APHORISMES CIVILL AN …

APHORISMES CIVILL AND MILITARIE: Amplified with Authorities, and exemplified with Historie, out of the first Quarterne of Fr. Guicciardine.

LIP. DE GVICCIARD.

Prudens pexitus (que) Scriptor, & qui tales Lectores suos facit.

BASIL. REX, DE HIST.

Per historias veteres ire ne recusa. Ibi enim reperies sine labore, quae alij cum la­bore collegerunt, at que illinc hauries, & bonorum virtutes, & improborum vitia: vit [...] humanae varias mutationes, & rerum in ea conuersiones: mundi huius in­stabilitatem, & imperiorum instabiles casus: Et vt verbo complectar, ma­lorum facinorum poenas, & bonorum praemia: quorum illa fugies, ne in diuinae iustitiae manus incidas; haec amplectêris, vt praemijs quae ea comit antur potiaris.

LONDON, Imprinted for EDWARD BLOVNT. 1613.

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TO THE HIGH AND MIGHTIE, CHARLES PRINCE OF GREAT BRITANNIE, &c.

My gracious Lo. and M r.
SIR,

ALL eyes are vpon you. Those your sweete graces of nature, and ingenuous dispositions to good­nes, makes men looke vpon your worthy Brother in your princely selfe; holding you the true inhe­ritor of his vertues as of his fortunes, and making full account that he had no oddes of you but in yeares. If you wil not haue them fall short in their reckoning, this Imprimis of your hopefull begin­nings, must be continued with many Items of vertuous proceedings, and closed vp with a Sum­ma-totalis of all princely worthinesse: So shall you like a great and high Steward (as you are) perfect the account you are to make, to your King and to your countrey. Hereunto Example and Pre­cept [Page] will enable you. Examples you may haue in your owne family, and (which few Princes haue had) in your owne time. Your matchlesse Bro­ther for these seuen yeares to come, may take you by the hand, and leade you in the faire apprenti­sage of all honour and vertue: and then your roy­all Father may for many and many yeares (wee hope and pray) be a liuing and liuely Mirrour vnto you of Pietie, Wisedome, Iustice, Clemen­cie, and all other regall endowments fit for the high calling to which you are borne. As for Pre­cepts, you may haue them from those that haue worthily that place of seruice about you, besides others you shall meete with in approoued Au­thors, whereof I humbly tender you this Epi­tome. It was your Brothers, and sues among other his seruants for entertainment: hoping vnder the Impression of his worthy memorie, and Stampe of your gracious fauour to passe currant.

Your Highnesse humblest seruant DALLINGTON.

To the Reader.

I Neuer yet durst hazard my short Scantling of knowledge, to be tried by the iust Standart of your Iudgement, nor put those few graines of mine vpon the indifferent Scales of your Censure, as being conscious to my selfe how much they are wanting, both in weight and measure. Please you but remember how I long since disclaimed the publication of the View of France and Suruay of Tuscany, (though I could not disauow the things themselues) it will make you a faire way to the truth of this my ingenuous protestation. But now I must confesse, the desire I haue to make him liue still in your memories, (in whose great hopes while he breathed all gentle spirits liued,) hath dulled my sence a­gainst those tender impressions, and violently driuen me, either vpon the rocke of your iust reproofe, or into the armes of your good fauour; I know not yet whether. Be mine the hazard, so his be the honour: by whose gracious influence euery little starre in that goodly Sphaere of his subal­terne gouernement, mooued in their proper Orbe to do him seruice: and among these my selfe, the vnablest of many in that Academy (for so was his family) had this especiall employment, for his proper vse; which he pleased fauour ably to entertaine, and often to reade ouer. Whose all-pro­mising vertues and all-deserued praises while you shall sing, I will sigh the losse of all in sorowfull silence, and offer you these his papers in his memory. The Argument is generall, wherein the publicke Minister may meete with his experience, the Souldier with his practise, the Scholler with his reading: and euery of these in his owne Element pa­rallel both the Aphorisme, Example, and Authorities. The Method is not vulgar, for though bookes of Ciuill discourse be full of axiomes, Philoso­phers of proofes, and Historians of instances; yet shall ye hardly meete them all combined in one couplement. Out of their legions of Authorities I haue drawne out these Maniples, because our Masters in the art of [Page] warre doe teach vs, that these are more readie for vse, vpon all sodaine occasion of seruice. I haue enter-laced them with variety of Language, to procure his better appetite for whom they were written, I was the more plentifull in Authorities, because, to reade many and great volumes few yong men haue the will, no Prince hath the leisure. It is true many of them may serue to seuerall Aphorismes, so doth the workmans Last for seuerall mens wearing, and yet neither the shooe is cut, or foote pinched: Nor are they so loose but that with Lipsius Soder you may cyment them together, and make them con-center in the maine proposition. To the Aphorismes I haue giuen some farce of illustration, which falles not necessarily in the nature of the conclusion; but this I did of purpose, to giue them better re­lish in the dainty palate of a Prince, and to draw him on with the variety of his viands. Some of them likewise compared together may seeme one and the same, yet is not their co-incidence so close, but that the more dili­gent reader may obserue a difference, either in the Roote or in the Bran­ches, as also in the Authorities and Examples. In the Examples I haue bound my selfe to the truth of the history, but vsed my liberty for the phrase and manner of relation: because my Authors periods are ouer­long, to sute with that perspicuity which I intended. What else is to be obserued, your iudgment may discerne, whereunto I subscribe: and your fauour accept, whereupon I rely.

R. DALLINGTON.

APHORISMES, CIVIL AND MILITARIE, AMPLI­FIED WITH AVTHORITIES, AND exemplified with Historie, out of the first Quarterne of Fra. Guicciardine.

APHORISME I.

IN 1 naturall bodies, the longer they subsist in perfect health, the more dangerous is the disease when it cometh, and the longer in curing; as ha­uing none of those humours spent, which by di­stemper giue foment and force to the approa­ching maladie. 2 So it is in bodies politicke: when warre once seizeth vpon a countrey, rich in the plenties of a long peace, and full with the surfets of a continuall ease; it neuer leaues purging those superfluities, till all be wasted and consumed.

About the yeare 1490. Italy the most glorious and goodliest [Page 2] countrie of Europe, stood in fairer tearmes of happinesse and pro­speritie, then euer it had done since the first declination of the Romane Empire: she had enioyed the sweete fruites of a long peace: she was not subiect to any command, but of naturall I­talians: full of people and riches: many great Princes and States: many noble and faire Cities: besides, the Sea and Ma­iestie of Religion: many personages of worthie eminencie, in both the professions of Arts and Armes: and in great reputation with all other Nations. All which faire flowers of peace were so­dainely blasted: most of the gouernments changed: the people wasted: the wealth exhausted: the cities demolished: Arts and Armes decayed: Reputation lost: and all by the heart-burning and iealowsie of her owne Princes, which set that noble coun­trie in combustion; and being once on fire, ministred so much fuell of her selfe, as in fortie yeares space it could not be quen­ched.

APHORISME II.

AS 1 in man (the worlds Epitome) one mem­ber hath neede of another, nor can the more noble parts execute their office and facultie without the assistance of the most base: So in that greater world, Prouidence hath seuerally dispensed her graces and blessings to seuerall countries, that standing in need each of others helpe, there might be a sociable negotiation, and friendly consociation betweene them. 2 Hence is it that Leagues are made betweene States, for the mutuall supplement and support one of another. But the Colleagues haue commonly their particular ends, be­sides the generall good pretended.

[Page 3] Ferdinand King of Naples, with Lodowick Zforza Protector of his nephew Iohn Galeazzo yong Duke of Millan, and Laurence Medici, chiefe magistrate and citizen of Florence, renew the league formerly made betweene these three States, to continue yet longer inuiolable for fiue and twentie yeares. Their maine end was this, To be able thus combined, to oppose against the Venetian greatnesse, which seuerally and distracted, they were not able to do. They had also their particular ends, whereat they aimed: Medici, that he might still stand great in his cities command, and she happie in her peace. Ferdinand, that he might quietly and peaceably enioy that his kingdom, to which he knew the house of France made claime, and to whom many of his Neapolitan Nobilitie stood ouermuch affected: And Zforza, to maintaine and hold still that power and authoritie he held in Millan through vsurpation, by assuming the right, and abusing the youth and weaknesse of his nephew, the lawfull Prince and true heire of that Duchie.

APHORISME III.

WHen 1 the Ballast or lading is well stowed in the shippe, shee maketh good way, and saileth faire­ly: but being vneuenly bestowed, it hindereth her course, and sometimes sinketh her. 2 As also, where is an equall temperature of the humours, there is perfect health, and a good constitution of the bo­die: but where these are distempered, and the maligne are predomi­nant, there the former good habite is turned to some desperate dis­ease. 3 So is it in a State, where the vicious and ambitious succeed in the place and authoritie, but not in the vertues and worth of their noble predecessors.

Laurence Medici being dead, who tempered the ambitious hu­mour of Lodowick Zforza, qualified the iealousies of Ferdinand, pacified the indignations of Alphonso Prince of Calabria, and kept the States of Italy counterpoised in equall ballance: and Pope Innocent the 8. being also now gone, who after a long dis­position to troubles, had yet at last, some yeares before his death, giuen them ouer, and labored nothing more then peace: Peter Medici succeeds in his fathers place, but not in his vertues: [Page 5] a man insolently imperious in his cariages, and desperately pre­cipitate in his deliberations. And Roderigo Borgia a Spaniard enters the Papacie, vnder the name of Alexander the 6. a man though singular in policie and maturitie of iudgement, excel­lent in counsell, admirable in perswasion, vnmatchable in at­tempting, vndergoing, and effecting great matters; yet of a most leud and abhominable life, of no faith, no religion, insatiably couetous, immoderately ambitious, barbarously cruell, and fu­riously enflamed with a burning desire to raise his children to temporall preferments, by warre, bloud, or what meanes soeuer. Vpon these two (a rash young man, and couetous old wretch) together with Zforza the third incendiarie of his countrie, lies iustly all the imputation of putting all Italy into such miserable garboile.

APHORISME IIII.

AS 1 in matter of publicke negotiation, a Prince ought to giue nothing in charge to his Embassador, but what may stand with his owne honor, and good of his State: 2 So in the maner of handling, he must prescribe him no vnusuall or vnheard of forme, and for which he hath no former precedent, seeme the motion propounded neuer so plausible.

[Page 6] It was requisite that Lodowick Zforza, according to the an­cient custome, should send his Embassadour to Rome, as well as other Princes, to congratulate the new Popes assumption to that Sea, to kisse his feet, and offer his obedience. But he would needs propound to those his confederates of Florence and Na­ples, that all their Embassadours should enter Rome together; should together present themselues in the Consistorie; and that one for all should make the Oration. A forme neuer formerly vsed, yet very plausible in appearance: for by this meanes, great reputation (as he supposed) would grow to them all: all Italy would take notice, that there was not onely a league and amitie betweene them, but such a combination of hearts and affecti­ons, as if they were all but one Prince and one State. To this Peter Medici opposeth, holding it a blemish to that glorie and magnificence, wherewith himselfe meant in person to enter Rome: the rather being hereunto perswaded by Gentile Bishop of A­rezzo, who (as ambitious to haue the deliuery of the Oration from the Florentine State) was grieued to be forestalled of the meanes to shew his eloquence in so honorable a Legation. Here­upon Zforza growes iealous that Medici was secretly combined with the Arragonese, and a close enemie to him. Medici discouers some distrust in Zforza, and cooleth in his affiance of him. VVhich in the end bred to such a festered vlcer of malice and rancor betweene them, as the core could neuer be rooted out of their hearts, till their hearts were out of their bodies, and bo­dies out of their States.

APHORISME V.

IT 1 was a prudent aduice of the late French King, to his brother Henry the 3. who would needs with those small forces they had, sally out of Tours vpon the great armie of Charles Duke of Mayen: Sire (quoth he) n'hazardons pas vn double Henry contre vn Carolus. i. Let vs not venture adou­ble duckat to a single penie. For such gamesters fall to play with ouer­much confidence, and fall by play into very much losse. 2 It is therefore an ill grounded deliberation in a Prince, to engage himselfe in an action, the successe whereof can be but sleight and of small moment, whereas the miscarriage may beget dangerous effects to him and his State.

Ferdinand King of Naples, encouraged Virginio Orsini to pur­chase certaine castles, and other seigneuries in the territorie of Rome, of Franceschetto Cibò the Popes base sonne; and lent him money to go through with the bargaine: perswading himselfe that the stronger Orsini was, the better it were for him, being his dependant and kinsman; and the more preiudiciall to the Church, of whose strength and power he was iealous, be­cause of her nearenesse to Naples, and pretence of title she made to that State. Hereat the Popestormeth, because those castles [Page 8] and lordships held in fee of the Church. Lodowicke Zforza and Ascanius sharpen him on. They complaine to the other Princes of Italy, of the iniustice of the fact and wrong offered to the Sea of Rome. They leuie forces for redresse, and breake the shell of those troubles, which were before but in the hatching against Ferdinand and his kingdome.

APHORISME VI.

AS 1 there is no condition of life, be it neuer so happie, but it hath his crosse; to shew vs that perfect feli­citie is to be expected elsewhere. So is there no Prince liuing, be he neuer so wise, but he some­times erreth; for it is of necessitie that he prooue himselfe to be but man.

Ferdinand one of the wisest Princes of his time, had procu­red the Popes indignation, by furthering vnderhand the pur­chase which Orsini had made. He had increased Zforza his feares, by hauing secret intelligence with Peter Medici. He much doub­ted lest these two Princes should ioyne in league with the State of Venice against him. All this in his wisedome he saw, and might easily haue preuented, had he but yeelded his sonnes base daugh­ter with a competent dowrie to one of the Popes sons: a match greatly by him desired. Wherein he suffered his wisdome to be ouerswayed with the swinge of Alphonso his pride and disdain, [Page 9] who scorned to condescend to a match of such disparitie in bloud and honour, and of such disparagement to the house of Arragon.

APHORISME VII.

WEll 1 gouerned States admit of no alliance but vpon well grounded reasons. No grounds of reason so firme to build such contracts vpon, as those that are con­firmed by former examples. No examples so forcible as those of our owne, and of these, the later the su­rer. 2 Yet are we not so peremptorily bound to these, but that we may loosen our selues, and take a new course, when the new deliberation brings with it an apparent and demonstratiue assurance of the publicke good and safetie.

A resolution is taken by Alexander the 6. and Lodowicke Zfor­za, to breake with Ferdinand of Naples, and Peter Medici, and to enter a new league with the Venetians, against them both. The ouuerture and offer hereof is made to this State. She liketh well of their disunion, but makes scruple to enter the league. Her reason: she suspects double dealing in the Pope, who grew dai­ly lesse trusted of all men: but especially the remembrance of those leagues which she had formerly made with Sixtus and In­nocentius, [Page 10] withhold her. For from the one she had receiued much trouble and litle good. And Sixtus (when her warres were at the hotest with the Duke of Ferrara, to which himselfe had incited her) not onely combined with other Princes of Italy against her, but prosecuted her also with spirituall armes. Yet vpon mature de­liberation, that by this offer entertained and accepted, that bond should be broken, which was knit at first by her enemies, to im­peach her greatnesse: she treates vpon the conditions, and enters the league.

APHORISME VIII.

IEalousie 1 in State, like that in loue, hath a double passion, of feare and hate. 2 This causeth the pati­ent to thinke all remedies too weake for the danger; and to apply more violent Physicke then either the qualitie of the disease, or complexion of the disea­sed can sustaine. 3 Then which nothing is more per­nicious either in bodies or States.

[Page 11] Lodowicke Zforza had broke all bonds of friendship with his ancient allies of Naples and Florence. He had knit a new knot with the Church and Venice: these new friends he knew had di­uers ends to his; and therefore durst not trust them, doubting lest when their owne turnes were serued, the foundation of this late alliance would be sore shaken, if not vtterly fall. Hereupon he resolues and effects the calling in of the French nation: pul­ling in more with one finger, then he could after thrust out with both his shoulders; to the generall disturbance of the peace of Italy, and to his owne proper ruine, and vtter destruction.

APHORISME IX.

THe 1 Panther carries with him a sweet sent, but an vgly face; that enticeth beasts after him, this af­frighteth them: therefore he hides his head, till he haue the prey within danger. 2 So is the sauour of so­ueraigntie very sweet, but the vgly face of those meanes by which it is gotten, men see not, and so runne into the toile, and perish in the pursuite. 3 For being once embar­qued in so bad a cause, the farther they wade, the deeper they are drow­ned in the whirlpoole of their owne errours: the more they weaue in the loome of such deceitfull plots, the faster they are ensnared in the trap deuised for others.

[Page 12] Zforza had abused the weaknesse of his nephew Iohn Galeaz­zo, (true Duke of Millan) and the power of his owne Protector­ship: to the dishonor of his master, and vexation of his countrie. VVhat he had gotten by proximitie of bloud, he intended to hold by dexteritie of wit and policie. The guilt of this fact, made him suspect all: but none more then the King of Naples, into whose house his nephew was matched. To this effect he insinu­ates with Peter Medici, puts him in mind how capitall enemies they of Aragon had bene to the Florentine State: who notwith­standing was so farre from inclining to his part, as he stucke so much the faster to the other. He then labours the Pope to warre vpon him, as successor to those Princes, who euer since Frederick Barbarossa his time, had stood ill affected to the Sea of Rome. But the Pope entertained his hopes no longer, then till he had made vse of his friendship, and after leaues Lodowick in the lash. This string being broken, he combines with Venice, who had also her proper end; and besides, by her power and neighbourhood was ablest and readiest to offend him, as afterwards appeared. And lastly, for a conclusion of his vtmost craft and policie, which in­deed [Page 13] proued the originall of all his future trouble and finall ca­lamitie, he vnaduisedly cals in the French King, vnder pretext of the iust title he had to the kingdome of Naples, from Charles Earle of Prouence: who after with his sword pleaded also his right to the Dukedome of Millan, and wanneit, as lawfully descended from the Dukes of Orleans.

APHORISME X.

THe 1 Aspicke pursueth him that hath hurt or killed his mate, and knowes him among a multitude: him he still hunteth, and layeth for his life, and brea­keth through all difficulties and dangers to come at him. 2 So doth the malicious and reuengefull. For all vnbridled passions in man, and vpon which reason beares not a hard hand, are impetuous; but that of ambition is impetuously furious, and (when ioyned with reuengefull disdaine) fu­riously outragious. 3 Iniustice is the minister of disdaine, and reuenge is the executioner of iniustice.

Pope Alexander the 6. to exalt his sonnes the Duke of Candy [Page 14] and Caesar Borgia to temporall States: and to be reuenged vpon Ferdinand King of Naples, and Alphonso his son, for their scorne­full reiecting his offer of a match betweene a sonne of his and their daughter, ioynes now with Zforza in the embassage to France, for the inciting and aiding that King to warre vpon Na­ples: to the shedding of much Christian bloud, and spoile of the goodliest countrie in Christendome. An act in it selfe bloudie and odious, but much more in him, who by his profession and place, was the pretended Head of the Church, and Father of peace.

APHORISME XI.

THree things are necessary to euery worke: the workman, the tooles, and the matter. So euery matter that fals into deliberation, and is to be con­cluded in Councell, must haue Iustice, for the mouer and efficient: Facility, for the meanes and in­strumental: and Profit, for the obiect and finall cau­ses. Therefore in determinable cases of this nature, the Counsellor must insist vpon these three points, and proue them. 24

Charles of Barbiano, Earle of Belgioioso, Embassadour from A­lexander the 6. and Zforza, to Charles the 8. to moue him to warre vpon Ferdinand King of Naples; proues the iustice of the action: [Page 15] for that this kingdome iuridically belonged to him by lineall descent from Charles Earle of Prouence and René Duke of An­iou, both of the bloud of France: in which houses it had succes­fully and successiuely continued almost two hundred yeares. The facilitie of the enterprise, because he was assured of the Churches aide, and of that of Millan: Genoa was at his deuotion: Venice would not expose her selfe to a certaine expence and no gaine, nor would she lightly breake her ancient amitie with France: Florence durst not: the Barons of Naples were generally discontented with the present gouernment, and many of them were still of the Aniouine faction. The profit, because he should enlarge his Empire, enable himselfe by the strength and site of this kingdome (not being aboue seuentie miles from Greece) to warre vpon the Turke, the common enemie of Christendome, and by all likelyhood beate him out of his Imperiall seate of Constantinople, and driue him ouer the Hellespont, quite out of Europe.

APHORISME XII.

SO 1 goodly a thing is vertue in it selfe, as euen her shadow, if it be in Princes, doth much good: to par­ticular men, by imitation; and to the publicke, by participation. Wherefore, though simulation of what is good, and dissimulation of what is euill, be vices in a priuate man, yet in a publicke person they are necessary euils. In whom, to be ouuert in expressing his nature, or free in venting his purpose, is a thing of dangerous consequence. 2 For it harmes himselfe, and armes his enemie with preuention.

[Page 16] Ferdinand was a Prince, in whom the semblance of vertue, friendship, and other good things were very familiar, as also the dissemblance of hate or displeasure which he bare towards any of his neighbour Princes. This made him more wary of giuing offence, or seeming offended, till he had fit time of taking re­uenge. But his sonne Alphonso, a man in the strength of his age, and therefore of a hotter bloud and more fiery spirit, seeing his kinsman Galeazzo so much abused by the shamefull vsurpation of his vnkle Zforza, he could not temper his passions, but euen now when great plots were in laying against his father and coun­trey, he breakes out with more freedome then prudence, into contumelious speeches and bitter menaces against Lodowick; which forced him the sooner, and with more violence to run into a warre that brought confusion to them both, and destru­ction to their States.

APHORISME XIII.

IN 1 consultations a Prince must yeeld least to his owne passions. Graue Counsellors, whose wisedome and experience haue formerly approued their ser­uice, must haue greatest credit in cases of greatest weight. 2 Such as aduise, either to soothe the Princes humor, or for their owne particular aduantage, may well be heard, but ought not to be followed. 3 Where it is otherwise, [Page 17] the effects are dangerous.

Charles the 8. a Prince of a haughtie spirit, raised to attempts of highest nature, in the prime of his youth, at two and twentie yeares of age, transported with an ambitious desire of glorie, and grounded more vpon force of will, then maturitie of iudge­ment; is aduised by Stephen de Vers, Seneshall of Belcari, and the Kings minion: by William Brissonnet, (after Bishop of S Malò, and Superintendent of the Finances): by Antonello da San Seuerino Prince of Salerno: and Barnardino of the same house (both exiles from the kingdome of Naples) to entertaine the sollicitation of Lodowick Zforza, for the warres with Ferdinand. De Vers hoped for great estates in Naples: Brissonnet expected great preferment from the Church: and the banished exiles promised themselues restauration of their honours, and restitution of their liuings. Thus all of them for their particular aduantage and proper end, fed the Kings humour, violently caried that way. But the more ancient, wise, and true hearted Nobilitie, and among these the [Page 18] Admirall Grauilla disswaded the action; alledging it to be an en­terprise of great difficultie and danger: because he must leade his armie into a farre countrey, and against a powerfull nation. That Ferdinand was a Prince of great wisedome, & Alphonso his sonne a commander of great courage, and eminent reputation; and that by confiscation of so many Barons lands, in thirtie yeares space, it was to be presumed he was growne very rich. On the other side, that the King was too weake in those his greene yeares, to sustaine in person the weight of so great a bur­then. And that those in chiefegrace about him, were insufficient, either in counsell or experience, to manage so great an action. That he was vnfurnished of money. That the Italians, and chiefly Zforza, were cautelous and deceitfull, calling him in but to serue their owne turnes. That none of them could endure a King of France, to be peaceably possest of Naples. That it were necessa­rie, before he engaged himselfe in this expedition, to compound all differences with his neighbour Princes. That there wanted no occasions of iealousie and discord betweene him and the King of Spaine. That he had but cold correspondencie with Ma­ximilian king of the Romanes, and Philip Archduke of Austria, by reason of many emulations, competitions and differences de­pending vndecided and vnsatisfied betweene them. Besides the iust feare he ought to haue of the English nation, if his backe were once turned, and his countrey laid open vnto them. All these weightie considerations notwithstanding, and whatsoeuer was or might be said to the contrary, he wilfully reiects all, fol­lowes the aduice of his fauourites Brissonnet and DeVers, per­sists in his first resolution, condescends to the motion of warre, and dispatcheth with all speed the Embassadour Belgioioso, with the articles of agreement, and other necessarie instructions, for the warre.

APHORISME XIIII.

PRinces 1 in actions of greatest consequent, should be instructed by the rule of State, or directed by the prudent course of their Predecessors: 2 Else they giue warrant to euerie meane vnderstan­ding, to iudge of the action, and fore-iudge of the euent.

Francis Zforza, father of Lodowick, a Prince of singular valour and prudence, though a professed enemy to the house of Arragon, and a strict ally to them of Aniou: yet when Iohn Duke of Aniou made his claime to the kingdome of Naples, and with all the forces that himselfe and friends could make, assailed it: he was so farre from ioyning with the French, as he gaue aide and assi­stance to Ferdinand: so as from him alone the King acknowled­ged to haue obtained the victorie, and saued his Crowne. This did old Zforza, not out of any loue he bare the Arragonese, but, that the French might haue no footing so neare him in Italy. Vpon which reason Philip-Maria Visconti (before him) fell from them of Aniou, and set free Alphonso, his prisoner and capitall ene­mie, whom he had that time in Millan castle. On the other side, Lewes the 11. (father to this Charles the 6.) vtterly refused the of­fer of Genoa, and meanes to warre vpon Naples: holding the ha­zard and vncertaintie of the purchase, vnworthy the great ex­pence, [Page 20] and certaintie of the losse. Yet these two sons (Lodowick of Millan and Charles of France) quite contrary to their fathers principles, the one out of a despiteous desire of reuenge, the o­ther out of an impetuous ambition of dominion, embraced the motion, and engaged themselues in the action.

APHORISME XV.

HIde 1 not from thy Lawyer or Physition, the state of thy cause, or body: nor discouer to thy subiect or enemy, thy wants or thy feares: for it giues en­couragement to the one, and quite dismayeth the other. Imitate rather the well-aduised sea-man, when thou steerest at the sterne of a great State, be­set and set vpon by many and great forces: who seeing the clouds ga­ther, the winds rise, and the waues swell, besides diuers Pirates hauing him in chase; as if both heauen and earth had conspired his confusion: he raiseth the deiected thoughts of his souldiers and mariners, with ma­ny words of assurance, in the thightnesse of his ship, the goodnesse of her tackle, the swiftnesse of her sailing, and many other aduantages he hath vpon the enemy (though in his owne heart he truly apprehend the danger as it is). 2 Whereby he makes his resistance the stronger, or pro­cures his peace, vpon better termes.

[Page 21] Ferdinand of Naples saw the States of the Church, Venice and Millan, confederate against him: and the force of all France, like a mightie storme coming vpon him. He giues out to the world, how little he feared all their machinations and threats. If they meant to assaile him by sea, they should find him prouided of a royall Armada, able to encounter them: his Ports well fortified, and all in his owne hands. No Baron in his kingdome to giue them footing, (as the Prince of Rossana had formerly done to the Duke of Aniou.) If by land, his feare was then lesse: for they were to leade their troupes a march of a thousand miles, through di­uers States, not without great iealousie of those Princes who would not faile to impeach their passage: And at their coming they should find his kingdome full of men at armes, and other horses of seruice: store of munition, artillerie, and all other warlicke habillements: full coffers in his Exchequer, to main­taine those forces, and to raise new vpon occasion: many worthy Commanders; and his sonne Alphonso in chiefe, a Prince reputed through Europe, of eminent fame, and experience in martiall af­faires. Besides, he had the king of Spaine, his kinsman by bloud, and brother by marriage, of whose aide he was sure in all his ex­tremities. These were his Brauadoes, giuen out in publicke. But as he was a Prince of singular wisedome and great practise in the world, he had other considerations tormented him in his in­most thoughts; hauing there a deepe impression of all the trou­bles he had formerly endured by the French nation: he deeply weighed how he was to wage warre with a couragious and war­like people, farre too strong for him in horse, foote, shipping, munition and money; and daring to expose themselues to all dangers for the honour and greatnesse of their king. Himselfe on the other side, had assurance of none: his subiects some of [Page 22] them bearing an inueterate hate to him and his house: others too much enclined to those men he had banished: and all the rest, a people lesse true to their Prince, and more desirous of change then any other nation vnder heauen. As for his allie of Spaine, he had often found by experience, that his offers are large, and report of his preparations great, but the effects, either none or small; and those very late, and out of time. And lastly, for his owne mo­ney, he had not such store as to serue his turne for the present; and when that was spent which he had in readie cash, the warres would bereaue him of all meanes to leuie more. Thus he rightly iudged of things, though he gaue out otherwise. VVhereby he encouraged his people, and raised forces both by sea and land, to encounter the enemie: who else, for feare of the French re­putation and great preparation, would haue bene hardly drawne to the seruice.

APHORISME XVI.

SVch 1 are the changes and chances of mans life, as are the casts at Dice: good and bad. A good chance may be marred with ouersight, and an ill one helped by good play. 2 So must a prudent and well-aduised Prince, take heed that he gouerne his good fortune well: and if the necessities of the times, threaten warre and ruine vpon him, let him seeke to auoide them by all the meanes he possibly may.

[Page 23] Ferdinands lot was cast: and a furious torrent of troubles fal­ling vpon him. To stop the violent current hereof, he must either pacifie the French king by some faire offers, or picke some prin­cipall Stone out of that foundation of the late league, which was first plotted and entred by those confederate States, onely for his proper damage and ruine. To this effect he sends Camillo Pandone to the French Court: he fees the chiefe fauourites a­bout the king, with gifts, pensions, and other faire promises, to further his suite. And rather then not preuaile, he offers to hold his kingdome of Charles the 8. and his successors, with recognition of homage, and yearely tribute. He interposeth in the difference be­tweene the Pope and the Orsini: and brings it by arbitration to a finall and peaceable end. He offers the Ladie Sances (his sons daughter) to match with Don Giuffré the Popes sonne; and giues them the assurance & inuestiture of the Principalitie of Squillaci, with an annuall reuenue of ten thousand Duckats, and a com­mand of one hundred men at armes in pay. He treates likewise with Lodowick Zforza (first broacher and mouer of all the mis­chiefe) and offers to referre himselfe to his will and pleasure, in all matters concerning his nephew Iohn Galeazzo and the State of Millan. Thus he failed not, in this desperate estate of his af­faires, to vse all possible meanes of reconciliation with the Pope and Zforza, and of pacification and accord with the French king. But all would not serue.

APHORISME XVII.

THe 1 defect of a vertue, is commonly much worse then the excesse: because this, though it ouer­passe the golden line of Mediocritie, yet it hath much in it, that still relisheth of the vertue. Where­as that other extreme of the defect, neuer comes neare it. 2 Hence is it, that the passion of Feare is of such force, as by it, the timorous are carried to more precipitate reso­lutions, through despaire, then the temerarious, through inconsiderati­on. 3 So violently are they tossed in the sea of dangers, that haue lost their anchor of Hope.

The faire offers which Ferdinand king of Naples had made to Zforza, were in faire way of preuailing with him, had not the fierie and furious passion of Alphonso the kings son, marred all. For he, because he knew well the timorous and suspicious na­ture of Lodowick, thought to dash all his attempts, and daunt him from proceeding farther, with high words of threats and [Page 25] menaces. VVherein the yong Prince erred much. For by this meanes, he tooke from Zforza all hope of vnfained reconcilia­tion, which made him obstinately persist in his first resolution, and desperately proceed to call in the French, and further the action: though he now began to feare the danger, as well as o­ther Princes of Italy. Not caring, so he might certainly vndoe his enemy, though he put his owne fortunes and countrey into manifest hazard.

APHORISME XVIII.

ALL 1 creatures are naturally skilfull and cunning to know not onely their owne good, but what may hurt and annoy their enemie. And therefore the Dragon biteth the Elephants eare, and thence sucketh his bloud: because he knoweth that to be the onely place, which he cannot reach with his Tronke, to defend. 2 So the party iniured (if he finde no other way) reuengeth himselfe vpon the iniurer, by infusing ill counsell into his eares. A Prince therefore, must either not wrong his neighbour, or not take his aduice whom he hath wronged.

[Page 26] Hercules d'Esté, Duke of Ferrara, and father in law to Zforza, vnderstood very well, that it was he onely which had ouer-ruled the other States, newly entred into league with Venice, to con­descend to this award: That the Venetians should quietly enioy Poli­sene: which they had taken from the Duchie of Ferrara, some ten yeares before. Yet Lodowick made faire semblance to haue stood his great friend in the matter: and the Duke tooke no notice, of that which he knew wel enough. Zforza now desires to be aduised by him, as by a kinsman and good allie, in this great affaire he had against Ferdinand. Hercules giues him the most pestilent counsell he can, and especially aboue all the rest, he ad­uiseth him to call in the French.

APHORISME XIX.

NAture, 1 out of the rich treasure of her store-house, hath furnished many armies of her creatures with armours of defence: but to all in generall she hath giuen a care of their preseruation, and some small meanes to auoide (if not resist) a danger. To man, liable to more dangers, she hath bene more plentifull of her meanes to escape them. 2 And therefore when he feares a mis­chiefe, from those whom he hath iustly incensed against him, he faines all artifice of amends, and semblance of friendship, to auoide that iust reuenge, which they might worthily inflict, and he necessarily expect. 3 A course, though not of sinceritie, yet of safetie: though not to be taught for a rule, yet to be excused for necessitie.

[Page 27] Lodowick Zforza seeing the Princes of Italy incensed against him, and iealous of the French his comming downe to Naples, which they laid to his charge, and that euen they of the confe­deracion feared it as much as the rest; vndertaketh to Ferdi­nand, the Pope, and Peter Medici, that he will coole the heate of Charles the 8. and diuert his forces from Italy. He protesteth, that himselfe also resenteth that intended warre, both for the generall good of them all, as also for his owne proper interest, being no lesse preiudiciall and fearfull to him, then to any other Prince of that countrey. He alledgeth, that what he had hither­to done, was of necessitie: forced thereunto by the ancient con­federation betweene his house, and that of France: and holding all he possessed in Genoa, in fee of that Crowne. This did Zfor­za, to entertaine them with vaine hopes, and amuse them with delayes, least they should all set vpon him, before the French forces were on foote, and readie for his succours.

APHORISME XX.

THe 1 Hart-wolfe, be he neuer so hungry and ready to eate, yet if he see another prey, he forsakes his meate and fol­lowes after it. Such a wolfe in the heart is ambitious coue­tousnesse: it makes no vse of what it hath gotten, but gree­dily [Page 28] hunteth after more: and like Aesops dog, loseth the morsell in his mouth, by snapping at the shadow in the water. 2 He therefore maketh his bargaine ill, that buyes a future hope with a present losse; and parts from a certaine possession, to make an vncertaine purchase.

Charles the 8. to be assured that the king of Spaine should not aide his cosen Ferdinand, nor seeke occasion of troubles in his absence, restores, without one penie paying, the strong towne of Perpignan, and the whole countie of Rossiglion, morgaged to his father Lewes the 11. for a great summe of money. A thing ill taken by all the three Estates in France. Because, it being sea­ted at the foote of the Pyrenaean mountaines, impeached on that side, the Spaniards comming into their countrey. He restores likewise to the Emperour Maximilian, all the townes he held in Artois, reseruing onely the Cittadels in his owne hands, till Phi­lip the heire of Burgundie, came of age to confirme this coue­nant, Of not molesting his State of France, while he was busied in the warres of Italy: And then, vpon performance thereof, to make re­signation of those Cittadels also.

APHORISME XXI.

NOthing 1 can quench the combustible slime of the pond in Samosaris, nor the burning flame of the high hill Chimaera, but onely earth. 2 So nothing can satisfie the muddie thoughts of the couetous, or the inflamed heart of the malicious, but onely the graue. For when his imagination perswades him, that he hath made sure his first purchase; the vnsatisfied disease of this Drop­fie, driues him beyond all limits of iustice or reason, to thirst after more; and to thinke it good purchase. 3 Whereas there are no perquisites of lasting and sure tenure, but onely those of Vertue and Iustice.

[Page 30] Lodowick Zforza perswaded himselfe, that by the comming of the French, and weakning of the Neapolitan, he need now no longer feare to be put out of his Protectorship and Vicegerencie of Millan. He therefore erects his thoughts to a higher pitch. He giues in mariage his niece Bianca-Maria (Iohn Galeazzo his sister) to the new elect Emperour Maximilian, with couenant of foure hundred thousand Duckats in mony, and forty thousand in Iew­els, and other furniture: conditionally, that the Emperour should conferre vpon him, and his heires, the Inuestiture of the Duchie of Millan: to the odious and shamefull disinheriting of his ne­phew, the lawfull and present Prince: vnder pretence that this State was iuridically deuolued to the Empire, for default of heires males, euer since the death of Philip-Maria Visconti. By which he did insinuate, that his father, brother, and nephew, suc­ceeding one another in that gouernment, were all vsurpers.

APHORISME XXII.

THe 1 poisonfull Aconite, so much desired of the Pan­ther, is purposely hung vp by hunters, in vessels a­boue their reach: whereof they are so greedie, as they neuer leaue leaping and straining thereat, till they burst and kill themselues, and so are taken. 2 So do men that aime at Honor, too high for their reach, and too great for their merit. For a heart ouergrowne with this ranke Aconite, neither admits the beames of Grace to mollifie the hardnesse, nor [Page 31] the bounds of nature to restraine the swelling: but is vnnaturally car­ried to wrong those of his owne bloud that are liuing; and to blemish the honorable fame of his Predecessors departed. 3 Such tyrants may beare themselues vp for a time, but in the end they find, that though diuine Iustice hath leaden feet, she hath iron hands: though slow in comming, yet she striketh home.

After the death of Philip-Maria Visconti, he leauing no other children, Frances Zforza maried his base daughter, and so came to be possessed of the Duchie of Millan. This State he left to Ga­leazzo, his eldest son: and he to Iohn Galeazzo the grander child. Now Lodowick Zforza to make his claime seeme iust, and pur­chase lawfull, doth no longer couertly insinuate the vnlawfull v­surpation of his father, brother, and nephew, but impudently and most vnnaturally publisheth to the world, and protesteth it, [Page 32] in iustification of his owne ambitious aspiring. He also preten­deth and pleadeth his right, by the case of Cyrus against Artaxer­xes, because forsooth he was borne to his father after he was Duke. And in the end he gaines his processe, and weares the diademe; more by corrupting the Emperour with money, then by any iust title of his owne. VVhich though he held for some yeares, yet he neuer enioyed one dayes quiet: but what with the impressions of his owne guilt, and the pressures of his many and great ene­mies, he was daily embroiled in the troubles of warre, and in the end died miserably a prisoner in France.

APHORISME XXIII.

IN 1 schooles of Art, Doubt begetteth knowledge: for he that doubteth much, asketh often, and lear­neth much. 2 In the schoole of Policie, she is the mo­ther of good successe: for, he that feareth the worst, preuenteth it soonest. 3 It is true, that man is na­turally apter to interprete things to his owne wished end, then to the good of his enemie: and rather to doubt lesse then he should, then more: 4 Though this later, be the surerway.

[Page 33] Ferdinand is mistaken in the proceedings and actions of Lo­dowick, by construing them to such purpose as himselfe wished. His hopes are increased by the Parentade, which he saw lately concluded betweene him and the Emperour. For he perswades himselfe, that now of necessity Millan must quit her alliance and confederation with France, by reason of the enmitie betwixt the Empire and that Crowne. He assures himselfe, that to minister such great summes of money as were to be disbursed in dower with Ladie Bianca, to the Kings Riuall and professed enemie, would breed much diffidence and dislike betweene him and Lo­dowick. He supposeth that Zforzaes feare must now needs be as much, and his danger as great, by the coming in of the French, as any others: And doubteth not but that the Venetians (who were now held the greatest power of Italy) would neuer brooke the coming in of a greater then themselues. In all which vaine hopes, the craftie Duke cunningly fed him, till it was too late to be better aduised.

APHORISME XXIIII.

THough 1 the generall good of the Colleagues, make the frame of all Confederations: 2 yet particular in­terest, is the foundation whereupon they are built: and as this continueth sound or weake, in any one of the complices, so standeth or falleth that great buil­ding. For one State combines with another, in one and the same action, and concurres to one and the same generall end, no longer then it is for it owne proper good. 3 The Practise runnes often thus: the Rule stands otherwise.

[Page 34] Had the strict confederation which Ferdinand made with Medici, or his new affinitie and parentade with the Pope conti­nued firme, without vacillation on either part: he had made those two States (of Rome and Florence) as two maine Vaw-mures and bulwarks, against the French forces: and laid a strong foun­dation for his imminent warre. But the Florentines staggered, vpon their first summons to a peace and league with France, (though they declared not so soone) for feare of losing their commerce and trafficke with that Realme. And Alexander the 6. who thought it best fishing in troubled waters, picked new quar­rels with Ferdinand: either to force the distressed King to satisfie his ambitious greedinesse, with greater matters then he yet had: or by his mediation and labour, to reduce the Cardinall S. Peter in Vincola, to his obedience, who detained from the Sea of Rome, the strong Rockes of Ostia, Ronsiglione, and Grotta-ferrata, and kept them by strong hand against him: (a matter which was not in the power of the poore king to effect.) And thus in short [Page 35] time was this strong League dissolued.

APHORISME XXV.

THe 1 lawes Diuine and Humane, haue left men no such bond of assurance, to tie one to another, as that of an oath: which should be taken in sinceri­tie, and kept inuiolably. 2 But seeing the depraua­tion of our nature hath peruerted these lawes, and abused this lawfull Act, by Equiuocations and mentall reseruations, making it like a Gipsies knot, fast or loose, at their pleasure: 3 The law of State prescribes vs this remedie, to trust no man of noted falshood, and duplicitie, but vpon good caution. For, he that hath once passed the bounds of honestie, and made no religion of Oath, or Couenant, for his proper aduantage, neuer after makes scru­ple in his cauteriate conscience, to offend in like sort vpon like occasion.

Pope Alexander, a man beyond example for falshood, had now contrary to his protestations and league with Ferdinand, enclined to a contract of friendship with France. He had promi­sed [Page 36] a Cardinals hat to S. Malò; at the kings instance. He with Zforza, had entertained in pay Prospero Colonna, and diuers troupes of men at armes, for the kings seruice against Naples. Yet presently againe, contrary to his assurances giuen to the French, he confederates himselfe with Alphonso the new king, and son of Ferdinand, in a league defensiue for both their States. He grants him the inuestiture of the kingdome of Naples, with a diminution of the tribute. He sends a Legate à Latere to crown him: he creates Lodowick, son of Henry, his base brother, Cardi­nall of Arragon. The price is this. Alphonso must giue the Pope in readie money thirtie thousand Duckats: he must giue his el­dest son, the Duke of Candia, estates in Naples, to the valew of twelue thousand Duckats. He must haue also the reuersion of the first of the seuen principall offices that shall fall in that king­dome. He must giue him the command and entertainment for three hundred men at armes. To his second son Caesar Borgia, he must giue the annuall entrade of diuers Ecclesiastical liuings. And to Giuffrè the yongest son, (ouer and besides what he al­readie possessed in that kingdome) he must also giue the office of Protonotarie.

APHORISME XXVI.

IVstice 1 and iniustice, are the most generall of all o­ther morall or politicall habits. There is no vertue or vice, which they do not comprehend. 2 Therefore he which is vntrue in his word, and vniust in his actions, is apt to perpetrate all other nefarious vil­lanies, and to suborne others to do the like. Where his owne attestation may not be admitted by law, he will foist in false witnesses: and where Iustice and Equitie restraines him, his power and pleasure shall preuaile. For, what he may not do, he will list to do, be­cause he may do what he list.

[Page 37] Caesar Borgia was base sonne to Pope Alexander the 6. now be­cause it was against the Church Canons to admit any bastard to the dignitie of Cardinal, his father (who was seldom true in any of his promises, or iust in any of his dealings) deales falsly also in this. He subornes certaine knights of the post, to come into Court, and sweare, that Borgia was the legitimate sonne of an­other man.

APHORISME XXVII.

LOng 1 festered vlcers are beyond the possibilitie of cure, in a bodie where the humours are ranke and venemous. 2 So a turbulent spirit, exulcerate with the corrasiues of many wrongs, and impatient of de­lay in his reuenge, is so farre transported from rea­son, or accepting the supple oile of reconciliation, as he enters into resolutions of desperate consequence; and vents the poison of his malice, by the pipes of his treasonable practises, into euery veine of his natiue countrey. To the great hazard of her health, and publicke safetie.

[Page 38] Iulian della Rouere, by birth a Genouese, by title Cardinall of S. Peter in Vincola, betweene whom and Roderigo Borgia (now Pope) was an inueterate and implacable hatred, had a strong partie in his natiue citie of Genoa, and the fittest meanes to saue all Italie from trouble, by hindring the deseignes of the French in that towne: whereof he had giuen some hope to Alphonso. Me­diation is made by many of the Italian Princes, for a perfect re­conciliation of these two Prelates. Good caution is offered for the Cardinals safe-conduct to Rome, there to make a finall and full end of all differences and quarrels betweene the Pope and him. But so deeply rooted was the Cardinals rancor and hatred, as he refuseth all meanes of attonement. He posteth from Genoa where he was borne, to Auignon where he was Legate; thence to Lyons, where he met the French king: and became chiefe head of the Italian exiles, and principall instigator and procurer of all those troubles that shortly after followed in Italie.

APHORISME XXVIII.

IN 1 a warre begun betweene two mightie Princes, it is dangerous for a third, and neighbour to them both, not to be a partie, being called into the action: for he is in perill to be a prey to the victor. 2 But to him that is strong, and likelier to get then lose by the bargaine, which side soeuer preuailes, there is the lesse hazard. Therefore in such cases, the safest is to be neuter.

[Page 39] Embassadours come from Charles the 8. to Venice, to draw that State into amitie and league with him, by example of many for­mer confederations betweene them and the Crowne of France: they excuse themselues, by the feare they pretend of the Turkes forces, which at this time were great, and the meanes he had to molest them, their State confining vpon his, so many miles both by land and sea: in which regard they were forced to be at an insupportable charge, by maintenance of many garrisons in the Arci-pelago, and Port-townes vpon the Adriatique sea. But in­deed they hoped, by the long warre of the other Italian Princes, engaged either with or against the French, to enlarge their owne dominions: or at least (being so strong as they were) they had no cause to feare the Conqueror. And therefore they held it a counsell ill grounded, to embroile themselues in others trou­bles, or make another mans quarrell their owne, without euident necessitie.

APHORISME XXIX.

AS 1 in a generall defection or rebellion, some few, not all, are to be punished, for example: so a gene­rall repulse to a great Princes demand, by a popu­lar State, is not to haue a generall reuenge: It is better to punish the head for the motion, then the hands or the feet for the action. 2 Because by this meanes, the Prince may insinuate himselfe into the generall fauour of that multitude, and procure their dislike against his particular oppo­sites.

The Florentine State receiues Embassadors from the French King, to sollicite their alliance, and passage for his armie, through their countrey. The fauours and merits of his ancestors to that commonwealth are vrged: and particularly to Peter Me­dici, with commemoration of the honours done to his house by the Crowne of France. But Medici, rather measuring things by will, then by prudence, too much trusting in himselfe, and vainly perswaded, that all their great preparations would vanish [Page 41] to smoake and rumor, stiffly resolueth to continue in friendship with the house of Arragon. The rest of the Florentines are for­ced to yeeld to this one mans greatnesse. Vpon the first ouuer­ture in France of this deniall, the King causeth all the Bankers for the Medici, that were in Lyons, presently to depart his Realme. But suffereth the other Florentine Merchants to abide there stil, and enioy their former libertie and priuiledges. Hereupon Me­dici himselfe grew daily in greater dislike with the other citizens, and the King not long after found them willing to accept of his motion to a League with them, and concluded it.

APHORISME XXX.

THe 1 contemplatiue part of Musick, consisteth chiefly in a true disposition of Proportions: and the Actiue, is in a symphonie and right setting of the Instru­ments one to another, and the voice to both. In Oe­conomie, men must cut their coate to their cloth: and in moralitie, quid, quantum, quibus, quando, and quomodo, are necessary attributes to euery vertue. 2 So likewise in policie, a prudent Prince standing vpon the defensiue part, is to mea­sure and proportion his resistance according to the strength or weaknesse of the assailer; 3 and that in due time: 4 by frustrating (as much as in him lieth) the Mines made to blow him vp, by his owne countermines of Preuention, and Diuersion.

[Page 42] The French king was assured of Genoa, Millan, the Colonnesi, and the banished Neapolitans. Alphonso was combined with the Pope, Florentines, and the Orsini. The King sends two thousand Swisse to Genoa, vnder the conduct of the Bailiffe of Dijon; and three hundred Lances into Lombardy, vnder the command of Monsieur d' Aubigny; with fiue hundred more vnder San Seuerino, Count Gaiazzo, Galeotto-Pico Mirandula, and Rodolpho de Gonza­ga. On the other side, Alphonso sends an armie of one hundred Squadrons of men at armes, (twentie horse to a Squadron) be­sides three thousand light horse, and crosse-bowes on horseback, with many companies of foote, for the warres in Romagna, vn­der the charge of Ferdinand Duke of Calabria, (his eldest sonne) to be aduised and directed by Iohn-Iacob Triultio and the Count Petigliano, two famous Captaines. The French king prepares a great armie at sea, of gallies, shippes, and other vessels; with all maner of artillerie, munition, and other necessarie prouision. He makes readie another at Marseilles, and Villa-Franca. And Al­phonso with like care and military policie, conuents secretly with Cardinall Fregoso, and Obietto Fiesco (who had strong par­ties in Genoa) with a great fleete to put into that citie all the ba­nished Genoweses, of the faction Adorna: so to preuent the ene­mie of that Port, and diuert him some other way. To this effect he sent Don Frederick to their aide, with a squadron of thirtie fiue gallies, and eighteene ships, well appointed, and three thousand souldiers for land.

APHORISME XXXI.

NOthing 1 rideth on swifter wings then fame and op­portunitie: here is onely the difference, that flieth still forward, this backward. 2 She must therefore be taken by the fore-top, at the very instant of her coming. For occasion past is irrecouerable, and the losse by slacking it, irreparable. Fortune seemes after to crosse all a mans actions: and to be true hand-maide to no mistris, but occasion.

Had Don Frederick, when his nauie was readie, and forces shipped, made a maine for Genoa, as it was ordered and resolued, he had bene master of the towne before the Swisses arriuall, or the enemies shipping was readie. But staying vpon the coast of Siena for two thousand foote more, and being deluded by the deceitfull hopes which were sent him from Zforza, and fore­slacking this faire occasion, he afterwards found that Imprese impossible, which but one moneth sooner had bene most faisi­ble. As also the land armie, vnder Ferdinands leading, being [Page 44] now growne mightie and strong, by vniting the forces of Medici and Bentiuoglio, had bene faire for some notable successe in Lombardy (whither it was first desseigned) had it not made such slow haste from Naples, and suffered d' Auligni, San Seuerino, Ga­leotto Pico, and Gonsaga, with their forces to enter Romagna, be­fore their comming. And so were forced to make that (being their owne countrie) the seate of the warre.

APHORISME XXXII.

THe 1 first worke of physicke in a diseased bodie, is to repell the venemous humours from the heart: be­cause a disease once seated in this metropolis, is in­curable. And the first care of the members in man, is to ward a blow made at the head. Art and Na­ture, in preseruing and defending these two nobler parts, are to be imitated by a wise Prince, in guarding a place of chiefest importance. 2 He must send in succours, and draw out the discontented and dangerous mutiners: 3 and spare for no cost, to saue that peece, in the losse whereof consisteth the Maine of all his businesse.

Zforza, besides the Swisse sent to Genoa by the French, sends thither also Iaspar San Seuerino, sirnamed Fracassa, and Antonio-Maria, [Page 45] his brother, with two companies of foote. He winnes to his deuotion, with gifts, pensions, and other large promises, Iohn-Luigi Fiesco, and many of the Adorni, with diuers other gen­tlemen and commoners. And lastly, to leaue nothing vnsure or vnprouided for, (considering how much the assurance of this towne imported the warre of Naples) he calles to Millan from Genoa, and all the countrie thereabouts, all such as he suspected to be partisans with the banished Genoweses, or the faction of Arragon. And thus became assured of the place.

APHORISME XXXIII.

ALL 1 creatures suppose their owne brood the fairest: and all men thinke the aire of their owne country the swee­test. Hence is it, that mal-content exiles stirre vp forrein Princes to warre vpon it: not caring to what perill they expose others, so themselues may be Rimpatriate. 2 But no mans strength lies in anothers arme: nor is that power firme, which subsists not of it selfe. Princes therefore that farre engage themselues vpon such instigation, and relie vpon such promise, they do but leane on broken reeds, and build their hopes on sandie foundations.

[Page 46] The Neapolitan fleete altering the first desseigne which it had vpon the Port of Genoa, because they vnderstood it was too well assured, by the comming of the Swisse, and the prouident course which Zforza had taken, in drawing out of the citie such as he most suspected, they now resolue to attempt some place, either vpon the East or VVest coast. Herein they aduise with the exiles that were in the fleete among them. Obietto Fiesco perswades them to attack vpon the East: giues them assurance that he and his fellowes had many friends on that side. They fall vpon Por­to-Venere: giue many assaults: lose many of their men, and are repulsed. So, without hope to carrie the place, because they finde none of those seconds promised by Fiesco, they turne saile to Li­gorne, for fresh supplies of victuals and men.

APHORISME XXXIIII.

Sooner 1 may one preuent, then cure a deadly sick­nesse; and easilier keepe out, then thrust out an vn­welcome guest. 2 Such a dangerous disease, and bad guest, is warre to any countrey. Wise Princes there­fore keepe it as farre from home as they can: and neuer quench the fire in their neighbours house, to kindle it in their owne.

[Page 47] The State of Venice, sollicited by Alphonso, that for the com­mon good of Italie, she would declare her selfe against the French: or at least let Zforza know how ill at his hands she tooke these new motions of warre, to the generall disturbance of the quiet and peace of that countrie; returnes this answer: That it is the office of a wise Prince, not to quench the fire in his neigh­bours house, to kindle it in his owne. The like prudence shewed Lodowick in act, that this State deliuered in deliberation. For, such was his vigilancie and prouidence, to preuent that the e­nemie might not assaile him in Lombardie at his owne doores, as that he had sent the French and Millanese troupes (led by d'Aubigni and Count Gaiazzo) into the Popes State of Romagna, before the Arragonese forces, were halfe way on their iourney: and by this meanes were forced (contrary to their first deseigne) to make the Seate of the warres in Romagna, which were first in­tended for Lombardie.

APHORISME XXXV.

MEn 1 vsually palliate and couer their vices, vnder the cloake and name of some vertue: base couetous­nesse, they call good husbandrie; and prodigalitie, bountie. They blush not at the fact, though they be ashamed of the title. This shewes that the sence of shame is one of the strongest restraints to keepe men from sinne: and the last passion that leaues him. 2 He therefore [Page 48] that is once past this apprehension, lets loose the reines of his owne will, and abandons himselfe to all manner of mischiefe.

Other actions of Pope Alexander, shew him deuoide of all grace, but he now sheweth himselfe to be likewise past all shame. For, he blusheth not (being the pretended Head of the Church) to send George Bucciardo a creature of his owne, with Camillo Pan­done the messenger of Alphonso, to Baiaset the Great Turke, and professed enemie of Christian religion, for armes and aide a­gainst the French king. And rather then his turne should not be serued in time, by the Spanish fleete, which could not yet set forward for want of money; he consents and allowes that that money which was leuied in Spaine by the Authoritie Aposto­licke, for a Crociata against the Infidels, should most sacrilegi­ously be transferred from that holy vse, and employed in this warre of Christians one against another.

APHORISME XXXVI.

TRuth 1 and vertue are rather to be embraced and loued for their owne sakes, then for ours: for that they are good in themselues, not for the good we get by them. 2 Princes therfore, that make no difference betweene truth and falshood, vertue and vice, but by the vse: care not whom, or how they deceiue or [Page 49] wrong, so they make that vse. 3 The actions and counsels of such men, as they are tainted in the nature, so are they thwarted in the successe: for they alwaies proue dangerous to those that follow them, but especi­ally to the giuers themselues.

Lodowick Zforza had giuen in charge to his agent in Flo­rence, to encourage Peter Medici by all possible meanes, in his strict confederation with the king of Naples, against Charles of France. Some thinke he did it bonafide, because he would vse the French in Italie, but to his owne particular ends. Others suppose he did it out of his malice, to bereaue Medici of all hope of re­conciliation with the French. Peter acquaints Alphonso with the matter: who aduiseth him to make this double dealing of the Millanese, knowne to the King, and so to catch Lodowick in his owne snare. To this effect Medici conueyeth the French Embas­sadour behind the hangings of his bed-chamber: feines himselfe sicke: sends for the Agent: drawes him by discourse to make full relation of his Masters mind, touching this point. The Embassa­dour ouer-heares all; and writes home to his King, that he is be­trayed by Lodowick. But the French (not apt to beleeue what they would not were true, and hoping by this meanes to set those [Page 50] Princes further out) acquaints Lodowick with the matter, and the manner of the discouerie. He, more enraged hereupon with despite and reuenge, both against Alphonso and Medici, then euer before, instantly follicites the King, to lose no more time, but with his forces now in readinesse to set vpon Naples.

APHORISME XXXVII.

THe 1 discoursing power of the soule, is the most excel­lent of all her other parts: because the more it con­ceiueth, and the greater the subiect is, the more pure­ly it apprehendeth, and the more perfectly it com­prehendeth. Whereas her other faculties, are, by the difficultie of the obiect, or assiduitie of the intenti­on, dazled, dulled, and stupified. 2 Hence is it, that second considerati­ons and resolutions, are more wise and more safe then the former: be­cause they are grounded vpon reasons, not at first considered.

Charles the 8. had resolued vpon a voyage for Naples. He had prepared two nauies, one at Genoa, another at Marseilles. He had alreadie sent diuers troupes of horse and foote into Italy: the rest were vpon their march. He had setled his affaires at home [Page 51] during his absence. He had compounded his busines with Spaine and the Empire. He is on his way towards Italy, as farre as Dol­phenie. Here, he stickes vpon those points, which before he neuer called in question. He considers of the ordinarie and necessarie difficulties of euery great enterprise: of the dangers to ensue, in case his Italian confederates should not keepe touch with him and the impossibilitie to carrie so great a businesse with so small store of money, as he presently found himselfe furnished withall. This caused in him an approbation of their opinions, who first disswaded this warre: a vacillation in the first mouers, and a further pause in himselfe, with a resolution to set no farther forward, till he were better prouided of himselfe for the enter­prise, and better assured of his Italian confederates.

APHORISME XXXVIII.

ALL 1 plants and other creatures, haue their growth and increase to a period, and then their declination and decay: except onely the Crocodile, who euer groweth bigger and bigger, euen till death. 2 So haue all passions and perturbations in mans minde, their intentions and remissions, increase and decrease, ex­cept onely malicious reuenge. For this, the longer it lasteth, the stron­ger it waxeth, and worketh still, euen when the maligne humours of aua­rice and ambition are setled or spent. 3 Wherefore such fierie spirits as these, apter for innouation then administration, are alwaies most dan­gerous in a State.

[Page 52] Iulian della Rouere a fatall instrument of troubles to his coun­trie, and the chiefe worker of the broiles in Italie, both now while he is Cardinall, and after when he is Pope, blowes afresh the coales of warre, when they were raked vp in the cold embers of distrust and feare, and almost dead in the heart of the French king: whom he neuer leaues with his importunate instigations, till he had againe set his heart on fire, with the impetuous furie of following his first resolution, against the Pope and kingdome of Naples.

APHORISME XXXIX.

THe 1 nature of the Basiliske, is to kill all trees and shrubs it breathes vpon; and to scorch and burne all herbes and grasse it passeth ouer. 2 Such are the effects of warre. For, be the title neuer so cleare, and the cause iust, yet the meanes are not without fire and sword: nor the end without horrour and bloudshed. 3 Peace therefore is to be preferred; so it be not with the blemish of the Princes honour, or preiudice of the publicke good.

[Page 53] Charles the 8. was right heire to the house of Aniou, and here­by his claime direct to the kingdome of Naples. In this his iust quarrell he passed the Alpes, by the mountaine Gineura, with warre in his heart, and the meanes in his hands. After that, Lewes the 12. entred Italie, to conquer Millan, whereto he also layed claime, and wanne it. The effects of which expeditions were these: Subuersion of States: desolation of countries: demoli­tion of townes: occision of people. New lawes: new customes: new habits: new diseases: and all that the extremitie of warre, and the insolencie of a Victor could inflict.

APHORISME XL.

A Businesse well begun, is halfe ended. Wherefore it much imports to the happie, or desastrous issue of any affaire, what manner of entrance and beginning we make, espe­cially in that of warre. For, good successe in the first en­counter, greatly aduanceth the maine of our businesse; and takes away both courage and reputation, yea and resolution from the losing side. Herein therefore ought to consist the chiefe care of a Generall. 96

Don Frederick, after his returne from Porto-Venere to Ligorne, repaires his ships, refresheth his armie, re-enforceth his troupes, returnes: giues vpon Rappallo: carries the place: San Seuerino and Iohn Adorno, with part of the land-forces, and the Duke of Orle­ans, with a thousand Swisse, by sea (drawne all out of Genoa) make to the succours, to impeach the enemies further procee­ding. They assaile the Arragonese with excellent resolution. These receiue their first impression, with no lesse valour. Victorie stands long as neuter, vnresolued to which side to incline: vntill at length the artillery from the ships playing vpon the Neapolitans in flank, and sore galling them, and the alarme of Iohn Fiescos ap­proch with fresh supplies to the French, disorders their troupes, and puts them to rout. Iulian Orsini a commander of a troupe of Lances, Fregosino the sonne of Cardinall Fregoso, and Orlan­dino of the same house, with many moe men of marke, are taken prisoners: more slaine: some drowned: the rest recouer their shippes. Don Frederick himselfe, with his broken troupes, beares [Page 55] backe againe for Ligorne: where, though he had prouided him­selfe of new supplies, and new matter of attempt was propoun­ded to him, yet durst he neuer after vndertake any; but quite a­bandons the coast of Genoa, and giues the enemy iust cause to triumph ouer his losle, and insult ouer his feare.

APHORISME XLI.

HE 1 that entertaines an armie of Auxiliaries, takes a Wolfe by the eares: there is danger in holding him, and more in letting him go. And in a State where Legionaries are ordained, the Subiect will be liable to any tailly or imposition, rather then suffer such troupes to be quartered or billetted vpon them. 2 A wise Prince therefore, albeit he must vse their seruice, yet he will buy their absence though at a great rate, and vse all possible meanes to keepe them farre off.

In the moneth of September, the Dukes of Millan and Fer­rara, come to the French king at Asti, a frontier towne of the Duchie of Millan. They treat of their great affaires: and resolue of the manner of proceeding, and carrying the warre. The Mil­lanese fearing (if winter grew vpon them) that the French ar­mie would not dislodge, but lie vpon his country all the winter, [Page 56] till the next Spring, supplies the King presently with great summes of money (the onely cause of his staying) for his more speedie departing. And so got his countrie eased of so heauie a burthen.

APHORISME XLII.

WOrth 1 is valewed by the qualitie, not the greatnesse of a thing. For, as the goodnesse of a fortresse con­sisteth rather in this, that the parts be one to ano­ther conformable, and in distance answerable, then that they be vnproportionably great and capacious: 2 So the strength of an armie, stands more in the valour, and good order of the combattants, then in the number. Against which number, are these two principall aduantages, great Ordinance, and good Ordonnance.

The French had this oddes vpon the enemie, they brought great store of Canon with them: an instrument of warre scarce heard of in Italie, and therefore more feared. As for the men at armes, (which were all des Ordonnances du Roy) they were not [Page 57] of the populasse and vulgar sort, but of the noblesse or gen­trie. Their troupes full, and in good equipage of horse and armes: Men, out of their owne birth and education, carried to all noble attempts, through desire of honour, and hope of ad­uancement: Their Commanders great Lords, and but of hun­dreds at the most: All naturall subiects to their Chiefe, and him­selfe among them in person: and they vnder his pay immediat­ly, and therefore in no danger to quit their colours, either through ambition or auarice: nor in feare of concurrence or competition with other Captaines, to be aduanced to a greater conduct or charge. VVhereas on the other side, many of the I­talian men at armes, were either Pesants or Plebeians, or vassals to other Princes, wholly depending vpon their owne Captains, with whom they couenanted for their entertainment, and in whose power it was to casse, or keepe them: so as neither by na­ture, nor circumstance, they had any extraordinarie motiue to performe good seruice. Besides, the Captaines themselues, be­ing seldome his naturall subiects, who entertained them, had their proper ends, full of iealousies and heart-burnings one with another: and being mercenary, neuer had their companies strong; and often proued not onely vnconstant, but vnfaithfull to them they serued.

APHORISME XLIII.

AN 1 In-mate lodged in the middle stage of a buil­ding, is troubled with noise, and fall of vrine, or other filth, from them that dwell aboue him: or with smoake, from them in the neather roome. In such streights is the Neuter, and so he fareth betweene two Princes vp in armes. 2 This third therefore, a confiner, and weaker then either; as he must of necessitie adhere to the one: so ought he deferre to declare himselfe, till the times be fit.

[Page 58] The Colonnesi, whose Seignories and States lay neare the king of Naples, (and therefore in danger, vnlesse they entred into a partie) had secretly contracted with the French king. Alphonso sollicites them to his side, by all possible meanes. They delay him, with asking vnreasonable demands. He grants all they can desire. They temporize yet longer, still bearing him in hand, of their willingnesse to quit the French seruice, and follow his fortunes, till d'Aubigni with all his troupes was come downe into Lombardie. Now they declare themselues. They surprise the strong rocke of Ostia, through intelligence they had with some Spaniards in the place. They valiantly defend Nettuno a Port of their owne, besieged by the ioynt forces of the Pope and Al­phonso. They are presently relieued, and the siege raised by Ca­millo Vitelli, and his brother, whom the French sent to that ser­uice. VVhereas if they had broke out any sooner, those forces of the enemie must needs haue ouerthrowne them, before these succours could haue come at them.

APHORISME XLIIII.

THere 1 is no warrant to runne an extreme hazard, saue onely extreme necessitie. 2 And therefore a wise Generall neuer puts his fortunes vpō one daies trial, nor ventures all his rest, vpon one doubtfull chance of battell: where he foresees by all military inductiō, that he may obtaine his purpose without blowes.

The two armies, French and Neapolitan, are come downe into Romagna: yong Ferdinand marcheth towards Imola, where the enemy was encamped. D'Aubigni retires betweene the wood of Lugo and Columbara, neare the trenches of Geniuolo, a very strong place. The Neapolitan Prince finding the disaduantage, dislodgeth from Imola to Toscanella. D'Aubigni vpon the others rising, remoues againe towards Imola: sets downe vpon the ri­uer Santerno, betweene Lugo and S. Agatha: hauing the at his backe, a scite stronger then the former. The enemie comes vpon the same riuer, neare Mordano and Bubano; and in ranged order of battell, presents himselfe to fight. D'Aubigni would not out of his strength: the other durst not force him, but retires to Barbiano. By this time a great supply of souldiers are come to [Page 60] the French. They are now as strong as the enemie, yet still they refuse to trie their fortunes: and so do now the Neapolitans al­so. They both perswade themselues to haue obtained the end of their coming thither: for Ferdinand had impeached the French armie from taking any townes in Romagna; and stopped his far­ther proceeding for that yeare. And d'Aubigni came for no o­ther end, but to hinder the Neapolitan armie from inuading Lombardie.

APHORISME XLV.

AS 1 poison is of such force, that it corrupteth both bloud and spirit, besieging, seizing, and infecting the heart with the venemous contagion thereof, quite altering the complexion and disposition of the man that hath drunke it: 2 So the pestiferous desire of Soueraigntie, though it seize on a minde of milde and mansuete disposition, yet it is of such forcible operation, as it not onely altereth mans nature, but maketh man unnaturall.

[Page 61] Lodowick Zforza a man naturally inclining to mildnesse, and abhorring bloudshed, was by Ambition so farre carried beyond his nature, as he spared not the life of his owne nephew and Liege Lord, who was taken away by poison, as Theodore di Pauia a Physition of good esteeme, protested: and by his vnnaturall Vnkle, as the world verily beleeued. The chiefe Counsellors of that State, were suborned by him (vnder pretence forsooth of the dangerous times) to transferre the Soueraigntie of that State vpon him. He, for fashions sake seemed vnwilling to vn­dertake so great a charge, and made semblance of disabilitie to vndergo so weightie a burthen. But this pretence was with­out all colour, to them which truly considered his former cour­ses, and vnderstood how he had trafficked with the Emperour long before to that purpose.

APHORISME XLVI.

WHo 1 puts to sea for a long iourney, and at a great charge, must resolue to hold on his course, against all winds and weather, or accidents, that may offer to stoppe him. So a Prince farre engaged in a great action, must wrastle with all difficulties, rather then quit the enterprise. Better it were to foresee the dangers at first, and preuent them, or desist from the motion. But be­ing once embarqued, on he must, whether he winne or lose, with a Caesa­rian confidence at the Rubicon, and a Spartan resolution, to go on with the sword, or fall on the sword. For in this, he puts his fortunes vpon triall: but in the other, is manifest shame and losse.

[Page 62] The French king is come to Placentia: he wanteth money: he discouers no reuolt, or innouation in his fauour: he hath cer­taine intelligence, that Zforza (for all his protestations) will come no more at him. His whole Court hath in suspition the faith, and in horrour the fact of this Duke, committed vpon his nephew. They thinke the King greatly abused, and his ho­nour scandalized, whose coming into those parts, countenan­ced and secured so abhominable a parricide. They all perswade his present returne into France. The King stands a while like the Romane at the riuer, in dispute what to do. But at last resolues to go on howsoeuer he speed.

APHORISME XLVII.

MEn 1 in disgrace with the State, and dislike of the present times, seeke their reuenge from the common enemie. Who likes well of their motion, accepts their offer of seruice and meanes, and embraceth the a­ction: 2 Not for their good that moue it, but because he findes it stand with his owne aduantage.

[Page 63] Laurence and Iulian Medici, confined to their houses in the country, steale ouer the Appennine, to the French king. They sol­licite him to march with his armie through the Florentine State, in his way to Naples. They assure him of the peoples deuotion, and their owne particular affection and seruice to the Crowne of France. The King might haue taken the way of Romagna: so by the Marquisate of Ancona, and ouer the riuer Tronto: thence into Abbruzzo, a Prouince of the kingdome. For the forces that Alphonso had that way, were scarce able to make head against his Van-guard led by d'Aubigny. Yet vpon this motion he resolues vpon the way by Toseana, and the territories of Rome: holding it more for his honour, with banner displayed to march through the heart of his enemies countries, then to giue them occasion to vaunt, that feare had driuen him another way. Besides, he held it a chiefe principle of warre, not to carrie his armie so farre, and to leaue at his backe those places vnassured.

APHORISME XLVIII.

THe Orator placeth his strongest arguments in the first entrance of his Plea, to perswade and confirme the auditorie. So should a Generall bend all his best forces vpon the first piece he attempteth, to ani­mate and encouraege his souldiers, and to giue re­putation to the action he intendeth. For first, acti­ons make deepest impressions, either of feare or courage. He is there­fore so much to tender his reputation at the first onset, as to leaue no­thing behind him vnbroken, but that which bendeth. 110

[Page 64] The French armie is come into Toscany, by the neather way of Pontremoli, which standeth at the foote of the mountaines vpon Magra, (a riuer that diuides this country from Liguria) it is to passe by Serezzana, a towne well fortified, but the garri­son weake, and the Gouernour of small authoritie, and lesse credit. Serezanello a rocke right ouer the towne, was a peece im­pregnable, if it had bene well manned: seated in a barren streight, betweene the Appennine and the sea; by which meanes it did much pinch and angustiate the armie with want of victu­als. The King might haue left these two Peeces vnattempted, and made a maine forward on his iourney for Naples, either by Pisa, or some other important place in the Florentine State, and haue taken them in, by the way. But he, to giue reputa­tion to his armie, and to make the world thinke, that no place of strength was able to stand before him; or, least others should take heart to oppose him, by this example; he sets downe before the place, with full resolution not to depart, till the siege were raised, or the place carried.

APHORISME XLIX.

IN 1 the Salentine country, there is a lake brim-full: put in neuer so much, it runneth not ouer; draw out what you can, it is still full. 2 Such is the nature of a constant man, resolued to all fortunes. 3 Whereas the man who beares his prosperitie, neither with mo­deration nor prudence, but is full blowne like ablad­der, with the winde of his owne pride; he seldome in aduersitie shewes either constancie or courage: one pricke of desaster empties his swolne [Page 65] heart of all hopes: and like an vnskilfull and deiected sea-man, vpon euery litle storme he cuts Cable and Mast, and throwes all ouer boord; where, but the slaking of some few sailes would serue.

Peter Medici vpon no imminent necessitie, nor apparent good to the State, had tied himselfe to Alphonsoes fortunes: had scorn­fully reiected the counsell of the grauer Citizens: had despe­rately prouoked the armes and enmitie of France and Millan against him: had imprudently fore-slaked the fortifying of his countrey, and making sure the passages: had improuidently fore-slowed the raising of souldiers, and prouision of armes: had slept supinely in all carelesnesse, and boasted vainly in his se­curitie. But now that the wheele is turned, the French forces at his doores, the Arragonese succours farre off, and himselfe desti­tute of all possible and present helpe: he seekes that at his ene­mies hands, which he could not haue of his friends: he buyes his peace, and the protection of his State, in a submisse and humble [Page 66] manner, and at a high and hard rate: he renders vp Serezzana, Serezzanello, and Pietra-Santa, for caution of his faith, till the Kings returne from his conquest of Naples: he vndertakes to pro­cure him the Imprest of one hundred thousand Duckats, out of the citie of Florence; and to consigne the fortresses of Pisa and Ligorne into his hands. And more would Medici haue granted, if the King had demanded more: who ere while would haue bene glad of his friendship, and alliance with that State, vpon farre ea­sier termes.

APHORISME L.

ONe 1 mischiefe or losse comes seldome alone, but fol­lowes like billowes, one in the necke of another. In which Tide of misfortune, men are in few dayes more ouer-whelmed with the waues of damage and trouble, then they can (after) free themselues of, in the ebbe of many yeares. And therefore they crie out on their Starres, and raile at Fortune, who is so barren of her fauours, and fruitfull otherwise: whereas the starres may rather complaine of them, who are neuer with any good fortune satisfied, nor by many des­astrous accidents warned. 2 But wise men (in this sence) do gouerne the starres.

[Page 67] Alphonso had failed in the oppugnation of Nettuno: his Sea-forces were sore shaken at Porto-Venere; and forced to abandone the enterprise of Liguria. His strict allie Medici had forsaken him, and made his peace with the French. So did Riario the Lord of Imola and Furli. He had lost the strong towne of Mardano: and his armie in Romagna much weakned in that fruitlesse voyage, was retired by the way of Rome, into the kingdome of Naples. These desasters succeeded immediatly one in the necke of ano­ther: and then the flight from his kingdome, the catastrophe and full summe of all his misfortunes.

APHORISME LI.

INsolent 1 carriages, in the most eminent person of a free-State, against any particular man or familie, are long with patience endured, and by his populari­tie and dependance of friends, strongly borne out. 2 But when his errours come once to touch the pub­lick, and preiudice the generall good of the com­mon-wealth, then euery member is sensible of the wrong, and puts a helping hand to his downe-fall.

[Page 68] Infinite had bene the insolencies and transgressions of Pe­ter Medici, towards diuers particular citizens, and those of the Nobilitie, and better sort, yet he still held his greatnesse: till now that he had made a contract of peace and amitie with the French king, most preiudiciall to his country: without the con­sent of other magistrates & chiefe citizens; decree of the Coun­cell, or commission from the State. This wound could in no wise be salued: the whole citie condemnes it: his friends durst not excuse him: the commons stirre vp one another to recouer their libertie: Iacob Neri keepes him out of the Councell chamber, offering to come in. The citie riseth in armes: the Senate pro­claimes him rebell: he flieth with his two brethren, Iohn and Iulian: leauing the noble family of the Medici ouerthrowne, by the insolencie and rashnesse of one yong man, which for three­score yeares together had had chiefe stroke in the manage of those publicke affaires, and for many yeares before had flouri­shed in all fulnesse of wealth and reputation.

APHORISME LII.

IT 1 is then sure trusting, when we take from a man all meanes of breaking. For the prouerbe saith, that a true man can scarce hold his fingers, if he finde a chest open. 2 As therefore it is a staine to the honour of a Prince, not to keepe his word and couenant: 3 So [Page 69] is it no lesse blemish to the wisedome of a State, in time of iust suspect, not to preuent and stop the meanes of breaking it: or not to take pledges of the discontented and suspected subiect, as well in such iealous times, as formerly in cases of lesse danger.

Charles the 8. is come to Pisa: he findes the citizens groaning vnder the Florentine yoke, and imploring his Maiestie to re­dresse their wrongs, and free them of their seruitude. The King grants their desire, contrary to the late articles concluded at Se­rezzana: where, this towne was consigned into his hands, for caution onely, till his returne from Naples: and then to be sur­rendred vp againe. The Pisanes (vnder protection of the King) take armes; pull downe the ensignes of Florence in euery place of the citie, and re-assume their libertie. The Florentines (who vpon all former occasions had bene iealous of the Pisanes loyal­tie, and doubtfull of their reuolt) had not in such a time of danger as this, brought away their chiefe citizens, nor put a strong garrison of strangers into the towne, as in all good poli­cie they ought to haue done.

APHORISME LIII.

NOnius 1 chose rather to lose all his honours and for­tunes, then to quit his Opall ring to Anthonie. Of such a price, but a farre fairer iewell is Libertie: a thing so sweete and precious, as it deserues the sel­ling of all we haue, and running into any hazard. 2 Yet, not in equitie to be attempted against a law­full Soueraigne: nor in reason, where the possibilitie to hold it, is not so great as the meanes to get it.

The Duke of Millan had plotted the reuolt of Pisa, with certain banished citizens: holding this the best and most compendious way for him to in-signorize himselfe of that towne: though in­deed it after proued the very source of all his misfortunes. These mal-contents like the motion, enter into the action, and pre­uaile: not considering the weaknesse of the citie, how it was dis­peopled, how the remainder was impouerished: nor weighing the riches and forces of the Florentines, and their determinate re­solution neuer to quit it. They called not into considera­tion the certaintie of a continuing warre, and the vncertaintie [Page 71] of their fleeting friends. And lastly, that no other Prince would embarke himselfe into their troubles and charge, except it were to make himselfe absolute Lord ouer them: with many other difficulties, which after appeared, accompanied with their owne extreme calamitie.

APHORISME LIIII.

WHile 1 the Crocodile sleepes gaping with open mouth, the Indian Ratt shootes himselfe into his belly, and gnawes his guts in sunder: 2 So entreth Mischiefe at the open gates of Securitie. Selfe-conceited con­fidence in our owne strength, and ouer-weening cre­dulitie of anothers honestie, begets in men this su­pine negligence. 3 But a watchfull prouidence preuents an imminent danger.

Charles the 8. as a late reconciled friend with Florence, appro­cheth the citie with his whole armie. For, d'Aubigny is newly come to him by commandement, with all the troupes he had in [Page 72] Romagna: onely, for his more speed, he had left his artillerie at Castro Caro. The King enters Florence, armed, on horsebacke, with his Lance on his thigh. He layes claime to the citie by the law of armes, because he had entred it in warlicke manner. The State fore-saw this his ambition, but durst not denie his entrance: yet, to preuent the worst, they had formerly and prouidently giuen order, to fill the chiefe places of the towne (besides many pri­uate houses) with armed souldiers: that vpon any sodaine tu­mult, the great Bell of the Pallace should be rung; and that vpon this alarme, both these souldiers lodged within, and others quartered neare about the citie, to this purpose, should come to the rescue. VVhich prouisions so well made, when they were knowne to the King, he presently quits his claime: and falls to treate with them of a perfect League, vpon more equall con­ditions.

APHORISME LV.

PRinces 1 are said to haue many eyes, and long armes: because, their vnderstanding is enlightned by ma­ny, and their power is exercised afarre off. 2 As therefore nothing is more needfull to them, then faithfull Counsellors, and vpright executioners of their will: 3 So nothing is more perillous, when the partie, whose seruice is vsed, directeth his counsels or actions, to his owne particular aduantage.

[Page 73] The French king is moued in the behalfe of Peter Medici, to mediate for his returne from exile: he is perswaded by some of his Councell, that his presence would greatly further the kings affaires. He writes him letters of this effect, and giues him assu­rance of his restoration to his country and honours. These let­ters come to him at Venice. He is in much suspence: distracted betweene this hope, and the feare not to fall into his enemies hands. He communicates the matter with the Senate, and de­sires their aduice. They knowing what benefit the king would make of his returne (then which nothing could be more vnplea­sing, or preiudiciall to them and their State) disswade him from going: put him in minde what a folly it were to entrust himselfe in their power, and then stand at their mercie, whom he had of­fended so much: aduise him to stay a fitter occasion: offer to engage themselues in his quarrell; and when time shall serue, with their vttermost power to restore him home againe. He en­clineth to this counsell, refuseth the kings offer, and remaines a Bandito in Venice.

APHORISME LVI.

OF 1 all the elements, fire is of the quickest and no­blest nature: And of all creatures, those are the bra­uest, and most warlicke, which are by nature of a swift, couragious, and fierie disposition, as the Lion, the Horse, the Eagle, the Dolphin; rather then the hugest and strongest, as the Elephant, the Camell, the Oxe, and the Whale. 2 So of the actions of men, those of Courage [Page 74] and braue Resolution are the noblest; because they often preuaile, euen where counsell, wisedome, force, and all other meanes do faile.

The Florentines treate with the French king, about the con­ditions of their peace. The Kings demaunds are held to be most vnreasonable: he will not be drawne to any other, nor stirre one iotte from what he had propounded. Peter Capponi, a gentleman of a noble house, and one of the Commissioners for the Treatie, snatcheth the paper of Articles out of the French Secretaries hands, teares them before the kings face: bids him sound his trumpets to the fight, and they would ring their Pal­lace bell, (which was their alarme to the battell:) and so he flings out of the chamber. This braue resolution and hot courage of Capponi, thawes the icie and stiffe demaunds of the king, and re­duceth him to a more supple and reasonable conclusion. The Articles agreed vpon, are these: A reciprocall forgetfulnesse of fore-passed wrongs. That Florence should be friend, confederate, [Page 75] and in perpetuall protection of the Crowne of France. That the king should hold in his hands Pisa, Ligorne, Pietra-Santa, Serez­zana, and Serezzanello, till his returne from the conquest of Na­ples; and then to surrender them vp to the Florentines, without demanding charges; and in the meane time they to haue the maine profits. That the conquest should be vnderstood perfect, when the king had taken the citie of Naples, or made a peace or truce for two yeares; or were himselfe in person returned backe out of Italy. That the Commanders of those places, and the Captaines of companies in them, should presently sweare to the deliuery of them vp, at the time assigned. That the citie should contribute towards the kings warres, fiftie thousand Duckats within fifteene daies; fortie thousand more in the mo­neth of March; and thirtie thousand in Iune, next after follow­ing. That Medici should be freed from his proscription, and con­fiscation of his lands and goods, but that himselfe should not come within one hundred miles of the State of Florence: nor his brethren within one hundred of the citie.

APHORISME LVII.

NO 1 necessitie can be forcible enough, nor pretence warrantable, to vrge a man to be disloyall, or make breach of his word and faith to his Prince. 2 It is therefore hatefull in all men, but more, when it is in a person noble by bloud, and a souldier; and most of all, when it is accompanied with ingratitude. 3 Who seldome escapes the due rewards for such an offence.

[Page 76] Virginio Orsini was tied in many obligations of faith and al­leageance to the house of Arragon: he was naturall vassall to Al­phonso: he was Captaine-generall of his armie, and high Con­stable of the kingdome of Naples: his sonne Iohn-Iordan had married the base daughter of Ferdinand; and by her had recei­ued great fauours, and possessed great estates in that Realme: besides, the warre betweene the Pope and his Master, grew first vpon his quarrell. All this notwithstanding, he causeth his sons to accord with the French king; binding themselues to supply victuals, and giue free passage to his armie through all the e­states they held within the iurisdiction of the Church. They de­liuer vp Campagnana and some other townes of good strength and great importance, for the kings affaires, to the Cardinall Gurgense, in Deposito, for caution of performance. They enter­taine the king in their chiefe castle of Bracciano. by whom, both Virginio himselfe, and diuers others of his house, were not long after taken prisoners.

APHORISME LVIII.

AS 1 they say in schooles of Art, It is easier to oppose then answer: So they finde by proofe in the art of warre, that it is easier and safer to obuiate and meete danger in the way, then to tarrie till it come home to our owne doores. 2 For, besides that the seate of warre is alwaies miserable, there is euer more courage in the assailer, and commonly better successe.

[Page 77] The State of Venice and Duke of Millan, obserue with a watch­full eye the proceedings of the French armie. They consider how the chiefe forts in Toscany, are deliuered him in caution: how he had left a gartison in Siena: had accorded with the Orsini; and that nothing stood in his way, but yeelded to his forces. They feare that the kingdome of Naples alone, will not content an ambitious king, puffed vp with the pride of so great successe. And therefore they treate of a strong confederation and forces to be sent in Alphonsoes aide against him: which though at first it found some let, nor could they send succors in time to Naples, as they were purposed, by reason of the shamefull flight of Alphonso, from before the face of the French armie at Viterbo: yet it was not long after, but the former treatie was renewed, the League confirmed, and forces leuied; whereas they gaue him [Page 78] a braue encounter in his returne, vpon Taro.

APHORISME LIX.

THe 1 stronger giueth the law, the weaker must take the lesse of euils. Therefore if thou finde thy selfe ouer-weake, make thy peace at as low a rate as thou canst. 2 For any conditions are rather to be accepted, then an vneuitable ouerthrow expected. 3 So horrible are the effects of warre.

Alexander the 6. was one of the first that called the French king against Naples: and the first of all other, that had broken his faith, and the articles of confederation with him. The remem­brance hereof, and of his infamous and symoniacall purchase of the Papacie, and leud administration in that his office, was a thing that terrified and perplexed him much: seeing the Cardi­nall of S. Peter in Vincola, and other his capitall and mortall ene­mies, [Page 79] so neare in grace, and great in power, with the King: who now with his armie was approched nigh Rome: Ciuita-Vecchia and Cornetto, with the greatest part of his countrie on that side the Tiber, were alreadie lost, and at the French deuo­tion. He must put the Duke of Calabria and his armie out of Rome, and suffer the king to enter, as he entred Florence, (armed on horsebacke with his Lance on his thigh) or else looke for no peace. It was a hard case to abandone his friends, and com­mit himselfe to the power of his enemies, before all differences were compounded, or his peace made: yet perforce hee yeel­deth to those conditions, and further capitulates thus: That be­tweene them shall be perpetuall amitie, and confederation de­fensiue: That the king shall hold Ciuita-Vecchia, Terracina and Spoleto, for caution. That the Pope shall remit all offences to those Cardinals and Barons that had followed the French part. That he shall giue the king the Inuestiture of Naples. That he shall deliuer him Gemyn, the brother of Baiaset the great Turke, whom (corrupted with the Turkes money, for the summe of fortie thousand Duckats yearly) he kept in safe custodie, least he should cause trouble and rebellion in the Ottoman Empire. That he should pardon the Prefect or Prouost of Rome, for in­tercepting the last yeares allowance of fortie thousand Duckats at Sinigaglia. And lastly, that Caesar Borgia Cardinall of Valencia, should follow the kings armie three moneths, (as Legate Apo stolicke in shew) but indeed as pledge for these conditions.

APHORISME LX.

THe 1 building, whose ground-sels are rotten, may for a time be vnder-propped, and kept vp: but when it is once falling, there is no possible meanes to stay it. So the Gouernment, whose foundation is laid in bloud, or banishment of the Nobilitie, and oppression of the Commons, may subsist for a while: [Page 80] 2 But when it once beginnes to fall, the downe-fall is violent, and so­daine.

Rome is turnd French. Aquila, and almost all Abbruzzi is reuol­ted. The Flower de Lys is set vp in euery place. Fabritio Colonna hath taken in the countries of Albi and Tagliacozzo. The An­iowine faction is vp in armes. All the kingdome cries out of the former cruelties and tyrannies of Alphonso, and his deceassed fa­ther. The distressed king seeing now all things, not in the way of commotion, but of manifest precipitation and open rebellion; amazed with the terrour of this sight, and tormented with the horrour of his guiltie conscience, despairing of meanes to re­sist so fatall a tempest, and forgetting the reputation and fame he had got in his former warres; flies secretly with some few Iewels and treasure, into the Isle of Sicilia, and abandones all to the enemie, not acquainting either his brother or his sonne with his flight.

APHORISME LXI.

THe 1 conquest is easie, where there is neither valour, counsell, power, nor desire of glorie: though that be more noble which preuaileth against Resistance, and opens his way with the sword, where he findes it shut against him. 2 But the greatest and most glo­rious victorie of all, is, not onely to breake the for­ces, but to triumph ouer the broken and deiected heart of the van­quished.

Monte-fortino, a strong place belonging to Iacopo Conti a Ro­mane Baron, is besieged, battered, assaulted, and sacked, all in one day. Mount-S. Iohn, a peece likewise of good strength, is wonne in few houres, the souldiers all slaine, the towne rifled, and burned. S. Germane is one of the keyes of the kingdome, it hath before it the faire riuer Garigliano, whereupon it standeth, high and vnpassable rockes on the one side, and deepe marishes on the other. Here the new king Ferdinand, with an armie of fif­tie Squadrons of horse, and six thousand choise foote, attends the coming of the French, and intends to bid him battell. Yet at the [Page 82] very first bruite of the enemies approch, he shamefully quits the place, and retires to Capua, thence to Naples, to appease the tu­mult there. He is no sooner gone, but the Capuans with their gouernour Triultio, render themselues to the French king. Auuersa followes the example of Capua: and Naples of Auuer­sa. Such faithlesse and faint-hearted resistance made the Neapo­litans, and so easie a purchase had the French king of so large and noble a kingdome: hauing with an vncredible course of vnheard of fortune, and beyond the example euen of Caesar him­selfe, without spreading a tent, or breaking a lance, conquered all lets, before he came at them.

APHORISME LXII.

IN 1 the actiue part of militarie seruice, the Cap­taines greatest vertue is to apprehend a present oc­casion of aduantage, and to take it. 2 So on the Pas­siue side, the euasion from a sodaine and imminent danger, is much more noble then a fore-thought of preuention. For in this is onely matter of iudgement, but in that is the life of action and execution.

Young Ferdinand had in open assembly made a speech full of compassion to the Neapolitans. He had absolued them of their [Page 83] oath and allegeance: with a noble and vertuous protestation, that whatsoeuer his fathers and grandfathers faults were in their gouernment, he for his owne part had neuer wronged any man while he was Prince, or since he was King. All will not serue. The citie is in reuolt. The king vpon his departure. VVhen sodainly he hath secret intelligence, that the Dutch guard in Castel-nuouo (or the Pallace) had resolued to seize on his person, and sell him to the French king. He presently apprehends the danger, and meanes of escape; thus: He bids the Dutch take present spoile of all his goods and furniture in the Pallace. They all runne gree­dily to the pillage. Meane while, he with his vnkle Frederick, and the old Queene his grandmother, haue leisure to embarque themselues in certaine light gallies, and make their escape.

APHORISMES, CIVIL AND MILITARIE. LIB. II.

APHORISME I.

COntracts 1 betweene States, must be tied with a Gordian knot, that nothing but the sword, and fine force may vnloose them: else there lies a way open to the Defeizance; and the aduan­tage once discouered, is as easily taken. 2 Where­fore the prouerbe, Fast binde, fast finde, is as necessarie a rule betweene States, as be­tweene man and man.

It was articled at Florence, betweene the French king and [Page 85] that State, that he should hold Pisa in his hands, till his returne from the conquest of Naples: but the Florentines should still hold the Iurisdiction and profits. They thought all sure, because he had personally sworne it, in their Cathedrall Church, in a solemne manner, and generall assembly. He was no sooner on his way towards Rome, but the Pisans rebell, driue the Floren­tine officers out of the towne, imprison others, and spoile the rest, of their goods, not leauing one Florentine among them. VVhereas, had the King giuen in charge to his commissioners in the towne, and those commanders he left there in garrison, to see that duly performed, which he had solemnly sworne: or had the Florentines taken French pledges for assurance there­of, that fire of rebellion had not broke foorth in this Citie, which afterwards set all Italie in combustion: euen after the heate of the Neapolitan warre, was raked vp in the cold embers of obliuion.

APHORISME II.

THere 1 be some people that sleepe with their eyes alwaies open: such are ambitious Princes: for though their sences be sometimes so bound, as they will not heare the truth when it is told them, nor see the danger that is manifestly before them: yet is the eye of their Imagination euer watchfull, vpon euery aduantage, that may seeme to further their end; so as they neuer take houres rest in the sweete sleepe of Content. 2 And for want of suf­ficient meanes, or fit instruments of their owne, they sow the seeds of Discontent, and then blow the coales of Sedition in the hearts of rebel­lious subiects.

[Page 86] Lodowick Zforza had a great longing to the Soueraigntie of Pisa, euer since he was first there in exile. He calls to minde that Iohn-Galeazzo Visconti (first Duke of Millan) being Lord thereof by conquest, had giuen it to his base sonne Gabriel-Maria. Yet because it was got with the money and forces of Millan, he thinkes his plea good: but keepes the secret to himselfe, till a fit­ter time. And therefore, now that he findes the Pisans mutine, and readie to runne into open rebellion, he thrusts them on; pro­miseth secret aide, and deales vnder-hand with them of Genoa, to helpe the Pisans with armour, munition, and three hundred foote.

APHORISME III.

EMulation 1 of vertue, in great men is ho­nourable, but of greatnesse, dangerous. For, many times it breaketh the necke of one, or both the Rivals: 2 But it neuer faileth of hin­dring their faithfull seruice to their Prince and the State.

[Page 87] The Seneshall of Belcari, and the Bishop of S. Malò, were the two onely minions about the French king. S. Malò fauoured the Florentines: Belcari, enuying the greatnesse of the other, being lately made Cardinall (though he was the chiefe meanes to bring him in fauour at first, that he might the better keepe downe others) is corrupted with the Pisans money, but more with a de­sire to crosse the Cardinall, to fauour their part: and therefore he moues the King in their behalfe, and preuaileth: contrary to his oath, and honour, and to the great preiudice of his affaires on that side the Alpes.

APHORISME IIII.

VIces 1 are stronger in the Aduerbe, then in the Adie­ctiue: and so be vertues. To do that is well, is better then to do that is good: for, a man may do what is honest sometimes, against his will: where as in all vertuous actions, there is a free election. 2 That Iudge therefore, who giueth sentence before both Parties be heard, may iudge the right, but not aright. A greater iniu­stice it is, to heare the equitie of the Defendants cause, and yet doome for the Plaintiffe: for this man doth neither iustly, nor iustice.

[Page 88] The case betweene Pisa and Florence, is heard before the French king. Burgundio Lolo pleadeth for the Plaintiffes; shew­eth, that his citie hath eightie eightyeares endured an vniust seruitude: that she which had bene one of the noblest cities of Italie, and extended her command euen to the East, was now by the crueltie and auarice of the Florentines, brought to extreme desolation. That many of her chiefe citizens, rather then to be eye-witnesses of the tyrannous vexation of the State-publik, and insolent oppressions of priuate men, had abandoned their na­tiue country, and preferred a voluntary exile. That they were depriued their ancient trade of Merchandize, and onely per­mitted to vse mechanicall occupations. That they were debar­red the executing of any publicke office, euen of those which strangers might enjoy. That the Florentine tyrannie extended euen to their liues, whom they sought to suffocate and poison, with vnwholsome fogs, and dampes of infectious aire, by giuing no order for the keeping of their banks, and draining the dit­ches of their marishes. That nothing remained to the Floren­tines crueltie and inhumanitie, wherein they might farther plague the poore oppressed and distressed Pisans: and therefore they humbly flie to his Maiestie for redresse. Francesco Soderi­ni, Bishop of Volterra, answers for the Defendants: declares the [Page 89] right of their title to Pisa, from Gabriel-Maria Visconti, the true owner, of whom they bought the towne, and territories there­unto belonging: prooues, that they were no sooner in peace­able possession, but the Pisans by rebellious violence depriued them thereof. That by a long and chargeable warre, they were forced to fight for their right: wanne it by fine force, being al­most famished: and brought in more victuals then armes, to re­couer their hunger-starued bodies. That Pisa was neuer of po­wer to enlarge her territories by land, so farre as Lucca, a towne within ten miles: and for her power at sea, it lasted not long: nay, by her owne ciuill discords, and seditious mutinies (before Vis­conti had possession) she was brought to so low an ebbe, as Ser Iacopo Appiano, a base petti-fogging Notary, made himselfe Lord of the towne, and left the commaund thereof to his posteritie. That Pisa was no way beneficiall to Florence, but by the fitnesse of the scite, and nearnesse of the sea: as for the exactions layd vpon her, they were so small, as they did little more then defray the charge. That they were no more debarred the trading in merchandize, then other subiects of their State, who all notwith­standing acknowledged to liue vnder a lawfull and moderate gouernment, and desired not to change their Lord: because they were not so obstinately and insolently perfidious as the Pi­sans, whose seditious rebellion was now growne to a common by-word through all Italie. That they were so farre from depo­pulating the towne, as they had there planted a Vniuersitie, and recouered her Ligorne, without which Port she could not sub­sist. That all possible care was yearely taken for the maintenance of her bankes, and cleansing of her ditches. So that finally, their lamentations are fained, their obiections calumnious, and their accusations false aspersions. And therefore he humbly intreates his royall Maiestie to tender the right of their cause, and force of his owne oath in that behalfe. The King, notwithstanding all these reasons, inclines to the Pisans, and will not restore the Florentines to their right: onely he declares not present­ly, vntill hee had got into his hands the seuentie thousand [Page 90] Duckats yet behinde, and due, by the articles of the late treatie.

APHORISME V.

THere 1 is no such fortresse for the safetie of a State, as the breasts of subiects, armed with loyaltie and loue to their Prince and countrie. 2 On the other side, nothing more endangereth it, then their per­fidious and rebellious reuolt: which rebels seldome want succors from the forrein enemy: not in loue to them, or care of their cause, but vpon some other gainefull or reuenge­full purpose.

The Pisans, by instigation of Lodowick Zforza, and suppor­tation of the French kings commissaries and garrison, shake off the Florentine yoke, banish their officers, and robbe their mer­chants. [Page 91] They flie to the neighbor-States for aide. Genoa relieues them with men and munition, vpon an old grudge, euer since Thomas Fregoso their Duke, sold Ligorne to the Florentines; and lately more exasperate, by the fresh impression of their late losse of Pietra-Santa, and Serezzana. And Siena with Lucca (two pro­fessed enemies to Florence) furnish the Pisans with money. Lastly, Siena sends ouer and besides, certaine troupes of horse to their aide.

APHORISME VI.

INiustice is neuer without some pretence to pal­liate her actions: and rather then faile, she mas­keth vnder the vizard of Religion, which makes her more vgly. Euen as ill-fauoured complexions, the more they are painted, the fouler they appeare: and mishapen bodies, by putting on rich apparell, seeme more deformed. 155

[Page 92] The Cardinall S. Malò hath the Kings commission, to draw from the Florentines the seuentie thousand Duckats due by the treatie; and meane while to entertaine them in hope, that he will restore them their priuiledges, and settle them in the quiet possession of Pisa: he receiueh the mony; promiseth a present redresse of their wrongs, and redintegration to their former right. He goeth to Pisa, with a shew to effect it: doth iust no­thing in the businesse, and returnes. He answereth the Floren­tines expostulation, with this cautelous and coloured excuse, that he had no authoritie to commaund them, and he would not vse the King (his masters) power to compell them, because it was a matter could not be done without blowes: which was vnfit for him, being a Priest, and a pillar of the Christian com­mon-wealth, to be the cause of shedding much Christan bloud: and so left them, cheated of their money, and frustrate of their hope.

APHORISME VII.

A 1 Will to do hurt, is neuer lesse in the close then pro­fessed enemie, but the meanes is alwaies greater. 2 Because, he that suspecteth least, is soonest and easiest ouertaken and ouerthrowne: like the vn­skilfull Fencer, who while he wardeth the head, is hit at the heart, which lay out of guard.

The Duke of Millan, closely and vnder the name of the Ge­noweses, [Page 93] sends fresh supplies to Pisa, conducted by Lucio Mal­uezzo, a Captaine of good reputation. VVith like secresie he ioyneth with Siena, in the entertainmēt of Appiano, Lord of Piom­bino, and Iohn Sauelli, with their troupes, for the defence of Monte-Pulciano, which towne had lately reuolted from the Florentines to them of Siena: giuing hereby lesse meanes of preuention, or resistance to them of Florence, and more courage and assistance to both these townes, their enemies.

APHORISME VIII.

REligion is rather a setler, then a stickler in policie: she rather confirmes men in obedience to the go­uernment established, then encites them to meddle in the erecting of a new. So ought they of religious order to do: for if they worke otherwise, they la­bour out of their vineyard, and moue out of their proper sphaere. The awfull reuerence men beare to their Cognisance, and the opinion is had of their learning and sanctitie, makes them more powerfull to perswade, then either the sound reasons of the wise, or au­thoritie of the magistrate: and therefore when they abuse this Power, well ordered States should both curbe and correct them; which in a State meerly popular, is meerly impossible.

[Page 94] After the banishment of Peter Medici, and his brethren, an assembly of the whole citie is called, in the Pallace yard, for the establishing of a new gouernment. Among all the rest, that forme of rule was thought best fitting for the present state of things, and the nature of that people, which vnder the name of a Popular State, was notwithstanding to be managed by some few of the better sort. This, though generally applauded, yet many of the chiefest Nobles misliked. The matter is debated in Councell. Paul-Anthony Soderini argues for a State meerly po­pular: because, by that other mixt kinde of forme, the family of the Medici had vsurped vpon the publick libertie, and suppres­sed the rest of the Nobilitie. His discourse is excellent, full of reasons to proue, and of Art to perswade. Guy-Anthony Vespucci redargues, answers euery point fully; conuinceth by demon­stratiue argument, that no gouernment is so fit for that State, as a well composed Aristocrasie: drawes the greater part of the Councell into his opinion, and is likely to carry the cause. VVhen suddenly Sauanarola steppes vp, a Friar Predicant, of great estimation in the citie, for his knowne learning and re­puted sanctitie of life, and held among the vulgar sort for a Prophet. This man inueigheth most against that forme, most applauded at this Session: tels them it is the will of God, that the gouernement should be absolutely Popular: and that it ought not to be in the power of a few Citizens, to alter the li­bertie, or preiudice the safetie of others. He (because he had often foretold in generall, of troubles and forraine forces to in­uade Italy, which they saw now come to passe) preuailes: and a gouernment meerly popular is established.

APHORISME IX.

NO 1 Prince can challenge so much glorie by victorie, but that Fortune will put in to be sharer with him: because she giues successe, beyond the reach of Rea­son, and all ordinarie meanes. This is the common opinion. 2 But the wiser is, that this happie effect proceeds out of former causes, as the direction of the Leader, quicke execution of the souldier, the aduantage of num­ber, order, place, and infinite such like. 3 But the truest is this, an all­seeing eye, much vnlike blinde Fortune; and an all-able hand, much stronger then weake Reason: who, as he is Lord of Hoasts, so is he the giuer of victories.

Two things remained to Charles the 8. for the perfecting of his victory: the yeelding vp of New-castle and Egge-castle, and the reducing of other townes and Prouinces (not yet come in) to his obedience. A businesse in all reason, of great trouble, and much time and charge. But the Dutch garrison in New-castle, surrender it to the King, without abiding one shot of the Ca­non: And Egge-castle (an impregnable peece, standing vpon [Page 96] the sea, and at first contiguous to the land, but diuided by Lu­cullus, and now ioyned by a bridge) so farre distant from the ci­tie of Naples, as the Canon may reach at randon, but not batter it in direct line, yeelds likewise vpon composition. The Syndicks and Consuls from all parts, striue who shall come first, to yeeld him obedience. The Castellans make as much haste to surren­der vp their charges, and offer their seruice. The rocke of Gaet­ta, though strong and well prouided, yeelds to discretion. Fi­nally, all the whole kingdome, except the fortresses of Brindisi, Galliopoli, and Reggium, and all the Barons, except Alphonso d' A­ualo Marquis of Pescara, come in, and do their homage.

APHORISME X.

PEace and Power, are incompatible: they neuer dwell long together. For Caesar will suffer no superiour, and Pompey will admit no peere. As therefore it is princely, to grant the vanquished enemie honorable estates: so is it good policie to prouide, that those E­states lie farre off: Because, it is a grosse errour to grant him any one foote in that kingdome, wherein he was formerly a Competitor, and whereto he may hereafter lay claime. 162

[Page 97] Don Frederick, vnkle to the vanquished and expulsed king Ferdinand, comes vnder safe-conduct to the French king treates in behalfe of his nephew; that since God and men and the kings good fortune, had all concurred to giue the kingdome of Na­ples to his Maiestie, his kinsman thought it no shame to yeeld to so great a Prince: nor was lesse willing then others, to liue vnder his law, and in his obedience, so he might haue any Estate there­in (aiming at Calabria) by the kings most royall and gracious grant. VVhere, liuing not as a king, but as a Baron of that Realme, he might honour and admire the clemencie and mag­nanimitie of his victorious Maiestie, in whose seruice he doub­ted not, but one day to haue the occasion of shewing his loyall obedience: By this meanes, he should purchase eternall glorie to himselfe, like the old Romanes, and Princes of ancient times, who, for like actions, were reputed and held among the people of future ages, for gods. That this act was no lesse safe then glo­rious, because, hauing Ferdinand at his deuotion, he should be assured of the kingdome, and need feare no change of fortune. The King takes no long pawse, to answer a demand of such na­ture: he is willing to inuest Ferdinand with great estates and ho­nours in France, and to giue Don Frederick full recompence for what himselfe had lost: but to giue him any part of the king­dome of Naples, whereof he was Competitor for the whole, he absolutely refuseth, as the fittest meanes to put all the rest in manifest hazard.

APHORISME XI.

THe more eminent men are in qualitie, the more foule is the qualitie of their offence. And therefore, as dishonorable actions are greatest blemishes, in those that are honourable by bloud or profession, (as Gentlemen and souldiers) because vertues are greater embellishments in them then in others: So [Page 98] wicked and vnchristian actions are most odious to those, that are not onely Professors, but professed Patrons of religion and vertue. In these, dissembled hypocrisie doubleth the iniquitie. 163

Pope Alexander was forced to yeeld Gemyn the Great Turks brother, to the French king. It grieued him (out of his auarice) to lose the fortie thousand Duckats, which he yearely recei­ued for him: and he repined (out of his enuie) that another should reape the benefite. He poisons him therefore in candid Suckets, which wrought in such maner by little and little, as he was out of his hands before the danger appeared, and died not thereof till he came at Naples. This he did (by common report) at the instigation of Baiaset himselfe, who for this purpose cor­rupted the Pope with a great summe of money, least he should liue to be cause of some rebellion and troubles in the Turkish Monarchie. A shamefull act of a Priest, and pretended Head of Christianitie, wherein he was iustly tainted with the foure vgly crimes, of Couetousnesse, Enuie, Bribery, and Murther.

APHORISME XII.

AN 1 Oath is to be interpreted, not by him that takes it, but by him that takes his assurance by it. 2 And therefore, they that make no scruple to breake those conditions, whereto they are tied by this sacred and solemne obligation (if they finde any nice quillet in the Articles, which they may wrest to their pur­pose) [Page 99] they cannot auoide the guilt, though they seeke to remoue the scan­dall. For howsoeuer Politicks haue taken their aduantage out of Cu­stome, their pollicie could yet neuer warrant it out of Iustice.

The French king was tied by article, betweene him and the Duke of Millan, in liew of his great aide, and furtherance of his warres in Italie, to conferre vpon him the principalitie of Taran­to, so soone as he had conquered Naples. The conquest is made: the yong king fled the land: All the Cities, Fortresses and Pro­uinces, with all the States, Commons and Barons (except some three or foure) are come in to his obedience. The Duke demands his due, by the couenant. The King shifts him off with this nice construction, that so long as any one peece or Peere held out, the conquest could not be vnderstood perfect: and yet in the kings treatie with Florence, the conquest was then to be vnderstood perfect, so soone as the citie of Naples should be ta­ken, and quietly possessed. In semblable manner, Ferdinand and Isabel, King and Queene of Arragon and Castile, had articled with Charles the 8. that they should neither directly or indirectly hinder his conquest of Naples: and yet they are now readie to en­ter in league with other States against him, and to driue him out of Italie. They haue this euasion for their oath, that there is a clause in that article, not to be bound to anything in preiudice of the Church: so that if the Pope (who challenged to be chiefe Lord of Naples) required their aide for the recouerie of that kingdom, (as now he did) they might do it, the article notwithstanding.

APHORISME XIII.

TO 1 keepe a field from ouer-growing with weeds, is to plucke them vp in the spring: and to preserue ones bodie from ouer-charging with disease, is to purge the bad humours betime. 2 Such seeds of se­dition, and weeds of warre, are Suspition and Iea­lousie. If they be not nipped in the bud, they bring forth much sower fruite, of trouble and danger.

The proceedings of the Duke of Millan, are suspected by Charles the 8: he therefore with gifts and large promises, assures to himselfe the Cardinall Fregoso and Obietto Fiesco, two fit in­struments for him, to stirre any troubles in Genoa. He entertaines also in pay, with the conduct of one hundred Lances, Iohn-Iacob Triultio, the head of the Guelph-faction in Millan, and the Dukes sworne enemie. On the other side, the Duke growes iealous of [Page 101] the French kings greatnesse, and of his affection to him and his State: he feares that the vaste thoughts of his ambition, would not limit themselues within the confines of the kingdome of Na­ples. He therefore makes stay of the twelue Gallies that were in readinesse at Genoa, for the kings seruice, and forbids any other to be manned or armed for his vse: and is readie with the first, to make warre vpon him.

APHORISME XIIII.

IN 1 a strict morall sense, to speake and not to thinke, is rather leasing then ingenuitie, and therefore re­proueable. 2 But necessitie giues a larger latitude, and freer scope, to the manage of great affaires. For, nothing is here more expedient, then that the enemie know nothing of our deliberations, till they be put in action, nor of our preparations till they be on foote. It is there­fore a vsuall and vsefull pollicie, when such forces are prepared, either by sea or land, to pretend them for one seruice, and intend another.

[Page 102] Ferdinand and Isabel, King and Queene of Spaine, prepare a great nauie, furnish it with great store of land forces, both horse and foote, besides armour, munition, and all other warlicke ha­billements. The doubtfull and iealous eye of the French king looketh this way, and would faine be satisfied, what Expedition those great preparations intended. The Spaniard giues out to the world, that those forces were onely leuied for defence of his owne kingdome of Sicilia, and assurance of his other States, against all sodaine irruptions whatsoeuer. But it was indeed (as it after manifestly appeared) to assist the Pope and Arragonese, against the French, for the recouerie of the kingdome of Na­ples, and the driuing him quite out of Italie.

APHORISME XV.

THe Councell of State is the Cabinet of the Common­wealth, Deliberations the Iewels, and Secresie the lock which shuts vp this treasure from others; then which, nothing more aduanceth the Publicke busi­nesse. Hence is it, that confederate Princes intimate many times to the world, the generall cause of their combination; and reserue to their owne secresie, and for fitter times, the particulars of greatest moment.

[Page 103] The prosperous successe of Charles the 8. caused the king of Romanes, the Pope, the king of Spaine, the Duke of Millan, and State of Venice, to contract a strong confederation against him: it is proclaimed in Venice, where all their Embassadors are met to that purpose. The Proclamation onely imported, that this League was made for defence of their States, the one of the other: but it was by them capitulated in Articles more par­ticular and secret, that the Spanish Armada, which was now in Sicile, should assist Ferdinand to recouer his kingdome of Na­ples. That at the same instant, the Venetians should by sea assaile the Coast townes of that Realme. That the Duke of Millan should attempt the taking in of Asti, to impeach and stoppe the passage to all succours, that should come out of France that way. And that the rest of the confederates should contribute a cer­taine summe of money (in such proportion as was secretly a­greed on betweene them) to the king of Romanes, and the king of Spaine, towards their charge in warring vpon the Realme of France it selfe: to be set vpon by them, in two seuerall places at the same time.

APHORISME XVI.

HE 1 liueth safely, that liueth closely, and prouides to meete Danger, which way soeuer it cometh. 2 There­fore, when Princes be vp in armes round about vs, and we in doubt whether side to take, it is good pol­licie so to forecast, as we may make our owne State sure, whosoeuer is victor, and saue our owne stake, whosoeuer is loser.

[Page 104] The Duke of Ferrara is required to enter the League with those other confederates, against Charles the 8. He refuseth: he holdeth himselfe fast to his French alliance: yet he suffereth his sonne and heire Alphonso, to be entertained by the Duke of Mil­lan, with charge of one hundred and fiftie men at armes, and title of Lieutenant-generall of all his forces. This course tooke the old Duke (con cautela Italiana) that the sonne might make his fathers peace, in case the leaguers preuailed: and himselfe might free his sonne, if the French had the better.

APHORISME XVII.

FRiendship in Court, is like Musicke at a feast: a man hath nothing but a sweete sound for his monie. Or rather, it is like those Apothecarie Drugs, which are hot in the mouth, and cold in the operation. It is quicke to promise, and slow to performe; recei­uing substance, and returning smoake: sometimes it moueth the clients cause, but seldome vrgeth it to preuaile. 173

[Page 105] The Cardinall S. Malò, a man of great sway in the French Court, and especially fauoured of the King, had receiued great summes of the Florentines, to stand their sure friend, in all their occasions of suite to his Maiestie. He vndertooke the matter, and assured them, not to faile. Naples being now conquered, and reduced to the French obedience, they are instant sutors (accor­ding to the Articles of agreement betweene the king and them) that he would surrender them vp their cautionary townes, and not fauour the Pisans cause against them. Many of the Court perswade the king to the contrary, but the Cardinals power was greater then all theirs, if he would haue vrged it: for hee might haue pressed the king with the oath he had taken, and the money and aide he had receiued. Yet, not to oppose himselfe ouer-stiffly against other eminent men in the Court, he deales coldly in their businesse, and so they lose their money, and faile in their suite.

APHORISME XVIII.

IN 1 the honour of great achieuements, other men partake with the Prince, according to the measure of their place and merite. But the well or ill orde­ring of the things achieued, redounds wholly to his owne proper glorie, or shame. 2 He is therefore to haue especiall care in the establishment of his new gouernment, that euery thing be reigled according to rule and order. [Page 106] For, it is greater honour to come off with iudgement, then to go on with courage: to vse victorie wisely, then to get it happily: and more glorie to retaine a new Possession, then to obtaine it.

The French king had with incredible successe and vnheard of fortune, impatronised himselfe of the kingdome of Naples: hi­therto rather fortune then force, seemed to fight for him. But now he omits to follow that happie current, and take in those few places which yet held out, and which with small danger or charge he might haue reduced vnder obedience. His souldiers giue themselues ouer to pleasure and ease. The State yet vnset­led, is not regled with such order and prouidence, as was meet. He refuseth to heare poore petitioners, or complainants, and to redresse their wrongs: he referreth such businesse to his Cour­tiers; who either through insufficiencie were vnable, or through auarice vnfit, to determine such causes. The Neapolitan Nobili­tie were not regarded, nor so graciously vsed as they ought: their deserts vnrewarded, and themselues debarred from audi­ence, or accesse to the King. The Aniowine faction (of his owne partie) were put off from day to day, from the restitution of their lands and estates, with many difficulties and dilatorie pro­crastinations. Fauours and graces were obtained by none, but [Page 107] those which paid well for the purchase, and taken from others without iust cause. The Domaines of the Crowne, and offices of the State, were conferred onely vpon the French. The disor­ders and outrages of the souldiers in those places where they were quartered, were many and great. These were the chiefe cau­ses of the declination of the French affaires, of Fortunes turning her backe towards them, and of the Neapolitans reuolt from them. VVho were not so forward before to incline to their part, as they are now willing to returne to the Arragonese. Neither had they in times past, the crueltie of their king in such detesta­tion, as now they haue his banishment and misery in commise­ration. VVhereof strange effects not long after followed.

APHORISME XIX.

THe inconstant multitude, is naturally desirous of noueltie, and apt for change: hoping for more then they should, and enduring lesse then they ought; and euer in dislike with the present times. They consider not, that though they change their Lord, they change not their tenure; though they quit their olde master, yet they are still in seruice. They should therefore purge this humour of new-fanglednesse, and remember, that if the same condition of serui­tude cannot be auoided, it skils not whether it be vnder Lo. Iohn, or Lo. Thomas: and so sit still. 176

[Page 108] Before the coming of the French, the Neapolitans desired nothing more then their coming. They murmured against the gouernment of old Ferdinand and Alphonso. They exclaimed of their crueltie to the Nobles, and oppression of the Commons. The French is now come: he hath eased them of many Impo­sitions and taxes: in stead of which grieuances, he hath giuen them priuiledges and exemptions, to the yearly valew of two hundred thousand Duckats. Yet are they againe weary of their new Lord. They call passionately to mind, the Oration which yong Ferdinand made to them at his departure. They promise themselues greater happinesse vnder his Rule. They excuse his fathers crueltie, with the name of iust seueritie; and his pride and insolencie, with the faire titles of noblenesse of heart and princely courage. And againe desire to haue him rule ouer them.

APHORISME XX.

WHen 1 an humour is strong and predominant, it not onely conuerteth his proper nutriment, but euen that which is apt for contrary humors, into it owne na­ture and qualitie. 2 Of like force is a strong and wil­full Desire, in the minde of man: for, it not onely feeds vpon agreeable motions, but makes euen those reasons which are strongest against it, to be most for it.

[Page 109] The conquest of Naples is not yet absolutely perfect: some places are vntaken: many controuersies vndecided: the State not well setled: neuer more need of the French kings stay in those parts, presence in those businesse, and prudence in perfe­cting and setting all things straight. But the king hath a great longing to returne into his country, and follow his former plea­sures. All the Court is of like humor, and thinke no aire so sweet as that of France. VVhile they burne in this hot desire, comes newes of the strong confederation against him, which might in reason haue cooled him: and before he could set forward on his iourney, comes an alarme, that the Venetian fleete is vpon his coast in Puglia: that Alphonso and the Spaniards are landed in Calabria: then which nothing could be more forcible to cause his stay; except he meant wilfully to lose that by his owne fault, which fortune had so suddenly cast vpon him. Yet he and his Courtiers confidently construe all the contrary way, and make it the chiefe reason of their more hastie returne.

APHORISME XXI.

AMan may be ouercome of his enemie, either by for­tune or aduantage: which, when they alter, he may recouer his honour, and repaire his losse; because he still hath the heart and courage which he had at first. But he that is ouercome of his owne passions, is in desperate case: because the inward hold, which [Page 110] was his owne, is lost. It is threfore the greatest victorie to ouercome ones selfe; and to giue his Iudgement power ouer his affections; which will euer aduise him to vnmask those blinde guides, and to looke to that course which is most for his honour and safetie. 179

Charles the 8. is not yet surely seated in the royall throne and full possession of the kingdome of Naples. His enemies begin a­gaine to hold vp their heads. Hereupon he is in conflict with himselfe, whether to returne home, or stay. Principles of warre, and rules of State, pleade his stay: but the desire of enioying his home-pleasures, haue the more fauourable audience and power­full perswasions, in a minde captiuated to his owne passions, and preuailes. He disposeth thus of his affaires: the one halfe of his troupes he takes with him, for the safe-guard of his person; the remainder he leaues behind, for defence of his late conquered kingdome. The troupes he left were these: one halfe of the Swisse and French foote: eight hundred French lances: and fiue hundred men at armes, Italians: vnder the leading of the Praefect of Rome, Prospero, and Fabritio Colonna, and Antonio Sa­uelio, Captaines rewarded by him, with many faire Estates: be­sides [Page 111] those Princes and Barons of the Realme, that were sure on his side: and Gilbert Monpensier to command all in chiefe, whom he deputed Generall for the warres; a man more esteemed for his greatnesse of Estate, and nearnesse in bloud to the King, then for his owne valour or sufficiencie. D'Aubigni was left Great Con­stable of the kingdome, and Gouernour of Calabria. Belcari was made high Chamberlaine, and Gouernour of Gaetta. The Prince of Salerno was restored to his office of high Admirall. By this di­uision of his forces (violently forced by his desire to returne) he neither left the kingdome well assured, nor his person without manifest hazard; as shortly after appeared.

APHORISME XXII.

WE 1 may not measure the fize of Wisdome, by the Last of Fortune: for, Euent is the tutor of fooles; to preuent is more iudgement. Therefore the priuate man will so farre forth relieue his distressed neigh­bor, as that he leaue not himselfe vnprouided: for (saith he) Charitie begins with it selfe. 2 In like ma­ner, it is good policie in States, so to furnish their allies in time of need, as they disfurnish not themselues, and stand at the mercie of fortune, and euent.

The French king is returning towards Rome: he is denied the [Page 112] Inuestiture in his new kingdome: the Pope feares himselfe and his Estate. He therfore requires aide of the Venetians, and Duke of Millan. They readily assigne him one thousand light horse, and two thousand foote; with promise of one thousand men at armes more. But afterwards they call the matter to better deliberation; they consider the danger of sending their troupes so farre from their owne States, by former examples, whereof they had repen­ted. They find that the power left behind, was not sufficient to defend themselues. They call to mind the Popes falshood, who had Ferdinands army in Rome, for his safetie, but the yeare before, and yet vpon the kings first approch, made them perforce quit the towne to the French. They will not at their owne hazard make new triall of his honestie: and therefore they perswade him to retire himselfe into some place of strength, till the kings army were past; and so vpon better aduice keepe the forces promi­sed, for their owne vse.

APHORISME XXIII.

THe 1 tongue and the hand are vnruly members, where honestie and reason haue not the ruling of them. The tongue is alwaies the more readie; but the hand in this is the more dangerous that, what is spoken may be helped, by supposition of mista­king, or disagreement in the reporters, or death: whereas that of the hand appeareth to posteritie, suruiueth the spea­ker and hearers, and remaineth as a thousand witnesses. 2 Wherefore as no vice laies a more foule afpersion vpon man, then that of ingrati­tude: 3 So no euidence is so strong to taint him therewith, or conuict him thereof, as his owne hand-writing in detestation of that vice, and ap­probation of the contrarie.

Iohn-Iouian Pontano a man singularly learned in all knowledge of good letters, had to his high commendation published some workes of the morall vertues: had bene Tutor to Alphonso in his minoritie: had long bene Secretary to him and his father: had bene greatly preferred, and enriched by them both. This man notwithstanding, at the Coronation of Charles the 8. in Naples, made the gratulatory Oration, in the name of the whole citie: wherein he strained his eloquence (but more his honestie) not so much in extolling and magnifying the French, as in de­prauing and detracting from his olde Masters, to his owne per­petuall shame, and dislike euen of the French themselues. So hard it is for some men to obserue those precepts in their owne course of life, which with singular learning and iudgement they haue taught to others.

APHORISME XXIIII.

THere 1 is much wisedome in that Prince who can iudge of the seuer all aduices giuen by his Counsel­lors; yet greater is his vertue that can discerne and follow the best: but his sagacitie is singular, that can diue into their inward thoughts and pur­poses who giue it. 2 Because it is dangerous to be car­ried away with that counsell, which tendeth onely to the particular pro­fit of the counsellor. 3 For where the Prince is of so easie and tractable a [Page 114] nature, it were better for the State to haue him wicked, then for him to haue such wicked ministers.

The French armie is at Siena. The kings Councell aduiseth to make haste, before the confederates should haue leuied their forces, and be drawne to a head, to impeach their passage backe. The Florentines require againe with greater instance then be­fore, the restitution of their cautionary townes. They offer him in consideration, the thirtie thousand Duckats yet behind, due by the treatie, as also to lend him three score thousand more. Moreouer to send him for his safe-gard out of Italie, three hundred men at armes, and two thousand foote, vnder their Ge­nerall Francesco Secco, and to attend his army as farre as Asti. All the Councell thought these offers large, and most needfull for the king to accept, in this time of vrgent necessitie, and ex­treame danger: as also their demand to be most honest, iust, and reasonable. Onely Ligny, an vnexperienced yong man, cousen­germane [Page 115] to the king by the mother, and now the onely fauou­rite (in disdaine that the Florentines vsed the mediation of the Cardinall S. Malò, and not his, and to haue the gouernment of Siena, whereto he aspired) being seconded by Monsieur de Pienes, who also looked for the gouernment of Pisa and Ligorne, per­swade the king to the contrary, and preuaile: to the breach of his promise and oath, and to the endangering of his person and whole armie in that iourney.

APHORISME XXV.

THe 1 riuer Nouanus in Lombardie, at euery mid­sommer Solstice, swelleth and runneth ouer the bankes, but in mid-winter is cleane drie. 2 Such is the nature of men, vnresolued to seuerall fortunes: they swell in the sunne-shine of their prosperitie, but when stormes of danger and trouble arise, they are dried vp with despaire. For a minde vnprepared for desaster, is vnfurnished to sustaine it when it cometh. He that soareth too high in the one fortune, sinketh too low in the other. Insolent brauing and base feare, are indiuiduall and vnseparable companions. 3 But the resolued man, is euer the same, in the period of both fortunes.

[Page 116] The Duke of Millan had raised great forces, with his confe­derates, to impeach the French King in his returne, and to bid him battaile vpon the way. He hath receiued with all solemne pompe the priuiledges of Inuestiture for his Dukedome, and sworne his Fealty and Homage, to the Emperor. He hath armed tenne Gallies at Genoa, of his owne proper charge: and foure other great Shippes, vpon the publike. He hath sent Galeazzo San Seuerino, with six hundred men at armes, and three thousand foote, besides two thousand more raised in Germany, to besiege Asti. He is now in the height of his glorie: His State well setled: and his forces great. In which pride, he peremptorily commandes the Duke of Orleans, to quit his title and claime to Millan (which after the death of Philip-Maria Visconti, his Father Charles and now he himselfe, chalenged as their lawfull inheritance.) He in­solently forbiddes him, to suffer any new French forces passe that way into Italy: and to cause those already in Asti, to packe pre­sently ouer the mountaines, and to surrender the Towne into San Seuerinos hands: with many other threates, full of scorne and vanitie. But Orleans attends the fortification of Asti: sends for French supplies from France: takes the field with his armie: winnes the Towne and fortresse of Gualfinara: surpriseth the strong towne of Nouara: rauageth all the countrey, bringeth it vnder contribution, as farre as Vigeuene: and might without op­position haue marched euen to the walles of Millan. Herewith the Duke is so amated, as he sheweth his feare with fruitlesse teares; and poorely goes to the Venetian Embassadour, to re­commend his desperate estate vnto him, and to beg more for­ces to come to his succours. And finally, fearing his owne sub­iects, (as conscious of his vsurping, and mis-gouernment) he dis­chargeth [Page 117] them by proclamation, of many tallages and impo­sitions formerly laid vpon them.

APHORISME XXVI.

THe 1 Getulian captiue, escaped the danger of de­uouring by many Lions, through her humble ge­sture, and faire language: as saying vnto them, that she was a silly woman, a banished fugitiue, a sickly, feeble, and weake creature, an humble sutor, and lowly suppliant for mercie. As therfore the Lion is the noblest of all the beasts in the forrest; who neuer shewes his force but where he findes resistance: 2 So is the true souldier, the most honou­rable of all other professions; who holds it as great a glorie to relieue the oppressed, as to conquer the enemie.

The distressed Pisans importune the French king to hold [Page 118] them still vnder his protection, against the Florentines: his Councell aduise the contrary, vpon weightie and vrgent rea­sons. They bewaile their lamentable estate: they runne to euery meane Courtier: fall downe with their wiues and children at their feet, and deplore their miserable condition, to moue com­miseration. No plaints, no teares, preuaile in Court: they flee to the men at armes, and the rest of the troupes; and implore their mediation to the King in their behalfe. These noble spirits take their complaint into a tender compassion: they go presently to the King; desire him, for the honour of himselfe, the glorie of the Crowne of France, and for their owne sakes, who had bene, and would euer be ready vpon all occasions to spend the last droppe of their bloud in his seruice, to take pitie vpon the poore Pisans and if it were for need of money that he was forced to abandon them, they offered their gold chaines, and all the rest of their iewels, besides such money as they had: yea and rather then faile, that he should keepe in his hands, and imploy to his vse, their pensions and entertainment, due for their seruice. He is ouercome at their importunate suite; and re-assures them, in the word of a king, neuer to giue them ouer into the Floren­tines hands: howsoeuer he made semblance to that State of the contrary.

APHORISME XXVII.

NOthing 1 is more necessarie in a Chiefe, then the perfect exploration of the courses his enemie ta­keth, and a true estimate of the forces he bringeth: for, by the ignorance of the first, and misprision of this other, he makes his preparations, and builds his actions vpon supposals and slipperie grounds; and bereaues himselfe of many faire aduantages. 193

[Page 119] The French van-guard is led by the Marshall of Ghienne: it passeth the Appenine, farre before the body of the army; by rea­son of the difficultie of carrying of the artillery ouer those moun­taines. It lodgeth at Furnuouo. The army of the confederates, which was drawne into those parts to impeach their passage, and giue them battell, and consisted of two thousand fiue hundred men at armes, eight thousand foote, and two thousand light horse, commanded in chiefe by Francesco Gonzaga Marquis of Mantoa, lieth within three Italian miles of the enemy. They sup­pose at first, that the French (considering his small forces) durst not haue passed by land, but would haue embarqued himselfe for France by sea. And now againe that he is in view, they sup­pose his whole forces to be there: whereas if they had had good scouts to obserue the enemies proceeding, and number, and that the battallion was farre behind; they had vndoubtedly broken the van-guard, put the rest to manifest rout, and taken from the King all meanes of passing that way to his forces in Pied­mont, and peraduenture had little failed of seizing vpon his per­son: of which faire aduantages, their ignorance bereaued them.

APHORISME XXVIII.

WHere 1 there is no hope to escape, Despaire taketh armes: for Necessitie makes the most cowards va­liant. 2 Wherefore, leaue thine enemie a Port alwaies open, whereby he may flee: and rather then trie what he can do, (when thou seest what he would do) make him a bridge of siluer, that he may go his way.

A Herald is sent from the French king to the confederate ar­my, to demaund free passage. A Councell of warre is called, to resolue of an answer: some thinke it a great blemish to the repu­tation of so great an army, to suffer the enemy passe, without blowes: others, considering the force and valour of the French lances, being all gentlemen, the assured firmnesse of the Swisse, and their speedy and incredible conueyance of their artillery [Page 121] ouer those mountaines, are of a contrary opinion. They send to Millan for direction. The matter is debated by the Embassa­dours of all the confederates, who were there resiant: They of the Empire and Spaine, vrge it to a day of battell: they inferre, that otherwise all Piedmont is like to be at the discretion of the French, by reason of Asti and Nouara: they labour to proue, that in case they be not fought withall, the State of Italie is in worse termes then euer. They protest, that their masters should be for­ced to enter into new deliberations, and take some other course to stop the current of the Frenches greatnesse, if the Italians ei­ther would not, or durst not fight. But the Millanese and Vene­tian, whom it concerned most, (the enemies armie being now on their frontiers, and to be fought with by their forces) thought it the safer way to giue them free passage, least the ne­cessitie of fighting should double the courage and force of their small numbers: and so vpon one chance set the Maine of all their fortunes. This was resolued in Counsell, and Curriers dispatched to the campe with direction accordingly. But the nearnesse of the armies one to another, engaged them in the fight, before the newes could come.

APHORISME XXIX.

THe 1 Topicke place in nature, that where the cause faileth, the effect also dieth: hath likewise his place in martiall affaires. 2 For, where men are coura­gious, not out of true resolution, but out of some conceit of the enemies weaknesse, or wants: they lose that spirit and animositie, when they finde things contrary to those former impressions.

[Page 122] The confederate army, vpon the encouragement of their Captaines, and the consideration of the small numbers of the enemy, but chiefly vpon presumption that they durst not make their way by the sword, through so great forces, as were there ready ranged in battell, make a shew of excellent resolution, and desire to fight: on the other side, the French magnifie their owne valour, vilipend the Italian souldiers, and come brauely on. But when the Italians saw the gallant courage of the French, though few in number: and they againe obserued the confederates, strongly embatteled in their trenches, and with a face to fight, though before despised both the one and the other, finde their heate cooled, and edge rebated. The French would haue bene glad of a Passe, quietly granted; and the Italians were as sorie they had no warrant to grant it.

APHORISME XXX.

NO 1 actions of men are more subiect to sodaine and vnexpected euent, then those of war. 2 And in war, nothing so soone snatcheth victory out of our hands, as vntimely falling to the spoile. 3 Vpon such disor­der, Fortune alwaies turneth her wheel, and maketh victors of them, which before were vanquished.

[Page 123] In the memorable battell of Taro, betweene the French and Italian confederates: the Marshall of Ghienne, the Lord Triultio, and the Bailiffe of Dijon, led the French van-guard: the King him­selfe and the Lord of Tramouille, the battell: the Count of Foix, brought on the reare. The baggage comes behinde slenderly guarded. The Marquis of Mantoa, with a Squadron of sixe hundred men at armes, a grosse troupe of Estradiots, and six thousand foote, goes to charge vpon the Reare: leaues Antonio da Monte-feltro at stand, with a strong Squadron to come to the succours, vpon a signall giuen: giues order to the other squa­dron of Estradiots (or Greek horse) to charge the enemie in flanke, so soone as he had charged in front: appoints Count Gaiazzo, with foure hundred men at armes, and two thousand foote, to giue vpon the van-guard: assignes the rest of the Estra­diots, to fall vpon the carriages: sets Hannibal Bentiuoglio to stand firme, with two hundred men at armes, for seconds to Gaiazzo, when he should be called. The fight is begun: the fury on both sides great: the successe on whether side doubtfull; till the va­lour of the Marquis Gonzaga, performing both the office of a worthy Commander, by his direction, and the dutie of a braue souldier, by his sword, made the enemy stagger, and brought the oddes on his side. In this instant, those Estradiots appointed to charge vpon the Baggage, finding no resistance, fall to the spoile: and bring of, some one kinde of pillage, some another. Their fellowes, appointed to charge the enemie in Flank, seeing this, runne also to the bootie. The other Estradiots alreadie [Page 124] engaged in fight, follow their example: then horse and foote in whole troupes do the like. VVhereupon the Marquises forces being distracted and weakned, and no longer able to endure the furious impression of the French, are forced to quit the bat­tell, and repasse the riuer Taro, with exceeding losse; leauing the field to them which before were almost vanquished.

APHORISME XXXI.

EVery 1 action tendeth to his end: by which we iudge, whether it be vertuous or dishonest; worthy or base. Wherefore of causes, the finall is the most noble: and as the efficient giues motion, and the formall giues essence to the matter; so the finall giues the true iudgement and appellation of all things. 2 His claime is therefore best to the title of victorie, and honour of the day, not that killeth moe enemies, or taketh moe prisoners, but that by the battell obtaineth his end, for which he fought.

The Italians chalenge the honour of the day in the battell of Taro, because they held still their lodging and carriages (for their retreit was but ouer the riuer, which they had first passed to charge the enemie) and because they had had the spoile of the French tents, euen to the kings owne pauillion. The French on the other side claime the victorie to be theirs, because the enemy lost many moe in the battell then they: as also they were [Page 125] forced to quit the place of the fight, and to retire ouer Taro: but principally, because they had obtained the end for which they fought; namely, a free passage into their countrey, which they had now made, maugre the confederates, whose forces were there onely to impeach and stoppe them. This in the generall opinion was the stronger plea: and therefore the glorie of that daies encounter, is due to the French.

APHORISME XXXII.

IN 1 the countrey Carrinensis (of Spaine) there is a riuer, that shewes all the fish in it to be like gold; but take them into thy hand, and they appeare in their naturall kinde and colour. 2 Such are faire promises in his mouth that would obtaine his purpose: bring them to the touch, and thou shalt finde, All is not golde that glistereth. 3 He therefore that will engage himselfe into a great action, vpon promise of great assistance, if he be not as sure of his friends abilitie in power, as readinesse in will, he reckons without his host, and sits downe with the losse.

The Cardinall of S. Peter in Vincola, and Fregoso, with the troupes of Vitelli, and other land-forces, besides a nauie at sea, attempt vpon the coast of Genoa: they take two Port townes, [Page 126] Spezie and Rappallo: they expect when those of their faction in Genoa, should arise in armes, raise some tumult, and further this businesse. They finde nothing lesse. The citie sends out seuen hundred foote to the rescue of their people, and recouerie of their townes: they sodainly set vpon Rappallo, and carry it: more­ouer, a fleet of Gallies, one Carrack, and two Biscay shippes, with some smaller vessels, set vpon the French nauie, and the exiles, in the gulfe of Rappallo, fire all their shipping, kill many of the ene­mie, take the Generall prisoner, and obtaine a bloudy and fa­mous victory. This successe had the French, relying vpon the promises of the Genowese exiles.

APHORISME XXXIII.

THat 1 which paines vs much to endure, glads vs much to enioy, and to remember. For, there is no­thing glorious or sweet in the fruition, that is not difficult and painfull in the acquisition: Nor can we taste the kernell of pleasure, vnlesse we cracke the hard shell of danger. 2 Such are the craggie and vntroden paths to vertue and honour: where, though the first en­trance be hard, and many times desastrous, yet ouercome by true reso­lution and perseuerance, it after turnes to a mans greater glorie.

[Page 127] Gonsaluo Ernandes d'Aghilar of Corduba, a Spanish Captaine, commands in chiefe ouer his country souldiers, in Ferdinands ar­mie, at the battell of Seminara in Calabria, against the French led by d'Aubigni. The French gaine the day. The Arragonese are all slaine, or put to rout. Ferdinand himselfe fleeth by shipping to Palma, and thence to Messina in Sicilia. Gonsaluo escapeth hardly, and taketh his flight by land to Reggium, crosse the mountaines: yet in this very kingdome, he shortly after purchased himselfe, and that worthily, in the opinion of all men (euen of his ene­mies) the title and sir-name of GranCapitano.

APHORISME XXXIIII.

EVery 1 hath his warrantie, from the collection of circumstances: and among these, that of time is of greatest moment. For, not to aduenture when wee should, is cowardise, not prudence: and to dare when we should not, is rashnesse, not valour. 2 A wise man therefore must forme his counsels, and frame his actions, vpon the mould of necessarie circumstances.

[Page 128] Ferdinand, with a nauie of foure score shippes in all, Spanish and Sicilian, with Ricaiense Catelano Admirall of the Spanish Ar­mada, presents himselfe in good order of fight before Naples: he had scarce men enough to man his shippes; yet set he a good face on the matter, in hope of the Neapolitans reuolt, with whom he had secret intelligence. Monpensier Gouernour of the citie, sets a strong Guard in euery place, and preuenteth or sup­presseth all tumult. He is aduised by his Councell of warre, to man that shipping he had in the Port, and to set vpon the enemy, being so weakly prouided. He will not be aduised. Ferdinand, frustrate of his expectation, beares backe againe to sea, for Sici­lia. The conspirators in the towne, feare their treason will be dis­couered, send out a small boate to Ferdinand; importune his re­turne; he doth so; offereth to land his men at Magdalena, a mile from the citie of Naples. Monpensier (as rashly forward now, as he was fearfully backward before) will needs out of the citie, to im­peach their landing. An act of more aduantage to the conspira­tors, then they could haue hoped. He is no sooner out, but the Neapolitans are all in armens shut the gates vpon him: and make the place good for Ferdinand. The French thus engaged be­tweene the towne and the enemie, are forced (though with some difficultie) to recouer the Castle. And Ferdinand by this meanes regaineth Naples.

APHORISME XXXV.

WHere Reason sits as soueraigne, and gouernes all o­ther passions and perturbations of the minde, that mans actions are reigled by the squire of vertue, and confined within the limits of mediocritie. Now, because in a multitude, these motions and affections, like so many mutinous souldiers, haue no such cap­taine as Reason, to repaire vnto for direction: they are whirled with a voluble and violent variation from one extreme to another: and neither in obedience nor disloyaltie, loue or disdaine, keepe any setled stay. 210

The citizens of Naples had disloyally reuolted from their na­turall Liege Lord and Soueraigne, yong Ferdinand, (a Prince that had neuer wronged them) to Charles the 8. a stranger, and one they had neuer seene. They had forced him to flee out of Naples; and before he could shift himselfe out of the towne, they had rifled his goods, and forcibly taken all his horses out of the stables, with many other outrages, full of all insolencie and vil­lanie. Charles the 8. had vsed them much better then they of the [Page 130] house of Arragon; he had eased them of diuers grieuances and impositions yet is he no sooner out of the towne, but they shut the gates vpon him, and take in againe yong Ferdinand: and him whom they so shamefully vsed before, they now receiue with ge­nerall shouts and acclamations of great ioy. The women from the windowes, couer him with flowers as he passeth by, raine showers of sweet waters vpon his head, and runne to meete him in the streets, offering to kisse his feet, and wipe the sweate from his face. So hard it is for the popular sort to keepe any meane.

APHORISME XXXVI.

THough 1 Fortune be said to haue a great stroke in all humane actions, and greatest in those of warre, yet can we not so transferre the fault vpon her, but that the greatest blame will light on our selues. For her two onely aduocates, (blindnesse and igno­rance) which pleade her innocencie, are our chiefe accusers, and proue vs guiltie of our owne destruction. 2 It is therefore the part of euery commander, to open the one eye of his prouidence vpon the danger; and fixe the other of his knowledge, vpon the re­medie.

Monpensier, Generall of the Kings forces, Gouernour of the kingdome, and Lieutenant of the citie of Naples; while he [Page 131] was peaceably possessed of the towne, had neither the iudge­ment to see, nor care to foresee, what was necessary for the kee­ping thereof, although he could not but expect new attempts from the enemie. He had not onely not prouided Castel-nuouo, and Castel-vouo, of sufficient store of victuals and munition, a­gainst all future accidents of extremitie, but had also suffered what was there, in a reasonable mediocritie, to be lauishly wa­sted and consumed. The Arragonese is now againe Master of the towne: and Monpensier with his troupes are driuen into those two places of strength (the one within the citie, the other within canon shot) a number farre too great, for the small prouision of victuals they found there. VVhich tooke from him all possible meanes of holding those two strong peeces, whereby he might very shortly and most assuredly haue reduced that citie to the French obedience.

APHORISME XXXVII.

IT 1 is vsuall, and allowable by the law of Armes, for a publick and professed enemie to attempt that by stratageme, fraud, or suborned trecherie, which cannot be got by fine force, without long time, vtter­most danger, and extreme charge: for this way the purchase is sooner made, and at a lesse rate. 2 But it is dangerous for a chiefe commander, to treate in such a practise, and be of the partie, if he be to engage his person, and entrust his life in the hands of the suborned traitor: least, while he seeke to buy other mens liues for money, he sell his owne for nought.

[Page 132] The Marquis of Pescara, the greatest commander vnder the Arragonese, had with his forces besieged and assailed the Mo­nastery La-Croce, a place neare Naples, and of great importance, for his further desseignes: it was strongly fortified, and brauely defended by the French: Pescara despaires to winne it by force: he deales with a Moore, who had sometimes bene his slaue, and was now a souldier in the place, to betray it vnto him. The Moore assignes him an houre in the night, and prouides him a ladder to climbe vp the wall, that they two might further treate of the matter, and resolue of the meanes: meane while he discouers the plot to the French. At the houre of assignation the Marquis cometh; climeth vp the ladder: is shot through the throate, and falleth slaine in the place.

APHORISME XXXVIII.

IT 1 is more princely to en-rich, then be rich. 2 This rule in it selfe implieth a limit. For (being so) he maynot impouerish himselfe, to make othersrich: least he be vnable to performe that princely office, and want meanes to reward well-deseruing in o­thers. Wherefore a great beggar must haue a great sayer-nay; and a great giuer, must not so glut his follower, as that he take from him all edge of meriting more, or expecting more good: least he offer the sacrifice of his old seruice vpon a new altar, and turne the point of his power, vpon him that gaue it.

The French king had enfeoffed Fabritio and Prospero Colonna [Page 134] with great Seigneuries and States in the kingdome of Naples: he had giuen them whole Prouinces, more then to any other of that Nobilitie: his affaires begin now to decline in that Realme, and his friends to fall from him; among which, these two are the first of all, who of all other had least cause. They pretend for excuse, want of pay: a slender pretence in them, that had had such gifts and honours heaped vpon them. They alledge fur­ther, that Virginio Orsini, and the Count Petigliano (capitall ene­mies to their house) were in too much grace with the French: when as these men had not yet obtained at his hands so much as their libertie, which was due to them by the law of Armes, hauing their pardon and safe-conduct signed with the Kings owne hands, before they were taken prisoners. But indeed these were but pretended allegations of excuse, for their vngratefull reuolt, from so magnificent a Prince. It was the great Estates conferred vpon them, beyond the merit of their seruice, or pro­portion of others (which ought to haue bin the bridle to restrain them from such perfidious back-sliding, and to haue kept them in all awfull and dutifull obedience) that were their onely mo­tiues to quit his seruice. For now they hoped to make a new purchase, by following a new Master: or at least, to saue so great a stake.

APHORISME XXXIX.

NO 1 man is more bound to be true, then he that is trusted: nor any more carefully by vs to be tende­red, then they who by our meanes, and for our cause, are brought in case not to helpe themselues. 2 It is therefore a shamefull thing in a Chiefe, to giue Ho­stages for keeping of articles capitulated: and after by wilfull breaking of them, to leaue the liues of those pledges at discre­tion, and the enemies mercie.

[Page 135] Monpensier, a man of small deseruing in martiall affaires, weake in his directions, cold in his resolutions, and vnfortunate in his actions, in whom nothing was noble or great but his bloud, (which issued from the Master-veine of France) is now streightly besieged in Castell-nuouo at Naples. He compounds to yeeld the place (their liues and goods saued) if in thirtie daies he were not relieued. He giues Iuo d'Allegri, and three other Captaines of eminent note, for pledges of the performance. Monsieur de Percy, and the Prince of Bisignano, come to his succours, with what forces they can make. They ouerthrow the Count of Matalona, at the lake of Pizzolo, neare Eboli. They march on, without resistance, till they come neare Naples. Here, they finde all places strongly guarded, and all passages stopt. In despaire therefore of relieuing their distressed friends in Castel-nuouo, they retire. Monpensier, vpon no necessitie, but by perswasion of the Prince of Salerno onely, for sakes the Castel, embarques himselfe by night with two thousand fiue hundred of the garrison, and leaues the rest; with charge to hold still the place, beyond the day assigned by the composition: and so abandons those Noble men, his pledges, and leaues their liues at the discretion of Ferdinand.

APHORISME XL.

A 1 Mans eie and his honour, are two tender parts: the one cannot abide the rough touch of the hand, nor the other endure the smart ierke of the tongue: As therefore by the owners, they are carefully pre­serued, so by others that deale with them, they should be tenderly vsed. Such pregnant wits as had rather lose their friend, then their ieast, must learne the lesson which is taught fresh souldiers, to take heed, while they leuell and discharge vpon others, they lie not so open that they be hit thēselues. 2 For as wittie speeches lose their relish, when they are ouer-seasoned with the sowre sawce of repre­hension: so, when they come from him, vpon whom they may be iustly re­torted, by way of recrimination, they are most odious.

Betweene Peter Medici and the Duke of Millan, was no kinde correspondencie: they entertained iealous constructions one of another: yet the Duke being now on his way, to come to the [Page 137] French king at Serezzana, Medici goes out well mounted and attended, in complement to meet the Duke, and bring him into the towne. He fortunes to go out one way, and the Duke to come in another. At his returne, Sir (quoth he) I went out pur­posely to meete you vpon the way, to haue offered you my ser­uice, and attended you into the towne, but it seemes you came not the roade way. Indeed Sir, replies the Duke, one of vs hath missed the right way, but out of question it was your selfe. Co­uertly, and bitterly taxing Medici of taking a wrong course, in not being formerly aduised by him, but in following the French partie, and so bringing great troubles vpon his owne citie, and whole family, and all Italie besides. A fault whereof no man was more guiltie then the Duke himselfe. In like manner Alphonso the father, writes from Messina in Sicilia, to his sonne Ferdinand at Naples (which he had newly conquered) that he might againe returne to that citie. Sir, answereth the sonne, I will first establish the State, settle the gouernment, fortifie the citie of Naples, and make all sure, least you should againe flee from thence, as earst ye did: whereas himselfe as well as the old man, had fearfully quit the towne, and fled away.

APHORISME XLI.

MEns 1 manners change with their honours: and therefore popular States haue cut off aspirers to ouer-much greatnesse and popularitie, (though o­therwise men of eminent vertue and worth) be­cause it is scarce knowne to themselues (much lesse to the State) what maner of men they would proue, hauing gained their purpose. 2 So do mens fortunes often change with their honours: for as historie giues vs instances of diuers Princes, to whom successe and desaster, glorie and disgrace, haue bene alternatiue: so are they plentifull in examples of such as haue had a continuall cur­rent of good fortune, to a certaine period; and then a perpetuall ebbe, [Page 138] and course of the contrarie, all their life after.

Alphonso of Arragon, king of Naples, during the raigne of his father old Ferdinand, and while himselfe was but Duke of Cala­bria, was renowmed through all Europe for his famous deeds of armes, and succesfull issue in all his actions. But after he once came to the Crowne, there was no one enterprise wherein he prospered: his glorie was daily eclipsed with the thicke clouds of blacke infamie, for his crueltie, auarice, and oppression: and his felicitie hourely wained to the last change of extreme mis­fortune.

APHORISME XLII.

VNlawfull 1 actions, proceeding from our free electi­on, can no way be salued, nor pargetted ouer with a­ny colour of excuse: the wound may well be bound vp, but the scarre will alwaies remaine. For, if law were to be violated, it should be for a kingdome at least. 2 But neither the greatnesse of the purchase, nor of the partie, can extenuate the qualitie of the fact; nor patronize either the offender, or iustifier of the offence, from iust reproofe.

Ferdinand is repossessed of Naples it selfe, and a great part of the kingdome. He endeauors to be re-assured of the whole. To the effecting hereof, and establishment of this State, his Coun­cell findes no meanes so good, nor knot so strong, as a strict al­liance and parentade with Spaine. To which purpose he con­tracteth in marriage with Ioan (his Aunt) who was daughter to Ferdinand his grandfather, by Ioan the king of Spaines sister. He marrieth her: and the Pope by his Bull of dispensation, ratifies the match. Thus, what neither the law of nations alloweth, nor much lesse the Diuine law, which expresly forbiddeth it, the [Page 140] Prince without conscience admitteth, and the Pope without shame permitteth.

APHORISME XLIII.

SCarres 1 in a souldiers face, are the markes of ho­nour; and wounds in his weake bodie, are strong pleaders for reward. 2 Such therefore as shall lose a­ny limme in their countries seruice, and be disabled for other emploiments, are by law and their right, to be maintained at the countries charges: for, Re­ward is as strong a supporter of the State, as punishment. Wherefore they who actually performe what such lawes iustly prouide, deserue the sword of a souldier to be drawne for them in their need, and to be inrolled in the register of Fame for euer.

The State of Venice, presently after the memorable battell of Taro, calls in consideration the good seruice there done by those souldiers of their owne dominion, and in their entertain­ment. They thinke of a meanes to reward them; and resolue it thus: The Marquis of Mantoa, Gonzaga, they make Generall of [Page 141] all their forces, who before had but title of Gouernour. They in­crease the pay of those that had borne themselues brauely in that daies seruice, and meant still to follow the warres. They giue competent pensions to those that had bene maimed: they giue stipends out of the publicke Treasurie, to their sonnes that had bene slaine in the battell, and dowers to their daughters, for their better preferment. A memorable example for other States, and remarkable to the perpetuall honour of that Common-wealth.

APHORISME XLIIII.

THe 1 Ciuicke Garlands and Coronets, were giuen by the old Romanes, to those Generals that had saued the liues of many Citizens: and these were held more noble, and of greater honour, then either the Murall and Vallare garlands, giuen to them that first entred the enemies towne or campe: or then the Nauall, for doing some braue exploit at sea. For, they valewed the life of one of their owne, at ten of the enemie. 2 Wherefore a worthie Ge­nerall should not hazard to get that by fine force, and assault, with ma­nifest losse of his men; which by all militarie collections, he may be sure to carrie otherwise.

[Page 142] At the famous siege of Nouara, in which place were aboue se­uen thousand choise souldiers for defendants, besides able men of the towne, and many of the countrie fled thither for safetie from the furie of the enemie, all vnder the commaund of the Duke of Orleans. The confederate forces came before the towne, consisting of three thousand men at armes, three thousand light horse, one thousand Reistres, fiue thousand Italian foot, and ten thousand Lance-knights, commanded all by the Marquis Gon­zaga for the Venetians, and by Galeazzo San Seuerino for the Duke of Millan. Yet would not these commanders of this royall armie, attempt to winne the place by assault, considering the ma­ner of the fortification, the number and valour of them within the towne, and especially because the enemie armie not being yet on foote, could not possibly come to raise the siege in any conuenient time, and therefore the towne being full of people, and emptie of prouision, it must of necessitie in short time sur­render.

APHORISME XLV.

CVstome to do well, is like the Dyers scouring, it clean­seth and purgeth the minde of vicious dregs, by E­ducation: and then Reason and Exercise finding a subiect so well prepared, giueth it the tincture of vertue in graine. Such is the effect of martiall pra­ctise and discipline in the exercise of Armes: it not onely habituates and inures men to be good souldiers, but euen incorpo­rates the vertue in them and their race. But morall vertue, for want of exercise, and through dis-use, cometh to lose her accustomed habit, and turneth to the former soile of ill manners and vice. So doth the ver­tue militarie. 229

The ancient French was a valiant and warlike nation (as well testifies that warlike and famous souldier and historian, who held it one of his greatest trophies, to haue conquered the Gaules:) [Page 144] many of their kings in succeeding ages, fearing the furie of so fierce a people, by experience of their many insurrections and bloudie rebellions, tooke from them the vse and exercise of armes, and forced them to attend onely to tillage and mecha­nicall trades; suffering none but the Nobilitie or Gentrie, to be militant vnder their ensignes. VVhereupon they quickly lost their ancient reputation; and since that, haue bene held the worst foote of Europe. The consideration hereof, made the French king, not dare to venture the relieuing of Nouara, till he had leuied strong forces of Swisse, to ioyne with his French Lances in that seruice.

APHORISME XLVI.

COntrarie 1 causes, cannot but produce contrarie ef­fects. 2 Sanctitie and integritie of life (with puritie of doctrine) gaue the first maiestie and awfull re­uerence to the Sea of Rome, and made her the most eminent seate of Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction and au­thoritie: which, since, by the dissolute conuersation of those men, and corruption of religion in that Church, is verie much di­minished, and verie worthily. If they will call men to their former obe­dience, let them first re-call themselues to their former puritie of do­ctrine, and integritie of life and good manners.

[Page 145] The Pope, at the instance of the State of Venice, and Duke of Millan, sends his Sergeant with a Brieffe or Mandate to the French king: VVherein he peremptorily chargeth him to de­part out of Italie with all his forces, within ten daies; and within certaine daies after, to call home all his souldiers out of the kingdome of Naples: otherwise, that vnder paine of the Chur­ches Censure, he faile not to appeare personally at Rome, to an­swer the contempt. The King scorning his vaine message, and proud menace, returnes him this answer: That seeing the Pope would not stay to see him, as he passed by Rome to Naples (for indeed he had fearfully and shamefully runne away, and durst not abide his sight) he maruels much he should now be so de­sirous of his companie. But yet to shew his Holinesse, how du­tifull a sonne he was, it should not be long ere he would come to him, though he made his way with the sword; and therefore that he would haue the patience to stay till he came. Much vn­like the effect which Pope Adrians message wrought in elder times, with Desiderius king of Lombardie, whom he disswaded from a warre, wherein he was much engaged, and well aduan­ced, causing him and all his troupes to retire home from Terni to Pauia. Neither is it maruell, when that awfull and fearfull reuerence is decayed, which grew in mens hearts by admira­tion of the Churches sanctitie and holinesse of life, if now there succeed not the like effects.

APHORISME XLVII.

NEcessitie is neither ruled by Law, nor ouer-ruled by Power: her force is great, not onely in a passiue re­sistance, against all hard impressions; but in an actiue impetuositie, and violent passage, through all re­spects, obstacles, or dangers whatsoeuer: she will find a way, or make it. And among all her triumphs ouer man, this is not the least, she will make him honest in spite of his teeth. 232

The French king had a desire to keepe still in his hands Pie­tra-Santa and Serezzana: they were fit baites for Genoa, to hooke her to his deuotion. As desirous he was to hold Pisa and Ligorne: they were fit places to succour and refresh his shipping, that should be sent with supplies from France to Naples. The chiefe fauourites in Court are furtherers hereof, and opposers against the Florentine agents, who sue with great instance to haue them surrendred. A new accident vnhappily falls out, which makes their suite more desperate; it was this: The Florentines take in by composition, Ponte-Secco. The French souldiers in the place, capitulate to depart with their liues saued. The Guascons not­withstanding, as they march out of the Port, are barbarously slaine, against all faith giuen, and law of armes. This incenseth [Page 147] much the French campe and Court, especially those who did mediate for the Pisans: yet for all this, it was neither the Kings promises often made, nor his oath once solemnly taken, (but his extreame need of monie, to leuie the Swisse for the affaires of Nouara, and speedie relieuing of Naples,) which forced him to be as good as his word, to surrender vp all those places, and restore their right to the Florentines.

APHORISME XLVIII.

IT 1 sufficeth not to the strength of the armes, to haue flesh, bloud, and bones, vnlesse they haue also sinewes to stretch out, or pull in, for defence of the bodie. 2 So an armie consisting of many valiant men, and fur­nished with all other warlick habillements, is but lame, and vse-lesse, and vnable to moue it selfe, with­out monie, the sinewes of warre.

The citie of Nouara is in great distresse, for want of victuals the French king is not able to raise forces to relieue it, for want of monie. He had sent the Bailiffe of Dijon into Swisserland for [Page 148] aide, but none would come to emptie coffers. At this pinch, he makes a finall conclusion with the Florentines, for the restitu­tion of Pisa, and other cautionarie townes, and receiues great summes of monie in consideration. Vpon the first bruite hereof, the Swisse that before would not stirre one foote, come downe now in grosse troupes: and whereas he had sent but for ten thou­sand, there now come aboue twentie: it was impossible to stay them, when they heard the kings Checquer was full.

APHORISME XLIX.

IN 1 a fearfull tempest at sea, where men are in dan­ger of ship-wracke, they throw part of their goods ouer boord, least the rest, the ship, themselues, and all should perish. 2 So must a wise Prince, in the tem­pestuous stormes of warre: he must adapt his con­sultations and actions to the necessitie of the time: and not expose the Maine to a manifest losse, by seeking to saue the Bye. Wisedome is therefore more necessarie in a Chiefe, then valour.

[Page 149] It is debated by the French kings Councell of warre in his owne presence, whether (now the Swisse are come downe) No­uara should be yeelded to the Duke of Millan, vpon such con­ditions as he offered: or that they should engage all their power and meanes, to raise the siege, and relieue the place. The Lord of Tramoüille is for the negatiue: his reasons these. It is inglori­ous for so great a King, being once embarqued in the action, to quit the place to the enemie: for, he should rather at his co­ming to Asti, not haue medled with it at all, as not belonging to himselfe, but to the Duke of Orleans, who likewise had iust title to the whole Duchie: but now as the case stands, the losse of Nouara, can be no other in effect but the losse of Naples, and the destruction or ruine of all his Nobilitie and Captaines left in that kingdome, who must necessarily despaire of all succour, see­ing so great an armie, as he hath here, giue way to the Italians. The successe of warre depends vpon his reputation that makes it: if this be once lost, there consequently followes the fainting of souldiers, failing of friends, reuolting of subiects, decreasing of reuenues, encouragement of enemies, and doubling of all other difficulties: his new purchased glorie in Naples, will be bu­ried in the infamous graue of Nouara. This peace betweene his Maiestie and the Duke of Millan, fits not with his present af­faires: it is not made Bonafide, on the Dukes part: he is a Prince notoriously taxed of infidelitie and fraud: a temporizer, and one that neuer keepes touch, but to serue his owne turne: the King shall no sooner be gone, but the articles shall be broken. To raise the siege, and relieue the towne, is a matter of no great difficultie, to him that considers the greatnesse and valour of the French armie: the helpes it hath of the countrie adioyning, and the enemie against whom it is to fight, being the same it had before beaten, and put to flight at Taro, when the French had but three thousand Swisse in his armie, whereof were now aboue twentie thousand. The benefit will be great, for all Italie will be the prise to him and his souldiers: there remaining no moe for­ces to make head against him. Thus argues Tramoüille; but the [Page 150] Prince of Orenge aduiseth the contrarie: and proues, that the pre­sent estate of the Kings affaires permits no time to ioyne force with wisedome: for, Nouara must be presently succoured, or pre­sently yeelded, and lost. To attempt the present reliefe by force, were against all Principles of warre, and enough to lose the whole armie: the enemie was so strongly encamped, both by in­dustrie of art, and nature of the situation. To diuert him, by as­sailing anyother place of importance, required maturitie of counsaile, and length of time. Long stay were dangerous for the armie, winter growing on, and the Swisse being there in such numbers: a people apt to mutine vpon euery occasion, but es­pecially for want of pay, for whose long entertainment the king had no meanes. It is very true, no man can denie it, that the kee­ping of this place, would be more for the kings honour, and assu­rance of his affaires in Naples: but it is not the part of a wise Com­mander, to endanger the whole, for a part of such difficultie. Be­sides, this Imprese belongs not to the King, but indirectly, con­sidering he layes no claime to the Duchie of Millan: neither was it the cause of the Kings coming from Naples, to make warre in Piemont. And therefore it neither engaged his honour, nor profit, to endanger all his fortunes for the keeping of that which was none of his owne. It is likely enough the Duke will breake the articles of the accord, so is it as likely that some of the confede­rates will fall from him. A collegation of many, is euer of this nature, there still happen occasions to loosen the knot, which be­ing once vntied, is easily broken. This resolution is therefore to be taken, not that it is in it selfe either profitable or honourable, but that it is a rule among wise Captaines, To allow that for the best, which is of necessitie, or which hath least difficultie or dan­ger: to which we ought euer adapt all the deliberations and re­solutions of our actions. Orenge preuaileth in the cause: the towne is yeelded; and the peace concluded between France and Millan.

APHORISME L.

IT 1 is a Prescription in the Physicall rules of diet, not to receiue more meate into the stomack, then the naturall heate may well digest, and the expulsiue fa­cultie easily discharge: least it ouercome nature, and ouerthrow the state of the bodie: So is it a Militarie precept, to entertaine no moe mercenaries into thine armie, then thou maist well order and vse, or discharge at thy pleasure. 2 For, as they haue not so noble ends as other souldiers (thy naturall sub­iects,) so are they apt vpon euery base cause, and fit occasion, to violate all lawes of armes and discipline.

The Swisse that neuer fighteth but for wages, demands three whole moneths pay of the King, vpon his preparing to returne into France. They had not serued him at all in any action of warre; they were but lately come to the campe, and in greater numbers then he had demanded: he hath now no further vse of them: besides, those Officers the King sent to raise them, had made no such couenant with them: yet because (forsooth) [Page 152] Lewes 11. the last king, had entertained them vpon such con­ditions, they will not be otherwise satisfied. They resolue to seize on the Kings person, and some other of his Councell and princi­pall Lords, till they were paid. The King fearing the worst, ha­steth himself out of their fingers. They lay hold vpon the Bailiffe of Dijon, and some other officers, and will not deliuer them, till they had assurance and pledges from his Maiestie, of what they demanded.

APHORISMES, CIVIL AND MILITARIE. LIB. III.

APHORISME I.

AS 1 we obserue in nature, that keene and razor­wits, which will take a haire off the hand, do turne edge at a more solide substance; and are apter for a fine conceit, then a sound deliberation: where­as the tough and dull Axe, is able to encounter the hard and sturdie Oake, and to ouer-master him: So experience teacheth vs, that hot and fi­rie spirits, are apter to get a purchase, then to keepe it, and to winne the garland, thento weare it. 2 Whereas the benefit of treasure, is not in the acquisition, but in the fruition: for goods are not good, but by the vse. 3 He therefore that hath the fortune to get the victorie, but not the iudgement to make vse thereof, hath both the one and the other, for his greater fall.

[Page 154] Charles the 8. came into Italie like thunder and lightning; he is gone out like smoake. He knew how to vanquish, but not how to vse the victorie. Fortune gaue him the kingdome of Naples, and his owne error made a way to lose it. He had left an insufficient Deputie to gouerne it: weake forces to defend it: small meanes to hold it: and no money to defray them. The na­uie which he sent for their succours, and money, with supplies of men from Florence, through negligence and delay came to no purpose. Himselfe makes a dishonorable retreit ouer the moun­taines, not out of any feare or want offorces, but out of impru­dence, disorder, and a vaine desire to be in his owne countrey, and enioy her pleasures. Yet more like one vanquished then a victor, and so much the more inglorious, by how much his for­tune rather then his sword, had raised him to so high a pitch of glorie and conquest.

APHORISME II.

INa Mediocrity of Fortune, men haue measured thoughts, and teddered within the limites of their meane estate: But hard it is to fore-iudge of those men, how they will prooue in their greater prosperi­ty: So dangerous a bolus this is to be swallowed, wel digested, and turned to good humour: For it filleth euery veine in the heart, with a windinesse of vain-glorie, and thirsti­nesse after more: ouerflowing the boundes of Reason, Equitie and Iustice. 242

[Page 153] All Italie resounded the praise of the Venetian Senate, and Duke of Millan, esteeming them worthie of erected Trophies to their perpetuall fame and honour: that with so wise delibera­tion, and noble resolution, had made head against the victori­ous army of the French, fought with him in plaine field, and re­stored the Italian armes to their ancient reputation: freeing that noble Country, from the sword and seruitude of Tramontanes and strangers. And worthilie had this honour bene theirs, had they not presently after tainted that vertue, and eclipsed that glorie, with the greedie desire of more then was their owne, by entring into the Pisan businesse: to their owne proper losse and infamy, and to the generall stirring of new garboiles and troubles, through all the States of Italie.

APHORISME III.

CIneas 1 the Embassadour, after the first dayes audi­ence, could remember euery Senators name in Rome. And Cyrus was able to call euery poore Souldier by his name, that was in the campe. Such perfect me­mories as these, men naturally haue of euery little wrong done vnto them. For benefites they write in dust, wronges in marble: as well those they offer, as those they suffer. 2 Therefore the guilt of hauing done a wrong, hath such deepe impression in the iniurer, as he neuer after affieth in the party iniured, nor treat­teth with him in any sinceritie.

Matters betweene the Duke of Millan and Charles the 8. are come to a finall composition. The Articles are thus concluded at Vercelly: That there should be a perpetuall Peace and Amity betweene them. That Nouara should be yeelded to the Duke. That Spezie, and other places vpon the east coast of Genoa, should be reciprocally surrendred: That it should be lawfull for the King, to arme as many shippes as he would in the port of Genoa, for all vses and purposes, saue onely in fauour of the e­nemies of that State: That for security hereof the Genoweses should giue sufficient pledge and hostages. That the Duke [Page 157] should restore the shippes taken at Rappallo, and the twelue gal­lies arrested and seized on in Genoa. That the yeare following, the Duke should furnish him with three shippes more, for the seruice of Naples: That he should grant free passage through his State, to all such French troopes, as should be sent into Italie, so they came not aboue two hundred lances at once. That in case the King returned in person, to the imprese of Naples, the Duke should follow him, with a certaine proportion of forces. That the Venetians should haue three monethes respite to enter into the League: If they did, then to call home their nauy from the king­dome of Naples, and to giue no assistance to Ferdinand: If not, that the Duke should aide him to warre vpon that State, and what was wonne from them, should belong to the Duke. That he should paie the Duke of Orleans, by March next following, the summe of fiftie thousand Duckats, for his expence vpon Noua­ra. That he shoud quitte the King of eightie thousand of those Duckats, which he borrowed of him at his first coming into I­talie. That he should release Triultio from the proclamation of banishment and proscription, which was out against him. That he should set at libertie the bastard of Burbon, taken prisoner at the battaile of Taro: and Monsieur Miolanes taken at Rappallo. That he should call home Fracassa from Pisa, with all his, and the Genowese forces and not aide that citie against the Florentines. That he should leaue the castle of Genoa, in Deposito, with the Duke of Ferrara, as an indifferēt man betweene them, to be con­signed to the King vpon the failing in any of these premisses, on the Dukes part. Meane while to put in pledges for the deliuerie of the place. To all these articles the Duke of Millan condescen­ded, and sware: not in any sinceritie, for he still misdoubted the King, whom he had so many wayes offended, and indeed meant himselfe to be the first that should breake: but with a desire to re­couer Nouara, and remoue the warre from his owne State. Those articles therefore which were apparantly in his owne power, which could permit no delaie, and would admit no euasion, he presently performed. He put in pledges forthe castle of Genoa: [Page 158] he set free the prisoners: he restored the shipping taken at Rappal­lo: he called home Fracassa: he consigned the castle into the handes of the Duke of Ferrara. The rest, which required no pre­sent performance, and for which he could pretend any false co­lour, he vtterly broke.

APHORISME IIII.

THe 1 beautie of Truth is in her nakednesse, and therefore she seekes no corners, to hide it: But fals­hood is vglie, if stripped bare, and therefore like ill complexions, she borroweth colours to couer her deformitie. Men iustly taxed with this foule as­persion, are not to be treated with, much lesse tru­sted. 2 But he which first and last keepes touch with his Allies, is a mir­rour of men, and a patterne of Princes.

The Duke of Millan, contrary to the articles at Vercelli, agreed vpon between him & Charles 8. leaues Lucio Maluezzo, with store of forces in Pisa: pretending they were the Genowese souldiers, whom he had no authority to drawe thence. He suffers two car­rackes [Page 159] armed at Genoa, to go to the succours of Ferdinand: and alledgeth for excuse, that they were hired for that seruice of Na­ples, before the peace was concluded. He labours them of Genoa vnder hand; to deliuer no pledges; He perswades them not to suffer their shippes, which were all readie rigged and prest for the Kings vse, to be manned with French souldiers, without good security for the restitution: a thing notablie preiudiciall to the French affaires in Naples: but he hath this euasion, that his autho­ritie was not absolute ouer that city, but limited with such re­straints, as it was lawfull for her to do what she list, in matter touching her owne particular. Yet this last was the finest fetch of all the rest: He secretly procures the Pope, to command both himselfe, and the city of Genoa, vpon paine of the Churches cen­sure, to suffer no shippes to go out of that port, for the French Kings seruice.

APHORISME V.

THere 1 is nothing more sacred, or more religiously to be obserued, then the inuiolable priuiledge and free­dome of Embassadours: for, they sustaine in their person, as well the maiestie of their Master, as the manage of his affaires. No Prince therefore ought to arrest his Embassadour, with whom he is not in open warre and vtter defiance, or hath had the like first offered to his owne. 2 He that doth otherwise, violates all lawes of armes and nati­ons; and leaues example of detestation, rather then of imitation.

[Page 160] Guy-Anthony Vespuccio the Florentine Embassadour to the French king, after his dispatch at Turin in Piemont, is returning home, through the State of Millan, without all feare or suspition of arresting or intercepting by the way, because that Duke and the French were now in amitie, and the Common-wealth of Florence had not as yet declared her selfe enemie to either of the parties. The Duke of Millan is desirous to vnderstand the secrets of his negotiation. He sends out his Warrant to attach him in the way. He is arrested at Alexandria: brought to Millan: and hath all his writings and instructions taken from him. By these the Duke knowes the whole effect of the businesse concluded, and the capitulations agreed vpon betweene them and the king. Hereupon he with the State of Venice, resolue presently to enter into the warre of Pisa against them.

APHORISME VI.

CVstom 1 hath taught natiōs, and Reason mē, and Na­ture beasts, that self-defence is alwaies lawfull: but inuasion hath her prescribed limits. 2 For, though the law of nature, which gaue omnia omnibus, seeme to allow it: yet the law of State, which made meum and tuum, restraines it to these two conditions, ei­ther to reuenge an vniust wrong, or to recouer a iust right. Wherefore Glory and Empire, are two goodly things, if gotten well: but they are no good motiues to make a warre, or encroach and entrude vpon the posses­sions of others.

[Page 161] The strong building that at first was framed betweene the I­talian Princes, to impeach the Venetians greatnesse, is now at length shreudly shaken: one chiefe corner stone (the king of Na­ples) is dislocate, and vtterly broken. The king of France is retur­ned home; and hath left Pisa abandoned to the hazard of her owne fortune, to be banded and tossed among the Princes of Ita­ly. She is not able to defend her selfe, nor willing to returne to the Florentine subiection; she had rather vndergo any other misery, or submit her selfe vnder any other gouernment. Venice casteth her eye vpon this prey, as the onely meanes to compasse the mo­narchie of Italy, to which she aspired. The same ambitious intent hath the Duke of Millan: though both the one and the other co­uered their desseigned end, vnder pretence of the compassion they had vpon the distressed estate, and forlorne hopes of Fer­dinand king of Naples: and of intention to hinder the Floren tines, from sending money, and supplies of forces to the French against him: but the truth was, as the end after shewed, that their chiefe motiue to this enterprise was ambition.

APHORISME VII.

AS it is fit, that Princes in one hand should hold those in extraordinarie place of fauour, whom they shall please; being more eminent then others, either in bloud, merit, or some cause else, best knowne to them­selues: So is it as requifite, that in the other hand they should hold the rod of Iustice and correction ouer them, when they abuse this fauour. For when the fauourite shall dare to contradict, or disobey the expresse commandement of his Master; and to giue him check-mate, by stopping the draught of his power, it is intollerable: it derogateth too much from his honour that so ill bestowed the fauour, and staineth the honestie of him that so vnworthily recei­ued, and so vngratefully requited it. 251

D'Entraghes, a follower and creature of Ligni, the Kings mi­nion, is left Gouernour of the Cittadell of Pisa. The Kings ex­presse commandement by his Letters patents is brought to him, charging him vpon sight to surrender vp that place into the Florentines hands. He makes difficultie to obey, construing the Kings letters in a wrong sence, and sometimes denying flat­ly [Page 163] to deliuer vp the peece, till he had commission from Ligni, by a speciall token. The Florentines are forced to send backe to the King, for a stronger warrant. The king is angrie with Lig­ni: commands his pleasure to be fulfilled, and a man of worth and authoritie to be sent to d' Entraghes, for dispatch of the bu­sinesse. Ligni sends onely a priuate gentleman, & as was thought, with commission quite contrary to the Kings direct will and pleasure: as appeared by d' Entraghes delay, who would not yet yeeld vp the place. To the great hinderance of the Florentine affaires, but greater derogation to the maiestie and honour of the King, and greatest imputation of insolence and obstinacie to the Minion himselfe.

APHORISME VIII.

SMall 1 matters haue great effects in all humane a­ctions, but greatest in those of warre: for, one one­ly word mis-vnderstood, ouerthroweth many times both the action and the actors. 2 Wherefore a wise Generall, should accustome his souldiers to this dis­cipline, Neuer to take a-larme, or apprehension of sodaine danger, from what other doe or say; but from his owne imme­diate Officer, or them in place aboue him.

[Page 164] The Factions, Guelphe and Ghibelline, had partialists in many great cities of Italie. In Perugia the Baglioni were chiefe of the Guelphes, the Oddi of the other. Those, had Spoletum, Camerino, and some other neighbour townes, to friend: These, had Fuligni, and Ascesi. This, of the Oddi, being the weaker partie, is ba­nished Perugia. They flee to their friends: gather forces, to the number of three hundred horse, and fiue hundred foote: ap­proach the citie by night: enter, and put some to the sword, the rest to flight: march forward as masters of the towne, to the head of a streete butting vpon the market place. Here they finde a chaine drawne, which one of the foremost essaying to breake with his Axe, calls to them in the Ranke next behind him, (who pressed so neare as they hindred him from fetching his blow) Backe, backe. The word passeth from Ranke to Ranke, to them in the Reare: these, supposing it to proceed from some sodaine danger, begin to flee. They before, seeing the Reare in rout, ap­prehend some perill on that part, and flee also a-maine them­selues: leauing the victorie which they had in their hands, to the enemie; by whom they were pursued, ouertaken, and slaine in great numbers.

APHORISME IX.

HE 1 that will venture to sea, must prouide Biscot; and he that will enter into warre, must haue meanes of his owne. 2 For to settle his assurance vpon the bare promise of Seconds (without couenant or cau­tion) is to set vp his Rest when he sees but Colour: and to embarque himselfe into an affaire of charge and danger, in hope of their aid, is to put his goods in a rotten bottome. Such venturous Gamesters, often misse an en-counter: and such Mer­chant-venturers seldome escape the Counter.

[Page 165] Venice, and Millan, wish the troubles of the State of Florence, that she might neither be able to recouer Pisa, nor aide the French: to this effect, they perswade Peter Medici, and Virginio Orsini, to set vpon that State with all the force they can make: a motion plausible to them both, if they may be well backed, and seconded: to the one being banished, to recouer his countrie to the other being a souldier, to be in action and entertainement. They make this faire offer, for a better ground of the designe, that while they two shall giue vpon that State, on the side to­wards Siena, Bentiuoglio their stipendiary, shall assaile them to­wards Bologna, and the sonnes of Katherine Zforza (in paie with the Duke) shall set vpon that part towards Romagna: and so they shall be beset on euery side. Medici and Orsini enter the action, in hope of these seconds: but Bentiuoglio will not embroile himself in troubles, against so potent a State and neighbour, for ano­ther mans interest: the Duke falles off, because, though he wish­ed ill to Florence, yet he was loath that Medici, whom he had so much wronged, should be rimpatriate, and recouer his great­nesse. Venice alone would not be at the charge. The Riarij, sonnes of the Lady, could do little of themselues. And so the enterprise quailed, to the great losse onely of those that engaged them­selues ouer-farre, in hope of these seconds.

APHORISME X.

THe 1 olde Spartane that had conquered by pollicie offered an oxe: but he that preuailed by force, offe­red onely a cocke: Because the greater sacrifice of thankfulnesse was due to the gods from him, and the greater praise and reward was due to him from the State. 2 But this is the greatest glory of all, to driue out the nayle of thine enemies practise, with a stronger of thine owne, and to blow him vp in his owne mine. Pollicie against force de­serueth much, and preuaileth often, but by stratageme to preuaile against pollicie, is euer excellent.

The souldiers of Ferdinand plot with some of the French gar­rison in Gifone castle, neare San-Seuerino, to betray the place vnto them: the French entertaine the motion, and assigne an houre, and the manner, for the execution: meane while they secretly acquaint the gouernor. The Arragoneses come at the time ap­pointed: finde a port open: and enter: they are taken in the [Page 167] trappe: seuen hundred of them, part horse, and part foote, are slaine on the place: the rest are taken prisoners.

APHORISME XI.

ALL 1 things haue their time. The Romane that won­dered at those peoples folly, who plaied with their little dogges and munkeyes, hauing little children of their owne to play with: what would he haue said to such, who pursue their delights with greatest ear­nestnesse, when they are farre engaged in businesse of greatest consequence? For, we should deale with our pleasures, as with little whelpes: Neuer play with them, but when we haue nothing to do: or for want of better company. 2 That Prince therefore that preferres the sweet of his delights, before the care of his safetie, and loues his ease more then his honour, makes his enemy the stronger to offend him, and disables himselfe of all meanes of defence. These appetites that are rather liquorous of toothsome then holesome things, are dangerous as well in States, as in mens bodies.

[Page 168] Monpensier can doe no great good in Naples, for want of mo­nie to pay his souldiers: especially the Swisse. Don Frederick and Don Caesar of Arragon, put the French partie to the worse in Pu­glia. The Count Pepoli hath much the better vpon Gratiano, in Abbruzzi. D'Aubigni is sicke, and Gonsaluo the great captaine, winnes daily ground vpon him in Calabria. Thus ouer all that kingdome the French goes to the wall. The King of Spaine is come in person, with a great armie as farre as Perpignan, and his Spanish troopes, without resistance, rauage, and harrey all o­uer Languedock: yet for all these aduantages, Ferdinand (to enioy the kingdome of Naples quietly) offers to hold it of the French King and to pay him the yearely tribute of fiftie thousand Duc­kats. Charles 8, notwithstanding these hard tearmes, wherein his affaires stood, refuseth the offer: makes light of the Spanish in­cursions: prouides neither money nor supplies for Naples. But giues himselfe wholly ouer to his delights, of the Tilt, Turney, and other Court pleasures: like one that was neither capable to maintaine a warre, nor entertaine a peace. To the great decli­nation of his affaires in Italy, and blemish of his reputation in the world.

APHORISME XII.

AVthority 1 is the life and soule of a Monarchie: And contempt of the Prince in a subiect, is more dange­rous then hate: for, it is better to liue in a State, where nothing is lawfull, then there where a man may do what he list. 2 That Prince therefore, who suffers the vassall, to turne his awfull obedience, into wilfull contumacy, without condigne punishment, hindreth his present affaires, and dishonoureth his present gouernement.

[Page 169] The French king offended with d'Entraghes, Gouernour of the Citta dell of Pisa, for his disobedience and contumacie, in not yeelding vp the place vpon his first commaund, sends him now a new order, more strict and peremptory, with menacing threats, if he should faile to execute forthwith this his expresse will and commandement. The message is brought him by Ge­mel. He still persisteth in his obstinate disobedience. Bona a kins­man of his owne, is sent vnto him, to perswade him, whom d'En­traghes drawes to be of his minde. These two trafficke with Lucio Maluezzo, the Duke of Millans factor, in that businesse. They sell vnto the Pisans the Cittadell (which the King commanded should be surrendred to the Florentines) for twentie thousand Duckats: whereof, they diuide eight among the garrison; them­selues share the rest. They consigne it into the hands of the Pi­sans: by this consignation, the Citie was wholly at the deuotion of the confederates, the Kings professed enemies; and the French in Naples, could haue neither the men nor the money promised by the Florentines. Againe, the bastard of Bibbienna, Gouernour of Serezzana, by order and commission from Ligni [Page 170] the Kings minion, sels the towne to the Genowese, for twentie fiue thousand Duckats: Whereas the King his master had sent ex­presse order to him by Robert de Vesté a gentleman of his cham­ber, that it should be re-deliuered to the Florentines, whose commissaries and officers were alreadie come to take possession. The like did the Castellane of Serezzanello. Besides, d'Entraghes, (vnder whose gouernment were the fortresses of Pietra-santa, Mu­trone, and Libra-fatta) keepes this last Peece still in his hands, and sels the other two, by the perswasion of the Duke of Millan, to the Lucchesi. Matters vncredible, that a Kings pleasure should be thus crossed, his will disobeyed, and his lenitie abused: except onely to those, who knew the weaknesse and inconstancie of this Prince, how little power he had among his owne, and how much euery one will dare to presume in a State and against a Prince, vnder whom any thing is lawfull.

APHORISME XIII.

THe 1 best armour of proofe and tower of defence to a Prince, are his vertues, if he commaund ouer loyall subiects: and the best Bridles for head-strong rebels, are Cittadels, then which nothing is more necessary to curbe and restraine them. 2 But such people, who hold themselues subiects, not slaues, call them the Nests of Tyrants: and therefore when they get them into their hands, demolish them to the very foundation. As therefore it is good policie, to restraine that nature by force, which will not be wonne by faire meanes: so on the other side, it is a great ease to the offender, to see the rod burnt. Wherefore a people should either not deserue them, or en­dure them: and a Prince should either not build them, or keepe them safe from surprisall.

[Page 171] The Pisans haue bought the Cittadell for twentie thousand Duckats: a deare purchase to them that were so poore: for of this summe, they were forced to borrow foure thousand of the Duke of Millan: as much of the State of Venice, other foure thousand of Genoa and Lucca: the rest they made vp of their owne. The place is no sooner put into their hands, but the whole citie men and women runne all pell-mell to the razing thereof, and neuer giue ouer, while there is one stone standing vpon another.

APHORISME XIIII.

THe 1 vaine-glorious man lookes vpon himselfe through a false glasse; which makes euery thing seeme fairer and greater then it is. And this flatu­ous humour, filleth the emptie bladder of his vaste thoughts, with so much winde of pride, as he pre­sumes, that Fortune, who hath once bene his good Mistris, should euer be his Hand-maid. But the wings of selfe-conceit, wherewith he towereth so high, are patched of borrowed feathers, and these imped in the soft waxe of vncertaine hope, which vpon the en­counter of euery small heate of danger, will melt and faile him. 2 For For­tune deales with him, as the Eagle with the Tortoise, she carries him the higher, that she may breake him the easilier. 3 And therefore a Prince, in the middest of his prosperitie, must thinke of the worlds instabilitie: and that Fortune is constant in nothing but Inconstancie.

[Page 173] The Duke of Millan called himselfe the sonne of Fortune, which he presumed to hold in a band, and haue at his comman­dement: so vainely was he transported, and so bigge swolne with pride, because by his counsaile, the French King came downe into Italy: Medici, who loued him not, was banished Florence. Florence which opposed his desseignes, had lost Pisa: and the Ar­rogonese, his capitall enemies, were driuen out of Naples. Againe, when the state of things altered in Italy, and that he found it fit­ting his purpose, he wrought the returne of Ferdinand into his lost kingdome: he plotted and effected the combination, of ma­ny potentates, against the French King: and was the chiefe cause of his dishonourable retreite out of Italy. This makes him mis­prise and vnder-valew, the pollicy and wisdome of all other Princes, in respect of his owne: to take vpon him the manage and direction of all affaires in Italy: and to presume of like con­tinuance of successe, in all his future actions. But the euent shew­ed shortly to his cost, and losse both of State and libertie, how farre wide he was of the true account, when he cast vp this false reckoning, of what he had done, and was due vnto him: but for­got those his debtes to Fortune, and Nature, which all wise Prin­ces are carefull of.

APHORISME XV.

ELder 1 times held her to haue sufficient dower, that was vertuously endowed: But these latter, hold her good enough, that hath goods enough. 2 So fa­reth it in publike purchases: for, the old position was this, Iustice is to be preferred before profit: But now the tearmes are transposed in the proposi­tion: and the ambitious desire of rule, neuer disputeth the equitie, but the [Page 174] benefit of the action it vndertaketh. Thus standeth the obseruation, but the praecept teacheth the contrary.

The State of Venice deliberates, whether to vndertake the protection of Pisa, or not: she calles not in question the Iustice of the action, to defend rebels against their lawfull Lordes, but, whether she should do it at her owne charge, or ioyntly with o­thers: the matter is controuersed in Senate: The grauer and wi­ser sort are for the negatiue, not to vndertake it alone. Their rea­sons: because it hath in it great difficulty, Pisa being so farre di­stant from this State by land, but tenne times farther by sea: of great expence, the Florentines being so rich, and so resolutely bent not to quitte their right in that citie: Of great danger, the other States of Italy being already iealous of the Venetian great­nesse, [Page 175] would now vndoubtedly combine themselues against her: especially Zforza (out of emulation and enuy, that she should get this sweet morsel from him, for which he had so long, and so greedily gaped) would fall to his old tricke of calling in the French nation, to a new trouble and disturbance of the quiet of Italy. It were therefore good pollicy to ioyne with him, in the protection, least the Pisans should wholly submit themselues vn­der him: but in no case to draw vpon their owne head, such a weight of charge, and such a world of enuy, where there is no imminent nor vrgent necessity. For, praecipitate deliberations and hazardous, are onely necessary to those, that stand vpon si­nister and desperate tearmes: nor are they voluntarily entred in­to, except by such great mindes as cannot expect, but will needs take the first occasion offered: Whereas Venice, being (in respect of other Kings and Princes,) as it were immortall, and alwaies the same, had no such reason to hasten her deliberations, while the fruite was greene, but to stay the ripening, till the times were more fauourable and fitte for her purposed desseignes. These were the allegations for the negatiue. But Augustino Barbarigo, and the greater part of the Councell, are for the contrary: be­cause it was an action of honour, to protect the oppressed: an act of iust reuenge, to distresse the Florentines, who had for ma­ny yeares, impeached the greatnesse of Venice, aswell in her des­seigne vpon Millan, presently after the death of Phillip-Maria Visconty, as lately in her warres against Ferrara: An action of proffit, the citie of Pisa being the fittest Scale for Venice, to climbe to that height of soueraignty and monarchy of Italy, to which she aspired. Besides, as the present State of things stood, all the other neighbour Princes, were not able to oppose against her. And as for Zforza, he had so much wronged the French alrea­dy, as he would neuer dare to call him in againe. Considering therefore how seldome such faire occasions be offered, and what weaknesse it is to ouer­slippe them; they ought, for the glo­rie of their State and enlargement of her dominions, notwith­standing all dangers, and difficulties propounded (whereof ma­ny [Page 176] by the benefite of Fortune and chance neuer happen, and the rest may by prouidence be fore-seene and preuented) vn­dertake the protection of Pisa. The former opinion had the stronger reasons, but this the stronger partie, and preuailed.

APHORISME XVI.

HE 1 that weareth his heart in his fore-head, and is of an ouuert and transparent nature, through whose words, as through cristall, ye may see into euery corner of his thoughtes: That man is fitter for a table of good-fellowshippe, then a Councell table: For vpon the Theater of publick imployment either in peace or warre, the actors must of necessity weare vizardes, and change them in euerie Scaene. Because, the generall good and safetie of a State, is the Center in which all their actions, and counsailes, must meete: To which men cannot alwaies arriue by plaine pathes, and beaten waies. 2 Wherefore a Prince may pretend a desire of friendshippe with the wea­ker, when he meanes, and must, contract it with the stronger. He may sometimes leaue the common high way, and take downe an vn-used by­path, in the lesser of dangers, so he be sure to recompence it in the grea­ter of safetie.

[Page 177] The Venetians and Duke of Millan, labour their stipendiary Iohn Bentiuoglio, to warre vpon the Florentines, on that side to­wards Bologna. They offer (in case he gat Pistoia) to keepe it for him at their charge. He puttes them in hope to vndertake the action, not holding it safe for the present, to deny them any thing: his citie and his proper inheritance beeing seated in the middest of the confederates. But fearing likewise the descent of the French army into those parts, and greater danger that way, he sendeth secretly to the King, to excuse the matter: pro­miseth to depend wholly vpon him, and for his sake not to mo­lest the Florentines.

APHORISME XVII.

NOthing is deare, that is not of necessitie. Some things are prised at a high rate, either for the raritie of the matter, or curiositie of the workmanship: but these (being onely for ornament and pleasure) are not deare, because we may be without them. Things of ordinarie vse, are at reasonable rates; because there be many sellers, as well as buyers: but things of extreame necessitie, are valewed according to his need that must haue them. For though so small a thing as the twig of a bough will saue a man from drowning, yet if he meete with a hard Chapman, he must giue him his asking, least he sinke and perish: So must a Prince that is on the losing hand, rather yeeld to a­ny vnreasonable demands, then to lose all: for losers must be no choosers; nor beggars their owne caruers; but contented to part with a part, that they may saue the rest. 271

[Page 178] Ferdinand is without money, and vtterly vnable of himselfe to recouer his kingdome. He therefore desires to be compri­sed with the other confederates, in their League offensiue and defensiue against France. The Venetians knowing his wants to be the fittest meanes for them to compasse their desseigne, of sharing some part in that kingdome, oppose stifly against him, and will not haue him admitted. He despaires of any more helpe from Spaine: and the other Colleagues refuse to engage themselues in so great an expence. He must of necessitie yeeld some important places to the Venetians, such as lay fittest for them, and vpon the sea, or else be sure to lose all. He therefore chooseth the lesse of euils, and couenanteth with that State, to consigne into her hands, Otranto, Brindisi, and Trani: besides Mo­nopoli, and Pulignano, (which she held alreadie) till she had rim­borsed all her charges of that warre: prouided, that the summe exceed not two hundred thousand Duckats. In consideration whereof, that State is to aide him with seuen hundred men at armes, fiue hundred light horse, three thousand foote, and the nauie she had there on that side alreadie: not to recall those for­ces, but for her owne defence. And lastly, for his present neces­sitie, she is to supply him with the Imprest of fifteene thousand Duckats.

APHORISME XVIII.

SOme 1 States haue got more vpon their neighbours by treaties, then by the sword, through their serious consultations, and slow resolutions. For, euery thing is done soone enough, that is well enough done. 2 Wherefore, great actions require great delibera­tions; and (if once resolued) speedie execution. All delaies in this case are dangerous: especially such as are vpon triuiall and sleight occasions. For, they both preiudice the successe of the affaire in hand, and blemish the honour of the vndertaker. A Prince therefore once embarqued into an action of this nature, must not say and stay, but say and doe.

The French affaires in Naples are in manifest declination, and (without speedie succours) in imminent precipitation and ruine. The King cals his Nobles to counsaile: resolues thus of the re­paration. Triultio must go before to Asti, as the Kings Lieutenant, with eight hundred Lances, two thousand Swisse, and as many Gascons. Thirtie shippes, with the two great Carracks, Norman­die and Rhodes, must take with them vpon the coast of Prouence, [Page 180] thirtie Galies, and Gallions more, laden all with men, munition, money and victuals, for the supply of that kingdome. The King himselfe, and the Duke of Orleans, are to follow personally, and presently after, with the Maine of all the forces. All things thus resolued and disposed, the King pretends he must first go to S. Denis, and Tourcs, to performe his vowes at those Shrines, as also to deale with the chiefe cities of France, for a leuie of greater summes of money, least (forsooth) for want thereof, he should be driuen to such streights and shifts, as he was in his first voyage. But the truth was, the loue he bare to a Ladie of the Queenes chamber, carried him that way, and diuerted him from the course so maturely resolued, and so resolutely vndertaken, to the great preiudice of this so important a seruice. From which, neither the disswasion of his Councell, nor the importunate deprecation of the Italian exiles (euen with teares) could remoue him.

APHORISME XIX.

ARmour for warre, comes out of the publicke Maga­zine: but the weapons of victorie, are formed on the forge of Discipline. For, if they haue not this temper, they lose their edge in the triall, and turne their point into his bowels that vseth them. Where­fore, nothing is more necessarie in a martiall gouern­ment, either for the generall good of the affaire, or safetie of the soul­dier, then obedience. 274

[Page 181] Eight hundred Dutch foote, come to the seruice of Ferdinand: they are quartered in Troia, a towne of the kingdome, and not farre from Foggia, where Ferdinand lodged with all his forces. The French army vnder Monpensier, lyeth at Porcina, hard by the enemy, and betweene him and the Dutch: these new-come soul­diers, will needes of their owne swinge, (not by any command) march out of the towneto ioyne with Ferdinand: Fabritio Colon­na gouernour of the place, aduiseth and chargeth them to the contrary: he is not obeyed. In their march they are set vpon by the French; ouercharged with number, and (obstinate not to yeeld) are all cut in peeces.

APHORISME XX.

SOme 1 men are safe, but not secure: Such are they, who after a foule fact secretly committed, or a great wrong closely offered, haue a conscience of the guilt still dwelling in them, though the danger of the pu­nishment be ouerpast. For, albeit they labour to hide it from others, and by all veiles of artifice to keepe it from the light, yet can they neuer perswade themselues but that it is knowne: 2 And therefore as they in their nature euer feare the partie wronged: so the other in his reason, should neuer affie in them. For there is no sinceritie in reconciled enemies.

[Page 182] The Duke of Millan, was become of a professed friend and allie to the French King, first, a secret ill wisher to his affaires, and after, an open enemy: till the treatie at Vercelli: Here, they are reconciled, and a new amitie and league concluded: but the Duke meanes nothing lesse, then sincere performance. He practiseth with the disloiallFrench in Pisa, to keepe still that citie from the Florenrines, though the King their maister had ex­presly commanded the contrary. He counsaileth the Pope, the Venetians, and Ferdinand, to combine together, for the prote­ction thereof. He declares not himselfe openly, but closely and vnderhand he supplies them both with men, and mony: He ani­mates them of Genoa against the King, and perswades them to make stay of the shippes, that were ready in that port, for the Kings seruice in Naples. The King is now resolued vpon his iour­ney for Italie: his preparations are great, and his coming speedy: an expedition, that concerned none more nearely then the Duke himselfe: The King sends Rigault, the Steward of his house, vn­to him: lets him know, that now was the time, wherein he might cancell the memory of all former wrongs: if he would re­store him his gallies detained in Genoa, yeeld him the carracks due by the capitulation, and suffer them to be armed in that port, for the seruice of Naples. The Duke considers the equitie of the demand: the danger, to haue so powerfull an enemy: the seate of his Dukedome, which was likeliest to be first exposed, to so great [Page 183] a warre. Yet, the iealousie and suspition he had in his guilty con­science, of trusting one he had wronged so much, makes him refuse to satisfie the King, and to runne other courses, to his grea­ter perill, and indeed to his finall ruine, as in the sequel ap­peareth.

APHORISME XXI.

TWo 1 things are necessarie for a merchant: Monie in the purse, and credit on the burse: So is nothing more needfull for a Prince, then treasure and reputati­on: He that will physically compound a right Dosis of these two simples, must, for euery ounce of the for­mer, put in two of the latter: So shall he preserue in health and safetie, the bodie of his state. But, he were better to lose his reputation abroade, then not to hold it at home: For, neither his maturi­tie of iudgement to vndertake, nor his alacritie of spirit to execute, auaile in the perfecting of his intended and resolued enterprise, where he hath not a powerfull maiestie to command, and his officers an awfull readinesse to doe as they are commanded. 278

[Page 184] The expedition for Naples, after much ventilation in counsell, is resolued. The King is fully bent vpon a personall returne in­to Italie. The nobility prepare to attend his maiestie in the voy­age. Carefull order is taken, and straight charge giuen to the offi­cers, for a full and timely prouision of all things, necessary to so long a iorney, and so great an action. But the Cardinall S. Malò, in whose hands was the chiefe sway of the gouernement, and disposition of all things, being Superintendent of the finances, delaies to disburse such summes of money, as were instantly ex pedient for so great preparations. The King is offended at his slacknesse: he, knowing well the Kings soft nature, satisfies him with faire excuses, and promises, contrary to the effects. So as, when the army should set forward, the prouisions were not rea­dy, nor any thing in such order, as the necessity of so great an affaire required: to the great preiudice of that seruice, and the vtter ruine ofthose distressed forces, which were left behinde in the kingdome of Naples.

APHORISME XXII.

THe 1 greatest assurance of an armie, is in the pru­dent gouernement of the Commander. The greatest weakening thereof, is by disorder, and want of disci­pline. The greatest cause of disorder, is want of pay. For pay is the poore souldiers Aqua-vitae. 2 But want is such an Aqua-fortis, as it eates through the iron doores of discipline. For the enemies sword, and forraine force, do not so easily breake the Squadrons of an armie, and put all to rout, as the steely headed weapon of this home-bred mutiner, hunger. That Prince therefore, who would be well serued, and obeyed in what he com­mandeth, must take heede, that he suffer not a greater power in the campe, then his owne. This powerfull Commander is necessitie.

[Page 185] The French armie is distressed in Abbruzzi, for want of mo­ney: the Commanders can neither satisfie the needy souldier, nor well agree one with another. The souldier is obedient to neither. If they command them vpon any seruice, these demand the pay, and refuse the emploiment. If any prey or victuals be gotten, they are vnequally distributed. The French and Swisse share all, and leaue nothing to the hungry Italians. These leaue the Campe. The Prince of Bisignano, with his owne troupes, goes to defend his owne Estates. The Dutch are vnpaid for many moneths and depart to the seruice of Ferdinand. The necessi­tous armie giues ground daily to the enemy, and retires into the Prouince of Puglia. Ferdinand followes them at their heeles: cuts off all conuoyes, and stops the passages. The French are as it were cooped vp in Attella: where there is neither victuals for many daies, nor hope of succours appearing.

APHORISME XXIII.

SCilurus 1 shafts, while they were close bound in a bun­dle, could neither be broken nor bowed: but taken one by one, they were easily knapped in sunder. So fareth it with the forces of an armie, whose safetie chiefly de­pends vpon the vnitie and mutuall coniunction of the inferiors with the superiors, and of these one with ano­ther. 2 Wherfore, nothing is more dangerous in the seruices of warre or peace, then discord and faction among the great ones.

Ferdinand takes Frangete by assault. His souldiers fall to the spoile. The Captaines seeing the enemy so neare, labour to re­ordinate their troupes, and bring them backe to their colours. [Page 187] The souldiers disobey, and continue robbing and rifling the towne. Monpensier and Virginio Orsini, with all the French forces, are quartered and encamped hard by: they espie the aduantage which offred it selfe vpon this disorder of the enemy. They call a Councell of warre, and perswade the other Commanders, not to slip the occasion, but to set vpon the Arragonese in this confusion, there being but a narrow valley betweene them: They giue assurance (out of well grounded Principles) of a wi­shed and succesfull victory. But Monsieur de Percé, a man next to Monpensier in authoritie, out of a yong mans vanitie and humour of opposition, or rather (as was credibly thought) out of the en­uie he bore to his Generals glory, withstandeth the direction, disswadeth the enterprise, and secretly perswadeth the souldiers not to fight. With the losse of this faire occasion, fell the French affaires in those parts, into manifest declination: Many causes concurring thereunto at one and the same instant: as want of mony, scarcitie of victuals, much hatred of the common peo­ple, open discord among the Captaines, obstinate disobedience of the souldiers, and almost a generall forsaking of the Campe.

APHORISME XXIIII.

THe two famous souldiers of Rome and Greece, which shot like two thunderbolts into the West and East, and filled the whole world with the fame of their victories, are renowned for nothing more then their celeritie in doing, and preuenting the ve­rie report of their coming. For, there is nothing so excellent in a Chiefe, as preuention: it blesseth the action with successe, and crowneth the actor with glorie. He therefore that would arriue at the Port of Victorie, and by her gates enter the Tower of Fame, must saile by this way. 283

[Page 188] The Castle of Laino, stands vpon the riuer Sapri, which di­uides Calabria from the Principato (another Prouince of the king­dome of Naples.) I he Borough is on the other side of the riuer. The Count of Meleto, and Alberigo San-Seuerino, with diuers other Barons and forces, equall to those of the Spaniard vnder Gon­saluo, are come hither. Their troupes daily increase: and their re­solution is, so soone as those other forces are come which they hourely look for, to giue vpō the Spaniard. Gonsaluo is encamped at Castro-Villare, not farre off. He hath intelligence of their pur­pose: resolues to preuent them: drawes forth his army a little be­fore night: makes a sharpe and speedy march ouer the hils: sends his Foote to the Bridge, betweene the Castle and the Borough: passeth himselfe the riuer with all his horse, some two miles high­er: comes to the place before day: findes the enemy secure, with­out Sentinell or Guard: sets vpon him: takes thirteene Barons prisoners: and all the souldiers fleeing towards the Bridge, are there by his Foote, either taken or slaine.

APHORISME XXV.

THings 1 easiest got, are soonest lost. They are like summer fruite, soone ripe, soone rotten; they cannot last out one winter of troubles. For as we obserue in all Natures, of reason, sense, or vegetation, that, the sooner they come to their growth & perfection, the sooner they decline to their corruption and disso­lution: So is it naturall in all kingdomes and States, the sooner they are gotten, the hardlier they are kept, and easilier lost. 2 Wherefore the greater a mans fortune is in the winning, the greater must be his care for the sure establishing of what he hath wonne.

The French is straightly begirt in the towne of Attella, by the vnited forces of Ferdinand, Gonsaluo, and the Venetians. They are in want, and desperate of succours. They capitulate, and yeeld the place, with all the Artillery, and other townes that Monpensier held in the kingdome. All the other fortresses (al­most) which were consigned to the keeping of others, and of whose faith and loialtie the King himselfe had the Counter­panes, follow the example of Attella. This generall surrender was accompanied with a generall mortality, for of fiue thousand naturall French that were in the army, there were scarce fiue hun­dred, [Page 190] that liued to returne into France. Thus is Ferdinand as ea­sily and as soone repossessed of his State, as Charles 8. was inuested with it.

APHORISME XXVI.

ACtions 1 once resolued, like fixed starres, should hold one and the same station of firmenesse, they should not be subiect to irregular and retrograde motions. For, the vacillation and irresolution of a Prince, whose thoughts are whirled about the voluble Sphaere of seuerall perswasions, and neuer fixed in one Center of resolued constancy, turnes to his dishonour, and preiudice of the affaire in hand. 2 He must therefore not resolue, or go through with his resolution.

Charles 8. is as farre as Lyons, resolued vpon a personall and present voyage for Italie: yet he returnes to Paris, with purpose to stay but one moneth, and then set forward. Here, some dis­swade [Page 191] the iourney, because the benefit of the victory of Millan should not redound to him, but to the Duke of Orleans, to whom of right it belonged. Others aduise him not to go, vntill he had ended all his differences with Spaine. Others counsaile him not to depart France, till he had left an heire apparant of his owne body, to so great a State, the Queene his wife being now with child. On the other side, his distressed troupes in the kingdome of Naples, the exiled Italians, his friendes the Florentines, and the greater and better part of his Nobles, mooue, intreate, impor­tune, and vrge his going. He staies foure monethes in this irre­solution whether to go or stay, sometimes carried one way, some­times another: meane while he loseth all that he held in Naples, and so the true end of this iourney (by procrastination and in­constancy,) is vtterly ouerthrowne.

APHORISME XXVII.

WEake appetites are drawne to take vnpleasing meates, by the sauourie relish which the cunning hand of the Cooke giueth them: So the Politician draweth on his confederates to actions vnpleasing, by seasoning them with the sweet sauce of profit, and gaine For States are without naturall affections, they contract not amitie as priuate men, by a sympathie of will, and a similitude of manners; it is particular aduantage, that knittes them to­gether. 288

[Page 192] Maximilian the Emperor comes with his forces into Italy, at the sollicitation of Zforza and the Venetians, to oppose with them against the French, of whose great preparations they were all affraid: they couenant to giue him thirty thousand Duckats a moneth for three moneths together. The newes of the Fren­ches coming growes cold: the Venetians refuse to contribute their part: Zforza paies all: and perswades the Emperor, with a discourse full of fraud and duplicity, to vndertake the cause of Pisa, and to arbitrate betweene it and Florence. hoping if the towne were once put in Deposito, into Caesars hands, that he should get it of him for money: A prey which he had long thir­sted after. The Venetians are willing hereunto, though they smoaked the drift of Zforza (which they presumed they could easily preuent) because they hoped by Caesars going thither, that the Pisans might get the port of Ligorne, and then were the Flo­rentines vtterly depriued of all hope, euer to recouer that citie, and themselues in a faire way to obtaine their purpose. The Emperor findes himselfe needy of money: thinkes Pisa a fit in­strument to draw in round summes, of one of these parties, or else of the Florentines, he cared not whether so his turne were serued, and therefore embraceth the action. Yet all these made their pretence, that it was for the publicke good of Italie, to sup­presse the Florentines, and to force them quit their combination with France, the common enemy.

APHORISME XXVIII.

THe 1 weapon of a Generall, is his truncheon; of a souldier, his sword: he, onely to command: this, onely to execute: for, in this is the danger but of one mans life, but in that, the hazard of all. That Commander whom his companion thought to out-braue, because hee had receiued moe wounds in the warres: And I [Page 193] (quoth he) hold this the greatest imputation which euer fell iustly vpon me, that in the siege of Samos I approched so neare to view the fortifi­cation, as my life was in danger by a shot from the wall. 2 Wherefore a Commander in chiefe should alwaies stand couered vnder the seuen-fold shield of Aiax: and neuer expose his person to apparent perill, but in case of a generall ouerthrow, and manifest deffaite.

The Pisans fortifie their townes, on those higher grounds, whence they had corne and prouisions, and which stopped the Florentines free trafficke to Ligorne. The Florentines, to re­moue two so great inconueniences, send thither their army, vn­der the commaund of Peter Capponi their worthy Generall, to force them of Pisa from those places, and to make the passage open. He besiegeth Soiana: encampeth vpon the riuer Casina: [Page 194] where, while himselfe is busie in person, and in place of danger, about planting his artillery for battery, he is shot with an Ar­quebuse from the towne, and slaine in the place. Hereupon the Campe riseth, without attempting any farther; and leaues a ser­uice of so great consequence vneffected.

APHORISME XXIX.

THe 1 nature of deepe Dissimulation, is to hide it selfe vnder certaine veiles and filmes, like the Optick ver­tue in the eie, that it may see all things and not be seene it selfe: but the most frequent and safest cou­uert (though the most dishonest) vnder which it lies tapissed and harboured, is fained friendship. 2 The wisest and readiest way to vnkennell this Foxe, and vn-earth him out of this den of fained Protestation, is by a false fire of fained Credulitie.

The Emperour meanes to chaffer for Pisa, and make his best market of her. He sends two Embassadours to Florence: pretends a voyage against the Infidels: holds it fit before he go, to leaue Italie in quiet and perfect peace: perswades them to referre the cause of Pisa into his hands: promiseth to do iustice: requires [Page 195] in the interim, a cessation of armes on both sides. The Duke of Millan failed not likewise on his part to aduise them hereunto; vnder colour of being carefull for their good, and iealous of the Venetians: he propounds many feares and dangers, if they con­descend not to Caesars arbitration: protests there is no other way to wring out the Venetians, & redintegrate themselues into the possession of Pisa: a thing most necessary for the quiet of Italie, and much desired of the other confederates. But the Floren­tines (well acquainted with Zforzaes practises, and rightly con­ceiuing the Emperours drift) returne this answer: How much they extoll the glory of his intended voyage: how much they admire the Christian resolution in his imperiall Maiestie, to make warre vpon the sworne enemies of Christian Religion: how willing they are to condescend to the Comprimise: and how much they affie in his goodnesse and iustice: promising to send him shortly Embassadours of their owne, with more par­ticular instructions, and full declaration of their purpose. Meane while, they gather together all their souldiers: re-en­force their broken and decayed companies: fortifie Ligorne: store it with victuals, munition, and men, and make good that place, against a strong and straight siege of the confederates, which vnder the commaund of the Emperour was shortly laid against it: and whence he was forced to make a shamefull re­treit into Lombardie, without doing any act in this his expediti­on against the State of Florence, and Port of Ligorne, answera­ble to the great charge and expectation of such a seruice, or worthy the name of Caesar.

APHORISME XXX.

WHere 1 the Embassadour hath Charge without limi­tation, he may negotiate in the businesse according to discretion, and as he sees occurrence of circum­stances and occasions offered. 2 But when it is in prescript and expresse tearmes limited, he must [Page 196] imitate the Camel, who neuer will carrie any more weight then what at first was laid vpon him; nor go one foote beyond his ordinarie iourney: No more must the Embassadour exceed one iot of his commission, but tie himselfe to the strict words of his instructions.

The Florentines send their Embassadour to Caesar: they finde him at Genoa: they refuse to referre the cause of Pisa to his arbi­tration, vnlesse they be first possessed of the towne: this done, they offer willingly to declare and iustifie their right before his Maiestie. He giues them no answer, till he came to Molo: here, he sends them backe to the Popes Legat at Genoa, to whom he referred them for knowing his pleasure. The Legat putteth them ouer to the Duke of Millan: hither they come: they require audience. Solemne preparation is made for the hearing. The Embassadours for the confederates, and all the Dukes Councel, are assembled, out of a pride he had to shew his eloquence, and pleasure he tooke in the aduersitie of others. In this very instant the Florentine Embassadours receiue direction from their State to returne without sceking any further answer. They come into the Assembly: tell the Duke they haue no other commission, but to visit him as a friend to their State, do him honor, and take their leaue. The Duke frustrate of his expectation, demands what [Page 197] answer they had from Caesar: They replie, that by the lawes of their common-wealth, they might not communicate their busi­nesse, but with those Princes onely, to whom they were addres­sed. If we (quoth the Duke) shall giue you your answer, for which you know that Caesar hath sent you vnto vs, will you not heare it? We are not forbidden to heare it (say they) nor can we forbid your Highnesse to speake. We are content to giue it you (replies the Duke) but you must first deliuer as much to vs, as you did to Caesar. That we cannot (say they) for the causes before al­ledged, and besides it is superfluous: for if Caesar haue giuen you commission to dispatch vs, he hath also giuen you aduertisement of our propositions. The Duke in a rage breaketh vp the as­semblie: dismisseth them, with charge to depart presently his countrie: and so receiues part of the scorne, which he had thought to haue put vpon others.

APHORISME XXXI.

NO 1 causes are warrantable for the vndertaking of awarre, if Iustice be not one of the Quorum: 2 For the Iustice of the action, is the Cape of good hope, by which men saile to the assured Harbour of safety, and fortunate Ilands of victory, and glory. 3 Wherefore of all encouragements to men of warre, none ought to be more forcible, then the equitie of the cause: Because, iust actions, besides the ordinary indeauour and helpe of man, are often aduanced by fauour of the heauens.

[Page 198] Ligorne is straightly besieged by the Emperor, both by Sea and Land. It is brauely defended by the Garrison. A strong wind ariseth, which forceth his fleete to put out to sea, for feare of running on ground, and splitting vpon the shoare. The same gale blowing faire for the French nauy, coming from Prouence towards the reliefe of Gaetta, puts into this port of Ligorne, and brings the besieged happie supplies of what was wanting. Not long after, ariseth another tempest, worse then the former, which splitteth the Grimalda, a great shippe of Genoa, with the losse of all the men and Artillery in her. The like desaster hap­pened to two Venetian gallies, vpon S. Iacobs point: and the rest of that Armada, was so sore shaken in other places, as they were no longer fit for the seruice, but forced to raise the siege.

APHORISME XXXII.

ONe especiall care of a Captaine and among the first, for successe in the action, is, to looke well to the armes, and armour, of the souldier: For, these often pre­uaile, both against the number, and valor, of the e­nemy. Wherefore, if Seconds in simple fight be very circumspect, that there be no oddes in the combat­tants weapons, whom they put together vpon all equall and indifferent tearmes: Much more is a Leader to beware, that the enemy haue not this [Page 199] aduantage vpon him. Because, in single fight, the dexteritie and skill of one of the parties in vsing his weapon, or his agilitie and nimblenesse of body, or his alacrity and viuacity of spirit, may preuaile against this oddes: But in a battaile, where the fight is in a firme station, and a greater desire of offending and killing others, then of defending and sauing them­selues, oddes of the weapom is much more aduantageous. 298

Pope Alexander 6. is desirous to aduance his children to tem­porall promotions, though by the ruine of others. He sees Vir­ginio Orsini, and the chiefe heads of that family in prison at Na­ples: He takes the aduantage of the time, and denounceth them rebels in open Consistory: he confiscates their landes to the Church (whereof they held in chiefe) because they had serued the French King in his warres of Naples: and yet he himselfe was the first (next Zforza,) that had called him thither. He com­mands the Colonnesi to assaile them on the one side, and sends his owne forces vnder the leading of the Duke of Candy, and the Cardinall of Luna, to warre vpon them on the other. The Ve­netians likewise consent that the Duke of Vrbine, vnder their pay, should go to this seruice: and Frederick sendes him Fabritio Colonna from Naples. Many townes, and peeces of strength, are taken from the Orsini: their chiefe castle of Bracciano is besieged: Bartholomeo d' A'uiano defends it brauely: Charles Orsini and Vitel­lozzo, muster their forces, ioyne, and come to the succours. The Ecclesiastickes, fearing by their coming to be hemmed in, be­tweene them and the castle; rise, and go to meete them at Soria­no. [Page 200] A hote fight is maintained on both sides many howres: in the end the Popes forces are ouerthrowne, by an aduantage the enemy had of the weapon: for, Vitellozzo had prouided his souldiers of pikes, two foote longer then ordinary.

APHORISME XXXIII.

PRooue 1 a man vnthankfull, and disprooue all his o­ther actions: taint him iustly of this, and twit him worthily with all that naught is: For there is no ob­ligation to tie a man to honesty and faithfull perfor­mance (next that of oath) so strong, as this of gra­titude. 2 And therefore, there can be no such macula­tion to the honour of a Prince, as to abandon men of great worth and small meanes, who haue engaged their liues, and are taken prisoners in his seruice: giuing them ouer to perpetuall imprisonment, or to pay their owne ransome.

[Page 201] All differences are compounded betweene the Pope and the Orsini, by mediation of the Spanish and Venetian Embassa­dours. The Orsini are permitted to serue out their time vnder the French king: they are to pay thirtie thousand Duckats to the Pope, vpon the deliuery of Iohn-Iordano and Paul Orsini out of the prison of Naples, (for Virginio is already dead:) and thirtie thousand more within eight moneths after. They giue the townes of Anguillara and Ceuetri, for caution: depositate in the hands of Cardinall Ascanio and San-Seuerino, till paiment be made. The prisoners taken at the late battell of Soriano, are all to be set at libertie, on both sides: saue onely the Duke of Vr­bin; whom the Pope very vngratefully and ignobly abandoned, and comprised not in the articles (though he were taken in his seruice) because he knew the Orsini had no easie meanes to pay him the foresaid summe, but by his ransome. The poore Duke is forced to compound for himselfe, at fortie thousand Duckats, and the exchange of PaulVitelli, who was taken priso­ner by the Marquis of Mantoa, at the taking in of Atella.

APHORISME XXXIIII.

FRendship 1 once broken is hardly peeced. 2 And pee­ced Enmity neuer surely sodred: Reconcilement a­mong such is like that supple ointment which onely easeth the present smart, and skins the sore, but searcheth not at the roote, to eate out the ranke flesh, and draw out the maligne humour. It is therefore impossible to cure this exulcerate wound, and establish a sound and sin­cere friendship betweene them: because the old rancour of malice is neuer well purged from the dregs of diffidence, and desire of reuenge. But the greatest disease of distrust and most incurable, is in him who hath wronged his Prince, whose guiltie conscience feeds euer on fearefull distrust, though no iust occasion at all be giuen.

[Page 202] The Princes of Bisignano and Salerno, had bene long of the Aniowine faction, against the King of Naples. I hey are now turned Arragonese, and in grace and fauour with Frederick the new King. Bisignano one euening walking forth of the Court, is set vpon by a Greeke, and sore wounded. Salerno suspecting this a plot of the Kings, in reuenge of old wrongs, forsakes the Court, and flees to his owne citie. The King cleares him­selfe of the fact: protesteth his sincere loue and affection to him and his kinsman: and sends the Greeke to him, to be examined, and punished at his pleasure. The Greeke auowes the originall cause of the attempt, to come from himselfe alone, without any setters on, in reuenge of a wrong done him by the Prince; who some few yeares before had dishonoured him, by hauing carnall vse of his wife. This notwithstanding, the Prince could neuer after be brought to trust the King, nor perswaded to a se­cond reconciliation.

APHORISME XXXV.

THe 1 rigour of the old Romanes, to punish the trans­gression of a commandement in warre, though the good successe approoue it, is not so strictly to be forced: because in actions of this nature, we often meete with those aduantages by accident, which Reason and Iudgement could not possibly fore-think of, much lesse direct. For, things giue better counsell to men, then men to the things. 2 But he that hath once transgressed the limits of his com­mission, and thereby hath faire occasion offered, to make an honourable a­mends, and in ample sort to iustifie his first transgression, and wipe out the forfeit; that man makes a double fault, not to take it.

Triultio is sent Lieutenant-generall into Italie, with expresse charge to aide Battestino Fregoso late Duke of Genoa, and the Cardinall of S. Peter in Vincola, to rimpatriate them and their adherents, exiles, and to assure his master Charles the 8. of that cities deuotion and obedience. His commission stretcheth no further. Direction is giuen, that Paul-Battista Fregoso with [Page 204] sixe gallies, should make his attempt vpon the VVest coast: and the King sends to Florence, to mooue that State to set vpon the Lieutenant, and Prouince of Lunigiana. The ice thus broken, and way thus made, it is resolued and ordered, that the Duke of Orleans shall follow presently after with a puissant armie, to warre vpon the State of Millan in his owne right. Triultio and Battestino take in the towne of Noui, and other peeces there­abouts, vniustly detained from the Genowese, and vsurped by Zforza. Vincola forceth Ventimiglia, and carries it: approacheth Sauona, findes no commotion in the towne for his part, as he expected; and in despaire of preuailing, retires. To which ser­uice, if after the taking in of Noui, Triultio had addressed his for­ces (as by his commission he ought) it was very probable they had had a wished successe. But he desires to kindle the warres in the Duchie of Millan, (whereof he was a proscript) entreth in­to that State, besiegeth Bosco, takes it, and brings vnder contri­bution a great part of the Duchie. By the taking in of this Castle, the whole State is in manifest brandle and solleuation: some through feare, others through desire of innouation. The Duke himselfe is appalled, and implores the mediation of his vnkle of Ferrara, to the French king, in his behalfe. His Ge­nerall Gaiazzo, with his forces in Alexandria, distrusts his owne strength, and is readie to giue way. So deepe an impression of feare and amazement was strooke into the whole State, by the reputation of this one action. But Triultio thinking to mend his first error, committeth indeed a greater: he marcheth no far­ther: lets slippe this faire occasion: and sets downe with his armie betweene Noui and Bosco. Whereby the Duke hath time to settle his countrie in quiet: re-enforce his companies: and call in the aide of the Venetians.

APHORISME XXXVI.

NAture yeeldeth for mans vse, the Bud, the Flower, and the Fruite: But if he will haue the flower for his pleasure, he may not nip off the bud: and if he will enioy the fruite, for his vse, he may not rash off the flower. So in a mans actions, he must suffer euery precedent cause to ripen, and haue his season, if he will reape the fruite of a wished effect. 2 It is therefore a well-groun­ded deliberation in States, not to snatch greedily at the flower of a faire offer, except it certainely bring with it the sweete fruit of profit: Nor to enter into a warre, though for a iustreuenge, and lawfull recouery of their owne, except there appeare pregnant and demonstratiue assurances, of the good successe. 306

Florence is deepely engaged in the warre of Pisa: wherein she hath found strong opposition, from all the States of Italy, but especially from that of Genoa: The time is now come, to take the reuenge; the meanes thus: The French King hath vn­der-taken the cause of the exiled Genoweses, and earnestly solli­cites Florence, to ioyne with him in the enterprise: she is glad so [Page 206] bad a neighbour, shall haue so powerfull an enemy vpon her backe: but she holds it no good policy, to embroyle her selfe in that warre, till she saw the French affaires better aduanced: she refuseth.

APHORISME XXXVII.

CRedulity 1 is rather a fault, then an offence. For, it hurteth no man, but it selfe. But in deceipt is both the offence, in promising the credulous more then he meanes to performe, (for, so he doth what he should not:) And the fault in failing of what he promised, (for, so he doth not what he should.) 2 The Maister­peece of this art, is to draw on the credulous by performance of small things, that he may the more finely fetch him ouer in the greater. 3 The onely remedy against such Craft-masters is this, not to trust: For he that trusteth not, can hardly be deceiued.

A truce is treated betweene the French King, and the King [Page 207] of Spaine. The French will in no case admit, that the Italian confe­derates shall be comprised: being desirous to prosecute his warre with strong hand, on the other side the mountaines. The Spa­niard for his Honours sake, nor can nor will leaue them out, be­ing his Colleagues in the same confederation: But he assures the French secretly, that the truce being concluded vpon this condi­tion, he will then be as ready as he, to a finall and perfect peace betweene them two: and that then he will and may, with some colourable iustification, ioyne with him against the Italians: and propoundes the Co-partcinery and equall sharing of the king­dome of Naples with him. The condition is accepted: and a truce concluded, to continue from the fiue and twentith of A­prill, to the last of October next following.

APHORISME XXXVIII.

TRagedies 1 and Comedies are no where so rife, as vpon the bloudy stage of warre. Hope and feare are incompetent Iudges in these listes: and cannot deter­mine which side hath the better: 2 Because the e­uent, prooues for the most part contrary to the be­ginning: Wherfore let not him triumph that putteth on his armour, but him that putteth it off.

[Page 208] In the Interim, before the truce came in force, Triultio, Bat­testino, and Serenon, encampe before Albinga: at the first assault they had almost made themselues masters of the place: but through disorder in their entrie, they are againe beaten backe, forced to quit the action, and raise the siege. Contrarily: Conte Gaiazzo setteth downe before Noui: is beaten backe with great losse: riseth with his army: returneth: and happily carrieth the place.

APHORISME XXXIX.

THankfulnesse is accounted a heauy burthen: Re­uenge, a sweete refreshing: Hence is it that men na­turally are more prone to reuenge a wrong, then re­quite a good turne. Especially the enuious, who like the Toade in the fable, swelleth to be as big as the Oxe, though he burst in swelling: and with a spitefull eye, like that of the Basilisk hurteth the obiect vpon which it fixeth. For, such men cannot endure the prosperity of others, (especially such as were sometimes their enemies) though the record of that former wrong hath since bene cancelled, with the accumulation of many bene­fits. 312

[Page 209] Now that armes are laid aside in Italie, by force of the late truce; Lodowick Zforza makes publicke acknowledgement to the world, of the obligation and thankfulnesse he owes to the Venetian State, for their ready, timely, and full succours in these his late troubles: He extols to the heauens the honour and po­wer of that Common-wealth: He approues the wisedome of Iohn Galeazzo first Duke of Millan, in making that State his Feo­ffee in trust, for the due execution and performance of his last will and testament. Yet for all this, not able to endure in his en­uious nature, that Pisa should be wholly at her deuotion, which himselfe had hunted after with so much policie and paine; he worketh secretly with the Popes and Spanish Embassadours, to procure that Pisa might againe be restored to the Florentines, and wrung out of the hands of the Venetians.

APHORISME XL.

WHere 1 Election is free, we are to choose the best of benefites: where it is restrained, we must take the least of dangers. Wherefore in a treatie betweene States, when a demand is made, which the weaker would not willingly grant, (in distrust of bad mea­sure from the stronger) let him rather propound some impossible caution, then make a flat deniall: because, it giueth the deman­der no better aduantage, and yet procureth himselfe lesse displeasure. 2 For, nothing is more harsh to him that motions a matter, then a pe­remptorie refusall: and we daily obserue, that many sutors are sent away without their purpose, better satisfied; then others that with bad tearmes and in ill manner obtaine it.

[Page 210] The Popes and Spanish Embassadours deale with those of Venice, about the resignation of Pisa: their allegations are answe­red by the Venetians; and that point argued, to be both preiu­dicious and pernicious to the common good of Italie, because the Florentines were in so strict amitie with the French, as no benefit of theirs could dissolue it. Yet, to shew that the State of Venice was as desirous of their loue, and of the peace of Italie, as any other, she would be content to resigne the place, prouided that the Florentines put in good caution, not to aide the French. And no caution was sufficient for a matter of such importance, but the Port of Ligorne to be put into the hands of the confede­rates, for their assurance. A thing which the Venetians knew full well, that the Florentines would not grant. So the Treatie brake off.

APHORISME XLI.

AS 1 he that is friend to all, is true friend to none: So that which hath many heads, hath no head at all. A multitude is this many-headed monster, which hath neither head for braines, nor braines for gouerne­ment. And as in a medicine, if there be not a due proportion of the Simples in the mixture, there is a mischiefe for a remedie, not a remedie for a mischiefe: So, in a popular State, where there is no equall temperature, and counterpoise of the no­bilities power, against this strong Ingredient of the multitude, there is disorder, and a way open to confusion. 2

The forme of gouernment last established in Florence, was not well reigled. The mixture was made of these two Simples, Optimacie and Democracie, but it was disproportionall: for, this latter being hot in the highest degree, had the predominan­cie. Hence grew suspitions, iealousies, and factions among [Page 212] them: the nobler sort had lesse authoritie then was fit, and yet the populasse thought them ambitious, and chalengers of more then their due. This faecall part of the people intrudeth into all deliberations of weightiest consequence, whereof they were vncapable. They change the supreme magistrate euery two mo­neths, and by that meanes the State-businesse is managed with manifest confusion. The great charges and troubles of a long warre, together with a present dearth and scarcitie of all things, puts the citie into imminent hazard. This ill disposition of the gouernment, and generall dislike of the present, encourageth Peter Medici, through the perswasion of the Pope, aide of the Ve­netians, Petrucci, Aluiano, and his other friends abroad, together with the sollicitation of those mal-contents, and kinsmen he had in the towne, to attempt the recouery of his libertie, lands, and authoritie, that he had deseruedly lost in that citie. It is true, the enterprise succeeded not: not out of any failing of his friends abroad, or partisans in the towne, but through accident: for he missed to come with his forces to the gate which was kept, and made good for him, many houres after the time assigned, being hindred by a sodaine and great fall of raine.

APHORISME XLII.

AN 1 ill executor of lawes, is worse in a State then a great breaker of them. Not to punish an offence, be­ing vnder our charge, and in our power, is to com­mit it. There is no greater offence to the weale-pub­lick, and quiet thereof, then a factious partaking and deadly Feud among the great ones. 2 Conniuence therefore in a Prince, to winke at such factions, and slacknesse not to suppresse them, is dangerous.

[Page 213] The factions, Guelphe and Ghibelline, increase in the Chur­ches State: and some notable ensuing mischiefe is feared. The Pope Alexander 6. carelesse of the afflictions of his subiects, or his owne honour, so it touched not his particular profit or pleasure, stirres not to preuent the mischiefe, or suppresse the motion. Aluiano with his troopes is called by the Guelphes into the towne of Todi: They sacke it, and put to death three and thirtie of the principall heads of the other faction. In reuenge hereof, Anto­nio Sauello enters Terni: and the Gatteschi by the helpe of the Co­lonnesi, surprise Viterbo. In both which places the Ghibellines commit like outrage and slaughter vpon the Guelphes.

APHORISME XLIII.

THere are degrees of vices: and how soeuer Ethicks out of their Philosophie determine those of excesse to be lesse odious and hurtfull: yet Polliticks finde out of their experience, that they are rather to be iudged by the effect, then the defect. By which rule, Lust and Ambition are two vices of all other the most hatefull: Because they are most powerfull ministers to all nefarious actions. 319

[Page 214] Caesar Borgia, Cardinall of Valencia, could not brooke, that his elder brother the Duke of Candia, should be aduanced by the Pope their father, to temporall honours, and be made Gene­rall of the Ecclesiastick army: to which dignity himselfe aspired, hauing a spirit altogether aliened from priestly function. He was also enraged against him, because he was his corriuall and con­current in his Amours, and shared with him in the fauour, and carnall vse of his Mistris. Hereupon he practiseth the death of his brother: and one night as he rode priuately through the streetes of Rome, he caused him to be murthered, and throwne into the riuer of Tyber.

APHORISME XLIIII.

NOcuments 1 are Documents: and great afflictions are good lectures, to reformation of life and man­ners. For, the harder the pressure is with calamity, the deeper is the impression of our frailty, and lya­blenesse to misery: 2 But in a heart neuer moistned with the dew of Grace, and obdurate with the conti­nuall practise of wickednesse and villany, they take no deeperoote: Such mortars will still sauour of the garlicke.

[Page 215] The Pope is ouercome with sorrow for the vntimely and vi­olent death of his eldest sonne the Duke of Candia. He bewailes his losse with many teares: calles his owne former life into con­sideration: accuseth himselfe in open Consistory of his actions past, and whole course of life, till that present day: sheweth great contrition: promiseth amendment: and requires the whole col­ledge of Cardinalles to ioyne with him, in reformation of the disorders and corruptions of the Court: But shortly after, when he knew the author of the murther, and that Caesar Borgia, his owne sonne was the assassinate, (which should haue aggrauated his griefe) he cooles in his burning zeale to reformation, and falles to his olde byas of wickednesse and treacherie, with a more vnbridled fury of ambition and couetousnesse, then e­uer before.

APHORISME XLV.

IN Treason, the concealement is as capitall as the practise: Here are no Accessories: All are in like predicament of offence, and danger of law: For, he deserues as ill of the State, that will not reueale a publicke mischiefe and preuent it, as he that inten­deth and practiseth it. Wherefore no punishment for such, can by law be too sodaine, or too cruell: though (vnlesse the de­lay do much endanger the State) it ought euer be such, as the law in like cases ordaineth. 322

The conspirators with Medici are discouered in the citie of Florence: They are apprehended, arraigned, and conuicted by a lawfull triall. Nicolò Ridolphi, Gianozzo Pucci, and Giouanni Cambi are condemned, for solliciting him to come: Lorenzo Tornabuoni for helping him with money: and Barnardo del Nero, for hauing knowne the conspiracy, and concealing it. All gentlemen, of the chiefest howses in Florence, and Nero at the same time Gonfa­loner of Iustice, (the chiefe office in that State.) The kinsemen of the offenders appeale from this iudgement of the Senate, to the great Councell of the commons (as by the law of that gouerne­ment they might.) It is propounded at the table of Senators, [Page 217] whether this appeale should stand good, or no; and is cast by voices, on the negatiue part. The offenders are all executed that night in prison.

APHORISME XLVI.

PRecedents, are no iustifiable warrants of Princes actions, when they are taken from those who are generally and iustly taxed of iniustice. Yet such is the deprauation of mans nature, as he rather imi­tates the worse, then the better: And in ill, to exceed: in good, to come short of the example. 323

The Spaniard seemes loath to abandon the Italians his con­federates, to the power of the French. And yet now vpon a new truce concluded betweene them (which was to continue ad be­neplacitum of both the parties, and two moneths after the reuo­cation) he quite excludes those Princes his allies. They com­plaine of this his tergiuersation. He iustifies himselfe thus: That it was as lawfull for him to do this, without their leaue or comprisall, as for the Duke of Millan to make peace with France, [Page 218] at the treatie of Vercelli, without his consent or notice. But yet for their better satisfaction, he pretends that he will reuoke this truce, whensoeuer they shall rimbourse vnto him one hundred and fiftie thousand Duckats, which he hath already spent in those warres: and when withall the Venetians shall quit their possessi­on and interest in Pisa, for the common quiet of Italy.

APHORISME XLVII.

IVstice and Fortune are painted blinde: to shew vs what the one doth, and what the other should not do: for, the one vseth to giue without respect, and the o­ther in no respect is to take. Those Princes therefore, that for bribe, feare, or any other particular end, faile of doing euery man right, swarue from the pre­script rule of Iustice and Equitie, which admits of none to sit in her Seate but such, whose eies are seeled from respecting persons, and hands closed from accepting rewards. 324

[Page 219] In the treatie at Vercelli it was articled, that the Castle of Ge­noa should be left in deposito with the Duke of Ferrara, for per­formance of all couenants betweene the Duke of Millan and the French King: with prouiso to be redeliuered to the Duke at two yeares end, in case he kept all conditions couenanted in the trea­tie, and paide halfe the charge of the garrison for that time, otherwise not. The time is expired. Zforza hath failed on his part, in the performance of many couenants: Ferrara demands halfe the charges of the King. He yeelds willingly to pay it: And because Ferrara vrged that he had not his liquidation, and full reckoning for the rest of his charges, the King requires him to hold the place still, till the case were fully decided, to which of the two he ought to consigne it: A demand very reasonable and iust. But Ferrara is ouercome by Zforzaes perswasions and flatteries, and by bestowing the Archbishoprick of Millan vpon his sonne the Cardinall d'Esté: but most of all through feare of displeasing two so powerfull neghbours to his State, as Venice and Millan. He therefore deliuers the Castle of Genoa into the Dukes hands: receiuing the remainder of the summe due for the guard of the place: and the State of Venice by way of gratificati­on, giues his other sonne Don Ferrando, the command of one hundred men at armes in pay.

APHORISME XLVIII.

HE 1 that beares one blow at an enemies hand, as keth another: and he that endureth one contemptible neg­lect from his subiect, shall be sure of many. For, not to haue sense of a forreine affront, and be displea­sed at home-bred abuses, and capable to redresse both, [Page 220] are things much derogating from the honour of a Prince: the first argues a pusillanimitie of spirit; the other a debilitie of iudgement. 2 He there­fore that will not be wronged the second time, must remedie the first: a­gainst a stranger, by the Lance; against a subiect, by the Law.

The Duke of Ferrara sends to Charles 8. to excuse the consig­nation he had made of the Castle of Genoa, into the Duke of Millans hands: an action of great iniustice and wrong to the French. The King heares thereof without any manner of resent­ment or displeasure, as a matter of sleight consequence, though indeed it touched neare his honour, and state of his present af­faires, being still resolued vpon a personall returne into Italy. To this expedition, the occasion was neuer fairer, nor meanes stron­ger. For, the Florentines are willing to entertaine d'Aubigny, with one hundred and fiftie men at armes, as Generall of their forces, and to breake the ice, and make the way to his comming. The Marquis of Mantoa, returning victoriously from Naples, where he had commanded vnder the Venetians, with great honour to himselfe, and aduancement of their affaires, is by them now at his returne cassed from his command: and in discontent, offers his seruice to the French King. The new Duke of Sauoy is assuredly his: [Page 221] Bentiuoglio promiseth faithfully to follow his fortunes, so soone as he shall haue passed the mountaines. The Pope (yet doubt­full whether to ioyne with him, or be newter) is vndoubtedly re­solued not to be against him. But his fauourites, and courtiers a­buse him with variety of artifice: some inuent new delights and pleasures to stay him at home: others, propound many difficul­ties: the rest aduise him not to set forward, till he had such a maine power both at sea, and land, as no force the Italians could make, should be able to resist him: and all these that he might be drawne to quit the action: as for S Malò, who was chiefe trea­surer, and had formerly failed in his seasonable and sufficient supplies in time of most neede, and yet was neuer called to ac­count to answer so great a neglect, he now at this instant vseth his old tricke, of dispensing the kings money sparingly, slowly, and out of due season: and failed of sending the entertainement due to the Orsini and the Vitelli, a matter of great moment to the Kings seruice intended. Thus the King, whose will depēded vpon the pleasure of others, cooles in the businesse so hotely enten­ded: returnes from Lyons: thence to Toures: so to Amboise castle, where he shortly after died.

APHORISME XLIX.

AS 1 sacred things should not be touched with vn­washed hands: 2 So State matters should admit no vulgar handling: Prayer is here the Church-mans onely weapon. He must neither lift vp his hand to reforme, nor his voice to reprooue. To mooue to trouble and commotion, is a motion Exentrick, and out of his commission. They are all in these cases barred Bye and Maine, except they be of the Councell, and in Councell. For seditious Preachers against the State Politick, and scandalous inueighers against the State Ecclesiastick, vnder which they liue, bring distraction in those States, and destruction to themselues.

[Page 222] Sauanarola, a man of a fiery and impetuous spirit, had in his sermons from time to time, perswaded the Florentines to a po­pular gouernement, and preuailed: Had furthered and forced the law of Appellation, from the Magistrates to the Councell of the Commons: Yet suffred it to take no effect, when the benefit of that law was demanded, by the offenders in Medicis conspira­cy: whereby many of the Nobility lost their liues, and himselfe purchased much hatred, from their friends and kinsmen. He had confidently presaged of great felicity and enlargement to the Florentine State, and declination to the Sea of Rome: which, for his greater credit and reputation, he pretended to know by re­uelation. He is accused to the Pope, of preaching scandalously against that Sea and Court: he is sequestred from preaching, si­lenced, and cited to Rome. He disobeies in both. His enemies in the citie of Florence preferre new billes of complaint against him. He receiues new Mandates. The whole citie is diuided about him: so is the Clergy: in the end, his aduersaries get the vpper hand, and imprison him: his processe is framed: it cleares him of ma­ny calumnies and foule aspersions, of auarice, lust, and practise with other Princes: it chargeth him with scandalizing the present Church gouernement: with taxing the Court and Clergie of corrupt and dissolute liuing: with chalenging the Popes of in­trusion and vnlawfull obtaining the Papacy: with perswading to an innouation of the present State, and reducing things to the integrity of the times next after the Apostles: and mouing to haue a generall Councell for reformation. For these causes, he is condemned, degraded, committed to the secular power, hanged, and burned.

APHORISMES, CIVIL AND MILITARIE. LIB. IIII.

APHORISME I.

AMong 1 States that haue entercourse of traffick, or dispute of right together; euery alteration in the one, begets new deliberations in all the rest: Especially vpon the death of any Prince, in whose State appeares a new face of all things. Wherefore in these deliberations, the neighbour States must imitate the Camaelion, who often changeth his colour, and is alwaies with his eyes open. 2 So must they change their former resolutions, and looke as well with the left eye, vp­pon what may be hurtfull: as with the right, vpon what may be aduan­tageous to them.

[Page 224] Lewes 12. succeedes to the crowne of France. It was likely in all reason of State, that he would not sodainely wrap himselfe into warres beyond the Alpes, in the beginning of his reigne, be­fore his State were well setled at home. But those Princes of Ita­ly that were best aduised, suspected that their troubles would be greater then before: a King of ripe yeares being aduanced to that Monarchie, experienced in the warres, a more moderate spender, more master of himselfe then his predecessor, and who, besides his title to Naples by the crowne of France, laid claime also to Millan, as he was Duke of Orleans.

APHORISME II.

AFaire maide richly endowed, is neuer without Sutors: And a great State newly fallen, neuer with­out claimers: nor these ambitious competitors euer without some colour of title. In which concurrence of pretenders, not the iustest claime, but the shar­pest sword commonly preuaileth. 331

[Page 225] Lewes Duke of Orleans, brother to Charles 6. and grandfather to the present King, married Lady Valentina, daughter to Iohn Ga­leazzo, first Duke of Millan. She had in Dower the towne and Prouince of Asti; besides a great summe of money, and an ex­presse couenant, (in case the line masculine failed) she or her next heires to succeed in the Dukedome. This conueighance was made the Emperour being dead, and therefore inualidous, but that the French affirme it was ratified by the Pope, who pretends to haue this right in himselfe, vacante Imperio. Vpon the death of Philip-Maria Visconti, (the last heire-male of that line) Charles, sonne to this Lewes, puts in his claime: So doth the Emperour Frederick, as deuolued to the Empire, for default of heires males. The like doth Alphonso king of Arragon and Naples, whom Philip-Maria had instituted his heire, by his last will and testament. But Francis Zforza, father to Lodowick the present Duke, who mar­ried the onely daughter of Philip-Maria (though illegitimate) a great souldier of his time, and more powerfull in armes then the other competitors, more prudent in his deliberations, and succesfull in his actions, makes good his Plea with his sword: carries the Prise from them all, and is inuested with the Duchie of Millan.

APHORISME III.

IT 1 is as great a folly to lose what is our owne, through ouer-much negligence, as it is an offence to intrude vpon others through too much ambition. For, not to seeke our right, is want of prudence; not to recouer it, is want of power; but not to demand it at all, is to quit it altogether: as gamesters that giue ouer their game, yeeld it lost. 2 Wherefore the Prince who meanes not to quit his right, must from time to time put in his claime.

[Page 226] Charles Duke of Orleans, father to Lewes 12. presently after the death of Philip-Maria Visconti, puts in his claime to Millan, though he were then prisoner in England, and there remained fiue and twentie yeares, after the battaile of Agencourt, where the English had vpon the French a most famous victory. After his returne into France, in the time of Lewes 11. he renewes his claime. So did he againe the third time, during the raigne of Charles 8. And now lastly, Lewes his sonne is no sooner come to the Crowne, but by aduice of his Councell, he proclaimes him­selfe, not onely king of France, but (in his right to Naples) King of both the Sicils and Ierusalem, and (in right of his birth, as from the Duke of Orleans) he entitles himselfe Duke of Millan. And sends to the Princes of Italie publicke and expresse inti­mation, that he meant to pursue this his right to that Duchie.

APHORISME IIII.

THe 1 Ethiopian Yeale hath two hornes of a cubit long, which he can in fight moue as he list, either both forward to offend, or both backward to defend, or the one forward and the other backward, to both vses at once. 2 So should wise men apply their coun­sels and actions, to the times: and either put forth the hornes of their power, or pull them in, as present occasions are offe­red. For, as the Mariner changeth his course vpon the change of the winde and weather, yet still holdeth his purpose of getting in to the har­brough: so should States-men, vpon euery new occasion alter their sailes, and veere another way, still making their course to the Port of the pub­licke good and safetie.

Lewes 12. is resolued to come downe into Italy, to recouer his right in Naples and Millan. Now the Pope stirred on through his owne particular ends and interest, which he saw he could not formerly effect by the quiet of Italy, and combination with those Princes against Charles 8; desires new troubles by this new King, and desseignes to further him in his warres on that side the mountaines. The Venetians likewise being freed of their former feare of the other King, for the many oppositions they had made, and wrongs they had done him, see no cause of distrust in this Lewes 12; and therefore they send their Embassadours, both to [Page 228] congratulate with him, and also to lay the foundation of such an amitie and peace, as the occurrence of their affaires should offer to them both. But the Florentines on the other side, who in the former Kings time were alwaies in strict confederation with him against the other Italian Princes and States, finding them­selues not tied to Lewes 12. in any such obligation of friendship and correspondencie, as they were to his predecessor, by the treaties of Florence and Asti; are now readie to fall from his alli­ance, and to combine with the Duke of Millan: hoping of better helpe in the neare and readie supplies of Lombardie, then in the remote and slow succours of France.

APHORISME V.

AS 1 in nature, so in gouernment, nothing is perma­nent that is violent. It is therefore hard to see a Tyrant olde. For though for at time he vphold his State by force and policie, 2 yet in the end diuine iu­stice confounds his practises, and infatuates his counsels, to his owne ruine and ouerthrow. 3 For as in that mortall warre betweene the great Elephant and poisonfull Dra­gon, this one with his taile enclaspeth that others feete, making him fall, and he in his fall bursteth himselfe, and crusheth that other in peeces: So when Ambition and Enuie meete as combattants in the heart of a man, he needs no outward force to assaile him: for the venemous taile of his Enuie entangleth the winged feete of his Ambition, making him fall, and in the fall to burst with his owne weight.

[Page 229] Lodowick Zforza, the poisoner of his Nephew, Vsurper of Millan, and Incendiary of all Italy, who had kindled the fire of all the late troubles in that countrie; sees now the Duke of Orleans (his competitor for Millan) aduanced to the crowne of France. He perceiues no possible meanes of attonement with him. He knowes by late experience, that all the States of Italy are not so auaileable for his safety against France, as that one of Venice. Yet, in emulation of her greatnesse, that she should hold Pisa, and in enuy that she should reape the fruite of his long practises and trauailes, he ioynes at this vnseasonable and dangerous time with the Florentines against her, for the recouery of that city. Foolishly presuming, that the warre of Pisa would be ended, before the French King could set forward: and vainely suppo­sing that the Venetians were too wise, euer to condescend that the French army should againe returne into Italie, to satisfie any grudge or wrong of their owne whatsoeuer: A fault whereof himselfe had bene more guilty then any other. Which ill groun­ded deliberation of his, opened the floudgates to all his misfor­tunes, with the streame whereof he was afterward carried pri­soner into France, and there died a most miserable exile.

APHORISME VI.

THe 1 Frogge and the Mouse were better take vp their quarrell, then that the Kite should be their vmpire. For it hath bene a practise as old as since Philip of Macedo, to nourish warre betweene two neighbour Princes, to the weakning one of another, that the third, a stronger, might take his aduan­tage, and seize vpon both. 2 It is therefore a prudent deliberation in the weaker (hauing smoaked his drift) to compound their difference be­tweene themselues, and preuent the practisers desseigned plot.

[Page 230] Sharpe warres are betweene the Orsini and Colonnesi, both whose States confine vpon the Church. Many townes and castles are taken on both sides: it comes to a day of battaile: ma­ny of them are slaine: their enseignes lost: the rest put to rout: and Charles Orsini taken prisoner. The Pope interposeth: offe­reth to be vmpire in their difference: dealeth with his wonted dissimulation and duplicitie, meaning to set them further out. The Orsini renew their forces: set downe before Columbara a strong towne of the enemy: the Colonnesi come to the succours. Here, before one blow giuen they call into serious considerati­on the Popes double dealing: how he had first animated the one side, and then set on the other: giuing foment to the warre and encouragement to the sides, with a purpose when they were both well wasted, to surprise both. Hereupon they come to a parley, and conclude an honourable and a profitable peace for both parties.

APHORISME VII.

SVch 1 is the force of Fate, as it can and will effect it endes, without any assistance, against all resistance. Yet commonly it worketh not alone, it is attended with second and subalterne causes, concurring in the partie himselfe whose ruine is destined. 2 For, his counsailes and actions alwayes change with his fortunes, and make the way to his downe-fall.

Neuer was Prince more secret and cautelous in his practises, neuer any lesse ouuert and more fained in his amities then Zfor­za: neuer had he more neede then now of that warie procee­ding, nor greater reason to keepe good quarter and correspon­dencie with the Venetians, at least not to sharpen or exasperate them with contumelies. Yet, contrary to his owne nature, and old wont, he breathes out many virulent opprobrious speeches, hebraues them with many and imperious threates: he denies their souldiers passage through the Parmesan countrie: he cau­seth the Emperor to dismisse their Embassadors: he sends their enemies (the Florentines) three hundred crossebowes on horse­backe: he ioynes with them in the charge of entertaining three [Page 232] hundred men at armes: he lendeth them money at seuerall times, to the summe of three hundred thousand Duckats and vpwards: and offers more aide, as they shall haue neede. This distraction from Venice, and open profession of opposition a­gainst her, hastened his deserued and destined ouerthrow.

APHORISME VIII.

THe 1 Monarch first propoundeth honour: then the publick good: and lastly proprietary interest and pro­fit. 2 But the popular State euermore inuerteth this order: For it hath priuate gaine in the first intenti­on, the common good in the second, and honour in the last. Which diuersity of proceeding ariseth, not out of the different formes of their gouernement, but out of their diffe­rent natures that gouerne. So great oddes there is betweene a Prince and a Citizen. 344

[Page 233] Quarrels had bene long militant and on foote, betweene the two States of Venice and Genoa. For, besides their ancient emu­lation and grudge, the Genowese were also of late growne iea­lous of the Venetians greatnesse and neighbourhood, if they should get Pisa into their peaceable possession; and therefore de­sired nothing more then to stop her course in that purchase. Yet are they content that the Venetian shipping employed in that seruice, should haue harbour and reliefe vpon the coast of Genoa, paying well for it; and their Merchants trafficke and commerce with them, for such commodities as they need, because many priuate citizens had benefit thereby.

APHORISME IX.

THe 1 Dolphin finding himselfe vnable to hurt the Crocodile, by reason of his hard scales which no weapon can pierce, diueth vnder him, and with his sharpe finne striketh him into the bellie being soft and tender, and so killeth him. 2 What Nature hath taught the creature, Experience hath taught man: To strike the enemy where he may be most hurt, and leaue things impossi­ble vnattempted. For Prudence is of force, where force preuailes not. 3 And therefore Direction is left to the Commander, Execution to the souldier: who is not to aske why, but to do what he is commanded.

[Page 234] The Florentine Generall sets downe before Casina, leuels the ground, razeth the impeachments, and makes shew as if he would take the place, and so march directly to Pisa. The enemy expects no lesse, and prepares to receiue him. But he, considering the obstinate resolution of the Pisans, their valour by long pra­ctise in warre, the great forces of the Venetians ioyned with them, and the strength of their workes and fortifications about that place, holds it impregnable. He resolues rather with time to weare them out, and with stopping their succours to distresse them, then by hazard of fight to force them. Therefore he sud­denly riseth from before Casina, marcheth ouer the hils on the right side the riuer Arno, to impeach all passages by land that way. He encampes before Buti Castle, and takes it: he builds a fort vpon the mountaine S. Iohn della Vena: and another vpon Pietra Dolorosa. He brings vnder contribution all the Val-di Calci. He takes by composition the fort which the Pisans had lately built vpon Vico: and shortly after Vicopisano it selfe: and lastly laies siege to Verrucola. In all which important seruices, not so much his souldiers readinesse in execution, as his owne prudence in direction was remarqueable.

APHORISME X.

THe 1 countrie Cormorant makes his aduantage of his poore neighbours distresse, and raiseth the market as he sees his need. So a couetous Prince will not affoord one barly corne of his assistance, at a lesse rate then one of the fairest gemmes in his neighbours Crowne. A price so high, and his necessitie so great, [Page 235] as he can neither with his honour grant, nor with his safetie denie. 2 But in so desastrous a Dilemma as this, he is rather to stake all his fortunes vpon one chance of hazardous battell, then to share with so couetous, ambitious, and false afriend.

Pope Alexander desires to aduance his sonne Caesar Borgia to temporall States, being now resolued to renounce hs Cardinals hat: he sees the great distresse of Frederick king of Naples, if he should forsake him, and combine against him with France: which he threatneth to do, vnlesse he will grant his daughter in mariage to his sonne Caesar Borgia, and the Principalitie of Taranto to her Dower: presuming, if Borgia (of a high spirit and great reach) were once Lord of so important a member of that Realme, he might easily with his owne forces, and pretensions of the Church, driue his father in law out, being slenderly prouided of men, worse of money, and hauing many of the Barons ill affected, and apt to rebell against him. Frederick discouers the metch, and sees the mischiefe, which way soeuer he takes: therefore chuseth rather to reiect the offer, and stand to the hazard, then by his owne act to be accessory to his owne destruction.

APHORISME XI.

IN moralitie, it is a greater vice to commit a wic­kednesse, then to omit the doing of a vertuous act: So in martiall gouernment, it is worse for the soul­dier to do what he is forbidden in his owne campe, then not to do what he is commanded vpon the ene­mie: For this onely bereaues him of some faire ad­uantage; but that laies himselfe open to all ambush and defeat. 350

After the Pisans victory at S. Regolo, their souldiers together with the Venetian Estradiots range at pleasure vp and down the countrie, in great troupes, and greater carelesnesse and disorder: I hey conforme not themselues to discipline, nor commaund of their Captaines. Paul Vitelli Generall of the Florentine forces espies the aduantage: lies in ambush neare Casina: sets suddenly vpon the Venetians, led by Marco Martinengo: puts them to flight, and kils many of the Estradiors, with Iohn Gradenigo Leader of their men at armes. He takes prisoner Franco a commander of the Estradiots, and a hundred horse besides.

APHORISME XII.

HOpe 1 is in the minde of man, as is the vitall spirit in his body: the first that possesseth, and last that lea­ueth the heart. But hope fastned vpon no other ground but will, is like the Mushromme, which star­teth vp in a night, and onely of all other Plants growing without roote, is easily blowne away, and perisheth. 2 So do the actions of men, built vpon this light sand and loose hold of wilfull hope. Because it makes that seeme easie and feasi­ble to the eye of their imagination, which reason and the euent shewes to be most difficult and dangerous.

The souldiers in Pisa haue a great desire to surprise and raze the fort built lately vpon Pietra Dolorosa; although it was streng­thened round about with the Florentine forces, and they vn­der the command of Vitelli, a prudent and vigilant Chieftaine: yet they hold the enterprise easie, if the attempt be sodaine and secretly carried. To this purpose they present themselues be­fore the place, early in the morning ere it was yet day; with two hundred light horse, and some foote, (by report foure hun­dred. [Page 238] They finde greater resistance, and the place better fortifi­ed, then they expected. They discouer Vitelli vpon the hilles, with one part of the army coming to their succours. They retire towards Pisa. They are met in the way by Vitellozzo, and followed at the heeles by Vitelli. Thus, hemmed in on both sides, they are broken, many horses lost, and most of the foote cut in peeces.

APHORISME XIII.

STatesmen must not alwaies be fixed in one Center of resolution, but mooued with the turning Sphaere of their Common-weale: carried alwaies to that point of the circle in their present occurrents, wherein their publicke profit and safety chiefly consisteth. 353

The warres betweene the Florentines and Venetians in com­petition for the Seignory of Pisa, had lasted long. In all this [Page 239] time the State of Florence neuer sent any Embassador to Venice, nor sought any accord. Partly, not to offend the French King, their confederate: partly, because they found their owne forces weake, and therefore not likely to preuaile in the motion. Charles 8. is now dead, and their forces very great by Zforzas meanes: besides they vnderstand by the Duke of Ferrara and others, that the Venetians were willing to an accord, if they were sought vn­to, and treated with as superiors not as equalles. The State of Florence altereth her former resolution: Makes choise of Guy-Antony Vespucci and Barnardo Ruccellai, two honourable persona­ges, to go thither in Embassage. They are admitted to the pre­sence of the Duke and Councell, and haue audience. They ex­cuse their sending no sooner, by the quality of the times, and di­uers accidents of let, in their State. They demand a finall ces­sation from warre, and that the Venetians would relinquish the protection of Pisa. They are answered: that if a course were ta­ken, whereby the Pisans might enioy their liberty, they would make it appeare to the world, that neither desire of dominion, nor any other particular interest of their owne, had caused them at first to vndertake that enterprise, or now to continue it longer. The Florentines can get no other answer: they returne: hauing thus farre sounded the Venetians resolution, that nothing but necessity could force them to quit the protection of Pisa.

APHORISME XIIII.

WHile 1 the riuer runnes entire with all his water in one bed, his current is the swifter, and his force the greater, and danteth the most hardy to aduen­ture passage: But being diuided into seuerall streames, it prooues so slow and shallow, as it may with safety, and at ease, be waded ouer. 2 So is it in the current of warlike actions: Power vnited is the stronger, and the best meanes to weaken it, is by diuersion and distraction into seuerall seruices.

[Page 240] The Florentine armie is strong in the territory of Pisa. The Venetians find all the power they can make too weake to resist them, or to force them quit the oppugnation of that city. They therefore entertaine the Duke of Vrbine and other Captaines in pay, with fiue hundred men at armes, to assaile some other part of the Florentine State. They desseigne, that Peter Medici with Charles Orsini, and Bartholomew Aluiano, with all their troopes, shall giue vpon another quarter. They earnestly labour Iohn Bentiuo­glio, to breake in vpon them on that side towards Bologna: and importune them of Siena, to grant passage to their forces. To the intent, that begirting the enemy thus on all sides, they might force him to withdraw some of that power from the oppugnati­on of Pisa, and imploy it to the defence of other places, that they meane while might set vpon the rest of the army; which now (thus vnited) was farre too strong for them.

APHORISME XV.

TO 1 nourish faction betweene officers in a great hous­hold, or great men in a Monarchie, is no ill policie; so it haue his awfull limits curbed in the supreame po­wer; but in a free State it is very dangerous: be­cause in such a gouernment, great men of factious emulation, are like strong (but contrary) windes; and the multitude is like the sea (immoueable of it selfe) but stirred to furie and rage by others motion. 2 The effect therefore of such factions in such States, is either a generall dissipation of the whole, or a particular vsurpation of the victor.

There is great discord in Siena betweene Pandolpho Petrucci on the one side, and Nicholas Borghesi with the family Belanti on the other. These would haue passage granted through their State, to the Duke of Vrbine and his forces, which came on the Venetians behalfe to make warre vpon Florence. The greater part of the citizens bandie on this partie, being drawne by their dependance on these Noblemen, and by their inueterate ha­tred to the Florentines. Petrucci withstands them with stronger forces of reason, but weaker power of partizans and adherents. [Page 242] He sends secretly for his friends and followers out of the coun­trey: he procures the Florentines to send three hundred men at armes, and a thousand foote to Poggibionsi, a place of theirs vp­on the frontiers of Siena. VVith the reputation of these forces, and assistance of his friends in the citie, he forceth his opposites to condescend to a peace with Florence for fiue yeares. By this accord being growne more powerfull, he killeth Borghesi, terri­fieth the rest, and assures himselfe in the tyrannous vsurpation of Siena.

APHORISME XVI.

AS 1 we feele more sensible comfort of the Suns heate when we are cold: So, the greater our extremitie is in any danger, the greater we hold the power by which we are relieued: 2 attributing that to fortune and miracle, which is in nature. 3 Yet is it most true, that all such operations (though naturall) are gui­ded and disposed by a supernaturall prouidence, which prepareth and disposeth the Obiect to the present Influence.

[Page 243] Peter and Iulian Medici take the Borrough of Marradi, a towne belonging to the Florentine State, seated vpon the Appennine, neare Romagna. They encampe before the rocke Castiglone, stan­ding right ouer the towne: a peece by situation impregnable; yet they are in hope presently to carrie it for want of water, whereof they within had none at all, by reason of the height of the place, and hardnesse of the flint it stood vpon. They are in tearmes to render; when sodainly there fals such wonderfull store of raine, as all the cisternes and vessels they haue are filled. The assailants disappointed of their hopes by this sodaine accident, and now in despaire to carrie the place, rise vp from the siege, and depart. On the other side that State, towards the neather sea, falls out another strange accident. Paul Vitelli sets downe before Librafatta, plants his artillerie: makes a breach so assaultable, as he doubts not the next morning to carrie the towne. The same night, by chance falls downe an arch of the wall, which filled the breach, and raised the rampart two ells higher then it was before. So as, after three daies triall to get it by Scalada, and much hurt receiued in his armie by a peece from the towne, he des­paires of successe, and is vpon rising. When sodainly a shot made at randon into the towne, dismounts that Peece, and kils the Cannonier; wherepon the besieged call a parley, and yeeld.

APHORISME XVII.

THe 1 Sunne shineth brightest through a vapour dis­persed, and vertue shewes her best lustre vpon an encounter. Men therefore that would stand before others in glorie, must striue to breake through the mistie clouds of all passions and perturbations, that their vertue may shine aboue others in worth. Such contention as this, (to be best) is the whetstone and spurre to courage and wel-deseruing. 2 But an emulation to be first, is the Remora of all good seruice.

The Duke of Millan entertaines the Marquis of Mantoa and his men at armes: a braue souldier, and renowmed commander; whose worth and reputation iustly purchased in the warres, was likely to aduance much his affaires in Pisa. He, among other con­ditions, assures the Marquis in the word of a Prince, to make him [Page 245] Generall of all his army, within three moneths after. The time is expired: promise is not kept: because the Duke would not displace nor displease Galeazzo da San-Seuerino, a man greater with him in fauour then in desert, who strongly opposed the Marquis, not able to endure a Cortiuall. The Marquis holdes himselfe wronged, his worth vnderualued, and his seruice vnre­warded. He leaues the Duke (to the hinderance of that seruice) and resolues to returne to the Venetians pay, who greatly desi­red it, and at this time and in this affaire of Pisa, were Zforzas professed enemies.

APHORISME XVIII.

IT 1 were better not to make lawes against the abuses of the times, or corruption of mens manners, then being made, and broken, not to put them in exe­cution. For, this maketh euery priuate mans offence, the sinne of the publick. Because, to omit the punish­ment thereof, is to commit it. 2 Wherefore, direction for suppressing a conspiracy, and punishing the offenders according to law, is not onely fruitlesse, but dangerous, when the execution both of the one and the other proceedes not speedily: being misled by a credu­lous negligence, and miscarried by a foolish lenity. For, there is a cruelty in some kind of mercy, though there be no mercy in cruelty.

[Page 246] The fauourers of Peter Medici had conspired the betraying of Bibiena, a castle of much importance in the Casentine coun­trie: the Florentines haue some inckling hereof by a generall buzze there was of some such plot, but more particular and cer­taine notice by letters of aduice from Bologna. To preuent this mischiefe, they send a gouernor thither, with directions to at­tach the practisers, and assure the place. He apprehends many of them: and foolishly trusting their protestations, sets them free againe. He appoints no Guards at the portes: and suffers them to be opened euery morning, as early as they were wont to be in times of no suspition. Aluiano, who entertained the plot with the conspirators in the towne, and had daily intelligence from them, sends certaine horsemen, in the habit of Victuallers, to march before: they trauaile all night, and come to the place, iust at the opening of the port. They possesse themselues of it with­out any resistance: other troopes of horse come presently after, and giue out that they were friends of Vitellies companies, (the Florentine Generall:) the conspirators within the towne seeing their friendes come, rise in armes, ioyne with them, and make themselues masters of the place.

APHORISME XIX.

THe 1 furious courser breaketh his winde, and bur­steth himselfe in the middest of his carreer: whereas the Snaile comes to the toppe of the hill in her due time as well as the Eagle. With time and straw men ripen medlars, and their affaires with leisure and meanes. 2 Wherefore he that will do athing well, must haue patience to tarry till it may be well done. For, it hurteth as much to anticipate the occasion, as to fore-slow it being offered: And to [Page 247] pluck her as fruite before she be ripe, harmeth as much as to suffer her rotte: Men of hotte spirits erre in the first; for scarce do they perceiue the shadow of her, but they runne to catch at it, and thinking to take hold of the solide substance, embrace nothing but the emptie aire. Whereas the wary and well aduised Commander, holdes it safer to weary and weare out the enemy by cunctation and delay, then to put all to hazard by hast: In this is danger, in that a Fabian vertue.

Aluiano with the Florentine exiles are strong in the Casentine Prouince: For besides Bibiena, they haue taken in many other pla­ces. The Duke of Vrbine, Charles Orsini, and other Leaders, with seuen hundred horse, and sixe thousand foote, are ioyned with him. The State of Florence calles hither Paule Vitelli their Gene­rall, [Page 248] from the seruice of Pisa, to oppose against these so great for­ces, and preuent this more imminent danger. He is come: de­termines to follow his old wont, of tyring and wearing out the enemy with time, considering that the countrie was mountay­nous, the Pesants readie to take euery least aduantage vpon them, and that Arezzo was assured with a strong Garrison, vnder the gouernement of Count Rinuccio: So as he need not feare any matter of great import to be attempted by them, to whom it would be hard to stay, and and more difficult to do any good by staying. And therefore he resolues not to put his whole army and maine of those warres, vpon one daies triall. But he stoppes the passages of the mountaines, and other places of the country with his Guardes, Sconces, Rentrenchments, and other fortifi­cations. The enemy by this meanes is brought into great ex­tremity, and despaires of succours, or preuailing with those he had. He steales away by whole troopes: and in those places and streights is stript and slaine, by the souldiers of Vitellis army, or the pesants of the countrie.

APHORISME XX.

HE that giueth life to the law, may giue life forfaited by the law: he may pardon the offence, though he can­not wipe off the guilt. But vntill a law be abrogated by the same power it was established, he can neither disanull the force, nor warrant the fact: Much lesse can man dispense with the lawes diuine, or war­rant and approue what they condemne. Wherefore the Sea of Rome where all things are vendible, and nothing vnlawfull that is not vnpro­fitable, dasheth against this rock. For it bindeth and looseth, giueth and taketh away, inuesteth and againe deuesteth, so it be for promotion and preferment: Diuorces without iust cause, and dispensations against di­uine lawes are granted, in case the Grantee will pay well for the purchase. 367

[Page 249] Pope Alexander hath promise from Lewes 12. that he will ef­fect the mariage betweene Caesar Borgia and Ciarlotta, daughter to Frederick king of Naples, who was brought vp in the French Court. A match, to which both father and sonne vpon ambiti­ous ends greedily aspired. Vpon this hope Borgia comes into the Consistory, makes sute to his father the Pope, and whole Col­ledge of Cardinals, that whereas he neuer had minde to a­ny Ecclesiasticall function, he might be permitted to renounce his Hat and habit of Cardinallat. It is granted him. He puts on in their presence a Secular robe; and of a Cardinall and Archbi­shop of Valencia, becomes entitled Duke Valentinois, and soul­dier of the French king, with command of one hundred Lances, and twentie thousand Frankes of yearely entertainment. Again; the French king desires to be diuorced from his lawfull wife, the sister of Charles 8. (she was crook-backed) and to be dispensed withall for marying of Anne Duchesse and heire of Bretagne (she had a great estate.) The Sea of Rome grants both: prouided that the King giue the Pope thirtie thousand Duckats: helpe him to [Page 250] recouer the absolute dominion of Romagna: further the match betweene Borgia and Ciarlotta: and entertaine him with a yearely and honourable pension.

APHORISME XXI.

HE 1 that propounds an affaire to his inward friend, would be aduised. He that imparts a resolued busi­nesse, would haue it concealed. In the first case, the Counsellor must vnlocke his heart: in the other he must seale vp his lippes. 2 For it is dangerous to be of a great mans counsaile, and not to keepe it.

[Page 251] Duke Valentinois is sent into France with a Cardinals hat, to George of Amboise Archbishop of Rouen. He followes his fathers principles of craft and subtiltie: for, hauing likewise brought with him a Bull of dispensation for the Kings mariage with the daughter and heire of Bretagne; he pretends to haue brought no such matter: hoping that the Kings desire to haue it, would worke him the sooner and better to his proper ends, rather then the memory thereof, when he had once got it. Onely the Bishop of Septa, the Popes Nuntio in France, knew the secret, and re­ueales it closely to the King. The King without any farther vrging to haue it (being as he thought all one towards God, since it was granted) presently consummates the mariage. Valentinois when he saw no other remedy, deliuers it, and shortly after causeth the Nuntio, by whom it came to light, to be poisoned.

APHORISME XXII.

THere is alaw of Nature, another of Societie, a third of Armes, a fourth of Nations, a fift of State. And each of these in their order bridle and restraine one another with certaine cautions and prouisoes. For, though the arbitration of a third man betweene two parties in difference, either comes not within com­passe of those former lawes, or else is permitted without limitation of circumstance, yet the law of State allowes it not, but with this restricti­on, Neuer to referre any matter of great importance to one much migh­tier then thy selfe; as doubtfull of his indifferencie, and fearfull of his greatnesse. 370

[Page 252] The French King holding it needfull to combine with the two enemie-States, Venice and Florence, labours them both to set aside all quarrels concerning Pisa, and to referre the matter to him. Florence holds his alliance necessary, but remembers withall how his predecessor dealt with her about the same busi­nesse and towne: and doubting like measure, will not referre the transaction of the cause to him, except meane while the citie be put in deposito, into the hands of Paul Vitelli. The Venetians are likewise willing to embrace his friendship, (if it were to no o­ther end but to reuenge themselues of the wrongs offered by the Duke of Millan) but yet they peremptorily denie to yeeld to his arbitration: affying better in the Duke of Ferrara for an honou­rable end, and restitution of their expences in the warre; who had vndertaken (if both parts were so pleased) to compromit in that matter, and take vp the difference betweene them.

APHORISME XXIII.

A 1 Staffe is easily found to beate a dogge: and a small quarrell will serue against him, whose fortunes are in their ebbe of declination. For, where there is no feare of reuenge, there is little conscience of offence: 2 Especially in the auaricious and greedie minded man, in whom many fauors receiued, are not so strong to make him sure vnto thee, as one small request refused, to cast thee off.

[Page 253] The King of Romans enters Burgundy in armes, in defence of his Sonne the Archduke of Austria, against the French King. The Duke of Millan supplies him with great summes of money, vpon hope, that either that warre would diuert the French from the enterprise of Italy, or else, if there were peace made betweene them, that then himselfe should be comprised, as the Emperor had faithfully promised him. After many motions and treaties, the King concludes a peace with the Archduke who was like­wise Duke of Burgundy, and capitulates to render him all the townes he held of his in Artois. The Emperor likewise takes a Truce with the King, for many monethes, without any compri­sall of the Duke of Millan: pretending a great displeasure against him, because he had not from time to time satisfied his infinite and immoderate pressings for money.

APHORISME XXIIII.

THe 1 name of Equality truly vnderstood, is one of the most iust and profitable things, that is in a State: namely, when it is taken in a Geometricall sense and proportion. For as in matter of taxe or imposition, the best leuy is not by the pole, but according to euery mans hability; and as in conferring of dignities and [Page 254] offices, the best choise is according to euery mans worth and sufficiency for the place: So in the deliberation of State affaires and decision of doubts of greatest consequence, the soundest iudgement should haue the greatest stroke: and voyces should be considered, not by the number, but by the weight 2 But in free States, plurality of voyces ouers wayes the strongest and best grounded reasons. And therefore this forme of go­uernement cannot be so good, as that of a Monarchie.

The French King seekes the amity and confederation of the Venetians, in his warre against Millan. He offers them Cremona, and Ghiaradadda, for their share of the conquest. It is debated in Councell whether to combine with him, or no. Antony Grimany, a man of great authority among them, opineth for the affirma­tiue: prooues the action to be lawfull, in reuenge of Zforzas in­gratitude to this State, and obstinate opposition in the cause of Pisa, against it: prooues it honourable, because the world might [Page 255] see that this Common-wealth aimes not at base and vulgar endes, but for the preseruation of her honour and reputation: to be expedient, that the repentance of him who had wronged Venice so much, might be an example to others not to dare to prouoke her: to be profitable, by the accrewment of two so fa re Estates to the Venetian dominion, as Cremona and Ghiaradadda: to be necessary for the preuention of Zforzas plots and machi­nations against this State, in case the French expedition went not forward: to be easie, by reason of the combination of two so great powers, against one onely Duke: And finally to be with­out danger after the end of the warres, both by the generall resi­stance the King should finde in all the Princes of Italy, (if he should attempt any further,) and by the naturall disposition of the French nation, a people apter to get, then to hold what they haue gotten. Marchione Treuisano a man of reputed vertue and iudgement, redargues what is said, and stands for the negatiue. His reasons: that it is imprudence, not to moderate reuenge (though vpon neuer so iust cause) with maturity of reason and consideration of the publick good: that it is scandalous for Venice to call in a forreine Prince, who had lately professed her selfe The deliuerer of Italy from the French: that it is dangerous to haue a great King quietly possessed of Millan, being a State so neere their doores, when as hauing formerly but got Na­ples, remote from them and lesse to be feared, as also farther di­stant from France, and harder to be kept, yet Venice and almost all Christendome were forced through feare, to enter into con­federation against him. To be vnprofitable; for in time of warres they are neerest to be troubled, and in time of peace they must alwaies be suspitious, and stand vpon their Guard, maintaining their Frontires at excessiue charges: that it is preiudiciall to the State, for neither will the Duchie of Millan long suffer the aliena­tion of two so faire mēbers thereof, as Cremona and Ghiaradadda, neither will the Emperor and Dutch nation sit still, who pretend them to be parcelles of the Imperiall Iurisdiction. And to be feared in conclusion, least the French and Emperor ioyne both [Page 256] against them, holding so much land as they do already, be­longing to the house of Austria. Therefore, it is neither wise­dome, nor glory, nor profit, nor safety, to purchase the sweete fruites of reuenge with the manifest hazard of the whole State: wherein they must either be masters of all, or losers of all: Which whether be more likely, he referres to the L L. of the Se­nate. This opinion maintained with these and other weighty reasons, and approued of the grauer and wiser sort, was ouer­swayed by number, and the contrary carried by voices through hate and ambition.

APHORISME XXV.

GReat 1 affaires require many heads to aduise, and ma­ny hands to effect. One braine is not capable of so great a charge, one arme vnsufficient for so insup­portable a burthen. 2 A Prince therefore ought not to stand so stiffe in his owne opinion, though groun­ded vpon probable supposition, as not to yeelde to his faithfull Counsailors, vpon more forcible and demonstratiue reasons. For, he that refuseth all counsaile is worse then a beast: he that needeth none, is more then a man.

[Page 257] The Venetian Embassadours treate of a league with the French: there is no scruple but onely this, They will not referre the cause of Pisa to his Maiestie. The King takes their diffidence in ill part. He doubteth if he haue not this Tie, both vpon them and the Florentines, that he shall be assured of neither. Hee enclines rather to make peace with the Emperour, which treatie was then on foote; and propounded, that the one should warre vpon Millan, and the other vpon Venice, at the same in­stant: He assures the Florentine Embassadours, that he will ne­uer conclude with Venice vpon other conditions then he had al­readie offered. But Duke Valentinois, the Cardinall S. Peter in Vin­cola, and Triultio, with others of his Councell in this affaire, aduise the contrary, by effectuall, well grounded, and demonstratiue reasons. They alleadge that he ought not refuse the Venetians, for feare to lose the Florentines, because their power was grea­ter in forces, and meanes fitter in nearnesse, to oppresse the Duke of Millan. Besides, this deliberation might cause the Duke to quit the Florentines, and combine with Venice, whose forces conioyned, late experience had shewed at Taro, what effects they might worke. And to lay any foundation of assurance vpon the Emperour Maximilian, were most dangerous of all. He had made good proofe at his last being in Italy, that his desseignes are grea­ter in the proiect, then either his prudence to colour them, or his meanes to carrie them: and in case he should haue successe, it were deeply to be weighed, how dangerous such a greatnesse would be, in a professed and perpetuall enemie of the Crowne of France. The King perswaded with the weight of these reasons, alters his minde, takes the wiser way, and concludes with Venice, without any specification at all of the difference of Pisa.

APHORISME XXVI.

THose 1 dangers are least auoided, which are vn­knowne or vnexpected: 2 And those counsels are best carried, which the enemie sees in execution, before he heares them by relation. None in the armie must know to what seruice scipio leades his troupes, but onely C. Laelius: nor is it fit, things determined in Councell, should be communicated, but to those without whom they can­not be effected. For as Expedition is the life of Action: so is Secrefie of Deliberation.

The league is concluded betweene the French king and the Venetians. The Articles these: They to assaile Millan on the one side, while the King warres on the other: And to haue Cremona and Ghiaradadda with all their territories, for their share. The rest of the Dutchie to remaine to the King, and twentie ells breadth along the riuer of Adda. To defend reciprocally and mutually [Page 259] the one the others part, and all the Terra ferma of Venice, euen to the marishes. This businesse is carried with such secresie, as the Duke knew not of it for many moneths, nor yet the Pope, who held good correspondencie with the King. They supposed it had bene a confederation defensiue onely, as at first it was solemnly proclaimed in the Court of France, and citie of Venice.

APHORISME XXVII.

IT is a manly vertue in a Prince, and a Manlian ad­uice, to prepare for warre when he propounds for peace; and not to stay his prouisions for the one, though he be treating vpon conditions for the other. Because otherwise he seemes to beg or buy his peace, and gets it not but at a high rate. Wherefore peace is neuer to be treated with our armour off, or sword sheathed: nor to be concluded, but vnder a buckler, and vpon sure tearmes. 379

The Venetian forces are much weakened in the Casentine prouince. One thousand fiue hundred horse haue left the army at seuerall times; besides many foote. The Duke of Vrbine, Aluiano, Astorre Bagliano, Marcello the Venetian treasurer, & Iulian Medici, [Page 260] are forced to abandon Montalone and Vernia, two important pla­ces, either for succours to come to them, or for their safe retreit in case of necessitie: they are retired into Bibiena, and there much distressed. The State of Venice is at this very instant in trea­tie with Florence, for a full and finall composition of all differen­ces betweene them. The award is referred to the Duke of Fer­rara, both concerning the cause of Pisa, as also all other their quarrels and demaunds. Yet for all this, though the peace be in so good forwardnesse, the Venetians foreslow not to prepare great supplies for their Casentine businesse, which they send vn­der the leading of the Count Petigliano, to the succours of those distressed troupes: not for any aduancement of that seruice, but to haue better conditions in the accord.

APHORISME XXVIII.

IT 1 is hard for a man, so warily to walke in any con­dition of charge or seruice, as that he dash not his foote against the stone of offence: especially in that of command, where he must vse his authoritie spa­ringly that would keepe it long. 2 Wherefore that Ge­nerall which bindes not himselfe within the limits of his commission, nor vseth the aduice of his Councell of warre, shall ne­uer want secret enemies among these he hath neglected, to vrge his transgression, and worke his confusion.

[Page 261] Paule Vitelli the Florentine Generall, who had borne that of­fice with great reputation, and managed the warres with singu­lar prudence and happie successe: hauing now the enemy coo­ped vp in Bibiena, growes daily more imperious in his command and dispatches, then was thought fit for his place, or was lawfull by his commission. He grants safe conduct to the Duke of Vrbine being sick, to depart into Romagna, without the consent or priui­uity of the Florentine Commissaries: vnder which protection Iulian Medici escaped also away. The State is perswaded, that Vrbine would rather haue yeelded vp the place, with all his for­ces, then haue staied in that extremity of sicknesse: great offence is likewise taken, that Medici, a rebell to his country, had so es­caped their hands. Many of the Citizens fauour the Generall, for his former good seruices, and some, because they were his kinsmen. But the greater part, in affection to Rinuccio, their old and faithfull seruant and souldier, vrged his transgression. Rinuc­cio himselfe, who had commanded in chiefe, till his defeate at S. Regolo, and now not brooking a superior; as at first in enuy of Vitellies glory, he slacked to further his seruice in the Casentine businesse, so now in desire of reuenge, he helpeth to worke his destruction. This was the beginning of Vitellies fall.

APHORISME XXIX.

POpular 1 States attribute good successe in warre or peace, to their owne proper courage and direction: what falleth out crosse, they lay to the Generalles fault and imputation. Against whom, no mans tong seemeth prompt enough, or mouth sufficiently wide, to breathe out contumelious menaces. 2 Wherfore let [Page 262] him that standeth charged with so great an account, take heede that he make a good reckoning, and that his present actions wipe out all scores of former iealousies and surmises: for if he be once in suspect, and after trip neuer so little, it is impossible to keepe him from falling.

Vitelli hath the enemy straightly begirt in Bibiena. He requires a supplie from Florence of foure thousand men, to carrie the place, driue the enemy quite out of the Casentine, and to make a finall end of that warre. The Citizens vpon former distaste of his proceedings, suspect his counsaile, and reiect his demand. And because there was of late and accidentally some peece of good seruice done, vpon the stragling and disordered enemy, by the countrey Pesants, without the presence of him, or assistance of his souldiers, the meaner sort of the city detract from his worth, and depraue all his actions: attributing the continuance of the warre to his want of fidelity, and desire he had to hold himselfe still great in that his command: laying that to his will which was not in his power to alter.

APHORISME XXX.

EVery 1 man must haue credit in the art he professeth: but no power to perswade to a businesse which we call into deliberation, and may concerne his aduantage in particular. For the Architect and master of the workes will alwaies aduise vs to build, though we neither haue matter enough prepared, norpurse suf­ficiently lined for such a purpose: because it is for his proper imployment and benefit. 2 So States must be aduised and ouer-ruled by the souldier, in the manage of a warre; but he seldome admitted to the deliberation of vndertaking it.

The Count Petigliano comes with his Venetian troopes to Elci, a castle of the Dutchie of Vrbine, vpon the Florentine con­fines: here he meetes Charles Orsini, and Peter Medici: for this place was appointed the Rendez-vous, of all their forces, which were to passe the Appennine, to the succours of the besieged in Bibiena. He findes the mountaines loaden with snow, and the passages so narrow and dangerous, euen in more seasonable times and fa­uourable weather, as he thought it a dangerous resolution to venture through: and besides, he sees the enemy strong at the [Page 264] foote of the hilles, to receiue him vpon great aduantage. He hath direction and peremptory commandement from the Senate at Venice to aduance forward, yet in regard of those military con­siderations, he holdes it better to disobey the command, then to expose the whole army to an apparant ouerthrow. He stirres not a foote farther.

APHORISME XXXI.

AN 1 Award betweene States in difference, is like Phy­sicke ministred to a body, wherein is a hotte liuer and a colde stomacke: what helpeth the one, commonly hurteth the other: 2 So this seldome contenteth any of the parties, and often displeaseth all. Wherefore as these are carefull, that there be strict cautions and obligations for abiding the Award, so should he be well aduised before he vndertake the charge. For it is better to sit still, then be imployed in a businesse where a man is in no hope of getting any thing to himselfe, but in danger of losing both his paines, and his friends.

The Duke of Ferrara is chosen by the States of Venice and Florence, to compromit betweene them in the cause of Pisa. He awardeth thus: The Florentines to pay the Venetians one hun­dred and eightie thousand Duckats (of the eight hundred thou­sand they auowed to haue spent in that warre) in twelue yeares, [Page 265] by equall portions. The Venetians to call home all their forces from Pisa and Bibiena. The Pisans to be pardoned of all former offences, and to haue free libertie of trafficke, both by land and by sea. The fortresses of Pisa, and other places in that territory, which were in their possession at the day of this Award, so to re­maine. To haue free choise of their garrison souldiers, so they were not persons suspect to the Florentines; and to be paid out of the Entrada or reuenue of Pisa. All the forts built by the Flo­rentines in the Pisan territory during these warres, to stand or be razed, at the choise of the Pisans. The Pisans to elect their Pode­stà for ciuill causes. The Florentines to appoint the Capitano for guard of the Cittadel, and gouerning in causes criminall; but not to iudge in case of life, limme, or confiscation, without such As­sessors as the Duke should appoint. All moueable goods to be restored: but the profits of them in this interim of the warres, not to be answerable, nor the partie accountable. In all other things, the right and iurisdiction ouer them, to remaine inuiolable: and the Pisans enioyned to practise no new matter, in preiudice of the Florentines. The Award thus made, is of the greater part of the Venetians vtterly disliked, because it seemes to abandon the Pisans to their former seruitude. The Florentines repine to re­pay any part of that money which was so vniustly spent against them, and meerly vpon an ambitious end. And the Pisans they complaine that they are betrayed into the hands of the enemy, and bought and sold betweene them.

APHORISME XXXII.

THe friendship of Princes is often personall; of free States neuer: for they, either vpon some friendly en­terview, or entercourse of kinde letters, or enter­change of good turnes, or affinity of bloud, do condole the losse, congratulate the successe, supply the wants, relieue the distresses, and redresse the wrongs one of [Page 266] another, through some bond of bloud or affection. Whereas free States performe none of those good offices, but for their owne ends: and they that receiue them, are thankful no longer then while they are in receiuing. For nothing is shorter liued among them then the memory of benefits. One ounce of supposed vnkindnesse ouer weigheth a pound of former friendship. And, Not to continue to do them good, is to begin to do them wrong. 388

The Pisans had reuolted from the Florentine obedience, and runne into manifest rebellion, without the encouragement or consent of Venice. This citie, in their greatest extremitie vnder­tooke their protection: which howsoeuer it were vpon ends of her owne, yet was it an action of acceptable welcome to them, and meriting thankfulnesse at their hands. The necessitie of the times, and her present affaires, force her now at last to quit their defence: yet she leaues them in far better tearmes then she found them, or they without her could possibly haue hoped. This not­withstanding, they complaine of hard dealing, think themselues betrayed, and vpbraid her of iniustice: yea, and in greater despite vpon the first ouuerture of the Award, they discharge her garri­sons from the Cittadel, and her guards from the gates, as persons suspected, and hinderers of their libertie, and will not suffer them to stay one night in the citie.

APHORISME XXXIII.

A Man of noted credit, may passe with a lie, and set a currant stampe vpon such false coine. But hee that is notorious for his perfidious and double dea­ling, is alwaies abnoxious to this one ineuitable plague, Neuer to be beleeued, though he tell the truth. 389

The abandoned Pisans resolue to runne any fortune, rather then yeeld themselues to the Florentines, whom they had so high­ly offended. They of Genoa, Lucca, and Siena, more apt to giue ill counsell, then able to yeeld any good comfort, encourage them in this obstinacie. Onely the Duke of Millan, contrary to his old wont, is become a father of peace; perswades them to a submissi­on: and vndertakes to mediate a good end for them, with full re­mission of all former forseitures. They will not hereunto be per­swaded: but offer freely to him the tender of their obedience, and absolute soueraigntie of their citie and State. The Duke con­siders the condition of the times, the greatnesse of his enemies, with the nearnesse of his troubles, and resuseth the offer. The Flo­rentines [Page 268] will by no meanes be perswaded but that he was the man that encouraged them to this contumacie and obstinatenesse, though he protested and swore the contrary.

APHORISME XXXIIII.

HE 1 that is a temporizer and deceiuer himselfe, hath not whereof to complaine, if he be deceiued in that kinde: and where is no iust cause of complaint, there is no true proofe of iniustice. 2 Wherefore, because States are many times ouerthrowne by fraud and deceit, they hold it lawfull to preserue them by the same meanes from a publick and professed enemy, and one that is a Ma­ster in the same facultie.

The French King offers the State of Florence, to ioyne with her in the recouery of Pisa, so soone as he shall haue conquered Millan, if in this his warre she will aide him with fiue hundred men at armes for a whole yeare. The Duke of Millan offers first to assist her with what forces she shall require, for the re­ducing of that towne vnder her obedience, if after the seruice done, she will be bound to his defence with three hundred men [Page 269] at armes, and two thousand foote. This State deliberates in Councell, which offer to accept. That of the King, was lesse certaine; this of the Duke, more present: Yet if the King had good successe in his warre against Millan, the danger was greater from him then the other. It is true, the Duke had stucke closest to them in their greatest extremitie, whereby he had incurred the hate of the Venetians, and brought them vpon his owne backe, in this dangerous combination with France against him; which in all reason of gratitude, should moue their inclination to his demaund: but so was it likewise as true, that he had bene the first brewer and broacher of the Pi­sans rebellion, which worthily cancelled the memory of that o­ther benefit, or any pleasure else whatsoeuer, which he had or could doe them. They are fearfull to offend the King, and loth to distast the Duke with a flat deniall. They therefore send him this cautelous and ambiguous answer, by a Secretary of State: That the intention of their Commonwealth, is in effect the same with his, though there be some difference in the man­ner. For they were purposed, so soone as they had ended their owne warre against the rebels of Pisa, to grant him the aide he demanded of them. But they hold it dangerous to make ex­presse couenant with him, or to capitulate by writing, or to vse his forces, least they should prouoke the Pope, French king, and Venetians to impeach their proceedings against Pisa: and so both they and he be frustrate of their ends. But they bound themselues secretly and by writing, to the French king, in the contrary. The Duke findes this their answer full of cunning, as one well practised in that art, and therefore assures him­selfe of nothing lesse, then the friendship of Florence.

APHORISME XXXV.

THere is 1 nothing so dangerous in a great affaire, as Irresolution and Tergiuersation: especially in that Prince, whose good fortunes are come to their last period, and his whole estate set vpon one cast. But destruction decreed, cannot be resisted; for 2 the obiect destined hereunto, loseth himselfe in the in­tricate maze of his owne perplexities: by vn-doing what he hath done, to his owne vndoing.

The Duke of Millan despaires of all hope but in himselfe and owne forces. All other Princes abandon him: onely the King of Naples is willing to helpe him, but vnable. He therefore takes the best course he can in such an extremity. He fortifies Anon, Nouara, and Alexandria della Paglia, (places first exposed to the French impression.) He resolues to dispose the greatest part of his army vnder Galeazzo da San-Seuerino, to resist the French on that side the Duchie: the rest he disposeth vnder the Marquis of Mantoaes leading, to oppose against the Venetians on the other side. His forces thus prudently and prouidently diuided and disposed he ordereth otherwise, either through improuidence, distrust, or couetousnesse. He dissolues those regiments vnder [Page 271] the Marquis his charge, moouing many difficulties, refusing to pay him the remainder of his former entertainement, and de­manding his oath, and vnusuall caution for his sidelity. This he did to satisfie Galeazzo, who could not brooke the others precedency in title. Hereby he left that side naked to the Ve­netian army, and lost the seruice of so braue a souldier, and worthie Commander; whom he after sought by all meanes and mediation of friends, but could neuer win him till it was too late.

APHORISME XXXVI.

Fiue 1 things are required in a Generall: Knowledge, Valour, Foresight, Authority, and Fortune. He that is not renowmed for all, or most of these vertues, is not to be reputed fit for this charge: Nor can this glo­ry be purchased but by practise and proofe. For the greatest Fencer is not alwaies the best fighter, nor the fairest Tilter, the ablest souldier: nor the greatest fauourite in Court, the fittest Commander in a campe. 2 That Prince therefore is ill aduised, who conferres this charge vpon his mynion, either for his courtshippe, or what other respect, neglecting those more requisite and more noble pro­perties.

[Page 272] Galeazzo da San-Seuerino a gallant Courtier, the Duke of Millans chiefe fauourite, a faire runner at Tilte, and a gracefull man at armes, is made Generall of the Millanese army. He commands one thousand sixe hundred lances, one thousand fiue hundred light horse, ten thousand Italian foote, and fiue hundred Dutch. He hath direction to waite vpon the French army newly come into those parts, and consisting of one thousand sixe hundred men at armes, fiue thousand Swisse, foure thousand Gascoins, and soure thousand of other French foote. He hath commande­ment not to charge vpon the enemy in Campagna rasa, and bat­taile ranged; but onely to succour Anon, Nouara, Alexandria, and those other places first exposed to danger, and to stand onely vpon the defensiue. He suffereth to be taken euen before his face, Arazzo, Anon, Valenza, Bassignano, Castel-nuouo, Ponte-corone, and Tortona: all places of great strength & importance. He retires into Alexandria with one thousand two hundred men at armes, one thousand two hundred light horse, and three thousand foote. The French besiege him: whence after two daies (without ac­quainting any man of command, saue onely Lucio Maluezzo,) he secretly and shamefully steales away, and abandons the place to the assailants. An action of indelible staine to his owne honour, and of eternall blemish to his masters wisdome, to conferre a place of so great command, in so dangerous a time, vpon a per­son of so little worth.

APHORISME XXXVII.

OF 1 all bad ingredients into the heart of man, there is none poisons it so much with the venome of treaso­nable thoughts, as that of disdaine. 2 The Prince that sees this mischieuous seede planted and growne amongst his captaines in time of their employment, and seekes not to roote it vp with a quick and sharpe hand, is in the high-roade to his owne ruine.

Count Gaiazzo commands the Dukes forces in Ghiaradadda, against the Venetians: he spleenes that Galeazzo his yonger bro­ther and a worse souldier, is preferred before him to be Gene­rall. Transported with this passion of disdaine, he deales secretly with the French, bargaines to betray the seruice in his charge, and to become the Kings pensioner. The Duke hath notice of the practise: telles the intelligencer sighing, that he could not be perswaded of so disloyall and vngratefull a part in Gaiazzo: and if it were true, he knew not how to remedy it, nor in whom to affie, if such as were most obliged to him, went about to be­tray him. He holds it no lesse dangerous, to lose the seruice of such as he accounted faithfull, by suspition, then to commit him­selfe [Page 274] to their credits who might be suspected, by cruell procee­ding. He lets the matter so passe. Gaiazzo goes on with his practise: he is commanded to passe the with his forces, and to ioyne with his brother against the French, who were now en­camped before Alexandria. He cunningly delayes the time in making his bridge and passage ouer the riuer: meane while Ga­leazzo forsakes the towne. The enemy takes it: all the rest of the Duchie follow the example of this place, and fortune of the victor. The Duke with his sonnes, brethren, and some few friends, is forced presently after to flee into Germanie.

APHORISME XXXVIII.

WHen 1 a Prince beginneth once to be hated of his subiects, and in declination of his fortunes, be it well or ill that he doth, all is ill taken. 2 For reformations are no remedies, except they be in season; as Physick ministred out of due time, rather poisoneth then pre­serueth the bodie.

The Duke of Millan had ill ordered his affaires of warre, by entrusting the chiefe places of charge and command to persons [Page 275] either vnable for the vndertaking, or vnfaithfull in the execution. He had also ill reigled his ciuill gouernment, by bringing his name in hatred, and his rule in dislike among his subiects, through his many and heauy taxations imposed vpon them. The most of his best townes and places of strength are taken by the enemy: o­thers yeelded by reuolt. He now (though too late) seekes to con­firme his chiefe citie of Millan in her obedience, and to stay her from the like reuolt. To this end he calls a publick assembly: he enrolls all the men able to beare armes: he makes a lamentable and passionate oration to them, to re-assure their loyaltie to him: he frees them of many impositions: excuseth his former procee­dings by the necessities of the times: promiseth many moe im­munities and exemptions from other generall grieuances: with full amends for all that is past, and reformation of all that is a­misse. All will not serue. The Millaneses striue with the other townes, who shall first yeeld to the French obedience: they rise in armes: they kill Landriano the high Treasurer in the middest of the streetes, coming from the Court: they force the Duke himselfe to flee into the Castle for his safetie: and run into ma­nifest reuolt and open rebellion.

APHORISME XXXIX.

CReatures 1 are cherished onely for the vse we haue of them: when the Iade can worke no longer, we take his skin; when the Silk-worme hath wouen her web, we let her flie or die. As people deale with brute beasts, so deale Princes with that brutish and beastly sort of people, that betray their Prince or countrey to them: they cherish them but for their ends; they loue the treason, but not the traitor: 2 whose surest and sorest scourge is his owne conscience.

[Page 276] Barnardino da Corte a Pauese, and an old seruitor of the Duke, by him greatly aduanced, is put in trust by his Master with the keeping of the impregnable castle of Millan, before Ascanio the Dukes owne brother, who offered to vndertake the charge. At his departing from the citie, he leaues with him three thousand sol­diers vnder trustie Captains; with prouision of victuals, muniti­on, and mony, for many moneths, hoping ere long to returne out of Germanie with great succours. This Castellan not enduring one shot of the Cannon, or any appearance of danger, sels the place within twelue daies after the Duke was gone, for a great summe of mony: a conduct of one hundred Lances: and a pension for life: besides many other fauours and priuiledges. An act so in­famous and hatefull, as euen the French themselues to whom he betraid it, abhorred him and shunned his company & fellowship, as if he had bin some venemous serpent. Insomuch as playing at cards, they wold call for Barnardino da Corte, when they were to pul for a traitor, (a sort in their pack, as Knaues are in ours) to his per­petuall reproch. With the shame hereof, & sting of a guilty consci­ence, he was so tormēted, as within few daies he lāguished & died.

APHORISME XL.

LIghtning 1 hurtes not the Lawrell, nor is seene in places farre North and remote from the Sunne: 2 no more is a peaceable and meane estate subiect to the force of Fortune, or danger of higher Powers. For, the tall Cedars on the mountaines top are shaken and ouer-turned with tempest, when the low shrubbes of the valley are in quiet. So likewise, the meanest estate stands vpon Brasse, the highest vpon Glasse: The way vpward is craggie, downeward ycie: Men climbe by degrees, but fall at once. 3 Betweene the highest for­tune and lowest there is no stay.

[Page 278] The city and castle of Millan are now at the French deuotion: Montara, and Pauia yeeld: So did all the townes in the prouinces of Cremona, and Ghiaradadda. Genoa followes: the like do all the other townes and forts of that Duchie. Thus the French army coming downe in the midst of August, hath made conquest of so strong and noble a State, hath driuen out of his countrie so great and rich a Prince, with his children and brethren: and all this before the end of September.

APHORISME XLI.

WHen the stomack hath receiued plenty of foode, all the heate in the exterior parts hath recourse thither, to dispose it to nutriment, and expell what is hurt­full. For nature rather defendeth her selfe against an intestine then forraine enemy, (as being the more dangerous, either to the health of a man, or safety of a State.) And therefore she drawes all her forces from these Suburbs of the body of a man, to this Metropolis of the stomack. As it fares in this direction of nature, so stands it in the discipline of warre: and as in the body so in a Garrison towne, the chiefest forces must be naturall, and of our owne subiects: For, if the Maior part be Mercenaries and stran­gers, it is alwaies in their power to curbe or crosse our command: and to giue vp the place at their owne pleasure. 405

[Page 279] Paule Vitelli encampeth before Casina, a place well manned, and prouided of all warlike habillements to hold out a long siege: well fortified with ditch, bulwarkes, and rampart. Yet with­in twenty sixe howres, after the cannon began to play, the stran­ger souldiers within, being the stronger part, yeeld vp the towne (maugre the rest) with condition of their liues and goods saued: and leaue the Pisan officers and souldiers to the discretion of the enemy.

APHORISME XLII.

ALL things requisite for a worthie Generall, are in himselfe; either by nature, praecept, or experi­ence; saue onely Fortune, which crowneth his other vertues with the wreathe of glory. For, to be for­tunate is not in our selues, we haue it from aboue. And therefore Knowledge, Valour, Foresight, and Authority, leade on the Van-gard of their actions with small successe, ex­cept Fortune bring vp the Reare. 406

[Page 280] Vitelli had taken in all the Pisan territory, saue onely the fort Verrucola, and the small tower of Ascano, not worth the time and expense of a siege. He sets downe with his army before Pisa it selfe: he lieth on the southwest side of the city, rather then on the part towards Lucca, because, either he thought the expugnation more easie, if he could carrie the fortresse Stampace, which was on this quarter: or for better conueying of victuals to the campe from the hillie contrie thereabouts: or hoping to finde that part weakest, by reason the Pisans expected and prepared for him on the other side, as he had his first direction from Florence. Hee plants his Artillery: batters with twenty peeces of canon: makes a large breach betweene Stampace, and Port S. Antonio: another betweene that and the Sea-port: and diuers others in other pla­ces, so that in all there was beaten downe one hundred and fif­tie fathome of wall. Meane while he discouers, that they with­in had strongly entrenched and fortified against him, and had all their forces ranged in good order of battaile to receiue him, if he should giue the assault. He wisely considers the danger, and holds fit, first to carry Stampace, that from thence his Artillery might beate them in flancke; and then, with lesse danger and more hope to giue vpon them. He therefore bends the cannon vpon this peece: plies the battery all that day and the next night: and by breake of day in the next morning, giues the assault, and carries it. The defendants within the inner workes seeing this, betake themselues to flight: they of the campe come brauely on, (but without command) in hope of the spoile. Vitelli not know­ing the aduantage, and resoluing to make the assault yet more easie, not onely not leades them on to the trenches, where they had found no resistance, (for the Pisans had quit their inner workes) but sounds a retreit and infortunatly calles them back, hoping to carry the towne with better assurance, & more safety of his souldiers. The Pisans are staied in their flight, and brought backe to their trenches, which they after made good: and Vitelli within few daies is forced to raise his siege, by reason of great in­fection and mortality in his campe. And so, that day which [Page 281] should haue bene victorious to his immortall honour, was the originall of his calamitie and vtter destruction: for he was short­ly after vpon this and other offences laid to his charge, executed in Florence.

APHORISME XLIII.

IT is à hinderance to the generall seruice, and a fur­therance to the Generals destruction, to giue him manifest cause of discontent, and yet after employ him in a great place of charge. For, neither can the State be assured of his fidelitie, when he is vsed; nor he of their fauour, when he is accused.

The State of Florence had much discontented Paul Vitelli, by fauouring Count Rinuccio in his concurrence with him for the Generalate: by their slacknesse to send him necessary supplies in their Casentine affaires: by crossing him in matters of his owne particular: and by their suspicious iealousie of his truth and fi­delitie towards them in his seruice. Yet for all this they gaue him chiefe command in their warres vpon Pisa. Whence being risen and gone to Ligorne, they send Commissioners vnto him, vnder pretence to aduise with him about the quartering of all his [Page 282] troopes in garrison, for the winter following. By them he is ar­rested: brought to Florence: committed to prison: and charged with the miscarriage of the siege of Pisa: enforcing, that by his fault when Stampace was won, the assault was not presently gi­uen, and the towne taken: that he had diuers times conference with them of Pisa, and neuer acquainted their Commissaries for the warre with the particular: that he had raised the siege with­out the States commandement: that he had secretly dealt with diuers Captaines, to keepe still in their hands Casina and Vico-pi­sano, with all the munition therein, that in their paiments or o­ther demands they might force the Florentines to what condi­tions they list: that in the Casentino he had had secret intelligence and correspondencie with the rebell Medici: and that at the same time he had treated and concluded with the Venetians to be en­tertained in their pay, had not the sodaine accord betweene those two States preuented him; and that hereupon he gaue safe­conduct to the Duke of Vrbine their enemie, and to Iulian Medici their proscript. Mens opinions were diuers concerning his guil­tinesse in these articles. But howsoeuer, he is condemned vpon them, not hauing confessed any matter capitall: and is presently put to death, without further triall or examination of witnesses; least the French king, who was then at Millan, should haue de­manded the life of so great a souldier, which they durst not haue refused him.

APHORISME XLIIII.

WHen 1 we are vnable to hold in safetie anything which is deare vnto vs; the more another desires the safe-keeping of it, and the more he pretends it for our good, the more cautelous and scrupulous we should be of entrusting him therewith, least it be for his owne particular end. 2 For it is vnsafe to commit the Lambe to the Wolfes guardiance: and as dangerous it is to put the childe that pretends a iust title, into his hands that hath the possession.

[Page 283] Isabella d' Arragon, mother to yong Galeazzo, who was sonne and heire to Iohn Galeazzo Duke of Millan, hath her sonne in her owne custodie, after the death of his poisoned father. His vnkle Lodowick, vpon his flight into Germanie, desires his mother that she will commit him to his carefull charge, to be conueyed out of that State, and kept safe from the hands of the French, the common enemie. The Ladie wisely refuseth, and keepes him still with her. Lewes 12. hath now conquered Millan, and is retur­ning home: he perswades the Lady with many flattering spee­ches, to entrust the youth to his carefull custodie. The improui­dent and credulous woman simply yeeldeth. The King carries him into France, and shuts him vp in a Monastery.

APHORISME XLV.

A 1 State lately lost by the crueltie and oppression of the Prince, being newly conquered, is preserued by the contrary meanes, and better kept by loue then by force. 2 The victor Prince must thinke that he is as well the States, as the State his: 3 And therefore he ought be well aduised, not onely how he gouerne him­selfe among these new subiects, but also in his absence what gouernour [Page 284] he substitute to keepe them in obedience: least what he got by the ounce, he lose by the pound; and with more dishonour in the depriuation, then he had glorie by the purchase.

[Page 285] Lewes 12. returnes to France without good order giuen for the establishing and perfect setling of his new Gouernement in Millan. He leaues Triultio Gouernour generall of the whole Du­chie: a Millanese by birth, a professed enemy to Lodowick Zforza, and head of the Guelph partie. The citizens are distasted with the insolent behauiour of the French nation: they grudge that they are not disburthened of all late impositions: but most of all they repine (especially those of the Ghibelline Faction,) at the go­uernement of Triultio: whose carriage is imperious, factious, and full of oppression: too partiall to those of his owne partie, and preiudicate to those of the other: he killes certaine butchers in the market place with his owne hand, for denying to pay the Gabell imposed vpon flesh. Hereupon the greater part of the Nobility, and all the Commons in generall, are incensed against him: are weary of the present gouernement: wish the returne of Lodowick, and sticke not in publike to call vpon his name.

APHORISME XLVI.

CElerity, besides the inward vertue and actiue life it hath in it selfe, hath also the outward assistance of Fortune: vpon which she more willingly and fre­quently attendeth, then vpon cold and considerate consultation. Wherefore an action once resolued must be put in present execution: because nothing more aduanceth the affaire, then expedition. 413

[Page 286] Lodowick Zforza and his brother Ascanio haue intelligence from Millan into Germany, that those citizens dislike of the French gouernement, and the carriage of Triultio: and that they are readie to receiue him againe, if he could finde the meanes to returne with any power. Vpon this sodaine and welcome newes, he will not expect the Emperours delaied succours: he speedily raiseth eight thousand Swisse, and three hundred men at armes, Burgognians: he cometh before Millan, and repossesseth himselfe of that citie, before Iuo d'Allegri can come with his troopes to the succours of Triultio, hauing a march no farther thē from Romagna, where he was at that time in the Popes seruice. Whereas, if Zforza had not preuented him with such incredible speed, all his hopes had bene frustrate, and no possible meanes left of recouering (nay scarce of footing) in that Dukedome.

APHORISME XLVII.

THough 1 it be true, that the Statesman as the Steeresman, may shape his course according to the winde and weather of present occurrences, that he may arriue to the harbrough of safety; sailing be­sides compasse, and swaruing from the direct line of sincere and ouuert dealing: 2 Yet may he by no meanes, nor for any end whatsoeuer, be false of his faith or breaker of his word.

[Page 287] Lodowick Zforza begirts Nouara with a streight siege. The French garrison is vnable to hold out long, and in despaire of any succour: they capitulate to render, their liues saued; and to depart with bag and baggage. Zforza sweares to the arti­cles: many of his Councell perswade him, that the cutting off of these men would be a great meanes of his victory ouer the rest, and recouery of the whole Duchie: they alledge the authority of Politicians in iustification of the fact, and instance in the ex­amples of some great Princes, who haue violated their faith to get a State, much more was it lawfull for him, in recouery of his owne. He will not be perswaded to breake his oath: but giues them a strong Guard for their safe-conduct, as farre as Vercelli.

APHORISME XLVIII.

MErcenary souldiers, though leuyed by commission, are worse then those that are natiues: But such strangers and straglers as are taken vp by drum, are worst of all. For, their actions are euermore taxed with the dishonour of cowardise, or tainted with the reproach of persidiousnesse. A Prince is therefore to beware of such Swallowes and swallowers of the Exchecquer: And not to raise them but by publick authority of the State: as also, neuer so farre to trust them, as to put his life and fortunes into their hands. 416

[Page 288] Many of the Swisse with Lodowick in Nouara, had lately reuol­ted to his side from Triultio and the French partie; either for want of pay, or some other treacherous and base end. There were other eight thousand of the same nation, that Zforza had raised by the drum, by permission onely, and without any pub­licke commission of the Cantons. In the French army are likewise many Swisse, but all leuied for the Kings seruice by authority. These two armies confront one another so neare, as they are vpon the point to giue battaile. Those on Lodowickes side refuse to fight against their owne nation and kindred: they ioyne with them like brothers, and resolue to depart home to their owne countrey. Zforza intreats their stay and that daies seruice, euen with teares. Nothing can stoppe their perfidious tergiuersation. He desires (as his last refuge) that at least he may depart in their troopes, for his better safetie from the enemie: They had coue­nanted otherwise with the French commanders, and flatly de­nie him this sute. They offer him this onely fauour, to suffer him be apparelled in the habit of one of their ordinarie foote, and if he can so make his escape, to put it to Fortune. The miserable condition of his present estate forceth him to accept of this offer: he marcheth among them like a cōmon souldier through the French troopes. Dilligent search is made for him: he is disco­uered, and taken prisoner: So are Galeazzo da San-Seuerino, Fra­cassa and Antonio-Maria, his brethren; clad likewise after the Swisse fashion, and marching on foote like priuate souldiers. The Swisse are not free from the imputation of betraying them thus into the enemies hands.

APHORISME XLIX.

SParing 1 is a good reuenue to a priuate man: but to a Prince nothing is worse beseeming his honour, nor indeed more preiudiciall to his affaires. 2 For, there is no baite to the golden hooke; nor weapon to the siluer speare; nor Fort be it neuer so strong, that can long hold out against the Mulet charged with trea­sure.

The Swisse in their returne homeward from the warres of Millan, take by surprise the strong towne of Belinsone, a place of great importance, seated in the mountaines neare Swisserland, and stopping the passage from thence into this Duchie: it is of­fered to the French king for a small summe of money. He, natu­rally giuen to sparing, refuseth the purchase: the times alter, and accidents not long after happen, whereupon he would gladly haue had it at a farre higher rate, but could neuer compasse it.

APHORISME L.

THat mans happinesse is greatest, who hath bene in miserable condition: for he tasteth the double sweet, of remembring his fore-passed misery, and enioying his present felicitie. So on the contrary, the greatest misery is to haue bene happie. Various is the estate of men in their greatnesse, and great is their mise­rie in their fall. 419

Lodowicke Zforza, late Duke of Millan, a Prince of many worthy parts: excellent in eloquence, and other powers of the [Page 291] minde, and gifts of nature: well deseruing the titles of Mansuete and mercifull, had he not stained this honour with that one in­famous taint of procuring his nephewes death: Yet on the other side, of an ambitious troublesome, and vaine glorious spirit: a vsuall breaker of his word, and ouer-valewer of his owne worth, hardly admitting that any should be held wise but himselfe, or at least to himselfe comparable; presuming to carrie all matters to the bent of his owne will, by the dexteritie of his owne wit. This great Prince is brought into Lions at noone daies, for the world to gaze vpon, as the liuely modell of humane miserie. He is not permitted either the speech or sight of the King, but forth­with committed prisoner to the tower of Loches: here he remai­ned ten yeares, and then died: hauing all that time of his du­rance, those high and vaste thoughts of his immured within the streights of his prison walls, which earst the whole countrey of Italie could scarce containe.

APHORISMES, CIVIL AND MILITARIE. LIB. V.

APHORISME I.

AS 1 many men sinke for want of some small thing to hold themselues up aboue water: so many o­thers fall to the bottome of desperate ruine, by seeking to embrace too much: For to ouer-graspe straineth and weakeneth the sinewes, and for­ceth the hand to let fall what before it held fast. 2 It is therefore the part of a wise Prince, to stint and moderate his fortunes; whom it importeth in his greatest successe, rather to looke backward then forward: and rather to stop the current of dangers ensuing, then to follow the streame of that victorie by which they will more be increased.

[Page 293] Lewes 12 hath made a speedie, fortunate, and full conquest of the Duchie of Millan. The Pope, Venetians, and Florentines are in confederation with him. The other inferior Princes and States of Italy haue made their peace, either by mediation of their friends; or by money. His way lies open to Naples: his title good: his forces great, and in a readinesse. But on the other side he sees Maximilian the Emperor and all the States of Germany offended, that so faire a branch as Millan should be lopped and dismembred from the Empire. He heares his Embassador is dismissed and discharged that Court. He vnderstands that a Diet is called, and all those States summoned, to determine the speedy recouery of that Duchie by the sword. Vpon these weighty considerations of the great preparations intended against him, and fearing that the getting of more might be the cause of losing what he had already gotten, he giues ouer for this time the en­terprise of Naples.

APHORISME II.

SInce 1 Profit began to ouer-ballance Honour, men traffick their friendship and protection for money: So much are these times for gold: But in the golden times, onely Religion, Iustice, and the publick Quiet, were the three Ioynt-purchasers of aide and friend­ship. 2 Wherfore that old rule ought still stand in force, and when the case is betweene Honour and aduantage, the publick nego­tiator (aswell as the Prince himselfe) ought to haue the equity of the cause, and honour of his master, in more especiall recommendation.

[Page 294] The Florentines importune the French King, to haue that aide from him for the recouery of Pisa, to which he was tied by the articles of the last treaty, and by his oath: They of Pisa, Genoa, Lucca, and Siena, instantly labour the contrary. He referres the matter to the Cardinall of Roan, who was then gouernor, and resiant in Millan. These cities make offer, that in case Pisa, Pietra­santa, and Montepulciano, may be freed of the warre and molestati­on of the Florentines, to giue the King in present money one hundred thousand Duckats: Besides, if the Pisans may peaceably enioy their owne territories and Ligorne, they will couenant to pay him yearely fiftie thousand Duckats for euer. Triultio and Iohn-Lewes Fiesco, two other of the Kings principall officers, are both of them earnest solliciters and sutors in their behalfe, and vrge how much it imported the Kings affaires in Italy, to keepe the Florentines low. But the Cardinall hath more respect to his masters honour, engaged to this State both by couenant and oath, then to these large offers, or politicke ends. He sends them the aide demanded.

APHORISME III.

POwer 1 and worth in the Commander beget feare and loue in the souldier: and they are in warre as heate and moisture are in nature: They giue life and growth to the seruice in hand; without them, both to will and to do withereth in the army: For where his power hath no vertue of heate to enforce and en­flame the souldiers cold stomacke to courage, nor his worth the power of moisture to supple and quicken his dull limmes to the action, there the hope of all good successe doth wither and decay. 2 Men are not there­fore to be dignified with those high places, that are not qualified with those noble partes.

The Cardinall of Roan sendes sixe hundred Lances, and fiue thousand Swisse, to the seruice of the Florentines against Pisa: the King to pay the Lances; they the Swisse. The Florentines af fying much in Beaumont, will needes obtaine him of the King for the Generall of their army, because he had formerly with such readinesse surrendred them Ligorne, vpon the Kings commande­ment: A man of meane ranke, lesse experience, and least autho­rity among the French Commanders. The King had assigned to this charge Iuo d'Allegri, a Commander well practised in the warre, of a noble family, of farre greater reputation then the [Page 296] other, and one whom the army would more willingly haue o­beyed. This ill made choise of theirs was chiefe cause of all the ill successe which shortly after hapned in that seruice.

APHORISME IIII.

MEn 1 can see to do right betweene partie and partie, when it concernes not their owne particular: But be­ing parties themselues, the case is altered. For here they which before were as sharpe sighted as Lynx, turne as blinde as a Mole: and no maruaile, 2 for pro­fit and bribes put out the eyes of Iustice. Where­fore let him that would speed in an honest cause neuer referre it to a cor­rupt Iudge.

The Cardinall had worthily respected and preferred the ho­nour of his master before his profit, by performance of coue­nants with the Florentines, in sending them present aide and promising reassurance and surrēder of their cautionary townes. The French forces take in Pietrasanta, which was one of those townes in caution, and dispossesse the Lucchesi thereof: who of­fer the Cardinall around summe of money, not to deliuer it into the Florentines hands. He accepts their money: takes them into [Page 297] the Kings protection, and holds the place in deposito, till the controuersie be decided betweene them: contrary to what he had formerly and faithfully promised.

APHORISME V.

RAshnesse 1 is obnoxious to all manner of ambush and surprise: it is hot at hand, but tireth at length: and hauing vented the first furie, dieth like a waspe that hath lost her sting. Wherefore men must looke before they leape, and consider the danger before they runne into it: least as they go on with small heed, they come off with lesse gaine. 2 For as the Puffen, a fish of all other the most dull and slow, is often found with a Mullet in his belly, of all other fishes the most swift in swimming: so wise and well aduised men do al­waies ouertake and ouerthrow the head-strong and hastie.

Beaumont is set downe before Pisa, betweene the gates Alle-Pioggie and Calcesana. The artillery batters all the first night, and greatest part of the next day: an assaultable breach is made of thirtie fathome. The souldiers, horse and foote runne pell-mell [Page 298] to the assault, without any direction from their Commanders, or order among themselues: not considering how they were to passe a ditch, which the Pisans had made very deepe, betweene the breach and their in nerworkes. Discouering now the breadth and depth of this trench, and how the defendants were there ready to receiue them, they stand rather like gazers on the diffi­cultie, then souldiers that should assaile it, and fall coldly off, without giuing any further attempt.

APHORISME VI.

THere 1 is nothing so dangerous in a State or Campe, as contempt of the Prince or Generall: there is no­thing breeds it more in the subiect or souldier, then remisnesse and lenitie. For he that suffereth one mischiefe passe vnpunished, inuiteth another, which bringeth the command into discredit, and the seruice into despaire. 2 Wherfore, as in men of great ranke, it is lesse blame-wor­thy to be ouer-stately and imperious, then ouer-familiar and base: So in men of great office, it is a lesse fault to be ouer-rigorous, then not to pu­nish offenders at all.

The General Beaumont punished not that first fault of his soul­diers, in running to the breach without either direction or or­der. His armie growes therefore daily more carelesse of him: They go in and out of the armie at pleasure and conuerse and [Page 299] commerce with the Pisans as friends. They sticke not openly to iustifie their cause against the Florentines. Triultio and Iohn-Ia­cob Palauisini giue them encouragement: Vitellozzo sends Tar­latino to the succours of Pisa. The French know of his comming, and yet suffer him and his troupes to enter the towne without impeachment. The victuals that were comming to the campe, themselues cut off by the way, that their Generall might be forced to raise the siege. He now wanteth as much authoritie, as at first he did care, to redresse those disorders. The Gascoigns mutine, and forsake the campe: the Dutch do the like: the Swisse go af­ter the rest: and then the French lances: leauing the Florentine affaires in great extremitie.

APHORISME VII.

AS 1 in Schoole disputations, where one absurditie is granted, infinite others follow: so in those actions of State which are disputed by the sword, one error be­gets another, and this a third, a worse: 2 especially in those men that will not acknowledge their first o­uersight: who, howsoeuer they seeke to transferre the imputation and blame vpon others, the losse and shame lighteth on them­selues.

The desastrous successe before Pisa, hapning to the Floren­tines through their owne error in the bad choise of their Gene­rall, [Page 300] is seconded with another worse then the first, and imputable onely to their owne fault. It was thus: The French king is highly displeased with the miscarriage of that seruice, as well in regard that his good allies the Florentines should sustaine such a warre at so great a charge to so litle purpose: as that the glorie of his army which earst had triumphed almost ouer all Italy, should now lose that reputation, by being so shamefully forced to leaue a towne, wherin were no other defendants but inhabitants, and no souldier of marke to command them. He laies the blame and iustly vpon themselues; yet desirous to repaire their losse, and his owne credit, he wils them to consent that his French troupes may be quartered for that winter in the Pisan territory: and in the opening of the yeare, he assures them of their seruice, and doubts not of a more fortunate successe. The Florentines will by no meanes acknowledge their owne error: they transferre it vp­on the French troupes, and refuse this honourable offer. They of Siena, Lucca and Genod, perceiuing the King whom ere while they durst not offend, to be now fallen from the Florentines, begin o­penly to aide the Pisans with men and mony, and driue the Flo­rentines into worse streights of difficultie, then euer they were before. And for a greater addition to their troubles, the two fa­ctions in Pistoia, of the Panciatici and the Cancelieri, at that very instant turne their secret grudges and heart-burnings into acti­on of open hostilitie and bloud-shed, to the disturbance of the whole State, and hinderance of the Pisan seruice. Against which mischiefe also the Florentines tooke no timely order for redresse.

APHORISME VIII.

AMong 1 Sutors in loue and in law, money is a com­mon medler, and driues the bargaine and businesse to an vp-shot: By it, those contract their mariage, and these conclude their peace: 2 But it is no sure con­tracter of friendship between States. Amity baptised [Page 301] in this water is soone renounced: and bonds that are knit by this knot, are easily by the same dissolued.

Frederick King of Naples giues the Emperor Maximilian for­ty thousand Duckats: bindes himselfe to pay him euery moneth fifteene thousand more, towards the maintenance of his warres against the French King. The Emperor promiseth to begin the warre in Millan, (if the case so require) to diuert the French from Naples: and vowes neuer to come to any accord with him, except he also comprise the King of Naples. The French will haue truce with the Emperor at what rate soeuer, before he set forward against Frederick. He vseth the Archdukes mediation, who was Duke of Burgundy, and the Emperors Sonne. The Duke vnwilling his Merchants should lose their trafficke and com­merce with France, and desirous to match his young sonne Charles with Claude the Kings daughter, and the Duchie of Millan in dower with her, (which was then propounded) worketh a truce betweene his father and the French for many moneths, and preuaileth. Among many articles of that accord, these were two, the Emperor to haue a certaine summe of money, and the King of Naples to be excluded out of the truce.

APHORISME IX.

IT 1 is so farre from scandall or reproofe, to circum­uent and entrap a publicke and professed enemy, as it is rather iust, lawfull, and profitable, be it by any meanes possible but by breach of oath or couenant: 2 For, but vpon relyance of one of these, an enemy is not properly said to be deceiued. But to betray a kinseman, friend, and confederate, is contrary to all law, odious to all men, iniurious to the party, and impious to God.

Though Lewes 12. be assured of the Emperor, yet in his en­terprise vpon Naples, he feares to haue the King of Spaine, Vene­tians, and Pope, opposite to him, in iealousie of his greatnesse. He therefore treates with the Spaniard about the sharing of that kingdome betweene them. The Spanish King had euer since [Page 303] the conquest which his grandfather Alphonso made vpon Naples, held his owne title good, and himselfe wronged by the Neapo­litane Kings: yet he couered his discontent with a Spanish craft and patience, and had continued in all good offices of paren­tade and amity with those kings: he had giuen his sister in mari­age to old Ferdinand, and his consent to her daughters mari­age with Ferdinand the yonger. Now therefore, the same ambi­tious desire concurring in these two great Princes: in the one, to remoue all obstacles to what he had formerly desseigned, in the other, to haue a share in that whereto he pretended, they ac­cord vpon this partage: The French King to haue the citie of Naples, with all the Terra di Lauoro, and Prouince of Abbruzzo: The Spanish King to hold the Prouince of Calabria and Puglia. That this practise shall be kept secret till the French kings army were aduanced on the way, as farre as Rome: till which time, the Embassadors of them both should beare the Pope in hand, that these great preparations were made by their Masters for a warre vpon the Infidels and the generall good of Christendome: but that then they should require the inuestiture from the Pope, ac­cording to the tenor of this accord: The Spanish King to be enti­tled Duke of Calabria and Puglia: and the French, King of Naples and Ierusalem. Now Frederick, not discouering this complot, and vnderstanding that the French forces, of one thousand lances, foure thousand Swisse, and sixe thousand foote of Gascoigns and other French, were aduanced as farre as Tuscany; and not knowing that the Spanish Armada in Sicilia (vnder shew of friend­ship and assistance) was prepared and there ready against him­selfe, desires Consaluo the Gran Capitano, and chiefe Commander of the Spanish forces, to bring that fleete to Gaett. 1, for his suc­cours. Consaluo vnder colour of safe retreite for his souldiers (but indeede to make his masters purchase more easie) demands possession of certaine townes in Calabria, till the warres were en­ded, and then to be againe surrendred. They are deliuered free­ly, without any suspition had, or caution taken. Thus is the poore credulous Prince most deceiued by his nearest kinsman, and [Page 304] greatest friend, and in whose power and loue he most of all affied.

APHORISME X.

PErfidious violation of oath and couenant is as dam­nable as Atheisme (if not more:) Because it wilful­ly and wittingly abuseth and scorneth that Deity, which it necessarily, though vnwillingly acknow­ledgeth. But when it is accompanied with vnnaturall lust, and vnhumane cruelty, hell hath not a fit name, nor the world a sufficient punishment for it. 438

Duke Valentinois, after a long siege before Faenza, capitulates with the towne, and with Astorre Manfredi, Lord thereof. He binds himselfe by oath (vpon surrender of the place) to saue the liues and goods of the inhabitants, and to giue Manfredi his liberty to liue where he list, with fruition of his owne proper inheritance. They yeeld vpon these conditions. He keepes his word with the Faentines: but Manfredi, a beautifull yong gentleman vnder eigh­teene yeares of age, is staied by the Duke: vnder pretence to haue him brought vp in his Court: and at first is entertained with all honourable demonstration. But ere long, his innocent youth is [Page 305] forced to yeeld to the perfidious cruelty of the victor: by whom, after satisfaction (as was said) of his filthy and vnnaturall lust, he and his base brother are murthered in Rome.

APHORISME XI.

THankes for benefits receiued, are turned into hate when they are so great as they cannot be requited; or when they are bestowed vpon him who takes them as done of dutie or necessitie, and is vnwilling to re­quite them. For in such a man, the desire of hauing more, is stronger to wrong his friend and make war vpon him, then the memory of kindnesses receiued, either to requite those former fauours, or relinquish the action vndertaken. 439

Valentinois, after the taking in of Faenza, is created Duke of Romagna by the Pope his father, with approbation of the Con­sistory. Vitellozzo and Orsini, chiefe Leaders vnder him, and pro­fessed enemies to Florence, (the one for reuenge of his brother Vitellies death, the other for the restoring of his banished friend Peter Medici) perswade the Duke to take the aduantage of the time, and to warre vpon that State, now while the French king stands so highly displeased with her. The Florentines had neuer wronged either him or his father: they had done them many fa­uours and offices of friends they had at his instance renounced the protection of the Riarij and their estates, to which they were bound by article of couenant: they had giuen him free passage through their country, of victuals and other prouisions for his [Page 306] armie in Romagna. All this notwithstanding, he embraceth the motion to warre vpon them: and for the first engageure thereof, sends Liuerotto da Fermo with three hundred horse to the succors of Pisa.

APHORISME XII.

IT is a damnable policie to make those whose confu­sion thou doest wish, the instruments of their owne destruction: and no lesse diuellish a deuice it is, to draw men into the complice of thine offence, that they may bee copartners of thy punish­ment. 440

Valentinois enters into the confines of Bologna, resolues to vsurp vpon that State, and expell Bentiuoglio: receiues expresse charge and commandement from the French king, not to proceed in the enterprise, because Bentiuoglio and that State are vnder his protection. He obeyeth perforce, and accords with Bentiuoglio: yet, for that he wished the ruine of him and of that State, and that he might incurre the citizens hatred, and put all in danger, he perswades him that the family Marescotti had called him and his troupes to those confines, and had intelligence with him for the attempt. The Marescotti are a noble and great house in Bolog­na: Bentiuoglio murthereth them almost all: his sonne Hermes, and [Page 307] diuers yong Lords of the towne are ministers of this bloudy exe­cution, whom Bentiuoglio purposely drew into the massacre; that their hands being embrued in the bloud of the Marescotti, and as deeply engaged in the act as he, they might be hated of that fa­mily and their friends as well as himselfe, and bound to desire the conseruation of his estate, or forced to runne like misfortune with him.

APHORISME XIII.

IF it be lawfull to capitulate and couenant with the enemie, it is vnlawfull and vniust not to keepe touch vpon the accord. If faith be not to be kept with such, why then doest thou capitulate? In contracts there­fore of truce or peace, take heed how thou trust him in anything, who is ready to yeeld to euerything. For he that speaketh much more then he thinketh, performeth alwaies much lesse then he speaketh. 441

The Florentines and Valentinois are accorded: He, because the French king was displeased with his enterprise vpon that State: and they, because they feared the returne of Peter Medici. Though Valentinois out of an old grudge he bare to Medici, in­tended nothing lesse then his good, howsoeuer he fed him with [Page 308] vaine hopes, and made him the Stale of his owne ambitious pur­pose: for he thought by this meanes to winne some towne of importance from the Florentines, or to force them to a farther agreement for his owne aduantage. The Articles agreed vpon are these: A confederation defensiue betweene them: In gene­rall, not to aide the one the others rebels: More expresly, they not to assist the Lord of Piombino; he not to defend the Pisans. To giue him entertainement with three hundred men at armes for three yeares: and a yearely pension of thirtie sixe thousand Duc­kats. This accord made, he marcheth to Signa; burnes and spoiles all by the way, as if it had bene in the enemie countrey: knowing that they onely entertained him in their pay, to be rid of him for the present. He sends to demaund artillery of them, for his desseigned enterprise vpon Piombino: and that they would aduance a quarters imprest of his entertainment. That former, they flatly denie, as not being comprised in the couenants. This other, they cunningly deferre, being resolued not to performe that at all to which they had yeelded by force, and whereof they had assurance from their Ledger in the French Court, that the King would free them.

APHORISME XIIII.

A Large kingdome is a great morsell, yet not enough to suffise the hungrie mawes of two that are ambiti­ous: each will winne the borse or lose the saddle; haue all, or lose all: for Loue and Lordship brooke no fellowship. It is therefore great imprudence in him that admits of an equall, where himselfe may be sole commander, or at least chiefe vmpire. 442

[Page 309] The French King grants the moyety of the kingdome of Na­ples to fall to the Spaniards share, and admits of a Riuall in I­taly where before himselfe was sole arbiter: to whom all his open enemies, and discontented friends, might haue recourse, and who was lincked in parentade, and strict interest, with the Ro­mane Emperor; whom of all other Princes in the world, the French had most reason to suspect: Whereas Frederick then King of Naples made humble sute vnto him by all possible meanes, to hold that realme of him in fee, with recognition of fealty, and paiment of yearely tribute. A fault which his predecessor Charles 8. auoyded: who was willing to giue one of those former kings, faire Estates and Honours in the realme of France, but would neuer yeeld to allow him any one foote in the kingdome of Naples: but here one is admitted for a partner, who shortly after shoulders out his companion.

APHORISME XV.

IN 1 the Tribunall, where mens actions are brought to triall, the eare is but a promoter, the eye is both witnesse and iudge. For, if what we onely heare by report do enforme vs, and not what we see in effect and by proofe, there must needes be error in that iudgement: 2 Because morall honesty like Christian piety, consists not in verball profession and protestation, but in actuall practise, voide of all corruption, and spotlesse. Hee therefore that will not be deceiued by State-hypocrites, who make honesty and religion the cloake of their ambition, must not listen after their words, but looke into their actions: least his eares that tickle with such pleasing report, do af­terwards tingle with the smart of the blow.

[Page 310] The French and Spanish Kings, bearing the faire titles of most Christian and Catholick, chalenging to be the first sonnes of the Church, and her chiefe champions, hauing now their ambitious thoughts wheeling about the Sphaere of Christendome, do at last con-center in this one point; to take Naples from Frederick the pre­sent King, and share it betweene them. The bargaine is already made: the writings drawne: the couenants endorsed: nothing wants but the sealing thereof, which of necessity must be with the bloud of many innocent Christians imployed in that warre. To which end the Spanish forces are ready in Sicilia, and the French troopes are aduanced as farre as Rome. Till now, they had made a glorious protestation, that this army was prepared against the Turk, but here they plainely discouer themselues: their Embassadors come into the Consistory: intimate to the Pope and Cardinalles the league and partage made betweene their masters: and demande their inuestiture in that kingdome, according to the Tenor of their couenants: that they may for­sooth (this being done) bend both their forces vpon the com­mon enemy of Christian religion: A thing neuer by them inten­ded. And againe, Ferdinand King of Spaine, shadowes his treache­ry towards his kinsman Frederick, and his copartcinery with Lewes 12. vnder colour of necessity: pretending great danger if he did either defend or abandon him. For, to defend him, were to kindle such a fire of warre, as would put all Christendome in cōbustion, and open a way to the Turk, whose preparations were then very great both by sea and by land: and to abandon him, were to put the kingdome of Sicilia into manifest hazard, lying [Page 311] so neare; and to preiudice his owne right to Naples, in case the line masculine of Frederick failed. And therefore he had taken the middle way, in hope ere long (through the misgouernement of the French) to get the other moiety also: and then he prote­sted so to dispose of the whole, as should be best for the publick good of Christendome.

APHORISME XVI.

THe mother of him that feareth, seldome weepeth. Men must therefore looke before them least they stumble, and behind them least they be ouertaken; and on either side, to meete danger which way soeuer it cometh: for no man is in greater perill then he that feares it least. Wherefore, vpon a parley and treaty of peace betweene the besieged and the leaguer, neither part must be secure, but stand vpon like guard of diffidence, as when they were in tearmes of greatest deffiance. 445

Fabritio Colonna is streightly besieged in Capua. He despaires of succours: comes out vpon the bulwarke, and treates ouer the walles with Count Gaiazzo about the capitulations of surrender. The souldiers within the towne, vpon expectation of a present accord, keepe a carelesse and slacke guard vpon the walles. They without espying the aduantage, and being greedy of the spoile, giue a sodaine and furious assault; carry the place: sacke it: and take those prisoners which remained aliue, after the fury of hot bloud was ouer.

APHORISME XVII.

ADuersity bendeth but neuer breaketh a noble and vn­daunted courage: he abandons not himselfe though all the world forsake him: but hopes that when Fortune is come to the Brumall solstice of her frowning, she will be retrograde, and shine againe vpon him with the beames of better successe. A Prince therefore plunged to the lowest deepe of desasters, must beware he sincke not to the neathermost hell of despaire, whence is no redemption: but reserue himselfe to better fortunes. 446

Frederick King of Naples is dispossessed of all he held in the realme, by the Victors. He resolues in hate of the Spaniard, to flee into the armes of the French Kings mercy, and end the re­mainder of his daies in France, as desperate of all hope euer to recouer. He desires safe-conduct: obtaines it: and sailes thither. The King giues him the Duchie of Aniow: and thirty thousand Duckats of yearely reuenew for his maintenance. Prospero Co­lonna, his trusty friend and souldier, had euer aduised and impor­tuned him to the contrary: dissuading this course as vnfortunate [Page 313] and desperate. Whose counsaile if he had followed, the great warres and troubles which after fell out between those two great Kings, had made him an open way (if retired into some neuter place, and reserued there for some good occasion) to the reco­uery of his lost kingdome.

APHORISME XVIII.

WHere Ambition is Captaine, and Profit carries the Colours, there the Troope of vices is strong: which breakes through all lets, and makes way against all opposition, of iustice, honestie, promise, oath, or what other religious obligation soeuer. And so ranke is this weede, as it ouer-growes all vertuous and wholesome plants in the garden of Simples, or hearts of sincere contra­cters. But so venemous withall is the poison thereof when it seizeth vpon man, as no Antidote of former iudgement, worthinesse, courage, or noble qualitie whatsoeuer, is soueraigne enough to cure it. 447

Gonsaluo the gran Capitano had receiued of free gift many Ca­stles and Seigneuries from Frederick king of Naples, to his owne [Page 314] proper vse and inheritance. His master now sends him to make warre vpon him in Calabria: before he sets forward, he dispatch­eth a messenger to Frederick, to renounce and redeliuer all those Estates and Castles, which he held by his gift. The King won­dring at his noblenesse of spirit, confirmes the former grant, and reassures those Estates vpon him. Gonsaluo hath good successe in those Calabrese warres: marcheth to Taranto: sets downe be­fore it. The yong Duke of Calabria (eldest sonne to Frederick) is in the towne, committed to the charge of the Count of Potinga, who commands there in chiefe. He is forced, after a long and streight siege, to capitulate with Gonsaluo, to yeeld vp the citie and fortresse, if within foure moneths they were not relieued: ta­king the oath of Gonsaluo vpon the Sacrament, to leaue the yong Duke at libertie to go where he listed. The time is expired: the towne deliuered: but neither the feare of God, nor shame of men, could so much in Gonsaluo, as the Interest of State, knowing how auaileable it might be to his masters desseignes, to haue the yong Prince in his power. He therefore contrary to his oath, sends him with a strong guard into Spaine.

APHORISME XIX.

ALL 1 Morallists hold nothing profitable that is not honest: 2 Some Politicks haue inuerted this order, and peruerted the sense, by transposing the tearmes in the proposition: holding nothing honest that is not profitable. How soeuer those former may seeme too streight laced, these surely are too loose. 3 For there is a middle way betweene both, which aright Statesman must take.

[Page 315] Valentinois sends Vitellozzo and Iohn Baglione to besiege the towne of Piombino. Iacob d' Appiano Lord thereof, and in the French kings protection, leaues the towne and fortresse well manned, and goes into France. He desires the King for his owne honour, not to abandon his poore distressed client, and see him perish. The King shadowes his refusall with no veile of excuse, but answers him in plaine tearmes, that though indeed he ought to defend him, and interpose in his businesse, yet he nor would nor could oppose against the Pope, without great losse to him­selfe. The poore Signor loseth his Estate.

APHORISME XX.

IT is no Paradox, to be rich with little, nor to be poore with much because Content is the poore mans riches, and Desire the rich mans pouertie, which is neuer sa­tisfied. For whereas all things in nature are finite and terminable within the limits of their peculiar pe­riod, and all humors and affections of the minde are fixed vpon their proper obiects, and quietly setled in the center of their fruition; onely that of ambitious Couetise is infinite and endlesse: For it giues as much vexation of soule after the purchase acquired, as there was at first trauaile in the acquiring; still suggesting and supplying new fewell to the fire of his desire. 451

[Page 316] Lewes 12. is peacefully possessed of the Duchie of Millan: no one towne there of is out of his hands, but onely Cremona and Ghi­aradadda, which the Venetians hold by vertue of the late coue­nants made betweene them, when they both entred into the war vpon this State. The King is not yet satisfied: those two Peeces are eye-sores to him: he therefore treates of a peace with the Emperour, both to be eased of a great deale of charge and dan­ger, as also to obtaine the Inuestiture of this Duchie, but especi­ally to haue free power to offend the Venetians, and to rincor­porate those two faire members Cremona and Ghiaradadda into the body of this State: and then after to take from them Bergamo, Crema and Brescia, all branches of the same tree, but lopped off, and quietly possessed by the Venetians, euer since the time of Philip-Maria Visconti.

APHORISME XXI.

THe vicissitude of things and change of times, begets new counsailes and deliberations in States, and en­forceth necessarily the knitting or dissoluing of Ally­ance betweene them. What is vsefull to day, may be hurtfull to morrow, as showers that are seasonable [Page 317] in the Spring, and vnwelcome in the Haruest. Wherefore, to temporise by leuelling and adapting our actions to the occasion present and presen­ted, is requisite policy. 452

The Florentines had bene long in the French Kings protecti­on: The Cardinall of Roan his Lieutenant gouernor in Millan, al­ledgeth the date thereof to be expired. They sue for a prolun­gation: he is in hope of peace with the Emperor, and will not heare their suite, or at least propounds such conditions as are vnreasonable. He takes into protection the Lucchesi, their enemies. He deales with the Sanesi and Pisans to ioyne together, for the restoring of the banished Medici, and troubling of the State of Florence. He desires to draw from these Allies no small summe of mony. He makes his demands: the matter cometh to stipulation, and there quaileth: because these small States pleade vnhability, to pay the money demanded. Meane while the hope of peace betweene him and the Emperor growes cold, and almost desperate. The Emperor himselfe is to go in person to Rome, to be crowned. He sends to Florence: demands one hundred Lances, and thirty thousand Duckats towards his conuoy, and expense in that iourney: vpon which he will be en­gaged to vndertake their protection against all men. The French King fearing least they should condescend to the Emperors de­mands, because they despaired of his friendship, enclines to more reasonable conditions then at first he offered, and takes them a-new into his protection.

APHORISME XXII.

AS in things we haue, so in those we do, each hath his proper tryall, to prooue the excellencie thereof in his kinde: Gold by the test, the Diamant by his hardnesse, Pearle by his water: So, the best discoue­rers of mens minds are their actions: the best directer of actions is counsaile: and the best triall of counsailes, is Experience. 453

A confederation is concluded betweene the French King and the Florentines. They may now boldly renew their warre vpon Pisa: wherein they had for a time surceased, for feare of displea­sing this King, or stirring other Princes of Italy against them. The question is now debated in Councell, how to make this warre. Some yeares before vpon the first ouuerture of the Pisan rebellion, a graue Councellor of State had aduised them, rather to reduce the rebelles to obedience, by length of time, cutting off all meanes of succour or reliefe, and extremity of want, then by assault and expugnation: Because, though it were a longer, yet [Page 319] it was a surer way, of more hope, and lesse danger or charge. And that in these generall troubles and garboiles of Italy, by keeping their money in the treasury, they might worke their owne ends vpon all occasions: By seeking to force them, they should finde the enterprise very difficult, vpon a city so strongly fortified, and full of obstinate defendants: and when it were brought to the last push, al the neighbour States that were loath it should be lost, would giue them assistance. This graue and prudent aduice was then refused, and the contrary embraced. But now at length that with many yeares experience, great summes exhausted, and their businesse no whit aduanced, they had found it the best way, they resolue to follow it: and accordingly send all their troopes to wast and spoile all the corne and graine in the Pisan territory: with expresse charge to proceede no further.

APHORISME XXIII.

AS in a particular Purchase, so in partage of a King­dome, each boundary and butting must precisely be set downe: And the names of places must be taken according to the latest and most vulgar acception: but yet, with an aliâs dictus, and relation of their ancient appellation, to auoide all causes of litigious quarrell, either by the law, or the sword. For such is the wilfulnesse of couetous purchasers and ambitious Princes, as these limites are seldome so perfectly butted out, but that they yeeld matter of difference and oc­casion of warres to such as these, disposed euer to quarrell. 454

[Page 320] The Spaniard and the French haue shared the whole king­dome of Naples betweene them, according to the articles agreed vpon. They are not in possession one whole yeare, before they grow in difference for the Capitanato, a Prouince of that realme. The French will haue it no part of Puglia: the Spaniard will not yeeld it a part of Abbruzzo. In the articles of their agreement the confines and limits of each seuerall Prouince were not so di­stinctly set downe, as had bene requisite, for the clearing of all doubts, and preuention of all future differences betweene those great Princes. It made the matter also more litigious, because it is one of the fruitfullest Prouinces of that kingdome, and fullest of cattell: vpon which, the Prince raiseth yearely a great reuenew. They diuide the Entrade by equall portions betweene them, till they haue farther order from their Kinges. Meane while, ano­ther controuersie no lesse then the former, ariseth about the ancient and moderne appellation of the Prouinces: the Spani­ard affirmes, that the Principato and Basilicata, with the valley of Beneuentum (which the French held) were part of Calabria: and therefore send their officers to Tripalda, to keepe their Courts there, being a place not two miles distant from Auelli, where the French officers did reside: the French maintaine the contrary: the matter proceedeth to farther tearmes of quarrell betweene them: Nemours the Viceroy, and Gonsaluo the Deputie, meete to treate vpon the difference: they disagree, and depart. Nemours within few daies after denounceth warre vpon them, in case they quit not their pretended claime, and sendeth his forces to Tripalda, to expulse the Spaniard. From which daies incursion, the war betweene those two great Princes tooke the beginning.

APHORISME XXIIII.

VPon 1 certaine notice of some treasonable plot or practise in a towne, the Gouernour must first assure the place, and then more fully search into the treason, and punish the traitors: either all, for the offence; or the ring-leaders for example. Seueritie in this case is but Iustice: Lenitie puts all in hazard. 2 Wherefore against such intestine ambush, we must first take vp the buckler of safe­tie, and then draw out the sword of iustice.

Pazzi the Florentine Commissary in Arezzo hath certaine intelligence, that diuers principall citizens had secretly conspi­red with Vitellozzo to betray the towne. He will not beleeue that the hearts of so many could be poisoned with so pestilent a ve­nome of treason. He perswades himselfe that the authoritie of [Page 322] the name Publick, would supply his want of greater forces; and therefore without better strengthening of himselfe, or prouiding for suppression of the rest of the conspirators, he onely arrested and committed two of them. The people are in tumult through the instigation of the other complices, and generall hate they beare the Florentines. They rise in armes: rescue the prisoners: imprison Pazzi himselfe, with the other officers: send presently for Vitellozzo, and stand out in manifest rebellion.

APHORISME XXV.

MVch 1 hurt hath often bene done by small contempti­ble creatures: a great towne in Spaine vndermined by Conies; another in Thessaly by Moles: in Assricke the people were forced to quit their countrey by Lo­custs: out of Giaros they were driuen by Rats. 2 Like hurt doth the contemptible multitude in a State meerly Popular, vpon any case that comes into deliberation: because there is a disparitie of prudence in their vnderstandings, and yet a paritie of power in their voices, by which all great affaires are carried and resolued.

It is debated in the Councell at Florence, how to assure the Cittadell of Arezzo, and to recouer the towne from Vitellozzo [Page 323] and the rest of the conspirators. The wiser and better sort are of opinion, that nothing is more necessary in this case then speed: that Vitellozzo, Baglione, Medici, Petrucci, Orsini, and the rest of that practise, could not sodainly draw their troupes thither; because the Mine of the conspiracie tooke fire, and was discouered soo­ner by many daies then they expected, or their prouisions were ready for the enterprise desseigned: it was therefore most expe­dient for the State, presently to send thither their army which lay encamped before Vicopisano: for, so should the fruite of the ene­mies plot wither before it were ripe, and themselues faile of their expectation. But they of the popular sort, who then bore chiefe office and sway in the Councell, and were the greater number by farre, vncapable of any sound reason, and vntractable to any good motion, affirme the cause of Arezzo to be so sleight, and the recouery so faisible, as the Pesants neare about that towne were sufficient to regaine it: And that those other Counsellors had giuen that their aduice, out of a dislike they had of the pre­sent forme of gouernment, and because they would still haue Pisa hold out in rebellion. These men ouer-rule the businesse: no for­ces are sent, nor order taken for the recouery. The Cittadell is likewise lost: so is Cortona, Castiglione, San Souino, and all other their townes and castles in the valley of Chiana.

APHORISME XXVI.

IT 1 was one of his policies, out of whose Actions sprang many of the Florentines Axiomes, To giue most assurance of his faith and friendship to that man, whom he first meant to deceiue and despoile of his State. 2 He therefore that vpon such trust dis­armes himselfe, and puts the sword into the others hand, is guiltie through his foolish credulitie, of his owne proper ruine. For such actions as these, are plaine perfidie in the one, and meere mad­nesse in the other.

[Page 324] Valentinois marcheth with his army from Rome: he pretends the expugnation of Camerino; whither he had sent the Duke Gra­uina and Liuerotto da Fermo before, to rauage & spoile the contry therabout. But indeed he desseignes by some treacherous strata­geme to surprise the Dukedome of Vrbine. He is come to the cō ­fines of Perugia: he demands of Guidobaldo the present Duke, cer­taine peces of Cannon & troupes of men for this pretended siege of Camerino. The Duke grants his demaund, in an assured confi­dence of his friendship and truth, because he had lately compoun­ded all differences with him and the Pope his father, and therfore saw now no cause of suspition or apprehension of feare. Va­lentinois had no sooner disarmed the credulous Duke, but he lea­deth all his army with a long and sharp march, (scarce allowing them time to feede) and neuer staies till he come to Cagli a town of the Duchy. He sets downe before it, takes it, and in short space after, all the rest of that State, except onely the two forts of S. Leo and Maiuolo. The poore Duke, with his nephew the Prouost of Rome, are forced to flee the country in pesants attire. Again: after Valentinois had effected this exploit, he sets vpon Camerino: makes Iulio da Varano Lord thereof beleeue, that he will yeeld to some good composition with him. Varano comes to him to treat of the accord. During the treaty, he is treacherously intrapped with his two sons, and the towne surprised. This done, he instantly stran­gleth the father and the children. Vitellozzo, Petrucci, and the Or­sini, his old souldiers and faithfull followers, are amazed and af­frighted at the action, and abhorre the actor. Their Estates like­wise border neare vpon his, and therefore fearing like measure, they fall from his seruice, and combine against him.

APHORISME XXVII.

THe 1 neighbourhood to danger is dangerous: And therefore men must seeke to quench the fire in the next howse, though it be their enemies, least it come to their owne. 2 But such generall desires are often thwarted and made frustrate; because the ends of those few from whose meanes and authority such actions must haue their life and performance, are commonly contrary to the willes of those many that make the motion.

The feate done vpon Vrbine and Camerino, and the murther executed vpon Varano and his Sonnes by Valentinois, make other neighbour Princes and States of Italy to looke better about them. Vitellozzo, Petrucci, and the Orsini, send the Cardinall Or­sini to the French King, then at Asti, to complaine of his ambiti­on, treachery, and cruelty. The Florentines, and many other States and Princes, come either in person, or by their Agents, to make like complaint to his Maiestie, & sue for redresse. The King is much incensed against Valentinois: vowes a iourney in person, to tame the pride of such monsters in nature as was he, and the Pope his father: protests, the seruice to be as holy and meritori­ous, as if it were against the Turk himselfe. But this heate of the Kings zeale is quickly cooled. For the Cardinall of Roan, desirous to aduance some of his creatures to church dignities, & thinking [Page 326] it a step to the papacy whereto he aspired, and a great honour to be accounted protector of the sea of Rome, by all possible means labours the King to the contrary. Besides the King feares the Popes ioyning with the Emperor against his coming into Italy. He suspects the Venetians will combine with them both: and lastly, he hath not yet ended his difference with the Swisse, about his pretension to Belinsone: nor hopes of any good measure from the King of Spaine, with whom he is now entred into open warre, about the parting of Naples. In all which considerations, he for­gets his former vow, and promise made to the Plaintiffes: accepts of the message sent him from the Pope by Troccies: and receiues Valentinois coming vnto him, wlth all demonstration of honour and fauour.

APHORISME XXVIII.

ENter into no warre but that which is iust. No warre can be iust, vnlesse it be for the sauing of thy honour or estate. Wherefore when two Princes are in armes, and neither of these two Iewels in any danger of pre­iudice, engage thy selfe with neither: for in this case, it is better to be a looker on, then to be an abettor. 463

The diffidence and iealousie which the Orsini and their adhe­rents had of Valentinois, doth now breake out to an open warre. These men enter into a confederation-defensiue, for them selues and the Duke of Vrbine, against Valentinois onely. And fearing to offend the French King by this league, they offer him to be [Page 327] bound to serue him in person with all their forces, in any of his warres, whensoeuer he shall please to employ them. They seeke also by all meanes the fauour and consent of the Venetians. To the State of Florence they offer the recouery of Pisa, in case she will declare for them, and enter into this combination. The French hath not yet consented: the Venetians will giue no an­swer, till they see which way the French enclineth. But the Floren­tines, holding both the one side and the other for their capitall enemies, vtterly refuse to be comprised.

APHORISME XXIX.

IN an ancient Inheritance and well setled State, for­tresses are onely needfull vpon the Frontiers, and a­gainst the bordering enemy: But in the bowels of a country they are vselesse, and in some cases preiudi­ciall and dangerous. If therefore a Prince be forced to abandon his State, and giue way to necessity, and will euer hope to returne when the times are more propitious; let him raze all these in-land forts before his departure: He shall finde his re­turne and restitution more easie. 464

The Duke of Vrbine had bene driuen out of his State by Valen­tinois, and was fled to Venice: during his absence the fortresse of S. Leo, a peece of great importance, and which held longest for [Page 328] him, returnes now againe to his obedience. Vpon the first inti­mation of this good newes, he returnes home by sea, and quick­ly recouers the whole Duchie, some few castles excepted. Meane while Valentinois accordeth with the Orsini, and their colleagues: and sends them with all their troopes to attempt Vrbine the se­cond time, in assurance of good successe, and speedy preuailing, by reason of those castles within the Duchie which still held good for him. The distressed Duke is distracted betweene hope and feare, vnresolued whether to affie in the confident protesta­tions of his subiects, who offred to liue and die in his seruice, or to auoid the tempest of so dangerous a warre. At last the feare of danger ouercomes his hope of assistance, and forces him flee the second time to Venice. But before his departure, hauing lear­ned by experience, the danger of these inland fortresses, he ra­zeth them all that were in that State, saue onely S. Leo. and Maiuolo.

APHORISME XXX.

THere is no security against a reconciled enemy, and one of notorious perfidy; but diffidence, and bol­ding him out at the swords point. For if thy credu­litie bring thee within distance of his reach, and that he seethy life lie open without good guarde, his malice and reuenge straight take the aduantage, and play their parts: making the Act tragicall, and the Scaene bloudy. 465

[Page 329] Valentinois findes the way stopped to his ambitious desseignes, vnlesse he can vnknit the knot of the late combination against him. To worke which his purpose, he holds it fittest to deale with one of them apart; & of these, him that he thought the weakest in iudgement to discouer his falshood, and the strongest in po­wer to draw the rest. Such a one he held Paul Orsini. Him there­fore he calls to Imola, vnder safe-conduct, and sends the Cardi­nall Borgia in pledge for him. With him he vseth many faire and flattering insinuations. He complaineth to him, not so much because he and his fellowes (who had faithfully serued him a long time) did now vpon vaine surmises and suspitions for­sake him; as of his owne ignorance, that had not knowne how to carry himselfe towards so many and so braue souldiers, nor how to preuent such future iealousies and misconstructions. He hopes that this diffidence growne in them without iust cause gi­uen on his part, should beget betweene them and him a perpe­tuall and indissoluble coniunction: he protesteth, that hauing now better opened the eies of his vnderstanding by this experi­ence, he must and doth ingenuously acknowledge, that by their good direction and valour alone he was come to the great for tune and reputation which he now hath: and therefore is most desirous to returne to a true friendship, and renew the old league and confederation betweene them: and offers for performance to giue them what caution and securitie they should demanund. Paul Orsini credits these his dissembled protestations: deales with his kinsman the Cardinall Orsini, and drawes him to accept of the motion. These two, with Pandolpho Petrucci, perswade Vitel­lozzo and Iohn Baglione to yeeld to an accord. The articles con­cluded are these: A cancellation of all fore-passed wrongs, and an extirpation of all conceiued hatred on both sides: a confir­mation on his part, of their former entertainment; and obliga­tion on theirs, to go as his souldiers to the recouery of Vrbine: but with this prouiso, for their better securitie, that they should not be bound to go personally aboue one of them at once; nor should the Cardinall be bound to make his residence at Rome. [Page 330] The cause of Bologna to be referred ouer by way of transaction, to the free arbitration of Valentinois, the Cardinall Orsini, and Pe­trucci. The accord thus made, they presently recouer him all the Duchie of Vrbine, with the towne and prouince of Camerino. They encampe before Sinigaglia: they take both the towne and castle. While they are thus warring for the aduancement of Va­lentinois his affaires, himselfe is as busie plotting their destructi­on. He dislodgeth from Imola to Cesena: thence to Fano: from hence he sends word to Vitellozzo and the Orsini, that the next day he would come with his owne troupes, and lodge in Sinigaglia: and therefore wils them that they draw their companies out of the towne, and dispose them in the suburbs and villages there­abouts. His pleasure is fulfilled: their foote are billetted in the suburbs: their horse are quartered in other places not farre off. Next day Valentinois cometh: he is met vpon the way by Paul Or­sini, the Duke of Grauina, Vitellozzo, and Liuerotto da Fermo. He receiues them with great semblance of loue and fauour. They attend him to the gates of the citie, where they finde all his troupes at a stand, in strong array, and greater number then they expected. Their hearts begin to misdoubt, and to prompt them that they are betrayed, yet they put on the best countenance, of­fer to take leaue, and returne to their troupes. He pretends far­ther cause of necessary conference with them, and drawes them (being now too late to refuse) into the towne. Here he caused them to be seized on, & sent out his troupes presently to deffeat and rifle their companies. Next day he strangleth Vitellozzo, and Liuerotto da Fermo. Like dispatch he made within few daies after of Paul Orsini, and the Duke of Grauina.

APHORISME XXXI.

SEldome 1 shall we see such a father as Alexander, without such a sonne as Valentinois: nor such a sonne but of such a father. For the plant is knowne by the fruite: and as is the egge, so is the bird that hatcheth it: 2 Yet as in Physicke, wholesome vse is made of [Page 331] poison and venemous things; so in policie men may learne by the villa­nous and bloudie carriage of such mens actions, how to manage a iust and lawfull cause in doing execution vpon rebels and traitors: Namely, to do nothing to the halfes: but when the sword of iustice is drawne, to throw the scabberd into the fire.

A post is dispatched to Rome from the sonne to his father, with newes of the stratageme at Sinigaglia. The Pope keepes it secret: sends for the Cardinall Orsini then in towne, to come to Court. He repaires to the Vatican vpon the first summons, in assu­rance of the late accord, and affiance in the Popes promise. At his coming he is arrested, and committed prisoner to the Castle S. Angelo. The Pope meaneth to make all sure, and to lay hands vpon all the other heads of the family Orsini. Rinaldo the Arch­bishop of Florence, with the Abbot of Aluiano, and Iacopo Santa Croce, are all sodainly apprehended in their houses, and impriso­ned. The Cardinall after twenty daies durance, dies; of sicknes, as it was giuen out, but of poison, as it was verily and generally beleeued. The Pope makes present seizure of all their lands.

APHORISME XXXII.

SOme aduantages in battell are personall: as better men and horse, or more numbers of both. Some are reall: as more money, or better armes. Some are for­mall: as better discipline in gouerning, and better or­der in fight. And some are accidentall, as the Sunne, the winde, and the place. Now among all these, the two last ( 1 of better order in fight, 2 and better ground to fight on) are not the least meanes of obtaining the victorie.

The Count of Meleto, the Princes of Salerno and Bifignano, with all their forces, are encamped before Terranuoua. Don Vgodi Cardona with eight hundred foote Spanish, one hundred horse, and eight hundred other foote, Sicilians and Calabrians come to the succours. The Count hath notice hereof: riseth from be­fore the towne, and goeth to encounter them. The Spaniards march through a narrow plaine, strengthened with hils on the one side, and a riuer on the other. The French accoast them along [Page 333] the water which was between the armies, and being sarre stronger then the enemy, is desirous to draw him to fight. The Spaniard keepes on his march, in good array of battaile, and holds his ad­uantage of the place. Meleto, perceiuing he should not impeach their getting into Terranuoua, without the hazard of a battel, pas­seth the riuer with his troopes, to giue vpon them. Where, by the good and closse order of the Spanish foote, and the difficultie of getting vp the riuers banke, the French are defeated, put to rout with great losse, and the towne relieued.

APHORISME XXXIII.

EXample 1 is of greater force then Precept. 2 It therefore behoueth a Generall, as well to be a good souldier, as an able directer: that by his presence and personall performance of what he commands others, they may be encouraged to endure any paines, or vn­dergo any danger. For vpon his actions and vertue especially, depends the successe of all the seruice. Whereupon the Greeke Leader truly inferred, that an army of sheepe led by a Lyon was better then an army of Lyons led by a sheepe.

[Page 334] Nemours, Vice-roy of Naples, with all his forces, comes downe to Matera, not farre from Barletta. He quarters his troupes in places round about, to cut off all conuoy of victuall, or supplie of men, that might come to the succour of the Spaniard in the towne: where the souldier was much afflicted with want, and infected with pestilence. In which extremity the Spanish patience and perseuerance was great, through the remarqueable vertue and diligence of Gonsaluo: who sometimes putting them in hope of a fresh and speedy supplie of two thousand Dutch foote, sometimes of other succours, and otherwhiles giuing out, that if they would haue but a little patience, he would quit the place, and retire with them safe by sea to Taranto: but most of all by his owne example, in vndergoing and enduring with a cheere­full countenance, all the extremities of want and warre in his owne person; he wearied and wore out the Vice-royes forces, who through disorder and misgouernement were shortly for­ced to quit the siege: and he heartned and hardned his owne [Page 335] souldiers, to stand it out to the last, and to become of men al­most vanquished, victorious ouer their enemies.

APHORISME XXXIIII.

NOble and generous spirits striue as much not to be ouercome in courtesie, as the valiant and couragious not to be ouerthrowne in combat. Hence it is, that nothing more obligeth the promiser to an vnfeyned and free performance, then the free and confident assurance, which the promittee professeth to haue in the word and offer made him. Whereas on the contrary, many haue taught others to deceiue, while they haue appeared too fearefull and iealous of being deceiued. 472

Philip Arch-duke of Austria, heire apparant to the Roman Em­peror, and kingdomes of Spaine, will needes take his iourney thither, from the Low countries, through France, though his Coun­cell perswade the contrary. He sends to the French King for a free passage, and obtaines it. Diuers Peeres of France are sent in­to Flanders for pledges, till Philip should safely arriue on the bor­ders of Spaine. At his very first setting forward he giues order, that all those Noble men should be set free, and sent home a­gaine; to shew how much he affied in the honour of the King, and [Page 336] sincere performance of his word: the King requites him with correspondency of like assurance in his loue: giues order for his entertainment in all places where he should passe, with all pos­sible demonstration of respect and welcome: himselfe receiues him at Blois, in all magnificent and royall manner. Where after some few daies spent, part in feasting and triumphs, and the rest in treating and concluding other affaires of more weightie im­portance, he departeth the Court with much satisfaction, and ar­riueth in Spaine, in very good safety.

APHORISME XXXV.

IN 1 professions either Ciuill or Military, those are more honourable which haue greater charge, or re­quire greater knowledge. As to rule a State, is more noble then to gouerne a towne: and this, more emi­nent then to order a family. In which respect, though the true end of horse and foote be one and the same, to defend a right and redresse a wrong, (and percase that of foote be gene­rally more vsefull:) 2 Yet this of horse is the more honourable seruice. Because his vertue and knowledge is exercised, as well in managing and defending of his horse as of himselfe: vpon whose safe-gard his life and honour depends, as well as in immediate defence of his owne person.

[Page 337] A trumpet is sent to Barletta, where the Spanish and Italian forces lay, about the ransome of certaine French prisoners, late­ly taken in the deffeat at Rubos. Some words passe from the Ita­lian men at armes, in scorne and disparagement of the French Cauallery: which the trumpet reporteth at his returne. Answer is made by the French, and replication returned them backe a­gaine. The challenge passeth betweene them, and is accepted. The number of combattants are thirteene on a side: the fight on horsebacke: the lists are appointed, midway betweene Bar­letta, Andria, and Quadrato. The Generals on both parts assigne diuers troupes of horse to a certaine number, and equall distance from the lists, to preuent ambush or any other aduantage. They encourage their champions, and commend them to their for­tune. The signall is giuen: they charge with a noble and braue courage on both sides, and vndeterminable oddes on either. They betake them to their swords, and vse them with no lesse proofe of emulous prowesse: the earth is couered with shiuers of armour, and shedding of bloud, yet still the victory in doubt­full ballance. Guglielmo Albimonte is vnhorsed by a Frenchman: who, more eager to pursue his death, then saue his owne life, is slaine by Francesco Salomone an Italian. Albimonte thus rescued, together with Miale who was likewise vnhorsed, draw forth their long broaches which they had brought for the purpose, where­with they kill some, and gall most of the French horses: and by this aduantage onely get the victory of their enemies. They take the rest prisoners, and returne with all military triumph and ap­plause into Barletta.

APHORISME XXXVI.

HIstory 1 is the Kalendar of time, and hath her Critick daies as well as Physick: whereby Conceit fore-ho­peth of the good successe of an affaire, as Art fore-iudgeth of the decrease of a disease. For we haue it exemplified by many instances, that certaine daies haue bene perpetually succesfull to certaine persons or nations: 2 Which, howsoeuer some men may interprete to Fate and Necessitie, or others to some other cause of circumstance or accident; yet is it the part of a wise Leader to make vse thereof, and to nourish and cherish that former conceit in the common souldier, because he shall there­by the better encourage him to an alacritie of spirit, and a hope of the victorie.

D'Aubigny Gouernour of Calabria, of a noble and braue cou­rage, and one of the worthiest Captaines that Charles 8. brought into Italy, comes with all his forces neare Seminara; where some few yeares before he had had a famous victory against Ferdinand king of Naples, and Gonsaluo the gran Capitano. He lodgeth his Foot in Gioia, and his horse in Losarno. The Spanish vanguard led by Emanuel de Benauaida, aduanceth to the riuer side whereupon Gioia standeth, and affronteth the enemy. Meane while the Bat­talliō, led (as some say) by Don Vgo di Cardona, and Antonio di Leua; with the Reare led by Andrada, draw along the riuer, some mile [Page 339] and a halfe higher, and haste to passe the water. D'Aubigny hauing notice hereof, riseth sodainly without his artillery, and goes to encounter them before their troupes were passed ouer. He char­geth home brauely, but with much better courage then fortune: For the Spaniards being all passed the riuer, and ranged in good array of battell, entertain him to his losse. His troupes are broken: the Duke of Soma, with many Barons of the kingdom, are taken: so is Ambricourte, with many French Captains. D'Aubigny himselfe fleeth to the rock of Angitola; where he is besieged, and forced to yeeld. This deffeat hapned on a Friday. Within eight daies after, Gonsaluo with his forces riseth from Barletta, comes before Cirig­nuola ten miles off, which held for the French; and being likewise ten miles off from Canosa, where Nemours was lodged, made as it were a triangle. The French Vice-roy, after some litle pause and deliberation, resolues to fight: marcheth towards Cirignuola with all his army: comes vpon the enemy before he had fully entren­ched the front of his camp, and chargeth him with excellent va­lour and resolution: But with like successe as d'Aubigny had done some few daies before. Nemours himselfe is slaine, and the battell lost. This ouerthrow was also on a Friday: A remarqueable day a­mong the Spaniards, wherein, as appeares by history, they haue atchieued many notable victories. But farre better cause haue we at this present, and so shall posteritie haue after vs, to keepe Tues­day with a memorable celebration, (—Nec nobis gratior vlla Quàm sibi quae Martis praescripsit pagina nomen) for the seuerall, happie, and miraculous deliueries of our dread Lord and Soueraigne that now raigneth ouer vs: and vpon this day especially to be thankfull to him by whom Princes raigne, and raig­neth himselfe for euer.

ERRATA.

Pag. 3. lin. 1. [...]. p. 19. l. 34. Charles 6. Charles 8. p. 20. l. 23. clauuos, clauos. p. 46. l. 26. expellitur, eijcitur. p. 60. l. 34. gauem, grauem. p. 77. l. 2. sua haberent, sua bellum haberent. p. 90. l. 27. siue, sine. p. 113. l. 5. baiasimo, biasimo. p. 123 l. 12. hoza, hora. p. 160. l. 25. State, States. p. 198. l. 31. simple, single. p. 224. l. 30. militiae, malitiae. p. 262. l. 9. ni, vni. p. 296. l. 26. Militia, Malitia. pag. 331. l. 8. [...].

A BRIEFE INFERENCE VPON GVICCIARDINES DI­GRESSION, IN THE FOVRTH PART OF THE FIRST QVARTER NE OF HIS HISTORIE:

Forbidden the Impression, and effaced out of the Originall by the Inquisition.

In answer to a Letter from an honourable friend.

LONDON, Imprinted for EDWARD BLOVNT. 1613.

A BRIEFE INFERENCE vpon GVICCIARDINES Digression.

SIR, by yours of the xiiij. of Iune, you desire to know the reason why the Inquisition hath effaced that excellent Digression out of the fourth booke of GVICCIARDINE: and what in my poore opinion may be inferred thereof. Which I send you with this enclosed, for your priuate reading, being willing to satisfie the request of one I respect so much, though in the discourse I nothing satisfie either you or my selfe.

VNgracious children, borne of low and meane estate, when their fortune or industrie hath ad­uanced them to honour, (be the meanes good or bad) they are euer ashamed of their pede­gree, and will not acknowledge the humble e­state and condition of their forefathers. What reason else the Church of Rome hath to raze the memory of her Ancestors out of historie, (the reuerend records of Antiquitie) I for my part cannot see. For this worthy Historian was one of her owne: a Catholicke in his profession, no man more: a re­porter of things he saw or knew, no man truer: and a creature of the Popes, employed in honourable charges. By which Peece of his, thus vniustly rent and dismembred from the rest, you may see our religion naked in her infancie; lapped onely in the swathing clothes of innocencie; cherished in the warme bosome of securirie, and supported by the strong hand of Secular autho­ritie. See what he saith, and beleeue what you see.

GVICCIAR. For the declaration whereof, and of many other things succeeding in future times, it is requisite that mention be made, what claime the Church hath to the cities of Romagna, and others which [Page 4] she hath held heretofore, or possesseth at this day: And in what manner she is come to these earthly States and gouernments; being at first meer­ly instituted for spirituall administration: And likewise that it be set downe as a thing of necessary dependance, what coniunctions and allian­ces haue bene from time to time vpon these and other occasions, between the Bishops and Emperors of Rome.

THe necessitie of this Digression from the maine current of the historie, arose vpon this occasion. The LL s. of Romagna, who held of the Church of Rome in Capite, had in effect for many yeares together withdrawne themselues from their obe­dience vnder her dominion. For some of them refused to pay their yearly tribute, in recognition of their homage and fealrie: others paid it, but with much difficultie, and often out of time. But all of them in generall, without the Popes leaue (their liege Lord) would accept of other Princes entertainment, and put them­selues and troupes vnder their pay: Non obstante that the warre in hand was against the Church. And likewise they had these Princes enterchangeably bound to them, to aide and defend them, though it were against the armes of the Church. Now therfore the Pope instāceth the French king to performe what he was tied to by Couenāt, sc. Of assisting the Church to recouer her right in Romagna: which the King willingly granteth: and sendeth Iuo d'Alegri with three hundred lances, and foure thousand Swisse vn­der the Bailiffe of Dijon, to the Duke Valentinois the Popes son, for this seruice. The interest which the Church had to this State, and by what meanes it was lost, our Author thinkes it expedient to set downe here at large: and therefore one chiefe branch of this Digression, is nothing else but An authenticall Euidence of the Churches right to Romagna: a faire Charter how she holds it by a strong Deed of gift, with proofes of the validitie of the Conueyance and equi­tie of the Tenure. And this branch I suppose she would haue suffe­red to grow still and flourish. But then there is another, which shewes by good record, how her gouernment was at first meerly spirituall: which restriction she likes not, and hath stretched so [Page 5] much, as she hath broken that True loues knot, which was be­tweene Temporall and Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction. Besides, a third branch there is, which laies open her ambitious purchase of greatnesse, and the meanes how she got it, which she would haue all men acknowledge for iust, and none to looke into the vnlaw­fulnesse of the vsurpation. And these be the two branches, for whose sake, she hath iniuriously lopt off all the three.

GVICCIAR. The Bishops of Rome, of whom the Apostle Peter was the first, their power being layed by Iesus Christ in spirituall things, great in charitie, humilitie, patience, lowlinesse of spirit, and miracles; were not onely without all temporall power, but were persecuted by it: manifesting their name in nothing more then in the persecutions, which they and their followers endured. And thus they remained for many yeares obscure, and as it were vnknowne. For, although (through the multitude of people that were then in Rome, and the diuersity of the Nati­ons, and their Religions) the proceedings of the Christians were little re­garded, and some of the Emperors persecuted them not at all, except when it appeared their publicke actions or exercises could not be passed in silence; yet some of them, either through the crueltie of their nature, or their deuotion to their owne heathenish gods, persecuted them with all extremitie, as bringers in of new Superstition, and ouerthrowers of (their) true Religion.

THe Bishops of Rome in the primitiue time of the Church, were so, rather by Appellation from their meere spirituall function, then by Iurisdiction from their consistoriall au­thoritie. For what Sea, what Chapter, what Diocesse, what Go­uernment had they? who liued alwaies in obscuritie, & exercised their religion and seruice of the true God, onely by stealth, and in corners: or else being discouered, suffered vnder the heauie hand of persecution. Graue, Learned, Religious, Pious men they were; the office of S. Peter and S. Paule they executed, to instruct, and reprooue: by the imposition of hands, and those other so­lemne and sacred rites vsed by the Apostles, they conferred the [Page 6] holy order of Pristhood on others: that with them they might co-operate in that new planted Vineyard, to the building vp of those few penitent Christians, (whereof the greater part were poore, and obscure,) that came to them for comfort in matter of cōscience, or for direction in case of doubt. These they loosed from their sinnes, and confirmed in the truth: Others they repro­ued and conuinced of their errors, and bound them from the participation of spirituall blessings, by vertue of that power which Christ had left them in his Church. Whereby, although they had an authoritie spirituall, and power of excommunication, yet a farther power of goods, limme, or life, a power of deposing Kings, and disposing kingdomes they had not: nor had S. Peter himselfe, from whom they striue to deriue their succession both in place and power. Of whose being at Rome, we greatly dispute not, for it inferreth nothing of consequence, to that they would insinuate. We know it was not Peters being at Rome that gaue her the Supremacie ouer all other Churches, but Romes greatnesse that gaue the occasion of that greatnesse, which is now attribu­ted to Peter. For though it be true, that he had Superioritatem or­dinis, before the rest of the Apostles, yet was he not Superior po­testate, which the Popes haue since chalenged. And if (three hun­dred yeares after almost) when Constantine embraced, professed, and maintained Christian religion, the Imperiall Maiestie had then resided in France, as it did fiue hundred yeares after, and there continued some fourescore yeares; orin Germany, where it hath bene euer since: we had had a Pope of Paris, or of Prage, instead of this that we haue now at Rome. But a fatall thing it hath bene to this citie to vsurpe ouer the world: First, by holding in a temporall subiection all the countries of her neighbour Prin­ces: Since, by bringing into thraldome the hearts and conscien­ces of Christians: First, by intruding vpon the inheritance of men; then, by incroaching vpon the heritage of Christs owne purchase. But say we graunt that Peter were Head of the Church, yet can it neuer be proued, that such a Clemens, such a Pius, or Innocentius, whose abhominable actions shew they had [Page 7] their names [...], are the true successors of Peter. Except they can tie Truth and Pietie to a place, which is more then all their censing, hallowing, and exorcizing can doe. Rome her selfe is an instance, which from the integritie of those former times is become as Petrarch describes her.

Fontana di dolore, Albergo d'Ira,
Scuola d'Errori, Tempio d'Heresia,
Già Roma, hor Babilonia, empia eria.
Per cui tanto sipiagne, esi sospira.
A Source of sorrow, Harbrough of ire,
A Schoole of errors, Temple of heresies,
Earst Rome, now Babylon, full of villanies,
Forcing our teares of brine, and sighes of fire.

Succession therefore of place is a sandie ground, to build the marble materials of Truth vpon. For we see in this very se­ction, that where Religion hath publike authoritie to main­taine it, the whole State to professe it, and a long tract and conti­nuance of time, to giue it countenance (be it neuer so false) yet power, vnitie, vniuersalitie, and successe, giues it the title of Truth. Such was here the seruice of false gods in the Romane Empire: And how it may now againe be applied to Rome, let other men iudge. But where a Religion is poore, obscure, discount enanced, oppressed, without any to protect her, or many to professe her, (be it neuer so ancient and true) it is wronged with the aspersion of Noueltie and Heresie. Such was here the seruice of the True God in the Church of Rome: And whether it be not now the Protestants case, against the false imputation which the Papist throwes vpon him, let the venerable Records of these Primitiue times be witnesse.

GVICCIAR. In which estate, famous for their voluntarie Po­uertie, Integritie of life, and Martyrdome, these Bishops continued till the time of Syluester: In whose daies Constantine the Emperor being brought to embrace the Christian Religion, through the holy conuersation which was daily obserued in those that professed the name of Christ: The Bi­shops now were freed from the danger wherein they had liued 300. yeares, and had libertie to exercise publickly the diuine Seruice, and rites [Page 8] of Christians. Whereupon Christianitie began to spread it selfe marue­lously, and the pouertie of the Clergie to diminish, through the reuerence which was borne to the good behauiour of the Professors, the holie lessons which our Religion containes in it, and the readinesse that is in men to follow either through ambition (oftentimes) or through feare, the ex­ample of the Prince. For the Emperor Constantine hauing built in Rome the Church of S. Iohn in the Lateran, S. Peter in the Vatican, that of S. Paule, and many others in other places: He not onely adorned them with rich vessels and ornaments, but enfeoffed them also with possessions, and endowed them with other reuenewes for the maintenance of those Chur­ches in their apparaments and buildings, and of the Clergie that serued in that holy Ministerie. So likewise others in times succeeding, being perswa­ded, by Almes and Legacies to the Church to make an easie purchase of the kingdome of heauen, did either build and endow other Churches, or gaue part of their wealth to those already built. Yea by the law and ancient custome (following the example of the old Testament) euerie man paied the Church the tenth of his fruites: Men being stirred hereunto with great zeale, because at the first they obserued the Clergie themselues, to giue all they had to the building and adorning of Churches, or to o­ther godly and charitable vses: Saue onely what was needfull for a meane sustentation of their life.

THe two glorious Lampes, Puritie of Doctrine in the Christi­an Religion, and Integritie of life in the professors thereof, do now blaze and shine forth through the two thicke mists, of profane gentilisme, and corruption of manners. For, neuer was that Iustice, Vertue, and Worth of the old Romans so much adulterate and bastardized as now: Neuer such crueltie, lust, riot, and oppression in their Princes, neuer such base flatterie, false informations, and ignoble supplantations in their Senators; neuer so much vice in generall, raigning both in the Citie and State. These two therefore were the true causes of the Gospels entertainment, promulgation, and propagation. But all things haue their declination and decay, by the contraries to their life and growth. For as we obserue in naturall bodies, that natiue [Page 9] heate and radicall humour are the causes of their increase and continuance; but the contraries to these do cause them to decay and die: So in the bodie Ecclesiastick, it is no maruell, if that pri­mitiue heate of zeale to pietie and truth be growne colde in the Church of Rome, and that moisture of grace to vertue and ho­nestie be quite dried vp, though she fall to an vtter ruine and de­cay. As for her corruption of manners, her owne children out of their iust griefe haue expresly tainted her with all the staines of vicious life in the particular, and all the straines of ambitious vsurpation in the generall. I will exemplifie both with two instan­ces out of this our Author.

GVICCIAR. Pope Alexander himselfe could not auoide his do­mesticall misfortunes, which too too much afflicted his house, with tra­gicke examples, lust, and horrible crucltie, euen in all barbarous manner. For hauing from his first entrance to the Papacie, resolued to lay all Tem­porall greatnesse vpon his eldest sonne the Duke of Candie; the Cardi­nall of Valence his yonger sonne hauing no disposition to Priestly functi­on, aspired to the profession of Armes, disdaining that his brother should be preferred to that honour before him: being also much incensed because his brother shared with him in the loue of the Ladie Lucrece, courted by them both, and sister to them both. Wherefore pricked on with lust and ambition, (two powerfull ministers of all villanie) he caused him secret­ly one night to be murthered, and to be throwne into Tyber. The fame went also, (if such an enormitie be to be beleeued) that not onely the bro­thers, but the father also himselfe concurred in the competition of the Ladies loue; who so soone as he was Pope, taking her from her first hus­band, as being now too base for a Ladie of her degree, he married her to Iohn Zforza Lord of Pesaro. And after, not enduring to haue her owne husband his Corriuall, he dissolued the mariage which before was con­summate, suborning some to testifie before Iudges chosen for the purpose, (and them to giue sentence) that Zforza was frigidae naturae, and vn­apt for generation.

THus farre Guicciardine of this vertuous sonne a Cardinall; and this holy Father a Pope: of whose death hee likewise [Page 10] truly reporteth in this Historie, that he was poisoned by mis­taking a cup which himselfe and his sonne had prouided for the dispatch of some other Cardinals, that stood in the way of their diuellish desseignes. This historie is extant in many Editions, to the shame of his memory, and staine of that Sea for euer. But the Oration of Pompey Colonna and Anthonie Sauello, two noble Gen­tlemen of Rome, which they made to the citizens in the Capitoll, vpon the suppósed death of Iulius 2. is banished this historie by the Inquisition, whose proscriptions are like the Athenian Ostra­cisme, that thrust out none but the best and most worthy. Which we may iustly call home againe, and fitly plant in this place, to batter the rotten bulwarke of the Popes pride and vsurped au­thoritie. It is thus:

GVICCIAR. The Nobilitie hath bene long enough trod downe (O ye Romanes,) enough haue those generous spirits (whilome the conque­rours of the world) liued in seruitude. The times past perhaps may in some sort be excused, by the awfull reuerence men bore to Religion: In re­spect whereof, being accompanied with holinesse of life and miracles, our ancestors yeelded to the command of the Clergie, and willingly submitted themselues vnder the sweete yoke of Christian pietie, without force of armes, or violence whatsoeuer. But now what necessitie, what worthinesse of theirs can possibly couer the shame of our slauerie? What? The integri­tie of life? the good example of those Priests, or the miracles they worke? What generations is there I pray you in the world, more corrupted, more polluted, with more brutish and beastly manners? In whom it seemeth miraculous, that God the fountaine of Iustice, suffereth their villanies so long. Is this tyrannie of theirs maintained by the sword? by the indu­strie of men? or by their daily prouidence for the preseruation of the Pa­pall dignitie? What generation of men is there lesse experienced in milita­rie knowledge and practise? more giuen to slouth and pleasures? or more carelesse of the honour and good of their successors? There are onely two States in the world, that may fitly be paralleled one with the other: This of the Popes of Rome, and that of the Sultans of Cairo. Because neither the dignitie of the Sultan, nor the honours of the Mamaluches are here­ditary, [Page 11] but passing frōnation to nation, they are conferred vpon strangers. And yet this seruitude of the Romanes is much more shameful then that of Egypt or of Syria: For it couereth in some sort the staine of their disgrace, that the Mamaluches are a valorous & fierce people, accustomed to labors, and to a life free frō all delicacie. But whō do we Romanes serue? Drowsie and slothfull persons, strangers, and oftentimes most base, no lesse in bloud then in condition. Time it is now at length to awake frō so heauie a sleepi­nes, and to remēber, That to be a Romane is a most glorious name, when it is accompanied with vertue: but that it doubleth the shame & infamie to him that forgetteth the honorable fame of his Ancestors. The way is now made easie vnto vs: because that vpon the death of the Pope they are at discord among thēselues, the mindes of the great ones are distracted, & the priestly tyrannie is now more then euer heretofore hatefull to all Princes.

THis detestation of theirs, and protestation against the Popes temporall Lordship ouer Rome, may Christian Princes iustly take vp against his spirituall tyrannie ouer them, & the Churches in their dominions, and say in the same tenour of words (Regall authoritie hath bene long enough troddowne, O ye Christians, long enough haue those generous spirits, &c.) Which Oration, whether it were theirs, or made by our Author in their persons (as Historians v­sually do) it is not material: it plainly sheweth and truly, how the Romans themselues stand affected and conceited to that Court, who are daily eie-witnesses of the pride and filthinesse thereof; which the Bigots of this age, and in places far remote, either will not haue the patience to heare, or the grace to beleeue. They will not be perswaded but that the whole body of that Church is soūd, when her wise neighbors see how sick she is in the Head. So much are they hood-winkt and blind-folded by the Iesuites those mi­neral Doctors, who haue digged very deep for plaisters to couer, not for salues to cure the vlcer; & haue brought a mischiefe, not a remedy into the Church. For no sooner had men appeared, whose skil was good to cure this foule leprosie, but straight starts vp this colledge of Quacksaluers to hinder the work: A Loiola for a Luther, a Rowlād for an Oliuer. And as the Turkish Bashas assured the army that the Ottoman Emperour was liuing, and in reasonable good [Page 12] state of health, when he lay dead in his litter: so these Romish Ia­nisaries perswade the poore people of our Christian campe, that all is wel at Rome, & that the Popes Holinesse is iust in his gouern­ment, vpright in his Religion, and sound in his practise and con­uersation of life; when he lies sweltring oftentimes in the soile of his rotten rule, and litter of leud life: Venting for truth, and to be receiued vpon pain of damnation, the sale-able but not auailable trash of his owne weauing. No maruell therefore though their owne Petrarch call for this direfull vengeance vpon his Court:

Fiamma dal ciel su le tue treccie pioua
Maluaggia: che dal fiume e dalle ghiande,
Per altru' impouerir sei ricca e grande,
Poi chè di mal oprar tanto ti gioua.
Nido di tradimenti in cuisi coua
Quanto mal per'l mondo hoggi si spande,
Di vin serua, di letti, & de viuande,
In cui lussuria fa l'vltima proua.
Let fire from heauen on thy proud tresses fall,
Thou wicked queane: who first on acornes fed,
Art now growne rich and fat by others bread,
Since to do well thou hast no ioy at all.
Thou neast of treasons, wherein hatched lies
All mischiefes broached through our Hemisphaere:
In thee wine, slouth, and viands domineere,
And lustfull riot playes her vtmost prise.

As for those other Doctors of that Church, whom we haue here among vs (the Secular Priests) though they retain still the old Lees of that corrupted Cask of the Romish Church, yet they appeare to be guiltles, nay rather haters of those furious nouelties brought in by the Iesuits (at least if their internal meaning agree with their ex­ternal professiō.) But if they dissemble with vs, impaling their con­sciences, & oaths of obedience to our King, within this parenthesis (Rebus fic stantibus,) & reseruing an implicite beliefe in the Councel of Trent, concerning the absolute necessitie of subiection to the Pope; such temporizing must needs be far frō the ingenuity & sin­cerity of Christian Religion, & wherin they much abuse their dis­ciples here among vs. For we are in good hope, that since they professe so much to retaine the old Leauen of ancient Religion, [Page 13] they will not suffer thēselues to be infected with the new equiuo­cations of the Iesuiticall Sect: but as they maintaine so obstinately the ancient errors of the Romish Church, so they will be loth to renounce the ancient honesty that the world (euen in the time of greatest blindnes) did so carefully preserue, namely, honestie mo­ral to their neighbor, & due & faithful obedience to their Prince. So, though they be a little too homely with the first Table in the point of worship; they wil I hope (at least I wish) proue carefull & honest obseruers of the second: which, how little or much it may auaile them to their saluation, as I wil not take vpon me to deter­mine, yet I am sure it cannot faile to make them proue morally honest men before the world. As for their Religion (the other cause considerable in this Section) it is now so farded and daubed with the counterfait parget of mens traditions, like the painted women of this age, that we may say of it, as an old Doctor of the Church said of them in his daies, Vereor ne Deus creatur ā non agnos­cat suā. For Christian religion was at first like the garment of Christ without seame or rent, and the Church that professed it without Schisme or Faction: But now this Arke of Noah, like the Ship of Argos, is so peeced and patched by them, with the rotten rags & soiled shreds of sinfull mans inuention, as there is scarce any soūd timber of the old Truth remaining. First she was poore, then much added, after much altered, from better to worse, and now at the worst; like Daniels image, whose head was of gold, breast and armes of siluer, belly and thighs of brasse, legs of iron, feet part of iron and part of clay. She was at first the sacred bond that tied Princes to their people, in all lawfull administration of Iustice; & the people to their Princes, in all awful performance of Alleage­ance: But now, the one oftē makes her the cloke of his ambition, and the other the colour of all their treasons: Vnder which pre­tence, more Christiā bloud hath bin shed, then is at this day in all the States of Christendom. Christ left her with his Church poore and naked, clothed only with Simplicitie, supported by Faith, led by Humilitie, attended with Pietie, and armed with Constancie. For thus at the end of 300 yeares, did the Imperiall authoritie [Page 14] finde her, like an Orphan child in the bosome of her poore mo­ther the Church: But it entertained her as a deare Sister: and for the mutuallloue they bare, and the comfort they found each in other, like the Graces they enfolded and enclasped their armes of assistance together: like Co-heires, they parted the inheritāce be­tween them: There was a diuision, but no discord; in the diuersitie of order, there was an harmonie of gouernment: their Motto was that of the blind man and the lame in Alciate, (Mutuum Auxiliū:) for Policie thought her selfe blind, without the direction of Reli­gion; and Religion found her selfe lame, without the support of Policie. And thus they sate in their seuerall Courts of Iustice: the one in the Common Pleas of euery poore mans right: the other in the Consistory of euery good mans conscience. And now was the Church of Rome the mother of Truth, the nurse of Pietie, the sister of Policie, and protected by the sword and power of secular authoritie. But when Princes had once endowed her with great riches, enfeoffed her with faire possessions, & inuested her in the ioynt participation of their authoritie; then such was her pride, as no colours would serue her but Scarlet & Purple: and such her ambition, as no share would content her but all. Religio peperit di­uitias, & filia deuorauit matrem. Since whē, she hath hatched and brought forth falshood in opinions, impietie in actions, treachery in couenants, & ambiguitie in oathes & promises: cherishing State-troublers, fostering King-quellers, & taking the double ed­ged sword of authoritie into her owne hands. Princes resume your right: Take away the cause, if ye like not the effect: It is her part to teach onely; yours onely to command: Hers, onely to be holy; yours to be iust.

GVICCIAR. And then was the Bishop of Rome (ambition and pride not hauing yet seized on their hearts) taken generally for the chiefe of all other Churches, and of the Spirituall Iurisdiction, as the Successor of the Apostle S. Peter. Both because that citie by her ancient preheminence and greatnesse, kept still the name and maiestie of the Em­pire: as also because from her, Christian Religion was spredd ouer the greatest part of Europe: and lastly because Constantine himselfe baptized [Page 15] by Syluester, yeilded willingly that power to him and his successors.

NOW cometh the Church to haue her established Gouern­ment, and a Head or chiefe thereof acknowledged. For she could not well subsist, but by order; and order cannot be, but by a graduall proceeding from the inferiour to the next, and so to the highest. This Head or chiefe was the Bishop of Rome. And herein he had a double power, one as a member of the Church, from Christ the Head: But this power was like the peace which Christ left his Apostles, (A peace of conscience, a power of con­science,) a power in things meerely Spirituall, a power to binde and loose, to open and shut heauen gates: In which sence, euery poore Priest lawfully ordained is a Porter as well as S. Peter. But he had an other power as head of the Church gouernement, from the Emperor, the supreame Head of all worldly power within his dominions: A power of Oyer and Terminer in cases lia­ble to the Consistory, as our Iudges haue vnder the King, in cases within their seuerall circuites: A power which the Emperor might well giue him, for it was not of matters originally and na­turally Ecclesiasticall (which he and other Bishops haue immedi­ately from Christ,) but of determining some ciuill causes in their Consistory, which he had by the Emperors indulgence: as also a coactiue power, both for the honour of Episcopall dignitie, and to make their Spirituall censures in more awfull feare and regard. And this power is like the lawes by which it ruleth. For as Ecclesiasticall canons and constitutions are positiue, abroga­tiue, and transitiue into new: So is the power conferrable, changeable, and passable into another; Especially vpon the alte­ration of the Supreme Imperiall power, frō whence it is deriued And if Constantine gaue it to the Bishops of Rome, for the three reasons alledged here by our Author, then may he when these reasons faile, or the power is abused, or ambition and pride sea­zeth on the hearts of those Bishops, take it from them, and con­ferre it vpon other Bishops: as our Constantine hath iustly done, vpon the Primates of our Church in England. So then the Pope [Page 16] of Rome was the head of the Church Gouernement: the chiefe of all Bishops: the first and the last: what would he haue more? The first, in degree and precedence, the last in appellation, and Dernier Ressort, as the Parlament of Paris is to the other Par­laments in France. Pasce oues, and Tibi dabo, onely gaue him Cla­ues Regni, and Forum Conscientiae, (as also Accipite gaue the same to the rest of the Apostles:) for it Christ had intended him a far­ther power, he would haue sealed his commission with a plainer text, and a stronger warrant. But the temporall authority, which allotted him temples for the exercise of Religion, and mainte­nance of liuings for the religious, gaue him Claues canonum, and Forum iuris. The reasons why it was giuen him before all others, are here expressed: because Rome had now the Imperium and Em­porium of the world, here was the seate of the Imperiall Maiestie, and here-hence was that heauenly commoditie (Religion) ven­ted. For till Constantines time, Rome was the golden mine, where­in the rich treasures of the Truth lay hid, and as it were buried, vnder the stormie tempest and blacke clouds of hot persecution: by the fire whereof it had bene so purified and refined from the drosse of all earthly vre, as now coming to light, and to the touch, it was found to be of good Allay, and passed currant from this great Mart, into most places of Europe. Now if this were one of the maine causes of that Churches greatnesse, why did she not continue it so still vnmingled and vnsodred? why suffered she it to be abused and sophisticate by her Clippers, and Coiners, and Forgers, and Faith-founders? why gaue she vs so iust cause to take no more Letters of credit from her Banckrupt checquer, and to returne no more Bils of due debt thither? why forced she vs to raise a Bancke of our owne vpon the Mercato Vecchio of the Pri­mitiue ruines, and to forsake her whom we would haue called still mother, and remained her obedient children, and at her pappes, (as we did for long time) haue suckt the sweete milke of pure Religion and Piety? For although our ancestors the Brit­tons were originally more beholden to the east Church, yet are we so ingenuous to giue her this title, in such sence as she must [Page 17] acknowledge Greece for her Mother Church, and they both Ie­rusalem for Grandmother of all: because (Primò Iudaeo) gaue her the prerogatiue. These then were the true reasons why the Pope had giuen him this Superioritie or Supremacie, call it whether you will: for, to be superiour ouer any whatsoeuer, is to be su­preame ouer all. But this is the Title they so much affect, and we do not much grudge it them (in the true and genuine sence:) onely we complaine of the abuse in the administration, and put them in minde, though too late, that he must vse his power sparing­ly, that would enioy it long. Now as pure Religion, and the Seate of the Empire were the two pillars whereupon the Popes greatnes was founded: so were they knit and ioynted together in such a couplement, as either the failing of the one, or remouing of the other, endangered the sore shaking, if not finall falling of this proud Building. For by translation of the Imperiall seate to Con­stantinople, the Pope failed of that generall recognition of Supre­macie formerly yeelded him. The Bishop of this place contested with him for the Title: and he of Rauenna likewise put his claime in suite, because here was the Court and Seate of the Exarchat: But now was the Emperour too farre off to be heard, and too weake to decide the question between these ambitious Prelates; and the Pope growne too great to quit the possession. Had he vsed it well, he might haue vsed it still: but hauing engrossed into his owne hands the Sole-gouernment of the Church, which at first was Aristocraticall in the Apostles, and after in the Patriarkes: he was not content with that power which all of them had, nor listed himselfe within the bounds of those wholesome lawes and Ca­nons, which Truth and Antiquity had established for the Church­gouernment; but assumed to himselfe the power of making and abrogating lawes at his pleasure, and to be aboue all Canons and Councels. And so whereas our Fathers of the Church, had in all pietie and prudent prouidence appointed these Councels as a Tribunitian power to restrain his more then Consular greatnesse; to syndicate and controll his imperious & violent proceedings: he takes vpon him, not only to stop the course of their power, but [Page 18] also to hinder the calling of them, for curing such diseases as should grow in the Church; which we now see to be many in the members, but none so desperatly incurable as those in the Head. So that, as the Church gouernment changed from an Aristo­cracie to a Monarchie; so likewise that of Rome is now altered from this to a Tyrannie. For all well reigled Monarchies admit a due mixture and temperature of the three Estates with the Prin­ces power in all maine causes, such as those of abrogating olde lawes and customes, or establishing new, as by the Diets of Ger­manie and Poland, by the Assemblies of France, and Parlaments of England, doth appeare. But where it is otherwise, and where the peremptorie will and wilfulnesse of the Prince shall be an abso­lute law to the people, and be it right or wrong, with law or a­gainst it, all must obey, or suffer; that power is meerly tyrannicall, as in this instance of the Popes proceedings is plaine. For he hath now taken from Princes the power of calling Councels, and from the Councels themselues their proper end and vse. Had they subsisted in their primitiue force and freedome (as those Parlaments, Diets, and Assemblies do) to ordaine and abrogate lawes in the Church, as the necessitie of times and vicissitude of things required, yea and to order and restraine the Pope him­selfe, if in his gouernment he grew irregular and tyrannous; then had the Papists a better cause to defend, and wee lesse cause to complaine. For truly neuer was there gouernment in this world planted and vpheld with greater iudgement and policie, hauing true Religion for the Basis and firme foundation; and princely Authoritie for the stately roofe and safe couering of so goodly a building, had not the Church of Rome heaped so much stubble and straw of mans constitutions vpon the marble ground of Gods ordinance. But Euery tree which the heauenly Father hath not planted, shall be rooted vp. For no policie of man can make any actions of his vnlike himselfe that makes them, (that is) perma­nent and perpetuall: They haue their beginnings, motions, pro­motions, and arisings, to a period, (as all Monarchies haue had) and then they decline, decay, perish and fall, with the swinge of [Page 19] their owne greatnesse. Ruet & ipsa Roma mole sua: Romes Hierar­chie must lie in the dust, like man that raised it vp to this pinnacle of pride: but Religion the groundwork must euer stand like him that layed it, Who is yesterday, and to day, and the same for euer: Who is, and that was, and that is to come.

GVICCIAR. It is further reported, that Constantine being for­ced by the troubles of the East to transferre the seate of his Empire to Bisantium (now Constantinople,) gaue vnto the Bishops of Rome the absolute dominion of that citie, and many other cities and countries of I­talie. The which report though the Bishops succeeding haue diligently la­boured to maintaine, and by their authoritie is beleeued of many, yet of Authors of best credit it is much reproued, but much more by the matter it selfe. For it is manifest that then and long after, both Rome and all I­talie was gouerned vnder magistrates deputed by the Emperors, as be­ing still subiect to the Empire: yea and there be also that denie (so deepe is ignorance in Antiquities) all that hath bene said of Constantine and Syl­uester, affirming that they liued in diuers times. But no man gain-saieth that the Translation of the Empire was the originall of the Bishops greatnesse: For the Emperors authoritie growing to be weaker and wea­ker in Italie by the crosses and troubles they had in the East, the people of Rome withdrawing themselues from the Emperor, and therefore attri­buting more to the Bishops, began willingly to yeeld them, not a plaine subiection, but a certaine kinde of obedience; though this appeared but slowly, by reason of the ouer-running of the Vandals and other barbarous Nations, by whom Rome being often taken and sacked, the Pontificall name was of long time base and obscure, as touching Temporall causes: So was the authoritie of the Emperour through all Italie, because he so shamefully left it abandoned to the Barbarians. Among which barbarous people, whose rauage and spoile was but like the furie of a sodain floud; that of the Gothes lasted 60. years. A nation by name and profession Chri­stian, descended from the parts of Dacia and Tartaria: who at length being driuen out of Italie by the Emperours forces, she began anew to be commanded by Greeke gouernours, called of them Exarchs: who seated themselues in Rauenna an ancient citie, and in those daies verie rich, [Page 20] and verie much frequented, by reason of the fruitfulnesse of the countrie thereabouts, and for that it was inhabited by diuers Captaines and men of command, euer since the enlargement it had by the great nauie that Au­gustus Caesar and other Emperours after him vsuallie kept there: as also for that a long time it had bene the residence of Theodoricus king of the Gothes, and of his Successors; who in iealousie of the Emperours power, chose this place rather then Rome for the Seate of their Court, by reason it is more fitly seated vpon the Sea, and nearer to Constantinople: vpon which oportunitie of situation, the Exarchs likewise made that their re­sidence, and deputed other particular Magistrates to the gouernment of Rome and other cities, vnder the title of Dukes. Hereupon all that in I­talie was called the Exarchat of Rauenna, which was immediatly vn­der the gouerment of these Exarchs, and had no particular Dukes.

THe Donation of Constantine hath here two strong parties, & is stifly argued on both sides. The Popes and their followers stand for the affirmatiue: Authors of best credit, for the negatiue. Those, come into the lists armed with authoritie: these, with the Truth. The Pope is here on the one side, and the Truth on the other. In this doubtfull case, Guicciardine though he were the Popes seruant, yet by his masters leaue he will forsake him, and leane to the truth, as Aristotle quit his master Plato: Charus a­micus, charior veritas. So should we do; and not be such appren­tises and bondmen to Ipse dixit, as to runne against the current of our owne reason and reading in matter of historie, when it is so authentically and demonstratiuely (as here) confirmed. It is true, the axiomes of our faith and Religion are [...] fidem in se habentia; obiects of the heart not of the braine; and therefore in these we entertaine faith and beleefe alone, we shut out rea­son and sense: but in all other things we must be directed by rea­son, which distinguisheth vs from all other creatures. But is here the Pope on the one side, and the Truth on the other? Then sure­ly he may erre; and by maintenance & obstinacie make his error an heresie, euen in matter of faith, as some of them haue done. But this (forsooth) is not è Cathedra. A nice distinction, which [Page 21] no reason can admit. For when he comes to the Chaire, to o­pine and determine, he leaues not his passions and affections behinde him: he findes no more knowledge nor grace then he brought with him. Wherefore we acknowledge a reuerence and awfull respect to all Seates of iudgment, for Iustice sake, which is there by Gods ordinance to be duly administred, but we acknowledge no vertue in the place: I feare me they haue litle of that wood in Rome, whereof to frame their Tribunalles. The Chaire they say is hole-ly, but in a sence more sensible. As for this free Deede of gift whereby the Pope maketh his claime to Rome, it is clearely ouerthrowne and cancelled by this Euidence. Because both in Constantines time, and long after, not onely this City, but all Italie was gouerned by the Emperors Deputies, and the Roman Citizens vpon their defection and reuolt from the Emperor, gaue it to the Pope: but yet with tearmes of restricti­on and limitation; he was not absolute. But what needs all this quarrell, and contention betweene the Popes on the one side, and best Authors on the other about this point, whether he had it by the Emperors free donation, or peoples consent with limi­tation, or his owne violent inuasion? He hath now held it in sub­iection (though not peaceable possession) aboue 800. yeares: a prescription long enough to iustifie a bad title, and no man at this day quarrels him for it: onely he would not haue vs search the Records, and looke into the Conueyance, where we appa­rantly finde, how the decay of the Imperiall power was the rai­sing of the Papall greatnesse: and may most iustly and fitly paral­lell this his rising from so low an estate to his now sitting in his Pontificalibus in Rome, with that of the Turke: who, from a poore & base cōdition, with his maniple and rable of Tartars, incroach­ing by litle and litle vpon the Asian Princes, and taking his ad­uantage vpon others discord and weaknesse, is now come to sit Grand Signor at Constantinople.

GVICCIAR. In which time the Bishops of Rome hauing nothing to do with the temporall sword, and growing slothfull through their dis­sembling [Page 22] manners (which already had begun to swarue from their for­mer spirituall reuerence) stoode as it were vassals to the Emperor: without whose confirmation, or of their Exarchs, they durst not exercise or take vpon them the Papacy. Nay the Bishops of Constantinople and Rauenna, (because commonly the Seate of Religion followeth the power of the Empire and of Armes) contested with the Bishop for superiority. But not long after the state of things altered, for the Lombards a fierce nation, entring Italy, made themselues Lords of Gallia Cisalpina, (which of them was called Lombardie) and of Rauenna, with all the Exarchat, besides many other parts of Italy, yea they spread their armes as farre as the Marquisate of Ancona, Spoletum, and Beneuentum, which had their particular Dukes. The Emperors meane while, partly through the troubles they had in Asia, not prouiding remedy for these mischiefs, part­ly through negligence; Rome seeing her selfe abandoned, and the office of Exarchat now extinct in Italy, began to be gouerned by the aduice and power of the Bishop: who at length together with the Romans, being sore afflicted by the Lombards, ranne for succour to Pipin King of France. He passing Italy with amighty army, draue thē from part of their domini­ons, hauing held it in subiection aboue 200 yeares; and gaue to the Bishop and Church of Rome, (as being his by law of Armes) not onely Vrbine Agobbio, Taro, and many other places adioyning to Rome, but also Ra­uenna with her Exarchat: vnder which (they say) is included all that lieth from the confines of Placentia, neare the territory of Pauia, be­tweene the riuer Pò and the Appennine hilles, the marishes of Venice, and the Adriaticke Sea, and from Rimini to the riuer Talfa then called A­saurus. But after Pipins death, the Lombards troubling these Popes afresh, and that which was giuen them, Charles the sonne of Pipin (who after his great victories was worthily surnamed the Great) hauing vtterly destroyed the Lombards, confirmed his Fathers Donation to the Church of Rome; and during the time of this his warre reassured to the Pope, the gift of the Marquisate, and the Duchie of Spoletum, which comprehended the citie of Aquila, and part of Abruzzo. These things are deliuered for Truth: To which some Ecclesiasticall writers adde this also, that Charles gaue to the Church all Liguria, as farre as the riuer Varo, the furthest limit of Italy; Besides Mantoa, and all that which [Page 23] the Lombards held in Furly, and in Istria: As much (saith some one) of the Isle of Corsica, and all the countrie which lieth betweene the cities of Luni and Parma. For which benefits the Kings of France being magni­fied and extolled by those Popes, purchased the title of most Christian. And afterwards in the yeare of our Lord 800, Pope Leo with the people of Rome, (without any authority but his, who was as their Head) ele­cted Charles Emperor of Rome: Separating this part of the Empire euen in title frō that of the Emperor of Cōstantinople; as if Rome and the West parts, not being defended by them, had need of an Emperor of their owne.

The State of the Empire had bene now sicke of a consumpti­on for many yeares. The Dacian and Tartarian Gothes like two strong and maligne humours, had seazed vpon Rome, and other the more noble and vitall parts of Italy; they had intruded vpon the Emperors inheritance, rauaging and spoiling all that good­ly countrey: but by his army and naturall forces (as it were,) the venome of those strong ingredients is againe driuen out, the office of Exarchat is established, and the bodie of the Empire somewhat recouered from this desperate weakenesse, though not wholly restored to the former state of perfect health and sound constitution. Yet for all that the Pope is not so great, but that he still continues the Emperors vassall, and dares not take vpon him the Papacy, vnlesse he be first accepted and confirmed by the Emperor, or by his deputy the Exarch of Rauenna. But shortly after the body of the Empire falles into a relapse, and the effect shewes that A recidiuation is more dangerous then the roote of a disease: for the Lombards a fierce people, assailing Italy afresh, tyrannize ouer her with more violence and fury then the Gothes; They pull downe the authority, and quite extinguish the office and name of the Exarchat; they domineere with more insolence and continue longer: for those stoode not in their strength a­boue 60. yeares, these 200. at the least. Rome and the Pope smart vnder this scourge, and groane vnder this burden. They cannot helpe themselues, and the Emperor is not so farre offin place, as in abilitie and meanes to relieue them: They flee to France for [Page 24] succour. The French King inuades, subdues, and expelles the Lombards, and giues to the Church Vrbine, Agobbio, Taro, Rauenna, and many other Signories. This then that our Author here sets downe out of authenticall record, is the Popes faire Charter of Romagna, with the Buttings and Boundaries precisely set downe: whose title thereunto is lawfull and good: for what can be freer then gift, if the Doner haue a propertie and right in the thing giuen? And what right can be more iust and lawfull then that of the sword vpon an vsurper? Besides, the sonne confirmes the fa­thers donation, which makes the title the stronger: and reassures vnto the Church the Marquisate of Ancona, and Duchie of Spo­letum. As for that other share in the Ligurian mountaines, Furly, and Istria, whereunto the Popes Proctors and Parasites haue entitled him, and wherewith no Secular power euer inuested him, it is but an Vtopian Signory of the Popes: and if he should put in his claime, the States of Venice, and Genoa, the Dukes of Sauoy, and Mantoa, with other Italian Princes, would quickly put in their barre. But for this munificence of the French Kings to the Church, the Pope returned him a tribute, not of money or ho­mage, (for he held it as Lord Paramount, and so it was giuen him,) but of gratitude and thankfulnesse: In token whereof he gaue them the title of Most Christian: an honour which they in those times willingly accepted, and they and their successors since haue euer taken vpon them; yet was it not so sure to them and their heires, but that it might be lyable to forfeiture, if it pleased his Holinesse. For but 100. yeares since, vpon a displea­sure taken against that King, he intended to take the title from him, and to bestow it vpon the King of England: the Bull was rea­dy drawne for the Seale, and nothing wanted but the dispatch by messenger. And as here he resolued to take from that Crowne, that Noble title of Most Christian, which he chalenged to do be­cause he had giuen it: so, much about the same time, and vpon farre iuster cause, many Christian Princes and States tooke from him his proud title of Supreme Head of the Church-gouernment o­uer them and their subiects: because Princes had formerly gran­granted [Page 25] him that power for the generall good and benefit of the Church, which now they saw by their experience, and felt to their hurt, to be by him most grosly and shamefully abused. But so much haue our disloyall Loyolists benummed mens senses with superstitious stupiditie, as all that the Pope hath, must be beleeued to be Iure diuino; all that he saith, to be Gospell and truth; all that he doth, to be holy and iust. And herein none are so farre from reason and sence as we of this Nation, that are farre re­mote from this Court, and see not the abuse: Nay we are so per­uerse, as we will not beleeue what we see in this case; but they that are neare it, and see daily the contrary, are of contrary opinion. Let them reade but Guicciardines conclusion of this Digression, (which that Church hath most wrongfully effaced without de­sert, and reproued without answer:) he was a worthy Gentleman, of a noble house, learned in the Lawes, experienced in the grea­test affaires, well read in the most approued Authors, allowed of all wise men for his iudgement, beleeued of all good men for his truth; he wrote not but what he saw by proofe, or knew by reading; he complained not but vpon iust cause: Reade they him, (I say againe) and be satisfied in this point or neuer. For why should these poore ignorant men entrust those Ignatians onely, and none others, with the treasure of their dearest Iewels, their Knowledge, Iudgement, Conscience, Soule and all? Why may they not as well abuse vs with lies from Rome, as they mis-informe the simpler sort of Catholicks there, of vs? You shall see in some of their Churches, Tables hung vp to pourtray and expresse to the life, the seuerall persecutions of Catholicks here in England, in the late Queenes time, some worried to death in beasts skins by mastiffes: others pricked vnder the nailes with sharpe nee­dles: others drawne in peeces with wilde horses: and almost all the seuerall sorts of torture represented vnto vs in history out of the ten first persecutions of the Primitiue Church; to bring the simpler sort there in detestation of vs and our Religion: as by leasing and insinuation they bring the simpler sort here into ad­miration, or rather adoration of their Pope. But some of that [Page 26] Church (better experienced in our State-affaires, and more im­partiall in their affections to vs) wonder at our stupide credulity; others that stand ill affected to our Country, laugh at our simpli­citie, and feed the humour euen at their owne charge, expecting when it should proue the predominant Qualitie in the body of this our famous Iland, and by the fiery inflammation thereof, set the whole in combustion. For who is so mad to thinke, it is our soules health they seeke? They seeke not vs but ours: they seeke not the poore, but the great ones: they are wise in their generation, for they know one of these drawes with him a thou­sand, and the taking in of one principall Fort, brings vnder con­tribution the country round about. And they are wise in our ge­nerations also, for they know what Stocke in our country is fit­test to plant on, and which timber in our Forrest is aptest to make their shafts of, that the common enemie may haue his quiuer full of them when we meete him in the Gates of danger. They are moreouer wise in our naturall inclinations: for although the Masculine sexe be more worthy then the Feminine, either in a Grammaticall con­struction or a Ciuill, yet they choose this latter, as the apter for their end and purpose, because it is the easlier mis-led, and the hardlier reclaimed; the weaker to resist by reason, and the stron­ger to persist in wilfulnesse: new-fangled in their opinions as in their attire, louing nothing that is vulgar, no not the truth. And lastly, they are wise in our Oeconomicall administration, for they know that mothers gouerne here in chiefe in the hearts of chil­dren: Fathers but prouide for them, mothers feed them; fathers are austere, the mothers indulgent; fathers haue the awe, mo­thers the loue; fathers haue the eye, but mothers the heart: from whom with their milke they sucke this Veriuyce, where with the teeth of many great families are set on edge, and whereby with­in these few yeares their number is increased here among vs to a greater proportion (it must needs be a weed it groweth so fast) then history can summe vp vnto vs in Rome of good Christians, vpon the account of the first three hundred yeares. But returne we to our history. That prenominall Frontlet of Most Christian, [Page 27] the French King weares still as the fairest gemme of his Dia­deme: So is the Reall honour of the Imperiall Maiestie confer­red here vpon him. The Pope and the people of Rome giue the French this Title. For who but the Romanes should choose an Emperour of the Romanes? And therefore he had not this power alone, much lesse of himselfe, but ioyntly with the rest of the citizens; And so by consequence, not as he was Head and gouernour of the Church, but as he was Bishop of that citie: for it was his place in Rome, and not his office in the Church, that gaue him this power; which was not of ordination onely in him­selfe, but of suffrage with the rest. And surely most consonant it was to the necessitie of the times, that as in the minoritie and weaknesse of the Church, the Emperor allotted her a Guardian ofher owne, to bring her vp well, to maintaine her rights and priuiledges, & to defend her inheritance in his Court of Wards from the intrusion of others, vnder the safe-gard and protection of the supreame Imperiall Maiestie: So now the whole State of this citie of Rome both Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill, in this vtter de­cay of the Imperial power, should choose them a temporal Head of their owne, vnder whom both those States of that Towne might rest secured from the incursions and inundations of for­raigne and fierce Nations, wherunto formerly it had bin subiect.

GVICCIAR. By which separation, the Emperours of Constanti­nople neither lost Sicilia, nor those parts of Italie, which running from Naples to Manfredonia, are listed with the sea; for they were still vnder those Emperours. Neither for all this, was that power taken from the Emperour, That the election of the Pope should not stand good without the confirmation of the Emperour; in whose name Rome was still gouerned: Nay the Popes in all their Bulles, Priuiledges and Grants, expressed the Date in these formall words (Such a one our Lord the Emperour raigning.) In which easie Subiection or Dependance, call it whether ye will, the Popes continued till the successe of things embolde­ned them to take the rule themselues. For the power of the Emperours beginning to decline, first in the Successors of Charles (while yet the Em­pire [Page 28] was among them) through their discord and ciuill warre: and after by being translated to the Princes of Germanie, not so powerfull as were those other successors of Charles, by reason of the greatnesse of the king­dome of France: The Pope and people of Rome, by whose Magistrates she now began to be gouerned (though not without much trouble and tu­mult) derogating by all meanes as much as they could from the iurisdi­ction of the Emperours, established for a Law, That the election of the Pope should be no more confirmed by them. Which Law for many yeares was obserued or broken, according as by the alteration of their affaires the Imperiall power increased or diminished. The which growing to some strength in the race of the Othoes of Saxonie (Gregorie being likewise a Saxon and chosen Pope) through the loue he bare to his countrie, and hate to the Romanes for the persecutions he had endured by them, trans­ferred to his owne nation the power of choosing the Emperour, in such forme and manner as it is vsed at this day: forbidding the Emperours e­lect (to reserue to the Pope some prerogatiue) to take vpon them the Ti­tle of Emperour or of Augustus, vntill they had receiued the Imperiall Crowne. Hence grew the custome of their going to Rome to be crowned, and till then to vse no other Title but King of the Romanes, or Caesar. But afterwards, when the Othoes line was extinct, and the power of the Em­perors diminished, by reason the empire remained not hereditarie in great Princes, then began Rome openly to draw her necke out of the yoke of the Emperors obedience, and many other cities with her rebelled, during the raigne of Conradus of Sueuia. The Popes of Rome also seeking to enlarge their owne power, became as it were Lords of Rome, though many times through the insolencies and dissentings among the people of Rome, they found many oppositions. For the repressing whereof (by the fauour of Henrie 2. Emperour, and then at Rome) the Pope by a law now made, transferred the power of choosing Popes vpon the Cardinals onely.

THe glasse of time from Christ to vs is halfe runne out: the Empire is rent in two parts both in title and inheritance. The West Empire is giuen to France, the East is left to Con­stantinople: he of the West possesseth nothing of the firme inheri­tance, but the Imperiall Preheminence and Prerogatiue he re­taineth [Page 29] still, in a sample and large manner as before. For, con­cerning his Preheminence, all the Popes Bulles, Briefs, and Grants had their date running after this Tenor: (Such a one our Lord the Emperor raigning.) And as touching his Prerogatiue, he still confirmed the Election of the Pope: without him the act was inualidous and frustrate, the new Elect vncapable, and the place voide by law. But by whom was the Pope elected? By the people of Rome: a mutinous, seditious and rebellious multitude: the people and the Emperor make the Pope, the people and the Pope make the Emperor. In both which elections, the people seeme to haue the more actiue part, the Emperor and the Pope the negatiue onely. But is the Pope elected by that many-hea­ded monster the multitude, that will sing Osanna at noone, and cry Crucifige at night? comes he in by such an election, where the multiplicity of voyces ouerswayes the validitie of reasons? where commonly the greater part giue their Placet to the vn­worthier partie? Then surely many of our Forefathers feared iustly, that the Holy Ghost (whom they pretend to be President in all their Councels) had no Seate in such Sessions: and there­fore denied the necessity of this Consequence; that being once Pope, all Christians are bound in conscience, and vpon paine of damnation, to obey him. But now cometh in a new election of the Pope, by a new translation of the Empire, which after some 80. yeares residence hereditary in the successors of Charles the Great, is transferred from France to Germany, and there made E­lectiue. For these Princes being none of them so powerfull as a Monarch of France, the Emperor begins to lose his strength, and the Pope dares to take much more vpon himselfe then he was wont, and to detract much more from others then in right he ought: he takes from the Emperor the prerogatiue of confir­ming the new elect Pope, and from the Romans that double po­wer which they had: Of electing the Emperor (which he giues to certain Germaine Princes,) & electing the Pope of Rome, (which he giues to the Cardinalles:) and surely had he reserued to the Emperor his former right in the confirmation, this maner of ele­ction [Page 30] had bene much better then that other: not much vnlike our elections in the Church of England by the Deane and Chapter, confirmed by the King. For these Cardinalles were at the first simple Vicars or Prebends of seuerall parishes in Rome: but as the case now standeth, the election is altered à malo in peius, because they are not all as at the first, meere Church-men: some of them are not entred into any spirituall order (saue that of Deacon) and many of these he chooseth out of great houses, and of Prin­ces bloud, without respect of age, learning or piety; being so yong (as the philosopher saith) both in yeares and manners, as they are Inidonei auditores moralis philosophiae, much more Indigni Cardines sanctae matris Ecclesiae. These men he dignifieth with ti­tles, endoweth with reuenewes, and inuesteth with great offices and tot-quots of Church-liuings, to maintain their riot & pomp: that they may backe him with their great families and friends to support his vsurped authority and pride: which he voweth to hold fast, like Iulius 2, if not with Peters keyes, yet with Paules sword: If not by threates and excommunication, yet by warre & bloudshed: like the enraged witch of Greece, Flectere si nequeat Superos Acheronta mouebit, if God will not hold him vp, the diuell shall: when paper and lead lose their force, he tries what fire and powder can do. Now if these be the Princes Electors of the Pa­pacy, what hand can Christ haue in their election, but his with­drawing hand of long sufferance? where the choice is only in the Cardinalles, and the better part of these ouerborne by the grea­ter, and these carried away with particular respects of enuy or malice, or to their proper ends of ambition and couetousnesse. Two third parts of the Consistory are sufficient to make a Pope, and be he neuer so insufficient or vnworthy, yet the election is Canonical. Looke into any of their Conclaues or Sessions for an election, you shall commonly finde three or foure seuerall heads of Factions (Minions to three or foure precedent Popes) by whom they had their greatnesse, and by it their followers: A­mong these you shall obserue such iealousies and emulations, such supplanting and subornation, such canuasing for voyces, [Page 31] such setting of stales, such working of friends, such vndermi­ning of opposites, such promises and threates, such iugling and false play, that we may truly say of the most of them, as is recor­ded of one; They enter like Foxes: with more cunning and chea­ting then is vsed in the choise of any other Magistrate, in any state whatsoeuer. Nay there be such proficients and crafts­masters in this art, as haue writ comments vpon this text, and gi­uen the Cardinalles a method and rules, how to carry this busi­nesse with finest conueyance, for effecting their purpose, and e­lecting a Papable creature of their owne. Surely these men may well choose him the Prince of the Churches State in Italy (as be­ing Peeres of the same) and make him Supreme Gouernor of all causes aswell Ecclesiasticall as Ciuil, in those her Signories & Do­minions: But to make him Head and Gouernor of the whole state of Christs Church they cannot. Let them hold the power and prerogatiue of the Palatines and Castellans in Poland (where the Scepter is likewise eligible) to choose him Head ouer themselues and States, not ouer others, whom they little knowne and haue lesse to do withall. For what haue the Emperors to do ouer vs? much lesse the Pope (his Vassalle) and the Popes Vassalles least of all: who had all their authority and gouernement originally from the Emperor. If they will not approue our Bishops and Priests because they haue not their ordination from them, as they had heretofore: why should we submit our selues to the Pope, or admit of this his election? For if this by his Cardinals be good, what was then that former, when the whole citie of Rome, Clergie and Laitie, chose him, and the Emperor confirmed him? But if both be allowed for good, and the authority exercised by both maintained for iust and lawfull; why should not the digni­ties and orders in our Church be sacred and holy, though the or­dination be altered? whereinto none can enter among vs, but he must first acknowledge an inward calling, and be approued for his conuersation of life, and sufficiencie of learning, besides other things necessarily required by our Canons. But what cal­ling call ye that I pray you of the Pope here in Conclaue? For he [Page 32] comes not to Peters chaire at Christs call, (Sequere me,) as Peter did: But a yong Cardinall of the later edition, and (perhaps) worst condition, a Nephew to the last Pope, and a Fauourite of the time, comes with his followers, out-numbers his opposites, and names his man: Dixit & factus est; The businesse is at an end: Onely the rest come in for company, or for feare, when they see they cannot preuaile. For in the Cardinalles Conclaue, as in Plutos Parlament, there must be a consent. Adfremuit Proser­pina, allatrauit Cerberus, asciuit plebs, fic apud eos sanciuntur omnia: The whole Conclaue conuenteth, euery faction propoundeth, the strongest preuaileth, the whole Quire consenteh, and then Te Deum, the new Pope is chosen. A new Pope indeede, and a new kinde of Pope, farre vnlike those of former times. For now he absolutely shakes off the yoake of obedience to the Emperor. The citie of Rome it selfe also with many other great townes runne into manifest rebellion against him: and this holy Head of the Church, becomes chiefe head of the faction, as ap­peareth in this next section.

GVICCIAR. To the greatnesse of the Pope, now also happened this new augmentation. For the Normans of whom the first was Wil­liam Fierabacchio, hauing got from the Emperors of Constantinople the Countries of Puglia and Calabria: Robert Guicciadorno one of that race, either to strengthen himselfe with some colour of Religion, or to be more able to defend himselfe against those Emperors, or for some other respect; restored Beneuentum to the Church, as to it of right belonging: and ac­knowledged to hold the Duchie of Puglia & Calabriain fee of the Church of Rome: whose example one of his family imitating, and driuing Willi­am one of the same stocke out of Puglia and Calabria, he recognized to hold those Prouinces in fee of the Church, Anno 1130, vnder the title of the King of both Sicills: The one on this side the Faro, the other be­yond: The Popes not refusing, for their owne particular ambition and profit, to cherish and maintaine the tiranny and vsurpation of others. For which cause, pretending yet further (as the ambitious desire of man is neuer staied) the Popes also began to depriue some of those kings, [Page 33] that were not obedient to their commandements, and to grant those kingdomes to others. By this meanes they came to Henrie sonne of Fre­dericke Barbarossa, and from Henrie to Fredericke the 2. his sonne, all three successiuely Emperors of Rome. But Fredericke becoming a sharpe scourge to the Church, (in whose time sprang vp the two factions Guel­phes and Ghibellines, the Pope being head of the one, and the Emperor of the other) the Pope after the death of the Emperor granted the Inuesti­ture of those kingdomes to Charles Earle of Aniow and Prouence, impo­sing vpon them a yearely tribute of fiue thousand ounces of golde, and with condition that thence after none of those Kings should accept to be Emperor: which condition is euer since expresly specified in all their In­stalments. The kingdome of the Isle of Sicil being afterwards possessed by the Kings of Arragon, was in short time freed of that Tribute, and of the Recognition to be held in fee of the Church. It is also a report (though not so true as what hath bene said hitherto) that Mawde the Countesse, a rich Princesse in Italie, gaue to the Church that part of Italie which is li­mited by the riuer Pescia, and the Castle of San Quirico on the one side, and by the riuer of Tyber, and the neather sea on the other, now called the Patrimonie of S. Peter. Others also adde, that she gaue to the Church the citie of Ferrara, but neither is this certaine. But that yet is more doubt­full which some one hath written, that Autopert King of the Lombards, in their most flourishing time gaue to the Church the Cocceian Moun­taines, wherein they say is included Genoa, euen as farre as Prouence. And that Lutiprand a King of the same nation, gaue her Sabina, a coun­trie neare Rome, Narni and Ancona, with diuers other places.

NOw comes the Church of Rome to be entitled to both the Sicils, that is, Sicilia it selfe, still so called, and almost all that which at this day is called the kingdome of Naples. She had that of Romagna lawfully: how comes she by this? By the grant of an vsurper a tyrant. She giues him the title of King; and he yeelds her the homage and fealtie of a Vassall, as to his supreame Soue­raigne. Thus for a time they hold good quarter and correspon­dencie together comme Larrons en Foyre. But friendship baptized in Ambition and Tyrannie, is quickly renounced: for not long [Page 34] after she depriues these French (Successors of Guicciadorno,) and inuesteth the Dutch (Successors of Barbarossa) in these king­domes; The father, sonne and grandfather, all three Emperours successiuely. But the holy Father is displeased with this vngraci­ous grandsonne, vpon some misdemeanour of his, and now in reuenge he begins to play Rex (it is not yet fiue hundred yeares since:) Now he begins to thunder and lighten like angry Ioue, & laies about him on all sides with his Keyes in the one hand, and his Sword in the other: the Histories are full of the troubles and miseries of those times. But why did not he this before? Had none of those Christian Emperours formerly failed of their du­tie to the Empire, when they left Rome abandoned to the vio­lence of the enemie? or of their obedience and awfull reuerence to the Papacie, when they placed and displaced Popes at their pleasure? If he had as great power before, why did he not vse it when he had as great cause? If he had it not then, why doth he now vsurpe it? The death of Henrie 3. in France, and failing of the fire-worke here in England, will answer vs easily to this point. For the Pope, As he neuer approues a mischiefe till it be done, so he neuer chalengeth a power till he be able by the sword and fine force to maintaine the vsurpation. As here with his faction of Guelphes he did, against the Emperour and his Ghibellines. But this furie against Frederick hath some colour of iustice; he might vpon a forfeit giue or take Naples to whom or frō whō he pleased, for he was the chiefe Lord (though by grant of a tyrāt) but now of later years he wil giue the West Indies to Spaine, and the East to Portugall: he will giue Great Brittaine to him that can get it, and a new world (if there be any) to him that can finde it. The vndertakers know well enough, they be not his to giue, (except from him that said, All this will I giue thee.) But euery false Pretext is a iust Title to the sharpe sword of Ambition once vnsheathed: so that it is euident, there was neuer so couetous a taker, nor so prodigall a giuer. But if he will needs be giuing, let him do it of his owne: let him giue out of Romagna; his title hath here bene tried, and proued lawfull: Or out of S. Pe­ters Patrimony (a faire portion in Tuscanie) which is here some­what [Page 35] doubted, though neither trauersed nor euicted from him. Onely I would intreate him to spare Naples, it is in a good hand alreadie, and one that will hold it hard vnder his nose, and in spite of his teeth, though his Holinesse be much grieued at it.

GVICCIAR. Thus as the state of things varied, so varied the estate of these Popes with the Emperors. For being at first for many ages persecuted by the Emperors, and after freed from this terror by the con­uersion of Constantine, they tooke rest: and attending onely to spirituall matters, they liued as it were meerly subiect many yeares vnder the shadow of the Emperours; and continued long after in low estate, being quite debarred from medling with them, by reason of the Lombards great­nesse. But after that by the meanes of the kings of France they had obtai­ned a temporall power, they yet held strict amitie with the Emperors, and depended wholly vpon their authoritie, so long as the dignitie Imperiall continued in the Successors of Charles the Great, both in memorie of for­mer benefits giuen and receiued betweene them, as also in regard of the Emperours greatnesse. After the declination whereof, they separating themselues wholly from their friendship, began to make open profession that the Pontificall dignitie was rather to giue lawes to the Emperours, then to take them. And therfore hating aboue all things to returne to their former subiection, and that none of the Emperours might attempt their former right, either in Rome or elsewhere (as some of them, either of greater force, or of more noble spirits had essayed to do) they opposed them­selues openly by force of armes against the Emperors, being assisted with those tyrants, which vnder the title of Princes (with the cities which had freed themselues) had quit their alleageance, and acknowledged no lon­ger the authoritie of the Emperor. Hereupon it grew, that the Popes ta­king more and more vpon them, and vsing the terrour of their spirituall armes for temporall occasions; and interpreting that as the Vicars of Christ vpon earth, they were aboue the Emperours; and that the charge of worldly matters in many cases appertained to them, they sometimes depriued them of their Imperiall dignitie, and stirred vp the Electors to choose others in their roomes: and on the other side, the Emperors either chose, or caused to be chosen other Popes.

[Page 36] THis Recapitulation or Summary of what hath formerly bin said, brings vs to the full period of the Popes height and greatnesse, (though his ambition be boundlesse, and his pride vvithout period.) For now he vvill no longer take lawes of the Emperours, but as Vicar of Christ vvill giue lawes vnto them. He proues it out of good authors, The Tyrants and Rebels in Italie: and by strong arguments, Fire and sword, cursing and excom­munication, armes temporall and spirituall. But he carries it not so easily away: for the Emperour encounters him at his owne wea­pons: Fire against fire, sword against sword, father against son, Ghibelline against Guelphe, with the effusion of much Christian bloud; and all the miserable effects that bloudie warre brings with it. Where is now our great Law-giuer, by whose whole­some and peacefull ordinances the whole Church should be go­uerned? Where is this great Shepheards care of Christs little flocke, that sends them thus to the shambles of death and de­struction? Our Lator-Legis and Pastor-Gregis, is now become a Legi-rupa and Sangui-suga. He hath turned Pasce oues to Vesci san­guine: he hath passed his commission (as Caesar did,) and is wa­ded vp to the chinne through the bloudie Rubicon, and so is be­come Rebell to his Soueraigne Lord the Emperour, as also to the state of the Church, whereof he had the gouernment by commission Here therefore it is not amisse to consider as Ga­maliel did, whence the Pope had this commission, whether of God, or of men? If of men, it must proue as other gouernments haue done: if of God, it must haue the foundation in Humilitie, the raising in Iustice, and the continuance in Peace, as the Gos­pell had: out of which holy Roote can neuer grow such ranke weeds of Pride, Iniustice and Warre. But to say (as they of the Romish Church write) that if Christ had not left this Gouer­nour to his Church, he had left the sheepe without a Shep­heard; hath no necessitie of consequence: vve may rather in­ferre, that it had bene a committing of the Lambes to the VVolfe. But a care he had of his Church, and so he testi­fied: a Gouernour hee promised, and so hee performed. [Page 39] A Gouernor that should euer comfort vs in all our tribulati­ons and afflictions, and that should euer continue vs in his Truth, (The Spirit of Truth) to direct and guide vs in all the waies of Godlinesse, Verity, and Vertue. This Gouernor he sent within ten daies after his Ascension. Other then this to rule in Chiefe in the inward man, the Church hath none; and he ruleth still in the hearts of her children, and euer shall.

GVICCIAR. The state of the Church being much weakened by these discords, and no lesse by the residence of the Court of Rome for 70. yeares together at the citie of Auignon, as also by the Schisme which fol­lowed the Popes returne into Italie: many great men vsurped vpon the cities in their owne countries, though in subiection to the Church, espe­cially those of Romagna: which vsurpers the Popes either pursued, or not being able to ouercome them, made Grants of those places to the same men; To hold of the Church in fee; or else set vp other heads against them, and gaue (these) the inuestiture. Thus began the cities of Romagna to haue seuerall Lords, vnder the title for the most part, of Vicars of the Church: So the gouernment of Ferrar a being giuen by the Pope, to Azzo d'Estè, was after granted him vnder the title of Vicar: whose familie in processe of time was dignified with more noble titles. So Bologna being taken by Iohn Visconti Archbishop of Millan, was after granted him by the Pope, vnder the title of a Vicariat. By like meanes, in many ci­ties of the Marquisate of Ancona, of the patrimonie of Saint Peter, and of Vmbria, (now called the Duchy of Spoleto) there start vp seuerall Lords either against the Popes will, or with his forced consent. The like variations happening also to the Imperiall cities in Lombardie, it fell out very often that according to the current of the times, the cities of Ro­magna, and others of the Churches state, reuolting openly from her go­uernment, would acknowledg to holde those places in fee of the Emperor: And those that held Millan, Mantoa, and other Imperiall cities in Lom­bardie, would acknowledge to hold them in fee of the Church. And in these very times Rome was gouerned of her selfe: though the Church held still the name of the gouernment. For albeit at the first when the [Page 38] Popes returned from Auignon into Italie, they were obeied as Lords of the towne: yet notwithstanding the Romans shortly after, choosing the office of the Banderesi, fell to their old obstinacy. Whereupon the Popes hauing litle authoritie there, left the Towne, and resided elsewhere: vntill the townesmen being impouerished, and fallen into great disorder, through the absence of the Court; and the yeare 1400. approaching, in which they hoped (if the Pope were at Rome,) there should be great con­course of all Christendome, by reason of the Iubiley: they made humble supplication to Pope Boniface, that he would returne; offering to abolish the office of the Banderesi, and to submit themselues wholly to his obedi­ence. Vpon which conditions he returning, and the Romans attending to the gaine of that yeare; he possessed himselfe absolutely of the gouernment of that citie, and put a Garrison in the Castle of S. Angelo. Whose Suc­cessors, though till the time of Eugenius they had somewhat to do, yet af­terwards they gouerned that citie at their pleasure without any fur­ther trouble.

WE haue formerly seene by what right the Church of Rome holds her temporall Inheritance in Italie: Here we see how wrongfully it is wrested and wrung out of her possessi­on, and vpon what occasion. The Lords of Romagna, and other parts of Italie, see her much weakened by her forraine warres with the Empire, and her intestine garboiles within her owne bowels by a Schisme, as also that she is farre from them, and the Court resident at Auignon, (the very reason of the Churches re­uolt from the Empire) they take the aduantage of the time, and euery one gets a fleece. It was vniustly done of them, (though she were iustly serued, that had manie times done the like vpon the Empire.) There is like reuolt in manie Imperiall townes of Ita­lie: they all change their Copie. The Popes rebells acknowledge to hold of the Emperor, and the Emperors to hold of the Church. Rome also will not be ruled, she will haue officers of her owne: and were it not that she is poore of her selfe, and cannot liue without the residencie of the Court, she would no more then others liue vnder the presidencie of the Pope. But necessitie [Page 39] driues the Romans to accept him for their Soueraigne Lord: & iealousie of another reuolt, makes him to keepe them in awe, by his Garrison in S. Angelo, (as now in these later times he forceth the world to obedience, by his Legionaryes of S. Loyola.) Thus by a long series and tract of time, hath our Author brought vs from the infancie of the Chuch, and publick maintenance there­of by Imperiall authoritie, (the true time of the Churches Iubi­ley) to the yeare of our Lord 1400. the second Iubiley of the Churches Institution. For it began not till 1300. when it was or­dained by Boniface 8. to be celebrate and solemnized euery hun­dreth yeare: after that it changed to euerie fiftieth by Clement 6. and since to euerie fiue and twentith by Sixtus 4. The true rea­son of the Institution is here giuen vs, and the same (one of them) that we giue for our Marts and Faires; not to draw people from sinne, but to draw multitudes to Rome; not for the good of Gods Church, but for the enriching of that Citie and Court. Though the citie I must confesse, affords vs the better ware, and cheaper peniworth: for there we haue foode, raiment and lodg­ing for our money. But on the otherside of the Faire (which is no better then a Fripperie of the rotten rags of mans inuention,) as we haue nothing without money, so we haue nothing for our monie, but the ballets of Indulgences and Pardons, babies of Saints-pictures, Rattles of Beads and Medals, with other such hobby-horses, and trash, fit onely for such as wipe their noses on their sleeues; which the chapmen themselues stop mustard-pots withall, howsoeuer the simple, religious, pious, honest Buier, holds them as they cost him, (deare.) And thus hauing likewise brought the Popes Holinesse to this yeare of Iubiley, (a true Iubi­ley to him, who neuer till now could be peaceably possessed of Rome) our Author leaues him, and shuts vp this graue, learned, and necessarie Digression, with a worthie, iust, and Christian complaint, in this conclusion following.

GVICCIAR. By these foundations, and by these meanes, being raised to an earthly power, casting off by litle and litle, the remembrance [Page 40] of the soules health, and the lawes of God, and bending all her thoughts to worldly greatnesse: No longer vsing the Spirituall power, but as an in­strument and minister of the Temporall: Their cares and endeuours were now no longer a sanctitie of life, no longer a propagation of Religion, no longer a zeale and charity towards their neighbour: but armies, but warre against Christians, managing their sacrifices with bloudie hands and thoughts, and augmenting of treasure: New lawes, new trickes, new sleights, to get money on euery side: To vse the spirituall armes without respect for this onely end: To prophane sacred things without shame, for this onely purpose. The great wealth lauishly bestowed vpon them and their whole Court, was accompanied with pride, luxury, dishonesty, lust, and abhominable pleasures. No care of their successours, no thought of the perpetuall dignitie of the Papacy. But in steade thereof, an ambi­tious and pesaforous desire to exalt their children, nephews and kinred, not onely to excessiue riches, but to Principalities and Kingdomes. No longer conferring dignities and preferments vpon men of desert and vir­tue, but selling them alwaies as it were to the most giuer, or casting them away vpon persons apt for ambition, for lust, and for shamefull plea­sures. By which acts of theirs, the Papall reuerence being vtterly decaied in the hearts of men, and yet notwithstanding their power being still supported by the effectuall and powerfull maiestie of Religion, and aided much by the meanes they haue to gratifie great Princes, and those great personages which are about them, by preforments and other Ecclesiasti­call grants; whereby knowing themselues to be in great respect among men, and that who so takes armes against them purchaseth much infa­mie, and oftentimes the opposition of other Princes, with small gaine whatsoeuer be the euent: and that if they conquer, they vse the victorie as they list; and if they be conquered, they haue what conditions they will: Ambition pricking them forward, to take from their neighbours both priuate estates and Principalities, they haue bene very often and of long time, the instruments to stirre vp warre and new combustions in I­taly. But to returne to my former purpose, from whence my iust sor­row, and the publicke losse haue transported me, more farre then be­comes the rules of History, &c.

[Page 41] THus farre Guicciardine: and where he leaues, take we vp our complaint: and if Protestant Princes haue vsed that power which they haue immediatly from God, to reforme these abu­ses, to redresse our wrongs, and to vindicate their right out of the hands of this Vsurper, who can iustly chalenge them? For seeing the Church of Rome hath incroached and intruded yeare by yeare, by little and little vpon this Free-hold and Prerogatiue of Princes, as the yeare it selfe doth winne certaine minutes and seconds, which in long tract of time breed a great alteration: they were forced to reforme the Churches in their owne seue­rall States, as neare the truth and custome of the Primitiue Church as they could, euen as Rome hath reduced the yeare ten daies nearer to the Iulian account: yet neither are these Re­formations without some small blemish, nor those Reductions without some small error, that both Rome and they might in all humilitie confesse, All that is of man, to be vnperfect like himselfe. Let God be true, and euery man a liar.

OVr defection is therefore not from what she was, but from that she is; from the Authoritie she at last vsurped, not from the Religion she at first receiued: That, she cannot in iustice e­stablish but in her owne proper dominions, where the Sword of France hath made her absolute Princesse: This, God of his goodnesse hath left free to the world, to be maintained by the Scepter of Christian Princes, whose right of inheritance hath made them as absolute as her selfe. So that our Contestation with her, and Protestation against her Papall tyrannie, is in the end like that in former times of the Barons of this Land (though not in the nature, because theirs was against their naturall liege Lord and Soueraigne) who contested for their Franchisements and Liberties which were granted them by the Magna Charta, and deriued from those good old lawes of Saint Edward the Confessor. For this High Priest would take from vs that immunitie and freedome we had at first, of owing our obedience to none but God, and our King, and would bring vs vnder the yoke of his [Page 42] forraine Iurisdiction, which in the good old world of the Primi­tiue Church was not so, and whereof we are freed by our Great Charter of the Gospell; Giuen vs by the Father, Penned by the holy Spi­rit, Sealed by his deare Sonne, and witnessed by the death of many thou­sands of Martyrs.

WHy then should the Papist inferre (I call him not Catho­lick, for to be a good Catholick is to be a good Christian, but to be a Papist is to be a Romish Statist, a disciple of the Ie­suite, not of Iesus:) why should he vrge (I say) that we renounce our Religion to God, by quitting our obedience to the Pope, vvhen wee see no such correlation betweene them? Nay we plainly discouer a manifest Antithesis and opposition of the Pre­cept of the one, to the Practise of the other. Surely, let them say what they can; to be a Catholick and to be a Protestant, are not two seueral Religions in the root: both are Christians, both build their faith and profession vpon Christ. He is the Rocke where­upon they stand: he is the Truth, vvherein they agree; other truth then in him there is none. But many falshoods there are, as those of the Turke and Persian, who differ much in disputable points, yet are professors of one and the same prophane Maho­metan Religion. The Turk holds himselfe the onely Mussullman, i. true beleeuer; and the Persian to be an hereticke, and in a dam­nable way: So thinkes the Papist of the Protestant, but, id populus curat scilicet. As for vs, we are not so vncharitable to condemne all them of the Catholick Religion, because they differ in dispu­table points from vs; nor so ignorant in our owne, as not to be alwaies able and readie to iustifie it for the same which was plan­ted by Christ, taught in his word, confirmed with miracles, and professed in the Primitiue Church. Now whatsoeuer concerneth Religion, belongeth either to God or to Caesar: The matter and foundation (which is the truth) to God, who hath the Mini­sters of his word to deliuer it: the manner and forme of exerci­sing it (which is the gouernment) to the King, who hath those Ministers of the word, the Ministers of his power, to put it in [Page 43] execution. Of this neither ought the Papist to robbe him, nor the Anabaptist to denie him. Giue vnto Caesar what belongeth to Cae­sar, and giue vnto God what belongeth to God. God spake these vvords and said, I am the Lord thy God, &c. Here is the mat­ter of Religion, By God. All that the Lord commandeth by his ser­uant Moses, that will we doe: here is the obedience both of Priest and people, in the forme and manner: By the hand of Moses and Christian Princes, not by the mouth; not to teach them the truth, but to rule and gouerne them vnder the truth, and according to the vnchangeable and eternall lawes and ordi­nances thereof.

WE haue not therefore quit our first Colours of Christia­nitie, vve fight still vnder the Standard of the red Crosse, like true Christians, vvhich will euer dare to display it selfe for the maintenance of our Religion, and honour of our State: and I as­sure my selfe there are many thousands amongst vs (vvhom they presume to be sure their owne) vvho vvhen they shall see those Colours flying in open field, will with vs flie in the face of the common enemie, though he bring the Banner of the Crosse keyes before him. For howsoeuer they be nuzled and mis-led by their corner catechizings in matter of beleefe and conscience, yet if they be not wilfully blinde, they may perceiue with vs, that the Pope seekes not to rectifie the Church in our State for the truths sake, but to re-gaine his vsurped authoritie in our Church for his profits sake: vvould we but giue him this, he would giue vs leaue to beleeue what we list.

WE march still therefore with all good Catholicks vnder him that is and was their Leader and ours from the begin­ning. We may differ from them in apparelling, arraying, and em­battelling our men: but our weapons are faith and works of piety, as theirs, and our end is all one: We fight for life. Here is the chiefe and maine point we stand on, We will haue a Prince of our owne, to go in and out before vs: We will haue a Lieutenant [Page 44] of our owne, vnder Christ our Generall, in this our Christian warfare, to gouerne our campe, and keepe vs vnder military Discipline: we like not the Venetian manner, to haue a forraine hireling chiefe commander of our troupes: We feare no vsurpa­tion as they do. God and his Right hath made our King what he is (next himselfe vpon earth) in these his dominions: he will be no more, he ought be no lesse. And therefore him do vve follow, vn­der him will we serue, and vvith him will we fight, as in all his bat­tels of Honour and State, so much more in an action of such con­sequence as this, Of life or death euerlasting. If the Pope and his Cardinals haue clipped the vvings of the holy Ghost, (vvho they say is President in all their Conclaues) that he cannot flie ouer the Alpes to fetch a fit man for that holy Sea, (for now of late they haue resolued, That no Tramontano shall be Papeable,) vvhy may not we likewise establish by law, that no cause of ours shall by a Tramontano be determinable? vvhy should not we clip his wings of Ambitiō that would still flutter ouer vs, & pare his nailes of Auarice that would still be scratching from vs; so high moun­taines, a large Continent, and a maine Sea being betweene vs?

Seeing therefore the Sunne of Righteousnesse shineth vpon this land with the bright beames of his Gospell, which nei­ther abrogateth vvholesome and ciuill lawes, nor abridgeth the power of Princes ordained by them: seeing he hath drawne the Romish foggie mists of superstition and error from our eies, and hath rained his sweet dewes of blessings vpon vs, in a religi­ous King, a hope-full Prince, a peacefull Gouernment, a prudent Councell, and a powerfull State, able vvith his Sword to maintaine his right against vvhat enemie soeuer to his power or peace: and seeing that nothing is vvanting to make vs the hap­piest people on earth, but an vnanimous and vniforme concur­rence in the Seruice of our God, and obedience of our Soue­raigne: let vs all like true Israelites follow this our Moses out of that Egyptian bondage; let vs ioyne with the hearts of obedi­ence and hands of assistance, in so iust a quarrell, for so good a [Page 45] Prince, against so Imperious an vsurper. Let none of vs be any longer abused and ensnared, yea and gulled by these prosessors of Lysanders doctrine, who taught that children must be decei­ued with Chance-bones, and men with Oathes: So these, with the old stampe of the diuells oracles at Delphos, of aequiuocall am­phibologies, and mentall reseruations, cosen and delude the world.

BVt Rome hath preserued a forme of a Church, and kept the bookes of Gods law, and Records of our Religion, from the fury of Barbarians, and ruines of time, else how had we knowne either the law or the Gospell? They say very well, we acknow­ledge it so, and we thanke God for it, that made her the meanes: But what then? Did not the old Iewes preserue the old Testa­ment for the Christians? Else how had these knowne, but by those venerable and sacred Records of Antiquitie, all the Pro­phecies which are there registred from the beginning of the world, of their true Messias, which haue since bene fulfilled in his coming? Were Christians therefore so bound to the Iewes, or Rome to Ierusalem, as not to forsake them when they had forsa­ken their fore-promised Redeemer? and not to seeke a new citie of Peace in Christs holy Gospell? Nay rather Rome had a feare­full example by them, that such old treasurers of the Truth may become Bank-rupt of all Faith and Pietie: that she may preach to others, and be her selfe a cast-away. Had they any such war­rant, not to erre, not to fall? Ought not she with more care to haue preserued Religion in all Puritie, and professed it in all Hu­militie? Be not high minded, but feare: For if God spared not the naturall Branches, take heed least he also spare not thee. Behold therefore the bountifulnesse and seueritie of God: Towards them that are fallen, seueritie: but towards thee, bountifulnesse, if thou continue in his bountifulnesse: otherwise thou shalt also be cut off. A memorable caueat and fearefull threat, from that Diuine, and Diuining Spirit of the blessed Apostle, euen to this verie Rome with which we haue now our contestation. For such is our case [Page 46] with her, as was hers with the Iewes: we haue forsaken her, be­cause she hath forsaken her first Faith. The faithfull citie is be­come an harlot. Let her therefore no more vpbraide vs with her three Conuersions of this our Land, we can more iustly chalenge her of thirtie subuersions she hath attempted vpon it. For, to at­tacke vpon the life and person of a Prince, to giue foment to treasons, and encouragement to Traitors, yea and reward also; what is this but to seeke the subuersion of the whole State? As for the last Fire-worke, all the powers of hell were combined in the conspiracy, and but hell it selfe can afford it a fit name, as but Heauen alone could preuent the danger. A Frier first inuenter of such hellish and sulphurious powder, and a Priest the latest pra­ctiser to put it to the vtmost proofe: What worke call ye this, ye workers of iniquitie, that sets a stigmaticall brand, and an in­delible staine vpon your order for euer?

BVt they say, He that is not in the Bosome of the Church, is in the bowels of perdition: He that is not saued in the Arke, pe­risheth in the waters: He hath not God for his Father, that hath not the Church for his Mother: Without the Church there is no saluation. So say we: and that there is no damnation, disinheri­ting, drowning, or destruction, to them that are in this bosome of safetie, ship of assurance, family of the faithfull, and societie of the elect. But these propositions, howsoeuer they be spoken of the visible Church by the ancient Fathers, yet most sure it is, that they meant not to tie thé to the Church of Rome. For S. Cypri­an vsed one of those Maximes professedly against Stephen the then Pope of Rome. And the Councell of Basil proued the Pope (who would needs be aboue the Councels) to be a Schismaticke and rent from the Church, because he ought to be subiect to the Church, Quanto matre inferior est filius. Could they but per­swade vs, that these Maximes of the ancient Father's were meant of the Church of Rome onely, and necessarily tied thereunto; we would come flocking thither in such full troupes, as they neuer had the like Iubiley there; and would all be humble suitors to his [Page 47] Holinesse, that the Porta-Santa might not be shut vp, so long as fiue and twenty yeares together, we would haue a continuall and perpetuall Iubiley in Rome: wherein we would make no doubt to preuaile, hauing so good pleaders in our behalfe, as that whole Court and Citie, who would be glad to pay well for the purchase, and yet be sure to get well by the bargaine. But this they shall neuer be able to perswade, that all that are vnder the Popes protection and Benedicite are safe, as vnder the seuen­fold shield of Aiax, from all those perils which befall him who is fallen from the Church: nor they that are vnder his maledi­ction and curse, are liable to all those spirituall dangers, from which a Child of the true Church is free. Wherefore, while the Church of Rome appropriates to her selfe whatsoeuer is said of the Church Catholick, either in the Scriptures or Fathers, she doth but imitate the frantick Greeke, who when he saw any ships arriue in the Port of Athens, supposed them all his owne, and (without any warrant from the Custome-house) would offer to make seazure of all the wares. So she without any warrant of the Dogana-Santa of Gods word, or custome of the Primitiue Church, will seaze vpon this rich and heauenly commoditie, and others must haue it but at second hand: She will haue the fee simple of the Inheritance, and other Churches must hold of her by Copie, and in Base seruice. Now what is this but to tie Christs Church to a particular place and people? And what is that but meere Donatisme, which admitted no Church in those times but that of Aphrica? Is it not Catholick and vniuer­sall both in place, and profession? Hath not Christ his Church in Constantinople, Cairo, Rome, and Geneua? in Europe, Affrick, Asia, America, and places yet vnknowne? Or hath God made all the world, but this little Angle of Europe, (and by their reckoning) not a moitie of that neither, for nought but perdition? Nimis altum sapiunt. This is to presse into the Sanctum Sanctorum of Gods secret counsailes, where none but the high Priest of our soules may enter: This is to dare looke God in the face, which Moses himselfe not could nor durst aduenture. Let them looke lower [Page 48] where they are, lest they fall lower then they are. It is onely knowne to him who are his. His mercy is ouer all his workes, by this he will be glorified as well as by his iudgments, euen in pla­ces farre remote, where the sound of the Gospell hath not yet bene heard. Let them not therefore shut Charity out of Hea­uen, though in this iron-age of the world she be almost quite banished the earth already. Let the poore Fugitiue haue that place of refuge.

VVHerefore let not Rome lay claime to the whole inheri­tance, who had iust title but to an elder daughters part, which she may also forfeit by breaking couenants. For I am perswaded that what the ancient Fathers gaue peculiarly to her, when she shined more gloriously then her yonger sisters in the beauty of pure Religion & white Robes of godly conuersation, if they were now liuing, they would againe take from her, vpon this plaine discouery of her defection and deformity. It is repor­ted, that Angelo the famous Artizan of Italy, drawing the pi­ctures of S. Peter and S. Paule, for a Cardinall, a good friend and benefactor of his, pourtraied them with very red and high co­loured faces; whereas neither the Scripture, nor any Ecclesiasti­call history, nor any originall Tablet describeth them by such complexions: being asked the reason, Because (quoth he) if they were now liuing, they could not but blush at the pompe of you Cardinals, the pride of this Court, and the abuses of this Church in generall.

AS therefore they cannot proue vs out of the Church, no more can they shew vs fallen from her vnity. From theirs we professe a diuision, and are now as heretofore readie to iustifie our parting. But Schisme or diuision in our owne Church we haue none: we liue vnder the obedience thereof in all awfull­nesse, with a more willing and lesse forced subiection then they: For what she commandeth we readily obey, and were it but a matter in different before the commandement, we now hold it [Page 49] a matter of conscience: because we acknowledge she hath this power ouer her owne children, by Gods holy ordinance, which bindes vs in this strong Tie of obedience, by the vertue of his word. We likewise reuerence the Order of Priesthood, that hath the ordination from her, and acknowledge the power & vertue thereof: we confesse to haue our Initiation into Christianitie, & to be made the members of Christ by Baptisme from the Priest: from him to haue our incorporation into Christ assured vnto vs by the blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist, or of the Altar, call it whether you will, (for the one is but an Appellation from the A­ction, the other from the Place where it is sanctified.) From him we haue our Reconciliation to our Mother the Church, after our fall, by confessing our sinnes vnto him, and being absolued by him: knowing that if our confession be true, our contrition heartie, and repentance vnfained; he hath power by Gods or­dinance to restore vs to the state of Grace, and to receiue vs into the bosome of the Church, otherwise not: For his Absolution is not absolute, it is but ex Hypothesi. Nay we farther confesse, that we cannot haue the participation of any of these graces & blessings, but by his Ministerie onely; for this is Gods holy ordi­nance in his Church, whereof we professe & maintaine ours to be a principall member. So that we haue not cast off the sweete yoke of Christian gouernmēt, nor are we those Libertines they would faine make vs: for whatsoeuer our Church enioyneth, that will we, & must we do. If she commaund vs to an Anniuersa­rie & stationarie confession of our sins to the Priest, vve vvill o­bey: for we ought to go to him in case of doubt for instruction, & in case of conscience for comfort; and so we do: We are not such enemies to Auricular confession, as they take vs: but it is true, the Cubicular confession which their Priests vse here a­mong vs, we do not allow, nor do I thinke the married Catho­licks in Italy would euer admit it. If she commaund vs to adorne our Churches with beautifull Tablets & Apparaments, to decke our Priests with seemly Copes and Vestiments, to grace our Seruice with Musicke of voice, Organs, & other Instruments; [Page 50] and to burne Frankinsence and other sweet odours in our Tem­ples, (so it be not to driue away ill Spirits and Hobgoblins) all this will we do, as well and as vvillingly as they. For all these do stirre vp the spirits and powers of mans soule to a more liuely offering vp of his liuing sacrifice of prayer, praise and thankes­giuing to God. These their Church enioyned, and many things more, as in themselues (Adiaphora) vpon very good reason, and to a most godly vse, till the abuse by corrupt vsage grew to hurt the Church more, then the vse at first did it good: and therefore may be abolished, as all other constitutions of like nature in that Church may be, and haue bene euen by Rome her selfe. As for their praying to Saints, worshipping of Images, and other Ido­latries, our Church hath cancelled those Canons: for we Prote­stants haue not our Deos maiores, minores, and Medioxumos, our Demi-gods, and gods of a higher straine and larger size, as the Heathens had. Our God is not like Baal, that must be wakened with loud crying, nor like the gods of earth vpon earth, that must be sued vnto by mediation. His Court is alwaies where himselfe is, euery where: vve need no Postillions to send to him, nor Fauorites to speake for vs. VVe know not vvhether S. Peter can heare our Catholicks here in England and them in Italie all at once; no more then when he was at Alexandria he could heare or see them in Rome. And of their other punie and paper-Saints, S. Rocke, and S. Stocke, and such like, we doubt much more. Those silly soules therefore and poore Christians that preferre their suites by such Solliciters, were in poore case, if they could not enter the Presence but by their meanes: but this King of Kings is a searcher of the heart, and finding (that) sincerely affe­cted to him, doth no doubt accept them. This is our charitable construction of them; and let this be their best comfort, till God who hath touched their hearts with the heate of Christian zeale, enlighten them also with vnderstanding.

AS for the Schisme and Rent among our selues, vvherewith they vpbraid vs, it is not in principles of Faith, nor their con­clusions: [Page 51] it is onely in matter of Church-policie: it is not growne to a Partie, it hath no Head, as theirs haue had when there were three Popes, and so three Heads at once. It is but of such as are fallen from one extreame to another: from the Tyrannie of Papisme to the Anarchie of Anabaptisme, or to the [...]aocrasie of Iohn a-Knoxe or Iohn a-Stile. A thing which is naturall in the reuo­lution of Ciuill States, and so likewise of Ecclesiasticall. But our Church neither alloweth their Opinion, nor suffereth their Practise. They are sequestred and vnder censure, and liable to what the Canons of our Church layeth vpon them, which in matter of faith or obedience to gouernment, ought to binde the consci­ence of all that are vnder her subiection: and therefore Maius peccatum habent. For all Churches Constitutions agreeable to Gods word, are sacred and inuiolable vnder the gouernment where they are established, vntill they be abrogated by the same Authoritie: But Christians in other States are no way bound vn­to them: nor we to those of the Romane Church, more then they to ours. Might we but agree in the principles of Faith, and their conclusions, this difference of Gouernment might well be per­mitted, without any rent in Christian Religion, it would onely hinder the Rents of the Popes Checquer. In many of which Principles though they and we differ much, and wherein both their side and ours haue bin too curious and busie; yet seeing the difference in most of them is rather De modo essendi then de Esse rei, (how it is so, then not to be so at all,) I see not at all why any of them should so censure vs, or we them, if there were as much true charitie as pretended zeale amongst vs.

NOw concerning these Disputable points of Religion, I would to God they and we had trauelled lesse therein: In some things it is superfluous to know much, in some things dangerous to search ouer-farre. When one offered the Philosopher to teach him the Art of Memory: I had rather (quoth he) thou wouldst teach me the Art of Forgetfulnesse: So in many of these cases, a simple ignorance is better then a curious knowledge: and in [Page 52] such a sence as this we agree with them, that Ignorance is the mother of Deuotion. For that Apple of the Tree of Knowledge is a dangerous fruite to taste, it hath a sweet relish but a sowre di­gestion; it pleaseth the pallate, but it breedeth corrupt bloud. Our first parents but tasted thereof, and all their childrens teeth were set on edge: it is a windy fruite, it puffeth vp: and this swelling Impostume bred in the braine, falleth like a Catarre vpon the heart, where it quencheth the natiue heate of true Zeale, and dri­eth the Radicall humour of spirituall Grace. Two Doctors of Physicke sate at table together, and a third man in their compa­nie, who had no learning at all in their Art, but a better stomack then both they to his meate. The one of these was a Galenist, the other a Paracelsian. In the midst of the meale they fall in argu­ment: The Galenist discourseth of the Retentiue facultie in the stomack, how the meate is there depressed for a time, and made fit for digestion; how thence a milkie iuyce is sucked by the Me­saraicae venae, which is forthwith conueyed to the Liuer the work-house of bloud; thence to the Heart, the store-house of spi­rit; and so these two (the Liuer and the Heart) like two carefull Pourueyers, send of their prouisions by the Veines and Arteries (as by two common Roade waies) into euery part of the litle common-wealth of mans body. The Paracelsian, a professor and practiser quite contrary to the other, as well in his [...], as in his [...]; in his order of Diet, as in his manner of Cure, opposeth himselfe tooth and naile against all these assertions: partly out of opinion that the right was on his side, but more, out of a contentious humour and splene which he bore to the o­thers profession. They fall from argument to railing, so to cha­fing, and at last to bitter warre and deadly defiance: whereby, the meale they then made was hindred in the digestion, Choler in­creased in the one, Melancholy in the other, and the bloud in­flamed in both: so as they were both taken away (without say­ing Grace) desperately sicke; the Galenist of a shaking Agew, and the Paracelsian of a Dead Palsey. But the third man that sate by all this while, and vnderstood not the cause, though he saw [Page 53] the quarrell, he would not therefore meddle betweene them, but fell heartily to his meate, while they fell hard by the eares; rose, and gaue God thanks, and with the strength of that meals meate, went on with good speed to labour out his daies worke in his vocation, vntill the euening, when with his fellow labou­rers he receiued his daies wages. Thus is it with the great Rabbins in Religion, and the simple, honest, ignorant Christian. Let vs therefore striue to do more, and studie to know lesse: Let vs fall to prayer and to practise, and leaue the pen and the presse. For it is a pre­sumption to thinke we can pearce the marble hardnesse of Gods secrets with the leaden Screw of our dull vnderstanding, or sound the bottomlesse depth of his Diuine Mysteries with the Plommet of our short-lined, and short-liued reason. He was a good Philosopher that professed no more knowledge but this; Hoc scio, quòd nihil scio. So may he be a good Christian, who let­ting passe all transcendent and swelling knowledge, glories only in this; to know Christ crucified: resolues onely in this, to liue alwaies to him that died once for all: and desires onely this, the fruition of a better life, by the merit of that precious death. Here is the Faith, Hope, and Charity of a Christian, which three are all, in him that is all in all, in the worke of our saluation.

IT is therefore vnnecessary and vnprofitable to strain our wits, and beate our braines as they do, about many of their super­fluous and friuolous controuersies. That sacred vessell of the purest wine, wherewith our soules are comforted to eternall life, the blessed Virgin S. Mary, what auaileth it them (when they all know, she was a naturall daughter of Adam) to search and dispute whether she were borne in originall sinne, or without? whereupon their Seraphicall Doctors haue written so much, to amuse the readers, and abuse the time, which they should rather spend in the meditation of Gods Mercy with re­ioycing, or of his Iustice with trembling. Let them reade the Scriptures, which are able to instruct and correct, that the child of God may be perfect. For here they may vnderstand all is fit [Page 54] for them to know, and may finde some thing not fit they should vnderstand. Scriptura omnibus accessibilis, there is thy liberty, and the doore open to thee; enter boldly, and gather of the fruite of this garden of Eden, from these lower boughes; Paucis penetra­bilis, there is thy restraint, & the brasen gates barred vpon thee: beware thou presse not into this priuie Closet, nor pearch so high as this vpmost fruit, lest a worse thing befall vnto thee. What is needfull for faith and good life to saluation, is there so plainely laied open, as euen the simplest may vnderstand: Other abstruse secrets and hidden mysteries therebe, so closely lockt vp, as the wisest themselues cannot attaine, may not attempt. So that, as the world made for vs by God, is the Mirrour of his power and pro­uidence: So this word left vs by him, is the onely true glasse, vvherein we behold his vnspeakable mercy, and vnsearchable wisedome.

MAny other such vselesse questions as that former, they tra­uerse among themselues and canuas Pro & Contra, where­with their tedious volumes are farced, which I will passe ouer, and touch onely a difference or two betweene them and the Protestants in more materiall points, as in that of Iustification. They will haue no Faith without good workes, no more will vve; nor we good workes without Faith, no more will they: If they tie good vvorkes to Faith, and we it to them, then hitherto we agree (de facto,) and the difference is no more (be it spoken with­out offence,) then to tie the hose to the doublet, or it to the hose. Had they staied here (which they might well haue done,) the quarrell had bene at an end, or rather none begun. But vvhen they vvould needs proceed farther, to define (de modo) how vve are iustifed; and standing so much vpon good vvorkes, vvould attribute their Iustification to the merit of their righte­ousnesse: vve were then forced to enter the lists, and stand for the truth of Iustification by Faith; yet not ascribing it to the merit of Faith, but to the obiect of Faith, namely the merit of Christs redemption. But let them and vs leaue to striue any longer, ex­cept [Page 55] it be in vvell doing. Let vs both striue to haue both, so shall vve both be iustified: but if vve vvant either, let vs assure our selues vve haue neither. Let it suffice vs in this point, to know that vve are iustified before God through the onely mercie and grace of our Lord and Sauiour Christ Iesus, vvho in the vvorke of our Redemption, Iustification, and Sanctification, is Alpha and O­mega, the first cause and the last. He is the Way, the Truth, and the Life: The Way, vvhereby vve vvalke righteously: The Truth, vvherein vve beleeue stedfastly: The Life, vvhere on vve hope e­ternally. The vvarrant of our actions, the Buttresse of our Faith, the Anchor of our hope. Christ is the roote, Religion the tree; Faith, Hope and Charitie the branches; good workes are the fruite. Faith is the hand that layes hold on the cause: Charitie the foote that runs on in the course: Hope is the eye that lookes for the goale. Let vs then neither looke backe vvith Lots vvife from this citie of Zoar, this Castle of comfort; nor prie farther vvith these gazers aboue the Moone. Let no man aduenture to enter this deepe, (how, or vvhy the great God doth all things,) vvhich is not to be vvaded vvithout danger of drow­ning: Be no man so hardie to towre so high, vnder paine of pre­sumption, and arrest of high treason to the highest Maiestie, vvho vvill haue the [...] of his secret counsailes and vvill belee­ued and obeyed: but the [...] thereof neither pried into nor examined.

COncerning that great mystery of the blessed Sacrament of Christs precious bodie and bloud, where with the true receiuers are nou­rished to eternall life: that sacred Seale which he hath fixed to the hand-writing of his last Will and Testament, for performance of all Legacies promised vs in himself, and keeping of all couenants between him and vs: if it be a Mystery, why do they & we labour to search so farre? If we apply it to the same vse as they, why do we quarrell so much? For, both they and we acknowledge, that when we receiue this blessed Sacrament worthily, and with that faith and probation of our selues which S. Paul enioynes to eue­ry [Page 56] Christian man in the performance of that action; we are there and at that time made truly & really participant of the very true and reall bodie of our Sauiour: (but by the mouth of faith, and after a spirituall maner.) Which two conditions, diuers of the most learned and moderate of that Church do freely acknow­ledge. And therefore so farre are we from holding this holy Sa­crament to be a bare signe (wherewith they slander vs,) as we freely confesse, by the receiuing thereof worthily, to haue a true, liuely, powerfull, and effectuall coniunction with his precious bodie and bloud: whom, as well in our hearts, as in all our exte­rior actions we adore and worship. This is therefore the quarrell that vve vvish may be taken vp betweene vs: vvhich vvee may vvell do, if vve vvill both confesse vvith reuerend S. Austen, that Christ is there; but how? Misericordia quadam occulta. He is there; that is his mercie and infinite power: We know not how; that is our weaknesse and definite knowledge, till we shall see him in his glorie face to face: Then shall vvee no more see darkly as through a glasse.

NOw, as they haue tired themselues, and troubled the pure streames of Religions current, with the puddle of their owne braine, and froath of their Philosophie, in such disputations of controuersie as these, vvhereof vve neede not be instructed in some, and in the rest vve ought not be inquisitiue: but to rest in the high mysteries of Gods ordinance, as in God himselfe; (be­leeue that he is a Trinitie of Persons in an vnitie of Substance,) & dispute not how it is, or doubt how it may be: So haue they cloyed and surcharged the consciences of Christians vvith vvhole cart loads of Canons, Iniunctions, and Constitutions, more to the hurt then good of the Church, and more to the fettering then bettering the soules of her deare children. Heretofore in our lawes of England, this was a strong Conueyance; I giue from me and mine, to thee and thine. And this a good Assurance, In signe this is sooth, I seale it with my Tooth. And this a full Attestation, Witnesse Maude my wife. Do the great Deeds & Indentures with all their [Page 57] Ifs and Prouisoes make the Tenures more strong now adaies? VVere not couenants then as vvell kept as now? vvere Titles so often tried? So is it with the Canons and Constitutions of the Romish Church. Their Canonists haue done as much hurt vvith their Decretals, Paragraffes, and Glosses, as their Schoole­men vvith their Questions, Distinctions, and Sophistrie. Good lawes neuer so much broken, as since so many bad made: ne­uer so key-colde in charitie, as since they grew so fire-hot in Disputation.

BVt these Lawes and Ordinances of theirs are not binding, (as hath formerly bene said) saue onely vnder their Iuris­diction by vvhose Authoritie they are made: nor ought they be perpetuall, but onely so long as they quadrate vvith the conditions of the time; and that there redound lesse hurt to the Church by the execution, then good by the abolishing thereof. I will giue onely one instance, as I haue done in the former. VVhat if the Church of Rome forbid Priests marri­age, because they may be more freed from vvorldly cares, and attend better to the Function vvhereto they are called? Shall this Law therefore stand perpetuall? vvhen by the cor­ruption of mans nature, and iniquitie of these euill daies vvherein we liue, experience hath shewed vs too many hor­rible and abhominable facts in seuerall kindes of beastly and vnnaturall lust, vvhich their Priests haue committed by being thus restrained? Maculantur coitu illicito cum ipsorum grauissimo peccato: vbi cum propria vxore esset castitas. Vnde deberet Eccle­sia facere sicut bonus Medicus, vt si Medicina (experientia docen­te) plus officiat quàm prosit, eam tollat. Atque vtinam idem esset in omnibus Constitutionibus positiuis. This is the Vote of a deuo­ted Catholicke of their owne. Besides, vvhat if coniugall fel­lowship be forbidden Priests in Italie, and prostitution of har­lots permitted, for feare of ouer-charging that Land with peo­ple vvherewith it swarmeth alreadie? (as by their owne Pro­uerbe appeareth: Troppo feste, troppo tempeste, troppo teste.) [Page 58] Shall it therefore binde vs here in England vvhere they haue no power to commaund, nor vve like cause to be prohibi­ted? For, we haue not the fourth part of people that they; nor they the moiety of good arable and pasture ground that we to maintaine them.

THere remaines yet one other thing, vvherein they of the Romane Church haue much preiudiced the sinceritie of Christian Religion, and that is, Their Miracles. For, as they haue bene too full of their Canonicall Constitutions, and too free of their Philosophicall Conclusions, vvherewith their great Tomes and Volumes are loaden, like Cardinall Campegius Sumpters (vvith much trash but litle or no Treasure:) So haue they bene too lauish and vulgar in their hyperbolicall Mira­cles. A great Miracle sure it is (if it were true) that they should grow so thicke in the Popish drie Territories, and thriue so litle in this moist Climate of ours. For if we haue one in an age, it is but of a Straw, and yet not worth a straw vvhen we haue it: A miracle but of foolish fancie and vn­setled imagination; such a one as the Eye of conceit may dai­ly see, if it looke vpon broken clouds; and the Eare of credu­lous fancie hourely heare, if it listen to the ring of Bells. But let them no longer scandalize the Truth, nor thinke to co­sen the vvorld vvith this counterfet kinde of coyne. Their Golden Legend of leaden lies is no more current. Men are no longer babes to take such Counters for good paiment, or so simple to beleeue they see a man in the Moone. Let them if they be wise, stampe vs no moe miracles of this Mint, least vvhile they endeuour to make men beleeue vvhat they see to be false, they be hardly trusted in vvhat is true. I dare vn­dertake there be more of these iuggling Miracles to be seene in the countries of Poperie, then there haue bene houres since Christ vvrought his first Miracle at Cana in Galile: as appea­reth by the Crutches, Armes, Legges, and other Gambolls hung vp for shew thereof in all the Churches and Chappels [Page 59] of Italie; some of which haue bene so palpably forged, and so notoriously discouered, as all the Figge-leaues in Italie and Spaine are not sufficient to couer their nakednesse; where­of the modester sort are much ashamed, confessing them to be pia mendacia, and the vviser sort laugh at them. Of this kinde of stuffe Rome it selfe is stuffed more then any place else; vvhere for my part I beleeued verie few, but onely this (which Colonna obserued before out of Guicciardine.) That it is a Miracle God suffereth the pride and abhomination of that Sea so long vnpunished. But of such miracles as this the whole earth is full: All the workes of God, from the great Frame of the vvorld to the most small and contemptible creatures, are Miracles of his Power: the stay and vpholding them in their first being, are Miracles of his Prouidence: the punishing of the wic­ked, and protecting his children (especially those he hath set to raigne ouer vs) are Miracles of his Iustice; vvhereof this our Land can yeeld the world two famous and vnmatchable Instances, in the late Queene of happie memorie, and our Soue­raigne Lord the King that now is; by their seuerall, many and miraculous deliuerances, such as Rome can shew none. Where Theophylacts Cuppe, and the Italian Figge hath made quicke dispatch of diuers Popes in a short time. VVhat should I speake of those great Miracles of Gods infinite Mercie? The sen­ding of our Sauiour into the world, his Incarnation, Resur­rection and Ascension; and all other workes of his, as Rai­sing the dead, Curing the diseased, Restoring the lame and blinde to their limmes and sight, registred to vs in the sacred Chronicle of his holy word? These indeed were truly Mira­cles, such as all Christians are bound to beleeue and con­fesse. As for those of the Romane Church, there is neither Truth in the Fact, nor Benefit in the Beliefe. I will onely in­stance in one of my particular obseruation, and so conclude. In a Towne of Italie where I abode foure moneths, was a poore Trades-man, who liued in the place full seuen yeares, and had neuer spoke, being generally taken to haue bene [Page 60] deafe and dumbe from his birth. This man vndertooke a Pilgrimage to the Ladie of Loretto, the most famous and re­nowned Shrine in Europe, and comparable (if the Papists haue any) to that of Mahomet in Mecha. They say she is as rich in lewels and Treasure, as famous in her Miracle-facul­tie: I speake this but by relation, I had not the leisure to go thither, but the good hap I had (though no great happinesse) to see her Girdle at Prato, among many thousand moe that came to see it, (as they yearely do vpon the seuenth of Sep­tember:) a rich one I assure you it is, and such as you haue none in Court. Saint Thomas had it of our Ladies gift, and carried it with him into India, and a Merchant got it from Saint Thomas, and brought it to Prato; where likewise is to be seene the Scull of Saint Anne, our Ladies mother; two singu­lar great blessings to so little a Borough. Thus lies the Legend in the storie, but it is no part of this our Miracle: no more is that which is reported of this glorious Shrine, namely that the Chappell wherein it stands, was first transported by Angels ouer the Mediterranean Sea into Slauonia; where, because that slauish nation did not receiue it with due reuerence, or (which is more like) rewarded it not with due beneuolence, it was a­gaine by the same Porters carried sticke and stone ouer the Venetian Golphe into Italie, where now it workes wonders, and is not yet wearie. Among which this is not the least, where­of I now relate. For this our Mutolo after some few weekes stay, many Orisons of his owne, and much prayer and fasting of the Fraternitie, receiued (forsooth) the readie vse of his tongue and hearing; and returned to the Towne whence he went while I was there, as perfect a prater of Italian as the best. A Miracle of no small wonderment, and worthy Duke Hum­freys obseruation, who discouered a counterfeit Ceco (that made the people beleeue he was borne blinde, and had got his sight at Saint Albons Shrine) because he could readily tell him the colour of his gowne: So this Companion, though the strings of his tongue had bene loosed, yet should he not presently [Page 61] haue spoken so perfect language, without the greater miracle. Inquiring what Countreyman he was, I found him to be borne in the Marquisate of Ancona hard by Loretto: I needed no more for my satisfaction in this Miracle. For it is a thing vsuall among them, to suborne such counterfeits and Spiritati to worke vpon, for the more frequenting of their shrine, and better larding of their fatt.

ANd thus Sir haue I answered your letter, though not your expecta­tion, in matter of higher predicament then I ought to meddle with my vnwasht hands: And therefore I submit my selfe to better Iudgments, and commit you (for better information) to them are able to instruct vs both. You see, I beleeue not their Miracles: I am not bound to their Canons: I trouble not my selfe with their Controuersies: I yeeld the duty of a Child to none but my Mother the Church of England: I owe the Allegiance of a Subiect to none vnder God, but my King. Will you haue in one word the whole Summary of Religion? Loue God a­boue all, and thy neighbour as thy selfe: There is the Law and the Pro­phets, and in them thy lesson. Christ came into the world to saue Sin­ners, whereof thou art one: There is the Gospell, and in it thy comfort. Of other things besides these take thou heede my Sonne, for there is none end in making many bookes, and much reading is a wearinesse of the flesh: Let vs heare the end of all: Feare God, and keepe his Commandements, for this is the whole dutie of Man. Hoc fac & viues.
R. D.

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