And in sto­mackes full charged, this occasion gaue more fire. Eustace Earle of Bullogne, who had married Goda the Kings sister, hauing beene at the Court, and returning into France, his Her­benger in taking vp lodgings at Douer, vpon his peremptory behauiour, was by a citizen slaine; The Earle arriuing with all his trayne, pursues, and slew the homicide, with 18 other. The Citie seeing this, tooke armes, and in the bickering, the Earle lost 22 of his men where­upon, backe he hasts to the King, aggrauates the insolency of the Citizens so far, that the Earle Goawyn is sent for, and commaunded with a power of men, to make against the Citie of Douer, to chastice the people. The Earle considering it was vpon the informa­tion of one side; aduised the King rather to send for the cheife of the Citie, to vnderstand what they could say for themselues, and accor­dingly to proceede, which being taken for a coldnes in the businesse, and of fauor to his countrymen, gaue the King and his enimies occasion to suspect his affection. Shortly [Page 64] after, the Earle is summoned to an Assemblie at Gloucester, where neither hee, nor any of his sonnes would appeare; and suspecting some practice against him by his enimies, raises forces, pretending to suppresse the Welsh, who were not found to offend, whereupon the Assemblie remoues to London, summons him againe to make his apparance, to dismisse his forces, and to come only attended with 12 persons. Hee sendes them word, to dis­misse his forces he was content, or any thing els the King would commaund him, so it were with the safetie of his life and honour; but to come disaccompanied, was for neither. Then was he commaunded within 5 daies to depart the Realme, which hee did, and with Toustayne and Swayne his sonnes, gets him into Flaun­ders, where Toustayne married the daughter of the Earle Baldouin 5. Harald his eldest sonne, departs into Ireland: the King puts from him the Queene, to be partaker of the disgrace, and miserie of her house. The Earle Godwin in this desperate fortune, whilst the French and his enimies possest the King, fell to piracye, disturbed the coastes, approached London, by the Ryuer, and being so popular, as no forces would oppose against him, made at length his owne peace with power; in such sort, as the French fearing reuenge, forsooke both the Court and kingdome.

[Page 65]This (as fore-pointing to a storme that was gathering on that coast) began the first diffe­rence with the French nation: which thus ac­quainted with the distraction of the king­dome, and factions of great men, wrought on those aduantages, and were instruments to draw on the fatall enterprize that followed.

The weaknesse of the king, and the dispro­portionate greatnesse of the Earle Godwyn, be­ing risen vp from so great a fall (learning there­by, to looke better to his feete, and make his sides strong) increased these discontentments, and partialities in the State: wherein many acts of iniustice, by the sway of power and passion, were committed, which did much blacken that time of peace, and made a good man (not by doing, but induring ill) held to be a bad king.

And it is sayd, that Emme the Queene mo­ther, had her part of much affliction in his raigne, suffering both in her goods and fame: and how to purge her selfe of a scandall raised on her with Alwyn, Bishop of Winchester, she vnder-went the triall of Fire-Ordeall (which was to passe blind-fold, with bare feete, ouer certaine plough-shares, made red hot, and laid an vneuen distance one before the other) which she safely performed. And the reason why, both her sonne and the State so little re­spected this great Lady (whose many yeares [Page 66] had made her an actor in diuerse fortunes) was, for that she neuer affected king Ethelred, nor the children she had by him: and for her ma­riage with Knute, the great enemy and subduer of the kingdome, whom she euer much more loued liuing, and commended dead.

It seemed these priuate grudges, with mens particular ends, held these times so busied, that the publicke was neglected, and an issue­lesse King, gaue matter for ambition and power, to build hopes and practises vpon: though for his owne part, he shewed to haue had a care for the succession, in sending for his nephew Edward, intitled the Out-law, with his children, out of Hungarie. But Edward, shortly after his arriuall died, and Edgar his sonne (surnamed Atheling) to say the noble Edgar) either by reason of his youth, which yet was no barre to his right, or being borne and bred a stranger, little knowing, or knowne to the kingdome, had his claime neglected v­pon the death of this pious king.

ANd Harald, sonne to the Earle Godwin Harald the Se­cond. 1066.(the next day after) was preferredto the Crowne, whether by any title he might pre­tend from the Danicque kings, as discended from that nation (and as some report, sonne to Githa, sister to Swayne) or by meere election of the greater part of the Nobilitie, we cannot [Page 67] say: but it seemes, the pressing necessitie of the time, that required a more man, to vndergo the burthen of warre, and that trouble, the world was like to fall into, by reason of the claimes now made both by the Dane and Nor­man, cast it suddenly vpon him, as the most e­minent man of the kingdome, both by the ex­perience of his owne deseruings, and the strength of his alliance. Neither did he faile but in fortune, to make good this election, ta­king all the best courses both for the well-or­dering of the State, and all prouisions for de­fence, that a politicke and actiue Prince could do. But being to deale in a broken world, where the affections of men were all disioyn­ted, or dasht with the terror of an approching mischiefe, failing (as vsually is seene) in these publicke feares, both in their diligence and courage to withstand it, soonefound more then enough to do.

And the first man, which began to disturbe his new gouernment, was his owne yonger brother Toustayne, who in the time of the late king Edward, hauing the gouernment of Nor­thumberland, was for his pride and immanities shewed in those parts, banished the king­dome, and now by reason of his former con­ceiued hatred against his brother, easily set on, by the Duke of Normandie, and Baldouin, Earle of Flanders (whose two daughters the [Page 68] Duke and he had maried) assailes first the Isle of Wight, and after sets vpon the coast of Kent, whence he was chased by the power of Ha­rald, and forced to withdraw into the North parts, and there seeking to land, was likewise repulsed, by the Earles Morchar and Edwyn (whose sister Harald had maried.) Then craues he aide of the Scots, and after of Harald surna­med Harfager, king of Norwey, being then taking in, the Orchades, and exercising piracie in those parts, whom he induced with all his forces to inuade England. And landing at Tinmouth (discomfeiting their first incoun­ters) they marched into the heart of the king­dome without resistance. Neere Stamford, king Harald of England met them with a puis­sant armie; and after long and eager fight, en­ded the day with victory, and the death of his brother Toustayne, and the king of Norwey.

But from hence was he called with his wea­ried and broken forces, to a more fatall busi­nesse in the South. For now William Duke of Normandie, pretending a right to the Crowne of England, by the testament of the late king Edward his kinsman, vpon the ad­uantage of a busie time, and the disfurnish­ment of those parts, landed at Pemsey, not farre from Hastings in Sussex: neere to which place, was tried by the great Assize of Gods iudge­ment in battell, the right of power, betweene [Page 69] the English and Norman Nation. A battaile the most memorable of all other, and howso­euer miserably lost, yet most nobly fought, on the part of England; and the many wounds of Harald there slaine, with the heapes of thou­sands of the English shew, how much was wrought to haue sau'd their country, from the calamitie of forraine seruitude.

And yet, how so great a kingdome as Eng­land then was, could with one blow be sub­dued by so small a prouince as Normandy; in such sort, as it could neuer after come to make any generall head against the Conquerour, might seeme strange, did not the circumstan­ces fore-noted, and other concurrent causes, in the next booke to be declared, giue vs faire and probable reason thereof: Besides the in­disposition of a diseased time (as it is descri­bed by such as liued neerest it) may giue vs great euidence in this examination. For they say, the people of this kingdome, were, by their being, secure from their former enemy the Dane, and their long peace; which had held in a manner from the death of king Ed­mond Ironside, almost 50 yeares; growne neg­lectiue of armes, and generally debaushed with luxurie, and idlenesse: the Cleargie li­centious, and onely content with a tumultua­ry learning: The Nobility giuen to gluttony, venery and oppression: the common sort to [Page 70] drunkennesse, and all disorder: And they say, that in the last action of Harald at Stamford, the brauest men perished, and himselfe growing insolent vpon the victorie, retaining the spoyles, without distribution to his souldiers, not inured to be commanded by martiall dis­cipline, made them discontent and vnruly: and comming to this battell with many mercinary men, and a discontented Army, gaue great occasion to the lamentable losse thereof.

Besides, the Normans had a peculiar fight with long bowes, wherewith the English (then altogether vnacquainted.) were especially o­uerthrowne. And yet their owne Writers re­port how the maine battallion of the English consisting of Bils (their chiefe and antient weapon) held in a body so close lockt toge­ther, as no force could dissolue them: till the Normans, faining to fly, drew them to a dis­ordered pursuite. And so they excuse the for­tune of the day.

And thus my noble Lord, haue I, in the streightest course, the vneuen compasse of An­tiquitie could direct me, got ouer the wide and intricate passage of those times, that lay beyond the worke I pur­pose more particular­ly to deliuer.

I Come now (my noble Lord of Rochester) to write of a time, wherin the State of England receiued an al­teration of lawes, cu­stomes, fashion, manner of liuing, language wri­ting, with new formes of fights, fortifications, buildings, and generally an innouation in most thinges but Religion. So that from this mutation, which was the greatest it euer had, wee are to beginne with a new accompt of an England, more in dominion abroade, more in State and ability at home, and of more honour and name in the world then heretofore: which by being thus vndone, was made, as if it were in her fate to get more by her losses, then her [Page 74] better fortunes. For as first the conquest of the Danes; brought her to the intyrest Gouern­ment, shee euer possest at home, and made her most redoubted of all the kingdomes of the North: so did this of the Norman by com­ming in vpon her, make a way to let her out, and stretch her mightie armes ouer the Seas, into the goodly Prouinces of the South; For before these times, the English nation from their first establishment in this Land, about the space of 500 yeares, neuer made any sally out of the Isle, vpon any other part of the world, but busied at home in a deuided State, held a broken gouernment with the Danes, and of no great regard, it seemes, with other na­tions, till Knute lead them forth into the king­dome of Norwey, where they first shewed effects of their valour, and what they would be, were they imployed.

But the Normans hauing more of the sunne, and ciuilitic by their commixtion with the English, begat smoother fashions, with quicker motions. And being a nation free from that dull discease of drinke, wherewith their former conquerours were naturally in­fected, induced a more comely temperance, with a neerer regard of reputation & honour: For where as before, the English liued loose, in little homely cottages, where they spent all their reuenewes in good fare, caring for little [Page 75] other gaitie at all. Now after the Norman man­ner, Malmsbury. they build them stately houses, prouide furnishments, erect Castles, after the archi­tecture of France, which before were other­wise. They inclose parkes for their priuat plea­sure, being debar'd the generall liberty of hun­ting, which heretofore they enioyed: where­upon all the terms of building, hunting, tooles of workmen, names of most handy-crafts ap­perteyning to the delights & adornements of life, came all to be in French. And withall, the Norman habits, & fashion of liuing, became generally assumed, both in regard of noueltie, & to take away the note of difference, which could not be well lookt on, in this change.

And though the bodie of our language re­mayned the Saxon, yet it came so altered in the apparraile of the French tongue, as now we hardly know it in the auncient forme it had; and not so much as the character wherin it was written, but was altred to that of the Roman, and French now vsed.

But to the end wee may the better know the man, and the nation that thus subdude vs; wee must take our course vp to the head of their originals.

The Normans, wee finde to haue issued out The originall of the Normans of Norway and Denmarke, and were of like manners, as the rest of those Northerne coun­tries: which by reason of the apt mixture of [Page 76] their phlegmatique and sanguine complexi­ons, with their promiscuous ingendring, without any tye of marriage, yeelded that con­tinuall surchargement of people, as they were forced to vnburthen themselues on other countries, wheresoeuer their violence could make them roome. And out of this redun­dancie, Roul, or Rou, a great Cmmaunder amongst them, furnished a robustious powre, in the time of King Alfrid, and first landed in England, (that euer lay in the Roade to all these inuadors) where finding no roome empty, nor any imployment, was content (vpon some releife receiued) to vse his for­ces otherwhere; which he did against Rambalt, Duke of Prize, & Reignier Duke of Chaumont, and Hennalt: with whome hee had many vio­lent incounters, and committed great spoiles in their countries. Which done; hee passed along the coast of France, entred the mouth of Seine, and sackt all the countrie vp to Roan: where the people hauing beene lately before miserablie afflicted by Hasting, (another in­uador of the same Nation) were so terrified by the approach of these new forces, that the Arch-byshop of Roan, by the consent of the people, offered him the obedience of that Citie, and the Countrie about, on condition, he would defend them, and minister Iustice according to the lawes of CHRIST, and the [Page 77] Customes of the Countrie. For Charles the Simples, then King of France, yeelding no pre­sent succour, being otherwise imbroiled about the right of his Crowne, gaue him the oppor­tunitie to plant him in that place, and to grow so powrefull, as shortly after hee attempted the conquest of Paris, and gaue many notable defeits to the French Leaders. So that in the end, Charles was faine to buye his peace with the price of an alliance, and the whole coun­trie of Nuestria (or Westrish) which of the Normans, was after called Normandie. And thereupon Roul became a Christian, and bap­tized, had the name of Robert, giuen by Robert, brother to Eudes late King of France, who then stood in competition for that Crowne with Charles the Simples, and is said to haue vnder­aided Roul secretly, of purpose to make him frend his diseignes; though after he vrged it an article against Charles, the giuing away his Countrey, and the fauouring of strangers.

And thus came Roul to establish a State to his posteritie, ordering the same with that Iudgement and equitie, as he left his name in a perpetuall reuerence, and his successors a firme foundation to plant vpon. From him, in a direct lyne, descended sixe Dukes of Nor­mandie in the space of 120 yeares: William, the first, Richard 1. Richard 2 who had two sonnes, Richard and Robert, that successiuely [Page 78] inherited the Dukedome.

Robert after hauing gouerned eight yeares, (either meerely for deuotion,) which chari­tie ought rather deeme) or expiation for some secret guilt, wherewith his conscience might stand charged, about his brothers death, (which because it was vntimely, might be thought vnnaturall) resolues to visite the holie Sepulchre. And acquainting his Nobi­lity therewithall, was by them much diswaded, in regard he had no issue: and that already they said, Alain, Earle of Britayne, and the Earle of Burgogne, were in contestation, who should succeede him in the Duchie: so that vpon his death, and their strife the Countrie was like to become a prey to the Souldier, from which in conscience hee was bound by his best meanes to secure it. The Duke willed them to be content. I haue (said he) a little Bastard, of whose worthines, I haue great hope, and I doubt not but he is of my begetting: him will I inuest in the Duchie as mine heire: And from hence forth I pray you take him for your Lord. The Earle of Britayne (notwithstanding his competition) to shew the affiance I haue in him, I will constitute his gouernour, and Seneschall of Normandie; the King of France shalbe his Guardian, and so I will leaue him to God and your loyalties.

Shortly after, the Byshops and Barons did [Page 79] their homage to this base sonne, named Wil­liam, who was the sixth Duke of Normandie after Roule, begotten on Arlette, a meane woman of Falaise. And Duke Robert taking his intended iourney, deliuers the child with his owne hand, to Henrie 1. King of France: whome before he had mainely aided in preser­uing his Crowne (left him by his father King Roberts Testament) against his elder brother, and his mother Consiance, which with a great side of Nobilitie, stood for the right of Primo­geniture, according to the custome of France: And therefore might the more presume (if good turnes done to Princes could waighe so much, as their selfe-respects would not turne the skale) to haue had a faire discharge of his trust; and him for a protector, whose power was best able to be so. And causing the childe to do homage for his Duchie of Nor­mandie, commits him to his Royall faith; de­parts his Court, and shortly after his life, in Asia. Whereupon his successor, but 9 yeares of age, became obnoxious to all the miseries that afflict Princes in their pupillage: besides the reproach of his birth; which though his honour and vertue might get ouer, yet lay it euer a barre in his way, and hindred his stan­ding cleere, stood he neuer so highe.

The nobles of Normandie soone after his fathers death, by much intreaty, got him out [Page 80] of the French Kings handes, thinking the ha­uing him amongst them would adde more grace to his Counsellors, and such as were in office: and the State of a Court, awe his State the better. But soone they found, the hauing his person without his powre was but to put them out into more discord and faction.

For presently followed the murthering and poysoning of Gouernors, displacing Officers, intrusion, supplantation, surprizings, and re­couerings of his person, by a Nobilitie, stub­borne, haughtie, and incompatible of each others precedencie or neerenes. But this was the least, as being done all for his person. Now followed more daungerous practises against it. His right was quarrelled by competitors, cleere in bloud, and great in meanes. Where­of the first (though farthest off in discent) was Roger de Tresny, bringing a faire lyne from Roule, and much proofe of his owne worth, by hauing gotten great experience in the Sara­zine warre in Spaine: whereby vpon his re­turne, entertayning and feasting the great and especiall men of worth, he was growen po­werfull, well followed, and beloued of many: in so much that at length, measuring his owne height, he vrges what wrong it was that a Bastard, and a childe, should be preferred be­fore him in the succession of that Duchie his auncestors had noblie gotten: and what a [Page 81] shame the Normans, a people of that worth, would indure to be so gouerned; seeing they had others of the renowned race of Roule, Wil­liam and Richard, Dukes of Normandie, of a lawfull and direct lyne, if they held him vn­worthie to inherite the State: and impatient (as is ambition that cuer rides without raines) of any long delay, brings his claime to a strong battaile in the feild, which by the valiancie of Roger de Beaumount, was vtterly defeited, and himselfe with his. 2. brethren slayne. Where­by all feare, that way, was extinquished, and the reputation of the Duke and his, so much aduanced, as the King of France, (notwith­standing his tutelarie charge) tooke from him the Castle of Thuilliers, and demolisht it, pretending the insolencies committed there, by the Garrisons, vpon his subiects: and makes shew as yet, only to keepe things euen. But long it was not, ere he plainely be­wrayed his minde; aiding in person William Earle of Arques, brother to Duke Robert, and sonne to Richard. 2. making his clayme to the Duchie, and bringes a mightie armye to suc­cour Arques, assieged by Conte Guiffard the Dukes Generall; who by a stratageme so tray­ned the French into an ambushe, as he ouer­threw their whole power, and returnes the King to Paris, with great losse and dishonor: leauing Arques the first Arch of tryumphe to [Page 82] this conquerour (not yet ariued to 17 yeares of age) and the discomfeited competitor, to seeke his fortunes with Eustace Earle of Bo­logne, finding vpon his returne litle grace in Court, where fortune euer alters credite, and few regard men ouerthrowne.

This storme ouerpast, another succedes more dangerous; there liued with Duke Wil­liam, a young Lord of like yeares, named Guy, sonne to Regnalt, Earle of Borgogne, and Alix, daughter to Richard. 2. who comming to be sensible of his interest, was aduised by some stirring spirits, to attempt for the Duchie, which they said apperteyned to him in right, and was wrongfully vsurped by the Bastard: And to aduance his purpose, happens deadly hostility betweene two of the greatest Lords of Normandie, Viconte Neele, and the Earle of Bessin, whose debate Duke William did not, or could not pacific. This Guy (lately made Earle of Bryorn, and Vernon, interposed him­selfe to compose this discord; and by the ad­uice of Grimoult de Plessis (a principall mouer in this worke) so wrought, that either of these Lords, turned the point of their malice vpon him, who in their quarrell fauouring neither, made both to hate him; and easily conspire with Guy to murther him at vnawares: which they had done, had not a certaine Foole (whome, for being held a naturall they sus­pected [Page 83] not) noting their preparations, got away in the dead of the night to Valogne, knocking and crying at the gate, till he was admitted to the Dukes presence, whome he willed in all hast to fly, or he would be mur­thered. The Duke seeing the Foole in this affright, thought dangers were not be weigh­ed by the worth of the reporter, but by their likelyhood; and knowing his fortune was liable vnto all suddaine assasinations; instantly takes horse and all alone postes to Fallaise, his especiall place of strength: on the way, his horse being tyred, about breake of daie, hee comes to a litle village called Rye, where, by good fortune, the gentleman of the place, was standing at his dore readie to goe a­brode; of whom the Duke enquires the next way to Fallaise: The gentleman perceiuing who he was (though as then very vnwilling to be knowne) humblie craues the cause of his so strange and vntimely riding alone: The Duke seeing himselfe discouered, tels the occasion: the gentleman whose name was Robert de Rye, furnishes him with a fresh horse, and sendes two of his sonnes to con­duct him the neerest way to Fallaise: Noe sooner was he gone out of sight, but after post the conspirators, enquiring of the same gentleman, whether hee saw the Duke; who answered, that hee was gone a little before, [Page 84] such a way (shewing them a diuers path) and rode on with them, offering his seruice to Conte Bessin; of whom he held that village vnder the Duke, and so long he lead them about, that the Duke had recouered Fallaise; Whereupon, disappointed of their purpose, they returned into the Countries of Constan­tin, and Bessin; where they made themselues so powrefull, as the Duke withdrewe him to Roan, and from thence to the King of France, to craue his aide, putting him in minde of, the faithfull seruice his father had done him: how he was his homager, vnder his tu­telarie charge, and had no other sanctuary of succour to flie vnto, in this case of his muti­nous and turbulent nobilitie; the effect where­of was of dangerous consequence to that Crowne. And so far vrged the importancie of releife, as the King at length (who seemes was yet content to haue him be, though not too strong, and peraduenture rather him then his competitor Guy de Burgogne) aided him in person with a puissant army against these com­petitors, whom they found in the vale of Dunes with as great power and resolution to bid them battayle, as they to assaile them. Here one Guilleson, vncle to Viconte Neel by the mother, forced his horse into the battaillon of the French, and made at the King, & strake him downe with his Launce: which Conte [Page 85] Saint Paule perceauing, hastes to incounter him with that violence, as both fell to the earth: but Guilleson soone gets vp, and though his horse was slaine vnder him, by Chastillon, he escapes out of the presse, and after fled into Apulia with others. The King recouered, and more inkindled with this affront, spared not his person, to auenge his wrath. Duke William likewise (as it stood him most vpon) shewed effects of an all-daring and magnanimous Prince. And yet had not Ralfe de Tesson beene false to his fellowes to recouer faith with him, hee had not carried (as hee did) the victory. After which diuers of the conspirators (who had too great hartes to yeild) passed the mountaines into Italie, to Robert Guiscard their countryman, (who of a priuate gentle­man, was now by his prowesse, become Lord of Apulia, Calabria, and Cicile, within the space of 12 yeares) to whom they were ex­ceeding wellcome, and especially Guilleson, for hauing incountred with a King in the mid­dest of his battaile, which made him of wi­der note.

But the better to knowe, what starre these Norman spirits had, as borne for the reuolu­tions of those times, it shall not lye out of our way to shew, how they first came into Italie, vpon this occasion. There hapned a debate betweene one Osmond Drengot, and William [Page 86] Repostell, gentlemen both valiant, and of great parentage in Normandie, who as they hunted in the forrest of Rouuerie (neere Rouan) with Duke Robert; Drengot slewe Repostell, in his presence, and fearing the fury of the Duke, and the frendes of the slayne, fled to Rome, and so to Naples, where hee, with his small company of Normans that followed him, was entertayned of the Duke de Beneuento, to serue him against the Sarasins, and Affricans, which miserablie infested Apulia, and Cala­bria, at that time. The bruite of which inter­taynement was no sooner spred in Normandy, but diuers valiant Gentlemen and Soldiers, allured with the hope of good fortune, passed the Alpes, gote to their nation, & so wrought, as they grew formidable to these Barbarians, and in the end, vtterly chaced and extingui­shed them. The Calabrians and Apulians, seeing themselues rid of their enimies, would haue beene glad likewise (their turne serued) to be rid of their frendes, and either vsing them, more vnkindely then of custome, or they pre­suming more of desert, turned their swordes vpon their intertayners. And first got a little place, which they fortified for their Rendeuous, and receipt of booty: And so augmenting still their winnings, obteyned Territories, Cities, and Fortresses. After the death of Drengo, suc­ceeded other gallant leaders, and at length [Page 87] Tancred Signor de Hauteuille, in Constantine, with his. 12. sonnes, came into Apulia, of whom his third sonne Robert, surnamed Guis­card, attayned the commaund, and was a man of a faire stature, cleere iudgement, and indefatigable courage. Hee conquered all Apulia, Callabria and Cicile, passed the Sea into Greece; releiued Michaell Diocrisius, Empe­rour of Constantinople, defeited Nicephorus that vsurped the Empire, and shortly after Alexius attempting the like: and in one yeare van­quished two Emperours, the one of Greece, the other of Germanie: Swayed the whole Estate of Italie, and was in a faire way to haue attayned the Empire of Constantinople for him­selfe, had hee not dyed in the expedition.

Beomond his eldest sonne, by his first wife, became after Prince of Antioch, and is much renowned in the holie warres. Roger (of his second marriage with the daughter of the Prince of Salerno) succeeded in the States of Italie, as more theirs by birth and bloud. His daughters were all highlie marryed; Thus from a priuate gentleman, came this famous Norman to leaue a succession of Kings, and Princes after him, and died the same yeare as did this William, his concurrent in the loue and fauour of fortune.

And to this man fled all the discontented and desperate Normans during these ciuill [Page 88] warres the Duke had with so many competi­tors: and cuery ouerthrow hee gaue them, augmented Guiscards forces in Italie; and es­pecially this battaile of Dunes; which ended not the Dukes trauailes, for Guy de Burgogne escaping the fight, fortified the Castles of Briorn and Verneuille, but in the end was faine to render them both, and himselfe, to the Dukes mercie, and became his pencioner, who was his competitor; which act of cle­mency in the Duke, brought in many other to submit themselues; whereby they re-ob­teyned their segniories, but had their Castles demolished.

Hauing ended this worke, new occasion to keepe him in action, was ministred by Geof­fry Martle, Earlc of Aniou, who warring vpon the Poictouins, incroached also vpon his neighbours States, & vsurped Alençon, Damp­front, and Passais, members of the Duchy of Normandie: which to recouer, the Duke leauies an Armie, and first got Alençon, where, for that he was opprobriously skorned by the beseiged (who when they saw him, would cry La Pel, La Pel, in reproach of the basenesse of his mother, and the trade of the place of his birth) he shewed extreame cruelty. Then layes hee seige to Dampfront; which to re­leiue, Conte Martel comes with his greatest forces: and the Duke to take notice of his [Page 89] strength, sendes out Roger de Mongomerie, with. 2. other knights to deliuer this message to the Earle, that if he came to victuall Dam­fronte, hee should finde him there the Porter to keepe him out: whereto the Earle returnes this answere: Tell the Duke, to morrow by day breake, hee shall haue me there on a white horse, readie to giue him the combare, and I will enter Damfront if I can; And to the end he shall know me, I will were a sheild d'or, without any deuise.

Roger replies, Sir you shall not neede to take that paynes, for to morrow morning, you shall haue the Duke in this place, moun­ted on a bay horse; And that you may know him, he shall were on the point of his Launce, a streamer of taffata, to wipe your face. Here­with returning, each side prepares for the morning: when the Earle, busy in ordering his battailes, was aduertised by two horsemen, that came crossing the feild, how Damfronte, for certaine, was rendred to the Duke; where­upon in great rage, hee presently departs with his army: whereof a part, was (in passing a streight) cut off, by Viconte Neel, who for that seruice, redeemed his former offence, and was restored to the Dukes fauor, whom euer after he faithfully serued. Those of Dam­fronte, desperate of succour, presently yeeld themselues to the Duke, who with his ingines [Page 90] and forces remoues from thence to Hambrie­res, a frontier towne of Conte Martels, and by the way (had it not bene by himselfe discoue­red) he had beene vtterly ouerthrowen by an ambush, which gaue him much to doe, and lost him verie many braue men. Where­with he grew so inraged, that he forced into the troupes of his enimies; made at Conte Martel, stracke him downe with his sworde, claue his helmet, and cut of an eare: but yet he escaped out of the preasse, though diuers were taken, and the Aniouuins vtterly defeited.

Whilst thus he was trauayled with an out­ward enemy, two more, were found at home, to conspire against him. william Guelan, Earle of Mortagne, discended from Richard the se­cond. And William Earle of Eu, and Montreul, yssuing from William, the brother of the same Richard, and of Esselin, Countesse of Mon­treul: the first vpon suspition, the other vpon proofe, of an intention, was banished, and their estates seized: the Earldome of Mor­taigne hee gaue to Robert: that of Eu to Odo, (after Byshop of Bayeux) both his brethren by the mother.

These assaults from abroade, these skornes, conspiracies, and vnder-workings at home, hee passed before he was full. 22 yeares of age: and thus his enemies made him, that sought to vndoe him. But now, more to vnderset and [Page 91] strengthen his State, against future practises, hee conuokes an assemblie of his Prelates, Barons, and Gentlemen, causing them to re­ceiue their oath of fealtie, and raze their castels. which done, he married Matilde, the daughter of Baldouin, 5. Earle of Flaunders, but not without contrast and trouble: for his vncle Mauger, Arch-byshope of Roan, excom­municates him, for matching within the for­bidden degrees of kindred: shee being daugh­ter to Elinor, daughter to Richard the. 2. and so his fathers sisters daughter. To expiate for which offence, (vpō a dispensation from Pope Victor) they were enioyned the building of cer­taine Hospitals for blind people: and two Ab­beyes, the one for men, the other for women: which were erected at Caen.

This match, and the ouer-matching his ene­mies, set him so high a marke of enuie in the eye of France, which naturally loued not the Normans (whom in reproach they vsually cal­led Trewans) as they easilie incensed their King, who of himselfe was forward enoughe, to abate a power, growne so out of propor­tion, with the rest of the Princes of his domi­nions, to finde a quarrell (which confiners easily do) to set vpon him: and to make it looke the fairer, pretendes to correct the in­solencies of the Normans, committed on his territories, and to releiue Count Martel, [Page 92] opprest by the Duke; besides alleadging, it concern'd him in honor and iustice, to haue that Prouince, which held of his Crowne, to be gouerned by a Prince of lawfull bloud, ac­cording to Christian order and lawes Eccle­siasticall: and therefore resolueth vtterly to exterminate the Duke, and establish a legitti­mate Prince in the Duchie. For which effect, two armies are gathered from all parts of his kingdome; the one sent along the ryuer Sein, the other into the Country of Bessin, as mea­ning to incompasse him.

The Duke likewise deuides his forces into 2. parts: sendes his brother Odo, Earle of Eu, Walter Guifford Earle of Longueuill, and others with the one, to the Countrie of Caux, him­selfe with the other takes towardes Eu­reux, (to make head to the King that was at Mante) and withdrawes all cattle and proui­sions out of the flat Countrie, into Cities and Fortresses, for their owne store, and disfur­nishment of the enemie. The Kings army marching from Beauuois, to Mortimer, and finding there a fat country full of all prouisi­ons, betooke them to make good cheere, and restes there all that night; thinking the Nor­man forces were yet with the Duke at Eureux; which the army in Caux, conducted by Odo vnderstanding, marched all night, and by breake of day, gaue them so hot an alarme, [Page 93] and so sodayne, as put them all in roat, lea­uing horse, and armour, and all to the assay­lants; who made such a distruction of them, as of. 40. thousand, not the fourth part es­caped.

With this deseiture, the King of France is againe returned home, with great rage and greife, and the Duke, with the redemption of the prisoners, recouers his peace, and the Castle of Thuilliers, taken from him in his vnder-age. Cont Martell though much dif­mayd, with the Kings ouerthrow, yet leaues not to make some attempts for the recouering his Townes; but with no successe. The Duke he saw was too well beloued and followed, for him to doe any good without a stronger arme. Wherefore the next spring, he goes, againe to importune the King of France, to aide him against the Duke: who (he said) was now growne so insolent vpon this peace, and the victorie he had stolne, and not wonne, that there was no liuing for his neighbors neere him: besides the Normans had the French in such derision, and base esteeme, as they made their act at Mortimer their onely sport, and the subiect of their rimes: as if a King of France, vpon the losse of a few men, was retyred, and durst not breake a dishonorable peace.

With which instigation, and being stung [Page 94] with the touch of reproach, he raises another Army far mightier then before, wherin were three Dukes, and twelue Earles, and notwith­standing the sollemne peace made, and so lately sworne with the Duke, hee enters Nor­mandie in the haruest time, ouerrunnes and spoyles all the Countrie, along the Coast to Bessin: from whence marching to Bayeux, and Caen, with purpose to passe the ryuer Diue at Varneuille, to destroy the Countries of Auge, Liseux, and Roumoys, euen to Roan: and finding the case-way long, and the bridge nar­row, caused his vantguard to passe ouer first: and, to secure his Arierguard, conducted by the Duke of Berry, himselfe stayes behind in Caen, till his people, and their carriages were passed. Duke William, who all this while, stores his for­tresses with men and victuall, makes himselfe as strong in the Towne of Falaise, as he could; hath no army in the feild, but a running campe to be readie to take all aduantages: lets the fury of the storme spend it selfe, and hauing aduertisement of this passage, marched all night with. 10. thousand men, and in the mor­ning early, sets vpon the Arrierguard, with so sudayne a cry and fury, as they who were be­fore on the Case-way hearing this noise be­hinde, thrust forward their fellowes, hasting to get ouer the bridge, with such a crowd and preasse, as they brake it, & many were drownd [Page 95] in the riuer. They who were gotten ouer, could not returne to aide the rest; nor the King, (by reason of the Marishes on both sides) yeeld any succour to his people; but stood a specta­tor of their slaughter, and the taking of sixe of his Earles, of whom one was the exiled Earle of Eu, whom the King (fauouring his great worth) had made Conte De Soissons.

The griefe of this ouerthrow, shortly after gaue the King of France his death, and the Duke of Normandy a ioyfull peace, which hee nobly imployed in the ordering and adorning his State: building, endowing, and decking Monasteries & Churches: gathering reliques from all parts to furnish his Abbeyes at Caen, (where he also erected a Tombe for himselfe and his wife) feasting and rewarding his No­bles and men of worth: whereby he so possest him of the hearts of all his people generally, as they were entirely his, for what he would.

During this calme of his life, hee makes a iourney ouer into England, as if to visite King Edward his kinsman: who, in regard of the preseruation, and breeding hee had in Nor­mandy, by Duke Richard the second, (Grand­father to them both) gaue him most royall en­tertainement: And here hee shewed himselfe; and here no doubt hee found matter for his hopes to worke on. In this enterview hee dis­couered England, being to bee presupposed, [Page 96] hee came not to gather cockle-shels, on the shore. Nor was it long after cre Harald, (whe­ther of purpose to ratifie some paction close­ly contriued betwixt them: or by casualty of weather driuen into France, (and so same to make it seeme a iourney of purpose to the Duke) is not certainely deliuered) was gallant­ly entertained in Normandy, presented with all shewes of Armes, brought to Paris, and there likewise feasted in that Court. And at his re­turne to Rouen, something was concluded, ei­ther in likely-hood to deuide the Kingdome betweene them, or that Harald being a coast­dweller, and had the strongest hand in the State, should let in the Duke, and doe his best to helpe him to the Crowne, vpon conditions of his owne greatnesse, or whatsoeuer it was; promises were made and confirmed by oathes vpon the Euangelists, and all the sacred Re­liques at Rouen, in the presence of diuers great persons. Besides for more assurance, Harald was fyanced to Adeliza, the Dukes daughter, and his brother Wolnot, left a pledge for the performance.

This intercourse made the trans-action of the fate of England, and so much was done, ei­ther by King Edward or Harald (though nei­thers act, if any such were, was of power to preiudice the State, or alter the course of a right succession) as gaue the Duke a colour to [Page 97] clame the Crowne, by a donation made by Testament, which being against the Law and Custome of the Kingdome, could be of no va­lidity at all. For the Crowne being held, not as Patrimoniall, but in a succession by remoti­on (which is a succeding to anothers place) it was not in the power of King Edward to col­late the same by any dispositine and testamen­tary will, the right discending to the next of bloud, onely by the Custome and Law of the Kingdome: For the Successour is not said properly to be the heire of the King, but the Kingdome, which makes him so, and cannot be put from it by any act of his Predecessour. But this was only his clayme; the right was of his owne making, and no otherwise. For as soone as he had heard of the death of King Ed­ward, with the Election, and Coronation of Harald, (for they came both together) hee assembles the States of Normandy, and ac­quaints them with the right hee had to Eng­land, soliciting an extention of their vtmost meanes for his recouery thereof, and auenge­ment of the periur'd Vsurper Harald; shewing them apparant probability of suceesse, by in­fallible intelligence he had from the State, his strong party therein, with the debility and distraction of the people; What glory, wealth, and greatnesse, it would adde to their Nation, the obtayning of such a Kingdome, as was thus [Page 98] opportunely laid open for them, if they ap­prehended the present occasion. All which remonstrances notwithstanding, could en­duce but very few to like of this attempt, and those such who had long followed him in the warres, exhausted their estates, and content to runne vpon any aduenture that might pro­mise likelyhood of aduancement. The rest were of diuers opinions: some that it was suf­ficient to hold and defend their owne country; without hazarding themselues, to conquer others; and these were men of the best ability: others were content to contribute, but so spa­ringly, as would little aduance the businesse: and for the most part they were so tyred with the formerwarres, and so desirous to embrace the blessing of peace, as they were vnwilling to vndergoe a certaine trouble for an vncer­taine good. And with these oppositions, or faint offers, the Dukes purpose, at first, had so little way, as did much perplex him: At length, seeing this protraction, and difficulty in gene­rall: he deales with his neerest and most trusty friends in particular, being such as hee knew affected the glory of action, and would aduen­ture their whole estates with him. As William fitz Auber, Conte de Bretteuile, Gnalter Guifford Earle of Logueuille, Roger, Signor de Beaumont, with others, especially his owne brothers, Odo Byshop of Bayeux, and Robert Earle of Mor­taigne: [Page 99] these in full assemblie hee wrought to make their offers: which they did in so large a proportion; and especially William fitz Au­ber (who made the first offer, to furnish forty ships with men and munition; the Byshop of Bayeux. 40. the Byshop of Mans. 30. and so others, according or beyond their abilities) as the rest of the assemblie, doubting if the action succeeded without their helpe (the Duke aryuing to that greatnesse) would beare in minde, what litle minde they shewed to ad­uance his desires, beganne to contribute more largely.

The Duke finding them yeilding, though not in such sort as was requisite for such a worke; dealt with the Byshops and great men a part, so effectually, as at length he gote of them seuerally that, which of alltogether he could neuer haue compassed, and causing each mannes contribution to be registred; in­kindled such an emulation amongst them, as they who lately would doe nothing, now stryued who should doe most.

And not only wan he the people of his owne Prouinces, to vndertake this action, but drew by his faire perswasions and large promises, most of the greatest Princes and Nobles of France, to aduenture their persons, and much of their estates with him; as Robert fitz Haruays, Duke of Orleance, the Earles of [Page 100] Bretaigne, Ponthicu, Bologne, Poictou, Mayne, Neuers, Hiesms, Aumal; Le Signors de Tours, and euen his mortall enemy Martel, Earle of Aniou, became to be as forward as any. All which, he sure could neuer haue induced, had not this vertues and greatnesse gayned a wide opinion and reputation amonst them.

Although in these aduancements and turnes of Princes, there is a concurrency of dispo­sitions, and a constitution of times prepared for it: yet is it strange, that so many mighty men of the French nation, would aduenture their liues and fortunes to adde England to Normandie, to make it more then France, and so great a Crowne to a Duke, who was too great for them alreadie. But where mutations are destyned, the counsels of men must be cor­rupted, and there will fall out all aduantages to serue that businesse.

The King of France, who should haue stran­gled this disseigne in the birth, was a childe, and vnder the curature of Baldouin, Earle of Flanders, whose daughter the Duke had mar­ried, and was sure to haue rather furtherance then any opposition that way: Besides, to amuze that Court, and dazell a yong Prince, he promised faithfully, if he conquered this kingdome; to hold it of the King, as he did the Duchie of Normandie, and doe him ho­mage for the same; which would adde a great [Page 101] glory to that Crowne. Then was hee before hand with Pope Alexander, (to make religion giue reputation and auowment to his preten­ded right) promising likewise to hold it of the Apostolique Sea, if he preuailed in his enter­prize. Wherupon the Pope sent him a Banner of the Church, with an Agnus of gold, and one of the hayres of Saint Peter. The Emperour Hen. 4 sent him a Prince of Almayne with for­ces, but of what name, or his number, is not remembred: so that wee see it was not Nor­mandie alone that subdued England, but a col­lected power out of all France and Flanders with the aydes of other Princes. And by these meanes made he good his vndertaking, and within eight monethes was readie furnished with a powrefull army at Sainct Valerie in Nor­mandie, whence he transported the same into England in. 896. ships, as some write. And this was the man, and thus made to subdue England.

And now hauing gotten, the great and difficult battaille, before remembred, at Hastings, the fourtenth of October. 1066. he marched without any opposition to London, where Edwin and Morchar, Earles of Northum­berland, and Mercland, brothers of eminent dignitie and respect in the kingdome, had la­boured with all their power to stirre the harts of the people for the conseruation of the [Page 102] State, and establishing Edgar Atheling, the next of the Royall issue, in his right of the Crowne: whereunto other of the Nobilitie had likewise consented; had they not seene the Byshops auerse or wauering. For, asthen, to the Clergie, any King (so a Christian) was all one: they had their Prouince a parte, deuided from secular domination: and of a Prince (though a stranger) who had taken vp so much of the world before hand, vpon cre­dite and fame of his piety and bountie, they could not but presume well for their estate: and so were content to giue way to the pre­sent Fortune.

The Nobilitie, considering they were so borne, and must haue a King: not to take him that was of power to make himselfe, would shew more of passion then prouidence: and to be now behinde hand to receiue, with more then submission, was as if to withstand: which (with the distrust of each others faith) made them stryue and runne headlong who should be first to pre-occupate the grace of seruitude, and intrude them into forrayne subiection.

The Commons, like a strong vessell that might haue beene for good vse, was heereby left, without a sterne, and could not moue but irregularly. So that all estates in generall either corrupted with new hopes, or transported with feare, forsooke themselues, and their [Page 103] distressed Countrie. Vpon his approach to London the gates were all set open: the Arch­byshope of Canterburie, Stigand, with other Byshops, the Nobilitie, Magistrates, and people, rendring themselues in all obedience vnto him: and he returning plausible prote­stations of his future gouernment, was on Christmas day, then next following, crowned King of England at Westminister, by Aldred, Arch-byshop of Yorke, for that Stigand was not held canonically inuested in his Sea: and yet thought to haue beene a forward mouer of this alteration.

Heere, according to the accustomed forme, at his Coronation, the Byshops and Barons of the Realme, tooke their oath, to be his true and loyall subiects, and he reciprocally (being required thereunto by the Arch-by­shope of Yorke) made his personall oth, be­fore the Altar of Saint Peter, to defend the holy Churches of God, and the Rectors of the same: to gouerne the Vniuersall people, sub­iect vnto him, iustly: to establish equall lawes, and to see them ducly executed. Nor did he euer clayme any power by conquest, but as a regular Prince, submitted himselfe to the orders of the kingdome: desirous rather to haue his Testamentarie title (howsoeuer weake) to make good his succession, rather then his sword. And though the Stile of [Page 104] Conquerer by the flatterie of the time, was after giuen him, he shewed by all the course of his gouernment he assumed it not: intro­ducing none of all those alterations, (which followed) by violence, but a milde gathering vpon the disposition of the State, and the oc­casions offered, and that by way of reforma­tion. And now taking hostages for his more securitie, and order for the defence and go­uernment of his kingdome, at the opening of the spring next, he returnes into Normandie, so to settle his affaires there, as they might not distract him from his businesse in England, that required his whole powers.

And to leaue here all sure behind him, he commits the rule of the kingdome, to his bro­ther the Bishop of Bayeux, and to his cosin Fitz Auber, whom he had made Earle of Here­ford, Or Osborne. taking with him all the chiefe men of England, who were likest to be heads to a re­uolt. As Edger Atheling, the Arch-bishop Stigand, lately discontented : Edwyn, and Morchar, with many other Bishops and Noble men: Besides to vnburthen his charge, and dis-impester his Court; he tooke backe with him all the French aduenturers, and such as were vnnecessary men, rewarding them as farre as his treasure would extend, and the rest he made vp in faire promises.

In his absence, which was all that whole [Page 105] sommer, nothing was here attempted against him, but onely that Edric, surnamed the Forre­ster, in the County of Hereford, called in the kings of the Welsh, to his aide, and forraged on­ly the remote borders of that country. The rest of the kingdome stood quiet, expecting what would become of that new world, wherein as yet they found no great alteration, their lawes and liberties remaining the same they were before, and might hope by this accession of a new Prouince, the state of England would be but inlarged in dominion abroad, and not impaired in profit at home, by reason the nation was but small, and of a plentifull, and not ouer-peopled country, likely to impester them.

Hauing disposed his affaires of Normandy, he returnes towards winter, into England, where he was to satisfie three sorts of men; first such aduenturers, with whom he had not yet cleered: Secondly, those of his owne peo­ple, whose merits or neernesse, looked for re­compence, whereof the number beeing so great, many must haue their expectations fed, if not satisfied: Thirdly, the people of this kingdome, by whom he must now subsist, for being not able with his owne nation, so to im­people the same, as to hold and defend it (if he should proceed to an extirpation of the naturall inhabitants) he was likewise to giue [Page 106] them satisfaction.

Wherein he had more to do then in his bat­tell at Hastings; seeing all remunerations, with supplies of money, must be raised out of the stocke of the kingdome, which could not but be irkesome to the State in generall, and all preferments and dignities conferd on his, to be either by vacancies, or displacing others, which must needs breed very feeling grieuan­ces in perticular. And yet we finde no great men thrust out of their roomes, but such as put themselues out, by reuolting, after his e­stablishment, and their fealtie giuen. So that it seemes, he contented himselfe and his, for the time, onely with what he found here rea­dy, and with filling vp their places, who were slaine in the battell, or fled, as many were, with the sonnes of Harald out of the kingdome. Such Gentlemen as he could not presently preferre, and had a purpose to aduance, he dis­persed abroad into Abbeys, there to liue till places fell out for them: and 24 he sent to the Abby of Eley: whereby he not onely lessened the multitude of attendants and suitors at Court; eased that eye-sore of strangers, but also had them a watch ouer the Cleargie, who then were of great and eminent power in the kingdome; and might much preuaile with the people.

But the English Nobilitie, incompatible of [Page 107] these new concurrents; found notwithstan­ding, such a disproportion of grace, and dark­ning of their dignities, by the interposition of so many, as must needes lessen their splen­dour; that many of the cheifest, doubting to be more impayred in honor and estate, con­spired together, and fled some into Scotland, and some into Denmarke, to trie if by aid from abroad, they might recouer themselues, and their lost fortunes againe at home The English Nobilitie for­sake the king­dome.. Amongst which, the cheife was Edgar Atheling, (ter­med, Englands Dearling, which shewed the peoples zeale to his bloud) who with his mo­ther Agatha, and his two sisters Margaret and Christin, intending to retire into Hungarie, (their natiue Country) were driuen by tem­pest on the coast of Scotland, where they were with all Hospitable comfort interteyned by Malcolin. 3. whose former suffrings in his exile, had taught him to compassionate others like distresses; and whom it concerned now to looke to his owne, his neighbours house being thus on fire : and to foster a partie a­gainst so dangerous an in-commer, that was like to thrust them all out of dore. Which in­duced him not only to entertayne this Prince, dispossest of his right, but to enter league with him for the publique safetie; And to inchaine it the stronger, he takes to wife Margaret, the sister of Edgar, (a Ladie indued with all [Page 108] blessed vertues) by whom the bloud of our auncient Kings was preserued, and conioyned with the Norman in Hen. 2. and so became English againe. Vnto Edgar in Scotland, re­paired the Earles Edwin and Morchar, Here­ward, Gospatric, Siward, with others: and shortly after Stigand and Aldred, Arch-by­shops, with diuers of the clergie: who in the third yeare of this Kings raigne, raised very great commotions in the North, beyond Hum­ber, and wrought most egarly to recouer their lost Countrie: but being now to late, and the occasion not taken before the settling of the gouern ment, whilst it was new and branling, they preuailed nothing, but gaue aduantage to the conquerour, to make himselfe more then he was: For all conspiracies of subiects, if they succeede not, aduaunce the soueraign­tie: and nothing gaue roote to the Norman planting here, more then the petty reuolts made by discattred troupes, in seuerall parts, begunne without order, and followed without resolution; whereas nothing could be done for a generall recouery, but by a generall sul­leuation of the people: for which all wary pre­uention was vsed; and they had waytes enough laid on, to hold them downe. And though these Lordes imbroiled themselues, and held him doing in the North, yet hee hauing all the South parts setled vnder his domination, [Page 109] with well practized and prepared forces, there could be litle hope of good, whilst all their great estates furnisht the Normans, both in state and meanes to ruyne them; The Earle­dome; and all the Landes which Edwyn held in Yorkeshire, were giuen to Alain, Earle of Britayne, kinsman to the Conqueror; The Arch-byshopricke of Canterburie, conferd on Lanfranc, Abbot of Caen. That of Yorke, on Thomas his Chapline, and all the rest both of the Clergie and others, which were out, had their places within, supplied by Normans.

And after King William had appeased a commotion in the West, which the sonnes of Harrald, with forces out of Ireland had raised, and also repressed the rebellions of Excester, and Oxford; hee takes his iorney in person Northward with all expedition, least the ene­my there, should grow too high in heart and opinion, vpon the great slaughter of his peo­ple, made at Yorke; and the defeiture of his Brother & Leiuetenant, Robert Earle of Mor­taigne, slaine with. 700. Normans at Durham: where, at his first comming he so wrought, that he either discomfeited, or corrupted the gene­ralls of the Danicque forces, newly arriued to aid the Lords; andsent by Swayn, King of Denmarke, vnder the conduct of his two sons, Harrald and Knute, with a Nauie of. 300. saile: and after sets vpon the army of the Lords, [Page 110] weakened both in strength and hope, by this departure of their confederates, and puts them to slight: Which done, hee vtterly wasted, and laid desolate, all that goodly Countrie betweene Yorke and Durham, the space of 60. myles, that it might be no more a succour to the enemy: And the like course he vsed on all the Coastes where any apt lan­dings lay for inuasions; and so returnes to London.

Most of the Lords after this great defeit, came in, vpon publique faith giuen them, and were conducted to Barkehamsted, by the Abbot Fredricke; where, vpon their submission, and oath of allegeance retaken, they had their pardon, and restitution of grace graunted by the King, who it seemes was so willing to ac­quiet them, that againe he takes his personall oath before the Arch-byshop Lanfranck, and the Lords, to obserue the auncient lawes of the Realme, established by his Noble predeces­sors, the Kings of England, and especially those of Saint Edward. Whereupon these stormy dispositions held calme a while.

But long it was not ere many of these Lords (whether vpon intelligence of new hopes, from Edgar (who was still in Scotland) or growne desperate with new displeasures, at home, finding small performance of promi­ses, made rupture of oath, & all other respects, [Page 111] and brake out againe. The Earle Edwyn, ma­king towardes Scotland, was murthered by his owne people. The Lords Morchar, & Hereward, betooke them to the Isle of Eley, meaning to make good that place for that winter; whether also repaired the Earle Syward, and the By­shop of Durham out of Scotland. But the King, who was no tyme-giuer vnto growing dan­gers, beset all the Isle with flat boates on the East, and made a bridge of two miles long on the West, and safely brought in his people vpon the enemy; who seeing themselues sur­prized; yeilded all to the Kings mercy, except Hereward, who desperatly marched with his people through the Fennes, and recouered Scotland: The rest were sent to diuers prisons, where they dyed, or remayned during the Kings life.

Those Lords who persisted loyall vpon this last submission, were all imployed and well graced with the King, as Edric the Forester, (and first that rebelled in his raigne) was held in cleere trust, and neere about him. Gospatrice he made Earle of Northumberland, and sent him against Malcolin, who in this time, sub­dues the Countries of Tisdall, Cleueland, and Comberland: Waltheof, sonne to the Earle Sy­ward, he held so worthie to be made his, as he married him to his neece Iudith, though hee had beene a principall actor in the Northerne [Page 112] commotion, (and in defending the Citie of Yorke against him: is said to haue striken off the heades of diuers Normans, one by one, as they entered a breach, to the admiration of all a­bout him) shewing therin that true touch of the noblest nature, to loue vertue, euen in his enemies.

And now seeing Scotland to be the especiall retrayt for all conspirators, and discontented in his kingdome, yeilding them continuall succour, and assistance, and where his com­petitor Edgar liued, to beget and nurse per­petuall matter for their hopes, and at hand for all aduantages; he enters that kingdome with a puissant Army: which, incountring with more necessities then forces, soone grew tired, and both Kings, considering of what difficul­ties the victorie would consist, were willing, to take the safest way to there endes, and vpon faire ouertures, to conclude a peace; Ar­ticling for the boundes of each kingdome, with the same title of dominion, as in for­mer times: All delinquents, and their parta­kers generally pardoned.

Heere with the vniuersall turne of altera­tion, thus wrought in England, Scotland being a part of the bodie of this Isle, is noted to haue Scotland be­fore this time generally spake a Kind of Irish. likewise had a share; and as in the Court of England, the French tongue became generally spoken; so in that of Scotland did the English, [Page 113] by reason of the multitude of this Nation, at­tending both the Queene and her brother Edgar, and daily repairing thither for their safetie, and combination against the com­mon enemie: of whom diuerse, abandoning their natiue distressed Country, were by the bountie of that King preferred: and there plan­ted spread their off-spring into many noble families, remaining to this day: The titles for distinguishing degrees of honour; as of Duke, Marquesse, Earle, Baron, Rider or Knight, were then (as is thought) first intro­duced: and the nobler sort began to be cal­led by the title of their Signories (according to the French manner) which before bare the name of their Father, with the addition of Mac, after the fashion of Ireland. Other innoua­tions, no doubt, entred there likewise at the opening of this wide mutation of ours: fa­shion and imitation like weedes easily grow­ing in euery soile.

Shortly after this late made peace, Edgar Edgar Atheling submitted himselfe to King William. Etheling voluntarily came in, and submitted himselfe to the King, being then in Normandy, and was restored to grace, and a faire mainte­nance, which held him euer after quiet. And it made well at that time for the fortune of the King, howsoeuer for his owne, being thought to haue ill-timed his affaires (either through want of seasonable intelligence, or dispaire of [Page 114] successe) in making too soone that submission, which was latter or neuer to haue bene done. For in this absence of the King, Roger fits Au­ber, the yong Earle of Hereford, contrary to his expresse commaundement, gaue his sister in marriage to Ralph Waher, Earle of Northfolke, and Suffolke, and at the great so­lemnization thereof, the two Earles conspi­red with Eustace Earle of Boloigne (who secret­ly came ouer to this festiuall) and with the Earle Waltheof, and other English Lords, to call in the Danes, and by maine power to keepe out and dispossesse the King. Who hauing thus passed ouer so many gulfes of forraine dangers, might little imagine of any wracke so neere home; and that those, whom he had most aduanced, should haue the especiall hand in his destruction: But no rewards are benefits, that are not held so, nor can euer cleere the accounts with them that ouer-value their merits. And had not this conspiracie bene opportunely discouered (which some say was by the Earle Waltheof, moued with the vg­linesse of so foule an ingratitude) they had put him againe to the winning of England. But now the fire bewrayed before it flamed, was soone quenched by the diligence of Odon the Kings Vice-gerent, the Bishop of Worcester and others, who kept the conspirators from ioyning their forces: So that they neuer came [Page 115] to make any head, but were either surprized, or forced to flie: The Earle Roger fitz Auber was taken, and some say executed; and so was shortly after the Earle Waltheof, whose dissent from the act, could not get him pardon for his former consent, though much compassion in respect of his great worthinesse. But the wide distent of these tumors, fed from many secret veines, seemed to be of that danger, as required this extremity of cure, especially in a part so apt for infection, vpon any the like hu­mors.

For this conspiracie seemes to take motion from a generall league of all the neighbour Princes here about, as may well be gathered by their seuerall actions. First in the King of France by defending Dole in Britaigne (a Castle of Raph de Waher) against the King of England, and in likelihood, imploying the Earle of Bo­loigne towards the conspirators: In Swayne King of Denmarke, by sending a Nauy of two hundreth saile, vnder the conduct of his sonne Knut, and others. In Drone King of Ireland, by furnishing the sonnes of Harald with 65 ships. In Malcoline, and the Kings of Wales, by their readinesse to assist. But the Danes being on the coast, and hearing how their confederates had sped, with the great preparations the king had made, after some pillage taken vpon the shores of England and Flanders, returned [Page 116] home, and neuer after arriued to disturbe this land. Though in Anno Reg. 19. Knute, then king of Denmarke, after the death of Swaine, inten­ding to repaire the dishonour of his two last aduentures past, and put for the Crowne of England, his predecessors had holden, prepa­red a Nauie of a thousand saile, and was aided with sixe hundreth more by Robert le Frison Earle of Flanders (whose daughter he had maried.) But the winds held so contrary for two yeares together, as vtterly quasht that en­terprize, and freed the king and his successors for euer after from future molestation that way.

But this businesse put the State to an infinit charge, the king entertaining all that time, be­sides his Normans, Hugh, brother to the king of France, with many companies of French. Finding the English (in respect of many great families allied to the Danes) to incline rather to that nation, then the Norman, and had ex­perience of the great and neere intelligence continually passing betweene them.

And these were all the warres he had with­in the kingdome, sauing in Anno Regni 15. he subdued Wales, and brought the kings there, to do him homage.

His warres abroad, were all about his do­minions in France, first raised by his owne sonne Robert, left Lieftenant gouernour of the [Page 117] Duchy of Normandy, & the Countie of Mayne, who in his fathers absence, tasting the glorie of commaund, grew to assume the absolute rule of the Prouince, causing the Barons there, to doe him homage as Duke, not as Lieftenant, and leagues him with the King of France, who working vpon the easinesse of his youth and ambition, was glad to appre­hend that occasion to disioynct his estate, who was growen too great for him. And the profuse largesse and disorderlie expence whereto Robert was addicted, is nourished by all wayes possible, as the meanes to imbrake him in those difficulties of still getting money, that could not but needes yeild continuall oc­casion to intertayne both his owne discon­tent, and theirs, from whom his supplies must be raised. And though therby he purchased him the title of Courtois, yet he lost the opini­on of good gouernment, and constrayned the estates of Normandie, to complaine to his father of the great concussion, and violent exactions he vsed amongst them.

The King vnderstanding the fire thus kind­led in his owne house, that had set others all in combustion, hastes with forces into Nor­mandie, to haue surprized his sonne; who ad­uertised of his comming, furnisht with. 2000. men at armes, by the King of France, lay in ambush where hee should passe; sets vpon [Page 118] him, defeited most of his people, and in the pursuite hapned to incounter with himselfe, whom he vnhors'd, and wounded in the arme, with his Launce; but perceauing by his voice, it was his father, he hasted to remounte him, humbly crauing pardon for his offence: which the father (seeing in what case he was) gran­ted, howsoeuer he gaue; and vpon his sub­mission, tooke him with him to Rouen; whence, after cured of his hurt, hee returned with his sonne William (likewise wounded in the fight) into England.

Long was it not ere he was againe inform'd of his sonnes remutyning, and how hee e­xacted vpon the Normans, vsurpt the intire gouernment, and vrged his fathers promise thereof, made him before the King of France, vpon his Conquest of England: which caused his litle stay heere, but to make preparatiōs for his returne into those parts: whether in passing, he was driuen on the Coast of Spaine, but at length ariuing at Burdeaux, with his great pre­parations, his sonne Robert came in, and sub­mitted himselfe the second time : whom hee now tooke with him into England, to frame him to a better obedience, imploying him in the hard and necessitous warres of Scotland, (the late peace beeing betweene the two Kings againe broken) and after sent him backe, and his yong sonne Henry, with the [Page 119] association of charge and like power (but of more trust) to the gouernment of Normandie.

After the two Princes had beene there a while, they went to visite the King of France at Conflance, where feasting certaine dayes, vpon an after dinner, Henry wanne so much at chesse, of Louis, the Kings eldest sonne, as he, growing into choller, called him the sonne of a Bastard, and threw the Chesse in his face. Henry takes vp the Chesse-bord, and strake Louis, with that force, as drew bloud, and had killed him, had not his brother Robert come in the meane time, and interposed himselfe: Whereupon they suddenly tooke horse, and with much adoe they recouered Pontoise, from the Kings people that pursued them.

This quarrell arising, vpon the intermeeting of these Princes (a thing that seldome breeds good bloud amongst them) re-inkindled a heate of more rancor in the fathers, and be­ganne the first warre betweene the English and French. For presently the King of France, complots againe with Robert (impatient of a partner) enters Normandie, and takes the Citie of Vernon. The King of England inuades France, subdues the Countrie of Zaintonge and Poictou, and returnes to Rouen, where the third time, his sonne Robert is reconciled vnto him, which much disappoints and vexes the King of France, who thereupon, summons the King [Page 120] of England, to do him homage for the king­dome of England, which he refused to do, say­ing, he held it of none but God and his sword. For the Duchie of Normandie he offers him homage: but that would not satisfie the King of France, whom nothing would, but what he could not haue, the Maistery: and seekes to make any occasion the motiue of his quarrell: and againe inuades his territories, but with more losse then profite. In the end, they con­clude a certaine crazie peace, which held no longer then King William had recouered a sicknes, whereinto (through his late trauaile, age, and corpulencie) he was falne: at which time, the King of France, then yong and lustie, ieasting at his great belly, whereof hee said, he lay in, at Rouen, so irritated him, as being recouered, he gathers all his best forces, en­ters France in the cheifest time of their fruites, making spoile of all in his way, till he came euen before Paris; where the King of France then was; to whom he sendes, to shew him of his vp-sitting, and from thence marched to the Citie of Mants, which he vtterly sackt, and in the distruction thereof, gate his owne, by the strayne of his horse, among the brea­ches, and was thence conueyed sicke to Rouen, and so ended all his warres.

NOw for his gouernment in peace, and the His gouern­ment in peace. course he held in establishing the king­dome [Page 121] thus gotten; first after he had represt the conspiracies in the North, and well quieted all other partes of the State (which now being absolutely his, he would haue to be ru­led by his owne law) beganne to gouerne all by the Customes of Normandie. Whereupon the agreeued Lordes, and sadde people of En­gland, tender their humble petition, besee­ching him, in regard of his oath made at his Coronation: And by the soule of Saint Ed­ward, from whom he had the Crowne and kingdome; vnder whose lawes they were borne and bred; That he would not adde that miserie, to deliuer them vp to be iudged, by a strange law they vnderstood not. And so earnestly they wrought, that he was pleased to confirme that by his Charter, which hee had twice fore-promised by his oath: And gaue comaundement to his Iusticiaries to see those lawes of Saint Edward (so called, not that he made them, but collected them out of Merchen-law, Dane law, and Westsex law) to be inuiolablie obserued throughout the kingdome. And yet notwithstanding this con­firmation, and the Charters afterward gran­ted by Hen. 1. Hen 2. and King Iohn, to the same effect, there followed a generall inno­uation both in the lawes and gouernment of England: So that this seemes rather done to acquiet the people with a shew of the con­tinuation [Page 122] of their ancient customes, then that they enioyed them in effect. For the little con­formitie betwene those lawes of former times, and these that followed vpon this change of State, shew from what head they sprang. And though there might be some veynes issuing from foriner originals, yet the mayne streame, of our Comon law, with the practice thereof, flowed out of Normandie, notwithstanding all obiections can be made to the contrary. For before these collections of the Confessors, there was no vniuersall law of the kingdome, but euery seuerall Prouince held their owne customes: all the inhabitants from Humber to Scotland vsed the Danicque law: Merchland, the midle part of the Countrie, and the State of the West Saxons, had their seuerall consti­tutions, as being seuerall dominions: And though for some few yeares there seemed to be a reduction of the Heptarchie, into a Mo­narchie, yet held it not so long together (as wee may see in the succession of that broken gouernment) as to setle one forme of order current ouer all; but that euery Prouince, ac­cording to their perticuler founders, had their customes a part, and held nothing in comon (besides religion, and the constitutions the­reof) but with the vniuersalitie of Meum & Tuum, ordered according to the rites of na­tions, and that ius innatum, the Comon law [Page 123] of all the world, which wee see to be as vni­uersall, as are the cohabitations and societies of men, and serues the turne to hold them to­gether in all Countries, howsoeuer they may differ in their formes.

So that by these passages, we see what way we came, where we are, and the furthest end we can discouer of the originall of our Co­mon law; and to striue to looke beyond this, is to looke into an vncertaine vastnesse, be­yond our discerning. Nor can it detract from the glory of good Customes, if they bring but a pedigree of 600. yeares to approue their gentilitie; seeing it is the equity, and not the antiquity of lawes that makes them venerable, and the integritie of the professors thereof, the profession honored. And it were well with mankinde, if dayes brought not their corrup­tions, and good orders were continued with that prouidence, as they were instituted.

But this alteration of the lawes of England bred most heauie doleances, not onely in this Kings time, but long after: For where­as before, those lawes they had, were written in their owne tongue, intelligible to all; now are they translated into Latine and French, and practized wholly in the Norman forme and language; thereby to draw the people of this kingdome, to learne that speech for their owne neede, which otherwise they would not [Page 124] doc; And seeing a difference in tongue, would continue a difference in affections; all meanes was wrought to reduce it to one Idiom, which yet was not in the power of the Conqueror to doe, without the extirpation or ouerlaying the Land-bred people; who being so far in number as they were aboue the inuadors, both carry the mayne of the language, and in few yeares, haue those who subdued them, vn­distinguishablie theirs. For notwithstanding the former conquest by the Danes, and now this by the Norman, the solid bodie of the kingdome, still consisted of the English, and the accession of strange people, was but as Ryuers to the Ocean, that changed not it, but were changed into it. And though the king laboured what he could to turne all to French, by enioyning their children here to vse noc other language, with their Grammer in schooles, to haue the lawes practized in French, All petitions and businesse of Court, in French, No man graced but he that spake French, yet soone after his dayes, all returnes naturall English againe, but law, and that still held forraine, and became in the end wholly to be inclosed in that language: nor haue we now other marke of our subiection and in­uassellage from Normandie, but only that, and that still speakes French to vs in England.

And herewithall new Termes, new Consti­tutions, [Page 125] new formes of Pleas, new Offices and Courts are now introduced by the Normans; a people more inured to litigation, and of spirits more impatient, and contentious, then were the English: who by reason of their con­tinuall warre (wherein law is not borne) and labour to defend the publicke, were more at vnitie in their priuate: and that small time of peace they had, deuotion and good fellow­ship entertained.

For their lawes and constitutions before, we see them plaine, briefe, and simple, with­out perplexities, hauing neither fold nor plaite, commaunding, not disputing: Their graunts and transactions as briefe and simple, which shewed them a cleere-meaning people, retaining still the nature of that plaine real­nesse they brought with them, vncomposed of other fashion, then their owne, and vnaffecting imitation.

For their tryals in cases criminall, where manifest proofes failed, they continued their antient custome, held from before their Chri­stianitie, vntill this great alteration: which trials they called Ordeal ( Or signifying right, Deale, part) whereof they had these kinds: Ordeal by fire, which was for the better sort, and by water for the inferiour: That of Fire was to go blindfold ouer certaine plough­shares, made red hote, and laide an vneuen [Page 126] distance one from another. That of Water was either of hot or cold: in the one to put their armes to the elbow, in the other to be cast headlong. According to their escapes or hurts, they were adiudged: such as were cast into the riuers, if they sancke were held guilt­lesse, ifnot, culpable, as eiected by that Ele­ment. These trials they called the iudgements of God, and they were performed with so­lemne Oraisons. In some cases, the accused was admitted to cleere himselfe by receiuing the Eucharist, or by his owne oath, or the oaths of two or three; but this was for especiall persons, and such whose liuings were of a rate allowable thereunto, the vsuall opinion per­swading them, that men of ability held a more regard of honesty.

With these they had the triall of Campe­fight, or single combat (which likewise the Lumbards, originally of the same German na­tion, brought into Italy) permitted by the law in cases either of safetie and fame, or of posses­sions. All which trials shew them to be igno­rant in any other forme of law, or to neglect it; Nor would they be induced to forgo these cu­stomes, and determine their affaires by Impe­riall or Pontificiall Constitutions, no more then would the Lumbards forsake their duella­ry lawes in Italy, which their Princes, against some of their wils, were constrained to ratifie, [Page 127] as Luytprandus, their king, thus ingeniously confesses. ‘We are vncertaine of the iudgement of God, and we haue heard many by fight, to haue lost their cause without iust cause; yet in respect of the custome of our nation, we cannot auoide an impious law.’ But all these formes of iudgements and trials had their seasons; Those of Fire and Water, in short time after the Conquest, grew disused, and in the end vtterly abrogated by the Pope; as deriued from Paganisme; That of combat continues longer-liued, but of no ordinarie vse: And all actions now, both criminall and reall, began to be wholly adiudged by the verduit of 12 men, according to the custome of Normandy, where the like forme is vsed, and called by the name of Enquest, with the same cautions for the Iurors, as it is here continued to this day. Although some hold opinion that this forme of triall was of vse in this kingdome from all antiquitie, and alledge an ordinance of king Ethelred (father to the Confessor) willing in their Gemote, or conuentions, monethly held in euery hundred, twelue graue men of free condition, should with the Greut, the chiefe Officer amongst them, sweare vpon the Euan­gelists, to iudge euery mans cause aright. But here we see twelue men were to be assessors with the Greue to iudge, and no Iurors, ac­cording to this manner of triall now vsed; Be­sides, [Page 128] had there beene any such forme, we should aswell haue heard thereof in their laws and practise, as of those other kinds of Ordeal, onely and vsually mentioned.

But whatsoeuer innouations were in all o­ther things; the gouernment for the peace and securitie of the kingdome (which most im­ported the King to looke vnto) seemes to be continued as before, and for that businesse he found here better laws established, by the wary care of our former kings, then any he could bring. Amongst which especially was the Boroh law, whereby euery free man of the Co­mons stood as surety for each others behaui­our, in this sort.

The kingdome was deuided into Sheires or Shares, euery Sheire consisting of so ma­ny Hundreds, and euery Hundred of a nom­ber of Boroughs, Villages, or Tythings, con­taining ten housholders, whereof if any one should commit an vnlawfull act, the other nine were to attach and bring him to reason: If he fled, 31 dayes were enioyned him to ap­peare: If in the meane time apprehended, he was made to restore the damage done; other­wise the Free-boroughead (to say the Ty­thingman) was to take with him two of the same Village, and out of three other Villages next adioyning as many (that is, the Tything­man, and two other of the principall men) and [Page 129] before the officers of that hundred purge himselfe and the village of the fact, restoring the damage done with the goodes of the ma­lefactor, which if they suffized not to satisfie, the Free-boroh, or Tything, must make vp the rest, and besides take an oath to be no way accessarie to the fact; and to produce the offendor, if by any meanes they could reco­uer him, or know where he were. Besides euery Lord and Maister, stood Boroh, for all his familie, whereof if any seruant were called in question, the Maister was to see him answere it in the hundred where he was accused. Yf hee fled, the Maister was to yeild such goodes as he had to the King. If himselfe were accu­sed to be aiding or priuie to his seruants flight, hee was to cleere himselfe by. 5. men, other­wise to forfeit all his goodes to the King, and his man to be out-lawed.

These lincks thus intermutually fastened, made so strong a chaine to hold the whole frame of the State together in peace and or­der, as, all the most pollitique regiments vpon earth, all the interleagued societies of men, cannot shew vs a streighter forme of combination. This might make the Con­queror, comming vpon a people thus law­bound hand and foot, to establish him, so soone and easily as he did; This Boroh-law, being as a Cittadell built to guard the Comon [Page 130] wealth, comming to be possest by a conque­ring Maister, was made to turne all this ordi­nance vpon the State, and batter herselfe with her owne weapon: and this law may be some cause, wee finde no popular insurrection before the Conquest. For had not this people beene borne with these fetters, and an idle peace, but liued loose, and in action, it is like they would haue done as noblie, and giuen as many, and as deepe woundes ere they lost their Country, as euer the Brittaines did, either against the Romans, or the Saxons, their predecessors, or themselues had done against the Danes; a people far more powrefull, and numerous then these. The Conqueror, with­out this, had not made it the worke of one daie, nor had Normandie euer beene able to haue yeilded those multitudes for supplies, that many battails must haue had.

But now. 1. the strickt executing this law, 2. disweapning the Comons. 3. Preuenting their night-meetings with a heauie penalty, that euery man at the day closing, should couer his fire, and depart to his rest. 4. Ere­cting diuers fortresses in fit parts of the king­dome. 5. And collating all offices, both of commaund, and iudicature, on such as were his; made his domination such as he would haue it.

And where before the Bishop and the [Page 131] Alderman were the absolute iudges to deter­mine all businesse in euery sheire, and the By­shop in many cases shared in the benifite of the mulcts with the King, now he confin'd the Clergie, within the Prouince of their owne Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction, to deale only in businesse concerning rule of soules, according to the Cannons, and lawes Epis­copall.

And whereas the causes of the kingdome were before determined in euery sheire, and by a law of King Edward Senior, all matters in question should, vpon especiall penaltie, without further deferment, be finally decided in their Gemote, or conuentions held monthly in euery hundred: now he ordeined that foure times in the yeare, for certaine dayes, the same businesses should be determined in such place as he would appoint, where he constituted iudges to attend for that purpose, and also others, from whom, as from the bosome of the Prince, all litigators should haue iustice; and from whom was no appeale. Others he appointed for the punishment of malefactors, called Iusticiarij Pacis.

What alteration was then made in the tenure of mens possessions, or since intro­duced, wee may find by taking note of their former vsances. Our Auncestors had onely two kinde of tenures, Boke-land, and Folkland, [Page 132] the one was a possession by writing, the other without. That by writing was as free-hold, and by charter, hereditarie, with all immuni­ties, and for the free and nobler sort. That without writing, was to hold at the will of the Lord, bound to rents and seruices, and was for the rurall people. The inheritances dis­cended not alone, but after the German man­ner, equally deuided amongst all the children, which they called Landskiftan, to say Part­land, a custome yet continued in some places of Kent, by the name of Gauel kin, of gif eal kin: And hecreupon some write how the people of that Countrie, retayned their auncient lawes and liberties by especiall graunt from the Conqueror: who after his battaile at Hastings, comming to Douer, to make all sure on that side, was incompassed by the whole people of that Prouince, carrying boughes of trees in their handes, and marching round about him like a mouing wood. With which strange and suddaine shew being much mo­ued, the Arch-Bishop Stigand, and the Abot Egelsin, (who had raised this commotion by shewing the people in what danger they were, vtterly to lose their liberties, and indure the perpetuall misery of seruitude vnder the do­mination of strangers) present themselues, and declared how they were the vniuersall people of that Countrie, gathered together [Page 133] in that manner, with boughes in their handes, either as Oliue branches of intercession, for peace and libertie, or to intangle him in his passage, with resolution rather to leaue their liues, then that which was deerer, their free­dome. Whereupon they say the Conqueror granted them the continuation of their former Customes and Liberties: whereof notwith­standing they now retayne no other then such as are common with the rest of the kingdome.

For such as were Tenants at the will of their Geruasius, Tilburiensis. Lords (which now growne to a greater num­ber, and more miserable then before) vpon their petition, and compassion of their oppres­sion he relieued: their case was this: All such as were discouered to haue had a hand in any rebellion, and were pardoned, onely to enioy the benefit of life, hauing all their liuclihood taken from them, became vassals vnto those Lords to whom the possessions were giuen, of all such lands forfeited by attaindors. And if by their diligent seruice, they could attaine a­ny portion of ground, they held it but onely so long as it pleased their Lords, without ha­uing any estate for themselues, or their chil­dren, and were oftentimes violently cast out vpon any small displeasure, contrary to all right: whereupon it was ordained that whatsoeuer they had obtained of their Lords by their obsequious seruice, or agreed [Page 134] for, by any lawfull pact, they should hold by an inuiolable law during their owne liues.

The next great worke after the ordering his lawes, was the raising and disposing of his re­uenues, taking a course to make, and know the vtmost of his estate, by a generall suruey of the kingdome, whereof he had a president by the Dome booke of Winchester, taken before by king Alfride. But as one day informes ano­ther, so these actions of profit grew more ex­act in their after practise: and a larger Com­mission is graunted, a choice of skilfuller men imployed, to take the particulars both of his owne possessions, and euery mans else in the kingdome, the nature and the quality of their lands, their estates, and abilities; besides the descriptions, bounds, and diuisions of Sheires and Hundreds, and this was drawne into one booke, and brought into his treasurie, then newly called the Exchequer (according to the soueraigne court of that name of Normandy) before termed here the Talee, and it was called the Dome booke ( Liber iudiciarius) for all oc­casions concerning these particulars.

All the Forests and Chases of the kingdom, he seized into his proper possession, and ex­empted them from being vnder any other law then his owne pleasure, to serue as Penetralia Regum, the withdrawing chambers of kings, to recreate them after theirserious labours in he [Page 135] State, where none other might presume to haue to do, and where all punishments and pardons of delinquents were to be disposed by himselfe, absolutely, and all former cu­stomes abrogated. And to make his com­maund the more, he increased the number of them in all parts of the Land, and on the South coast dispeopled the country for aboue thirty miles space, making of old inhabited possessions, a new Forest, inflicting most se­uere The new Fo­rest in Ham­shire. punishments for hunting his Deere, and thereby much aduances his reuenues. An act of the greatest concussion, and tyranny, he committed in his raigne, and which purcha­sed him much hatred: And the same course held almost euery king neere the Conquest, till this heauie grieuance was allayed by the Charter of Forests, granted by Henry 3.

Besides these, he imposed no new taxations on the State, and vsed those he found very moderately, as Dangelt, an imposition of two shillings vpon euery hide or plough-land, (raised first by king Ethelred, to bribe the Danes, after to warre vpon them) he would not haue it made an Annuall payment, but onely taken vpon vrgent occasion, and it was seldome ga­thered in his time, or his successors (saith Ger­uasius) yet we find in our Annals, a taxe of 6. shil. vpon euery hide-land, leauied present­ly after the generall surucy of the kingdome.

[Page 136] Escuage (whether it were an imposition for­merly laide, though now newly named, I do not find) was a summe of money, taken of eue­ry Knights fee: In after times, especially rai­sed for the seruice of Scotland; And this also, saith Geruasius, was seldome leauied but on great occasion, for stipends, and donatiues to souldiers; yet was it at first a due, reserued out of such lands as were giuen by the Prince for seruice of warre; according to the custome of other nations. As in the Romans time we find lands were giuen in reward of seruice to the men of warre, for terme of their liues, as they are at this day in Turkey: After they became Patrimoniall, & hereditarie to their children. Seuerus the Emperor was the first who permit­ted the children of men of warre, to inioy their Fiefs, prouided that they followed Armes. Con­stantine to reward his principall Captaines, grāted them a perpetuity in the lands assigned them. The estates which were but for life, were made perpetuall in France, vnder the last kings of the race of Charlemaine. Those Lords who had the great Fiefs of the king, sub-deuided them to other persons, of whom they were to haue seruice.

Mulctuary profits, besides, such as might arise by the breach of his Forest-lawes, he had, few or none new, vnlesse that of Murther, which arose vpon this occasion. In the begin­ning [Page 137] of his raigne, the rankor of the English towards the new-come Normans, was such, as finding them single in woods, or remote pla­ces, they secretly murthered them; and the deed doers, for any the seuerest courses taken, could neuer be discouered: whereupon it was ordained, that the Hundred, wherein a Norman was found slaine, and the Murtherer not ta­ken, should be condemned to pay to the king, some 36 pounds, some 28 pounds, according to the quantity of the Hundred, that the pu­nishment, being generally inflicted, might per­ticularly deterre them, and hasten the discoue­ry of the malefactor, by whom so many must otherwise be interessed.

For his prouisionary reuenues, he conti­nued the former custome held by his prede­cessors, which was in this manner. The kings Tenants, who held their lands of the Crowne, paid no money at all, but onely Victuals, Wheate, Beifes, Muttons, Hay, Oates, &c. and a iust note of the quality and quantity of euery mans ratement was taken throughout all the Sheires of the kingdome, and leauied euer certaine, for the maintenance of the kings house; Other ordinarie in-come of ready mo­neys was there none, but what was raised by mulcts, and out of Cities and Castles where Agriculture was not vsed.

What the Church yeelded him, was by ex­tent [Page 138] of a power that neuer reached so farre be­fore, and the first hand he layd vpon that side, which weighed heauily, was his seizing vpon the Plate, Iewels, and Treasure within all the Monasteries of England, pretending the rebels, and their assistants, conueyed their riches into these religious houses (as into places priuiled­ged, and free from seizure) to defraud him thereof.

Besides this, he made all Bishoprickes, and Abbeys that held Barronies (before that time free from all secular seruices) contributary to his warres, and his other occasions. And this may be the cause why they, who then onely held the Pen (the Scepter that rules ouer the memory of kings) haue laide such an eternall imposition vpon his name, of rigour, oppres­sion, and euen barbarous immanity, as they haue done. When the nature and necessary disposition of his affaires (being as he was) may aduocate, and in many things much ex­cuse his courses. But this name of Conquest, which euer imports violence and misery, is of so harsh a sound, and so odious in nature, as a people subdued cannot giue a Conquerour his due, how euer worthy, and especially to a stranger, whom onely time must naturalize and incorporate by degrees into their liking and opinion: And yet therein this king was greatly aduantaged, by reason of his twenty [Page 139] yeares gouernment, which had much impai­red the memory of former customes in the yonger sort, and well inured the elder to the present vsances and forme of State, whereby the rule was made more easie to his sonnes: who though they were farre inferior to him in worth, were somwhat better beloued then he; and the rather for that their occasions made them somewhat to vnwrest the Soueraignty from that height whereunto he had stray­ned it.

How he was vnderset with able ministers His Councel­lors. for the managing of these great affaires of his, though time hath shut vs out from the know­ledge of some of them (it being in the fortune of kings, to haue their ministers like riuers in the Ocean, buried in their glory) yet no doubt, being of a strong constitution of iudgement, he could not but be strongly furnished in that kind, for weake kings haue weake sides, and the most renowned Princes are euer best sto­red with able ministers. The principall of highest imployment, were Odon, Bishop of Bayeux, and Earle of Kent: Lanfranke, Arch­bishop of Canterbury, and William Fitz Auber, Earle of Hereford: Odon supplied the place of Viceroy in the kings absence, and had the ma­nagement of the Treasury. A man of a wide and agile spirit, let out into as spacious a con­ceit of greatnesse, as the heighth of his place [Page 140] could shew him: And is rumord by the infi­nite accumulation of money (which his aua­rice, and length of office had made) either to buy the Popedome, or purchase the people of England, vpon the death of the his brother: who vnderstanding a purpose he had of go­ing to Rome, and seeing a mightie confluence of followers, gathering vnto him, made a close prison stay his iourney: excusing it to the Church, that he imprisoned not a Bishop of Bayeux, but an Earle of Kent, and Officer and accomptant vnto him. Yet vpon his death-bed (shortly following) after many ob­secrations, that he would, in respect of bloud and nature, be a kind meane for the future peace of his sonnes, he released him. But the Bishop failed his request therein, and became the onely kindle-fire to set them all into more furious combustion. The motiue of his dis­content (the engine where-withall Ambition euermore turnes about her intentions) was the enuy he bare to Lanfranc, whose councell, in his greatest affaires, the king especially vsed: and to oppose and ouer-beare him, tooke hee all the contrary courses, and part with Robert, his nephew, whom (after many fortunes) he attended to the holy warre, and died in the siege of Antioche.

Lanfranc was a man of as vniuersall good­nesse as learning, borne in Lumbardie, and [Page 141] came happely a stranger, in these strange time to doe good to England; vpon whose ob­seruance, though the King might (in re­gard hee raised him) lay some tye, yet his affections could not but take part with his piety and place: in so much as hee feared not to oppose against Odon, the Kings brother, seeking to gripe from the State of his Church: And in all he could, stood so betweene the kingdome and the Kings rigor, as stayed many precipitious violencies, that he (whose power lay as wide as his wil) might else haue fallen in­to. For the Conqueror, howsoeuer austere to others, was to him allwayes milde and yeil­ding, as if subdued with his grauity and vertue.

He reformed the irregularitie and rudenesse of the Clergie, introducing a more Southerne formalitie and respect, according to his bree­ding, and the custome of his Country: con­curring herein likewise to be an actor of al­teration (though in the best kinde) with this change of State. And to giue entertaynement todeuotion, he did all hee could to furnish his Church with the most exquisite orna­ments might be procured: added a more State and conueniency to the structure of re­ligious houses, and beganne the founding of Hospitals. Hauing long struggled, with inde­fatigable labour, to hold things in an euen course, during the whole raigne of this busie [Page 142] new state-building King. And after his death, seing his successor in the Crowne (establi­shed especially by his meanes) to faile his expectation, out of the experience of worldly causes, deuining of future mischeifes by pre­sent courses, grew much to lament with his frendes the teadiousnesse of life, which shortly after hee mildly left, which such a sicknesse, as neither hindred his speech nor memory: a thing hee would often desire of God.

William Fitz Auber, (as is deliuered) was a principall councellor and instrument in this action for England; wherein he furnished 40. ships at his owne charge. A man of great meanes, yet of a hart greater, and a hand lar­ger then any meanes would well suffice. His profuse liberalities to men of armes, gaue often sharpe offence to the King, who could not indure any such improuident expences. Amongst the lawes hee made (which shewes the power these Earles then had in their Pro­uinces) hee ordayned that in the Countie of Hereford, no man of armes (or soldier) should be fined for any offence whatsoeuer, aboue 7. shillings when in other Counties, vpon the least occasion of disobeying their Lords will, they were forced to pay. 20. or 25. shil. But his estate seeming to beare no proportion with his minde, and enough it was not to be an eminent Earle, an especiall Councellor, [Page 143] in all the affaires of England and Normandie, a cheife fauoritie to so great a Monarch; but that larger hopes drew him away; designing to marrie Richeld, Countesse dowager of Flan­ders, and to haue the gouernment of that Countrie, during the non age of Arnulph her sonne; of whom, with the King of France, he had the tutelarie charge, committed by Bal­douin the sixth, Father to Arnulph; whose estate, Robert Le Frison, his vncle, called by the peo­ple to the gouernment, vpon the exactions inflicted on them by Richeld, had vsurped. And against him Fitz Auber opposing, was with Arnulph, surprized and slayne.

And this was in the fate of the Conqueror, to see most of all these great men, who had beene the especiall actors in all his fortunes, spent and extinct before him; As Beaumont, Monsort, Harcourte, Hugh de Gourney, Vicount Neele, Hugh de Mortimer, Conte de Vennes &c. And now himselfe, after his being brought sicke to Rouan, and there disposing his estate, ended also his act, in the. 74. yeare of his age, and the. 21. of his raigne.

Three daies the Corpes of this great Mo­narch is said to haue layne neglected, while his seruants attended to imbessill his mouables: in the end, his yongest sonne Henrie, had it conueyed to the Abbey of Cane; where first at the entry into the Towne, they who carried [Page 144] the Corpes, left it alone, and ranne all to quench the fire: Afterward brought to be in­tombed, a Gentleman stands foorth, and in sterne manner, forbids the interment in that place, claiming the ground to be his inheri­tance, descended from his auncestors, taken from him at the building of that Abbey, and appeales to Row, their first founder, for Iustice: whereupon they were faine to compound with him for an Annuall rent. Such adoe had the body of him after death (who had made so much in his life) to be brought to the earth; and of all he attaind, had not now a roome to containe him, without being purchased at the hand of another, men esteeming a liuing Dog more then a dead Lyon.

He had a faire issue by Maude his wife, foure sonnes, and fiue daughters. To Robert his eldest, he lest the Duchy of Normandy: to William the third sonne, the kingdome of Eng­land: to Henry the yongest, his treasure, with an annuall pension to be paid him by his bro­thers. Richard who was his second sonne, and his darling, a Prince of great hope, died in his youth, of a surfeit taken in the new Forest, and began the fatalnesse that followed in that place, by the death of William the second, there slaine with an arrow, and of Richard, the sonne of Robert Duke of Normandie, who brake his necke.

[Page 145]His eldst daughter Cicilie, became a Nunne, Constance maried to the Earle of Britaine: Adula to Stephen Earle of Blois, who likewise rendred her selfe a Nunne in her age; such was then their deuotion, and so much were these solitary retires, affected by the greatest Ladies of those times: the other two died before ma­riage.

Now what he was in the circle of himselfe in his owne continent, we find him of an euen stature, comely personage, of good presence, riding, sitting, or standing, till his corpulency increasing with age, made him somewhat vn­wildy, of so strong a constitution, as he was neuer sickly till a few moneths before his death. His strength such, as few men could draw his bow, and being about 50 of his age, when he subdued this kingdome, it seemes by his continuall actions, he felt not the weight of yeares vpon him, till his last yeare.

What was the composition of his minde, we see it the fairest drawne in his actions, and how his abilities of Nature, were answerable to his vndertakings of Fortune, as pre-ordain'd for the great worke he effected. And though he might haue some aduantage of the time, wherein we often see men preuaile more by the imbecility of others, then their owne worth; yet let that season of the world be well examined, and a iust measure taken of his [Page 146] actiue vertues, they will appeare of an excee­ding proportion: Nor wanted he those in­counters and concurrencies of sufficient able Princes, to put him to the triall thereof: Ha­uing one side the French to grapple with­all; on the other the Dane, farre mightier in people, and shipping then himselfe, strongly sided in this kingdome, as eager to recouer their former footing here, as euer, and as well or better prepared.

For his deuotion and mercy, the brightest starres in the Spheare of Maiestie, they ap­peare aboue all his other vertues, and the due obseruation of the first, the Clergie (that lo­ued him not) confesse: the other was seene, in the often pardoning, and receiuing into grace, those who had forfeited their loyalties, and dangerously rebelled against him; as if he held submission satisfactorie, for the greatest of­fence, and sought not to defeit men, but their enterprises: For we find but one Noble man executed in all his raigne, and that was the Earle Waltheof, who had twise falsified his faith before: And those he held prisoners in Normandie, as the Earles Morchar and Siward, with Wolfnoth, the brother of Harald, & others (vpon compassion of their indurance) he re­leased a little before his death.

Besides, he was as farre from suspition, as cowardize, and of that confidence (an especiall [Page 147] note of his magnanimity) as he gaue Edgar his competitor in the Crowne, the liberty of his Court: And (vpon his suite) sent him well furnisht to the holy warre, where he nobly be­haued himselfe, and attained to great estima­tion, with the Emperours of Greece and Al­maine, which might haue bin held dangerous, in respect of his alliances that way, being as some write, graund-child to the Emperour Henry 3. But these may be as well vertues of the Time, as of Men, & so the age must haue part of this commendation.

Magnificent he was in his Festiuals, which with great solemnity and ceremony (the for­mall entertainers of reuerence and respect) he duly obserued. Keeping his Christmas at Glocester, his Easter at Winchester, and Penti­cost at Westminster: whither he sommoned his whole Nobility; that Embassadors and Stran­gers might see his State, and largenesse. Nor euer was he more mild and indulgent, then at such times. And these ceremonies his next Successor obserued; but the second omitted.