❧TO THE RIGHT hyghe and myghtye Prince, Ihon Duke of Northumberlande, Earle, marshall of Englande. &c. Iohn Brende wisheth continuall prosperitie, wyth encrease of honour.
MAnye haue wrytten, and experyence besydes declareth, how necessary historical knowledge is to all kynd of men, but specially to princes, and to others whi [...]h excel in dignitye or beare aucthorytye in eny commune wealth: the same beyng counted the most excellent kynde of knowledge, the chiefest parte of ciuyl prudence, and the mirrour of mans lyfe. There is required in all magistrates both a fayeth and feare in God, and also an outwarde policye in worldly thynges, wherof as the one is to be learned by y e scryptures, so the other must chiefly be gathered by readyng of histories. For in them men may see the groundes and beginnynges of cōmen wealthes, y e causes of their encrease, of their prosperous mayntenaūce, and good preseruation: and againe by what meanes they decreased, decayed, and came to ruyne. There the vertues and vices of men do appeare, howe by their good doynges they florished, & by their euil actes they decayed. How they prospered so lōg as they mainteyned iustice, persecutd vice, vsed clemencye & mercye, were liberal, religyous, vertuous, and voyde of couetousnes. And contrariwise, howe they fell into manifold calamityes, miseries, & troubles, when they embraced vyce and forsoke vertue. In historyes it is apparāt how daūgerous it is to begyn alteracions in a cōmen wealth. How enuy [Page] & hatredes oft risyng vpō smal causes, haue ben the destruction of great kyngdomes. And that disobeyete of hygher powers, & suche as rebellyd agaynst magystrates, neuer escapyd punyshment, nor came to good end. In theym there be presydentys for all cases that may happē, in folowyng the good, in eschuyng the euyl, in auoydyng incōuenyences, & in forseyng mischiefes. In them may be learnyd how to temper in prosperitye, how to endure in aduersytye, & after what maner men should vse them selues both in tyme of peace & warre. As in all artes there be certeyne prynciples and rules for men to folowe, so in hystoryes there be ensamples paynted out of all kynde of vertues, wherin both the dignitye of vertue, & foulenes of vyce, appeareth much more lyuelye then in eny morall teachyng: there beyng expressed by way of ensample, all that Philosophy doth teach by waye of precepts. Thys is suche a kynde of knowledge, as make men apt euē wyth smal experyēce eyther to gouerne in publyke matters, or in their owne pryuate affayres: For by cōparyng thynges past, wyth thynges presente, men maye easelye gather what is to be folowyd, and what is to be eschuyd. And he whyche can reade thē wyth such iudgement, waiyng the tymes wyth the causes and occasions of thynges, shall bothe see moste deepelye in all matters, best declare hys opynion, & wynne most estymaciō of prudence & wysdome. For if aged men be estemyd for the wysest by reason of their experyēce. Or if Homer paynted forth in y e persō of Vlyxes, the ymage of a perfyte wyse man: imputyng the cause therof, to the knowledge he hadde gatheryd by traueylyng many coūtreyes, & by vewyng and markyng the customes and maners of dyuers nacyous.
[Page]Then such as be wel experte in hystories and by the well applying of them, can take the due fruite perteyning to the same: must nedes obteygne profoūdnes of iudgement, with a stable and groūded wysedome. For in them men may beholde as it were before there eies, both the whole worlde, and the gouerment therof, with the policies and lawes, the discipline customes & mā ners of al people from the begynnyng. Thys is suche a thyng, that who so euer is clerely voyde of it, though he be endued wyth neuer so greate a wytte otherwise, with such aptnes of nature, or other goodly vertues. Yet when he shall haue to do in weyghtye affaires, he shall fynde a certeigne mayme and imperfection, not onely in ciuyll gouerment, but also in the matters perteining to the warre.
For al though in an excellent capitaine nature must geue the chiefest partes, that is to say: hardines, stowtenes of stomacke, wyth a natural wisdome and vnderstanding: by which qualities onely (experience therunto adioyned) diuers haue become famous capitaines.
Yet thys is a thynge that geueth a greter policye, groundeth a deaper Iudgemente, addeth a further ornament and glory, and formeth a perfitnes & an excellencie in a shorter space. The shortnes of a mans liefe shortened besides by so manye casualties, is the cause that men be taken awaye before the canne get suche an actual experience as may make thē perfite, and cō monly become rotten, before they canne attayne to a rypenes in knowledge. But by thys kynd of learning in youth a man is become aged, he hathe knowledge wythout experience, he is wyse before it is loked for, he is become a councelour the firste houre, and a man of warre the fyrste daye. The same thynge hath bene [Page] verified in manye, whych in young age haue bene prudente councellours, and in small experience politique capitaynes. Alexander hereof is an euidente ensample, who, brought vp vndre Aristotle in learnynge, and so geuen to this kinde of studye, that he had Homer alwayes laied vnder his beddes hede (wherby he myght be admonished of the vertues and offyce of an excellent Prynce) entered into hys kingdome, whan he was but .xx. yeares of age: and neuerthelesse bothe established hys owne estate wyth suche prudence, that wythin shorte space (besides the enlargynge of hys owne boundes) he subdued the greatest parte of the worlde. And albeit he began so young, and continued so smale tyme: yet no mans actes be comparable to his: beinge counted the most excellente captayne from the begynnyng. But if eny man wyl impute the greatnes of his doynges to the perfyte disciplyne the Macedons vsed in the warres, and to the politique Capitaynes, and expert souldiers, left to hym by hys father Phyllyp: it shal appeare euydētly by the decaye of Realmes when they haue bene gouerned by imprudent Prynces, and by the ouerthrowes the Romaynes receyued when they were conducted by euyll Capitaines, that no prudence of counsellours can take place, nor eny dysciplyne or experience of the souldiours can auayle, if the heade be not a mā of excellēt vertue. There is nothing newe vnder the Sunne (as the wyse man faith) and it is impossible for eny thing to chaūce either in the war or in cōmon policye, but that the lyke maye be founde to haue chaunced in times past. Al which thinges laied vp in memorye, as in a place of store: mē may alwayes be furnished for all chaunces that maye occurre. Seing histories be then so good and necessary, it were [Page] muche requisite for mens instruccion, that they were translated into suche toūges as most men myght vnderstād them: and specially the histories of antiquitye, whych both for the greatnes of the actes done in those daies, and for the excellencie of the writers haue much maiestye and many ensamples of vertue. I therfore hauyng alwayes desired that we englishmē might be founde as forwarde in that behalfe as other nations, which haue brought all worthie histories into their naturall language, did a fewe yeares paste attempte the translacion of Quintus Curtius, and lately vpon an occasion performed & accomplished the same. Whych auctour treating of thactes of y e great Alexāder, being figured in the Prophetes, Ieremie & Danyel, & mencioned in the first boke of y e Machabies, seme to haue bene borne, and brought forth into the world, not with out a mooste speciall prouidence and predestinacion of god: who prospered so his procedinges that (as Iustine writeth (he neuer encountred with eny enemyes whō he ouercame not, he beseiged no citye that he wanne not, nor assailed nation that he subdued not. Thys so worthie a matter I thoughte good to dedicate vnto youre grace, folowyng their ensample that haue traueyled in the like studye, whiche are wonte to declare their good willes, by bestowing of their labours. Therunto I was also moued y t rather, by considering y e qualities of your grace, which seme to haue certeine affinitie and resemblaunce wyth such as were y e very vertues in Alexander. For Arianus writeth of hym y t he was of a semelie stature, bolde in his enterprises, stowte of stomack, moderate in pleasures, wise in coū sayle, and prouident to forsee thynges. That he was excellent in conductyng of an armye, moste pollitique [Page] in orderyng hys battailes, that he could encourage his souldiers wyth apt wordes, and when neade requyred take part of their peril. What partes of this be in your grace, let them iudge that haue knowen your actes in the warres, and your excellent seruice done, both in the time of the kinges maiestie that nowe is, and also in his fathers dayes of most famous memorye. Although in doing hereof I haue not parauenture satisfied al mens expectacyōs, yet my trust is, that your grace will accept the same in good part, and consider that in a translacion a man can not alwayes vse is owne vaine, but shalbe cōpelled to tread in the aucthores steppis: Whyche is harder, and a more difficulte thynge to do, then to walke his owne pace.
¶The firste boke of Quintus Curtius, supplied of the actes of the greete Alexander Kyng of Macedonie.
PHilip of Macedonie whiche by subduynge of Grece, Amyntas king of Macedon. dyd first bryng his countrey in reputation, was the sonne of Amintas, a man endued with wisdome, hardines, & all other vertues of a noble capitaine. Thesame Amintas had by Euridice his wife thre sonnes, Alexander, Perdicas, and Philip, who was the father of great, Alexāder: with a doughter also called Euriones. Euridice. The Quene Euridice being in amoures with one that had maried her doughter, conspired the death of the Kyng her husband, to thintent to haue maried with her sonne in lawe, and to make him king, whiche thing she had brought to effect, had not the treason and whordom of the mother, ben opened by the doughter in tyme. Alex [...] the [...] A [...] After the death of Amyntas Alexander the eldest sonne enioyed his fathers kyngdome whiche in the beginning of his raigne was so assailed on all sides, that he was driuen of force to purchase peace of Thillyrians with money by geuing his brother Philip in hostage. And afterwardes by thesame pledge made a like peace with the Thebans, whiche was thoccasiō that Philip dyd atteine to suche excellency of knowledge and wisdome, for by reason that he was committed to the custodie of Epimanundas, Epymanundas. beyng both [Page] a valiant capteyn and an excellent philosopher, he was brought vp in the trade of honest disciplines, and Princely maners, wherin he greatly proffited vnder a philosopher of Pythagoras schole, whom Epymanundas keapt in his house for thenstruccion of his sonne. In the meane season Alexander was slaine by the meanes of Euridice his mother, whose former treason kyng Amyntas her husband had pardoned in respecte of the chyldren had betwene them, little thinkyng that she would afterwardes haue bene their distruccion. For when Alexander was dead, she caused in like maner her other sonne Perdicas to be slayne: Perdicas. whiche Perdicas lefte behinde hym one sonne being a young babe. About thesame tyme Philip the yongest brother being by good happe escaped out of prison retorned into Macedon, Philip, and not taking vpon hym the name of Kyng, remayned a great while no otherwise but as Gouernour or tutor to his yōg neuewe. Neuertheles afterwardes by occasion of sundry myschefes growing in the state, thesame being suche as might not well hang till the yong kyng should come to his age, for that he apered to be a man of singuler actiuitie, and of no lesse skylle in feates of warre than in knowledge of philosophie, was compelled by the people to take vpon hym the kingdom̄ of Macedon, whiche as than stode in hard plight, and great daunger of ruyne. This was done .400. yeare [...]fter the building of Rome and the .105. Olympiade. In the beginning of his raigne he was combred with [...]finite troubles, for all the contries nere about (as it were by a generall conspiracie) moued warre against him, and at one tyme sondrie nacions swarmyd together out of sondrie partes to ouerronne his kyngdom. Wherfore considering that it stode hym vpon to worke warely (being not able to mache them all at ones) pacyfied [Page 2] some with fayre promyses, other with money▪ and the weakest he withstode with force. whereby he bothe made his enemies afrayed, and confirmed the hertes of his people, whiche he found discouraged, and in great doubte. These thinges he wrought with great sleight and fynenes of wytte, in suche sorte that he mynysshed not any parte of his honour, estate, or reputacion, determinyng neuerthelesse as tyme should serue to deale with euery one aparte. Philips first warre was with the Atheniene. His first warre was with the Atheniens whome he ouercame by sleyght and policie. And where it laye in his power to haue put them all to the sworde, he let them all at libertie without raunsome. By whiche poinct of elemencie (though it was but conterfaite, for it was done for feare of a greater warre at hand) yet it gat hym great good will and estimacion vniuersally. After that he subdued the Peons, Peons· Illyrians. and from thence turned his power against the Illyrians, of whome he slewe many thousandes, and wanne the noble Cytie of Larissa. That done he moued warre against the Tessalians, Tessalians. not for any desire of their goodes, or spoyle of their Countrey, but of a policie to adde to his strength the force of their horsmen, whiche at those dayes were counted the chiefe of the worlde, whiche his purpose he brought to passe, for beyng sodeinly assailed, they were sone brought to subieccion. So Philip ioyned the force of their horsemen vnto his footemen, whereby he made his powre inuincible. After all these thinges beyng happely brought to passe, he toke to wyfe Olympias one of the daughters of Neoptolenius Kyng of the Molossons, Olimpias Philippes wyfe. whiche mariage was cōcluded by y e meanes of Arisba, Arisba. who hauīg y e gouernemēt of Olympias was become king by y e mariage of her other sister called Troada. Troada This mariage whiche he thought to haue made for his suertie turned [Page] afterwardes to his subuercion. For thynking to haue made him self strong by thaffinitie of Philip, he was at length by hym depryued of the hole kyngdome, ending his life myserably in exile: Not long after this mariage Kyng Philip dreamed that he sawe his wiues wombe wonderfully swollen, Philippes dreame. and to his seming a liuely Image of a lion thereuppō, by whiche dreame the deuyners & dreame readers, did enterprete that his wyfe was cōceiued of a chylde that should be of a lions hert and courage: with whiche interpretaciō he was mitch pleased. Methron. Afterwardes at thassault of a citie called Methron by shot of an arrowe he loste his right eie. Wherof though the displeasure was great, yet was he contēt vpon their submissiō, to take them to mercy, He wanne also the cytie of Pagus and annexed the same vnto his kingdome: Pagus. He inuaded the lande of the Triballes, Tryballes. and at one instant conquered it with all the contreis thereaboute. Thus hauyng made his kyngdome strong by subduing his neighbours, at his retournyng home his wyfe Olympias was deliuered of his sonne Alexander, The byrthe of Alexand. the .8. daye of Aprill: Of these good fortunes the kyng reioysed no lesse than reason was, hauyng stablyshed his contrey at home, subdued his enemies abrode▪ and gotten an heire to succede in his kyngdome. He coulde haue desired no more of God, if the mynde of man could euer be satisfied, whiche the more it hath the more it coueteth: And as the dominion encreaseth, so doth also the desire to haue more. Which was wel seen in Philip that still did compasse howe to growe great, by taking from his neighbours, and laye alwayes like a spie, awayting tyme and occasion howe to catche frō euerie man, whereunto he had occasion mynistred by the Cyties of Greace, for whiles one did couet to subdue an other, and through ambition were at strife who [Page 3] should be chief, by one and one, at laste he brought all to subiection, firste persuadyng the smaler states to moue warre agaynste the greater, and to serue his purpose contcyued the wayes to set them all together by the eares, but at lenght when his practizes were perceyued, dyuers Cyties fearyng his encrease, confeadered agaynste hym, as their commen ennemye, and namely the Thebans. Neuertheles in a necessitie when they were dryuen to wage men of warre, they chose hym to be there generall Capitaine agaynste the Lacedemonians, and the Phoceans, Philip chosen Captain agaynst the Phoceans and the Lacedemoniās whiche had spoyled the temple of Apollo. This warre he honorablie acheued, so that by pounysshement of their sacryledge, he gat hym self great honour in all those places. But in thende espyeng either of those Countreis to be brought lowe with warre, he founde the meanes to subdue both the one and the other compellyng as well the ouercommers, as the ouercomme to be his Tributaries and subiectes. Then made he a voyage into Cappadoce, where killyng, and takyng all the Princes there aboutes prisoners, reducede the hole prouince to the subiection of Macedon. He conquered Olinthus, and within a while put his fote in Thrace. For where the two Kynges of that countrey were at variaunce aboute the limites of ther kyngdomes, and choyse hym to be Arbitrer, he gladly toke it vpon hym, but at the daye a [...]oynted for the Iugement, he came not thither like a Iudge in a Counsell, but like a warrier with an army, and to parte the strife expulsid both the partes from their kyngdomes. By this time yong Alexander was of twelue yeares of age, The towardnes of Alexander. and began to take great delyght in the feates of warre, shewyng moste manifeste signes [...]f noble harte and Princely courage. He was very swifte of foote, and one daie at a solempne [Page] game of ronnyng called Olimpiacum, beyng demaunded by some of his Companions whether he would ronne a rase with them: gladly (quod he) If I had kynges sonnes to ronne withall. Another tyme when certayne Embassadours of the Percians came into Macedon. Alexander whiche in his fathers absence toke vpon hym their entertaynement and deuisyng with them of diuers thinges, and in all his communication there neuer passed from him one chyldishe or vaine worde, but either he enquired the state of their Countrey, the maners of the people, the distance of the waies, the powre of their kyng, or the order of his warres and suche other like. So that the Embassadours hauing meruaill the rat, esteamed the prouffe of the father to be muche lesse thē the towardnes of the sonne, and that his courage was muche more then was to be loked for in one of his yeres. As oftē as tidinges came that the kyng his father had wonne any stronge or ryche Towne, or obteyned any notable victory. He neuer seamed greatly ioyfull, but would saye to his playe fellowes, my father doth so many great actes, that he will leaue no occasion of any notable thing for vs to do together. Suche were his wordes, suche was his talke: whereby it was easy to cōiecture what a mā he would after proue in age, whiche so begā in youth. His delight was not set in any kynde of pleasure, or gredines of gayne, but in the only exercise of vertue, and desire of honoure. And the more aucthoritie y t he receiued of his father, the lesse he would seame to beare. And although by the great encrease of his fathers dominion, it semed that he should haue the lesse occasion to vse the warres yet he did not set his delight in vayne pleasure, or heapyng vp of treasure, but sought all the meanes he could to vse mercial feates, and exercises of warre, coueting [Page 4] suche a kingdome, wherein for his vertue and proues he might purchase fame and immortalitie, whiche hope neuer deceiued Alexander nor any other, when it happeneth in a mā of vertue and noble hert, that hath wille or occasion to put the same in vre. Alexander was cōmitted to the gouernementes of Aristotle. The charge and gouernaunce of this young Prince was committed to sondrie excellēt Maisters and Gouernours, but chiefly to the greate Philosopher Aristotle, whose vertue, learnyng, and knowledge, Kynge Philip so muche estemed, that he would often saye: he toke no greater comforte in the byrthe of his sonne, then in that he was prouided of suche a Maister for hym as Aristotle, vnder whose tuicion he remayned ten yeares. Many thynges there chaunsed besydes, whereby it was coniectured that Alexander should proue a man of greate valoure. The oracle at Delphos For when his father sent to Delphos to receyue aunswere of the goddes who should be his successour, the Oracle was geuen that suche one should not only succede hym, but also be Lorde of the worlde. whom Buchephalus would suffre to sytte vppon hys back. This Bucephalus was a passyng fayre horse, Bucephalꝰ fyerse and full of courage, whiche Philip had brought of a Tessalien for thirtene talentes, and because of his fiersenes kept hym within a brake of Iron barres, yet for all that he remayned so fell & wode that none durste come nexe to dresse hym. Whereof the kyng was so wery that he would faine haue bene ridde of the horse. It fortuned that Alexander came one day with his father vnto y e stable. What a horse ( qd he) is marred here for lack of good handling, & with that came more nere, and without any great difficulty gat vpon his back, & vsed both y e spurre & the rodde to thuttermoste, both rū ning & mānaging him vp & down, whiche y e horse abide very well. And hauing ridden his fil brought back the [Page] horse againe. As he alighted the kyng for ioye embrased and kissed hym, and with teares in his eyes sayde: O sonne seke some other kingdome mete for thy harte. for Macedon cannot suffise. So that euen then the foreseing father did full well perceiue all his possession farre insufficient for his sonnes harte. After this Kyng Philip determined to make warre againste all Greace. for the maintenaunce whereof he thought it great auauntage, Byzancium if he myght firste wynne Byzancium a famous Citie on the see coaste, wherfore committing the charge & gouernement of his Realme to his sonne being then .15. yeares olde, he laide siege to the Towne whiche made him great resistaunce. When he had consumed all his riches and treasure about the siege, he was driuen to so narrowe shifte, that to furnishe hym selfe of money, he became a Pyrat and roued on the sea, where he toke .170. shippes all the spoile wherof he departed amonges his souldiers. And lette his hole Armye should be detayned about the wynnyng of that towne he sorted out the moste chosen bandes of all his Souldiers, and went into Gersonesus, where he toke and put to sack manye notable Townes. Because his sonne Alexander was then about .18. yeares olde and had shewed euident proufe of his vertue and manhod in all his attemptes: His father sent for hym thither to thentent he might in his warres learne and exercise all feates belongyng to a Souldier, & with hym made a voyage into Scythia, vpon no other quarell but to spoyle the Countrey. Thus vsing the practise of Merchauntes, with the gayne of one warre bare out the charges of an other. After he had brought the contrey in subiection, The bot o [...] Philip been S [...] oute o [...] Scythi [...]. because no riches of gold nor siluer was to be gotten there, he caried thens .20. thousand of mē, women and children, besides a great multitude of Cattaile, [Page 5] with .20. thousand choyse mares to make a race in Macedon. In his retourne frō thence he was encoū tred with the Triballes, whiche denied him passage, except they myght haue part of his boutie, whereuppon debating of the matter, from wordes they fell to fyghting, Philip was wounded by the Tribals whereat Kynge Philip was so wounded in his thighe, that the violence of the stroke ranne through the body of his horse, whereof all men iudgyng hym to be slayne, the botie was lost therby. Assone as he was recouered of his hurte, his long dissembled grudge against the Athenians braste out so farre fourth, that he made open warre vpon them. By reason whereof the Thebanes seing the fyer so nere at hande, The Thebans and other Cities conspired against Philip. gaue succours to their neighbours, fearing leste if the Atheniās were ouercome, thend of the warres should tourne vpon them. Wherefore the Cyties that a little before were mortall ennemies one to another, confederated togithers in one leage, and sent their Embassadours through all Grece, persuading it to be moste mete with a common ayde to withstande a cōmon enemy. Some considering the peril to be vniuersall stake to the Athenians. And some fearing Philips power encreasyng, and the other decayeng toke parte with hym. In this warre Alexander was made Capitayne of one of the battailles, wherein his noble hert and courage did well apeare, specially when it came to the stroke of the fight, for there he acquited him self so valiauntly y t he semed not inferiour vnto his father, nor to any man els, but by moste iuste desert got the honour of the victory. Albeit he was defrauded thereof by the enuie & sleight of his father, as he him self complayned afterwardes. This battaile was fought at Cherony, The battail at Cherony. wherin though the Atheniens were the greater nombre, yet were they ouercome by the Macedones, beyng the fewer, but yet [Page] experte Souldiers by reason of their long and continuall practise in warres: neuerthelesse the Athenians as men not vnmyndful of their former honoure spent their liues valiaūtly. That day made an ende of al the Grekes glory, aswell of their large rule & gouernaūce, as also of their moste auncient fredome and libertie: whiche beyng hardly wonne, and long tyme kept, was thus lost in a moment. For these and many other experimentes of the valour and proues in yong Alexander, although the kyng his father did alwayes beare hym singuler affection and fauour, yet neuertheles by certayn occasions ensuyng it was vnhappely broken. For Philip beyng maried to Olimpias mother of Alexander (as is sayed before) toke to wyfe besides her, The dissensiō betwixt Philip and Alexander. Cleopatra. one Cleopatra, whereupon fell great discorde and vnkindnes betwene the father and the sonne. The occasion was geuen by one Attalus vncle of Cleopatra, who beyng at the new mariage, exhorted y e multitude to make prayers to the Goddes to send betwene the Kyng and his nece a laufull heire to succede in the kyngdome of Macedon. Whereat Alexander beyng moued: Thou naughty villaine ( qd he) doest thou coūte me a bastarde? And with that worde flange the Cuppe at his head. The Kyng hearyng this, rose vp, and with his swoord drawen, ran at his sonne, who by swaruyng with his body, auoided the stroke, so that it did no harme. Wherupon Alexander with many stowte and dispiteful wordes departed from his father, and went with his mother into Epirus. Epirus. Neuertheles sone after, by the meane of one Demoratus a Corinthian, Demoratus who perswaded the kyng that this discorde was nothyng for his honoure, Alexander was sent for agayne, and muche labour and greate meanes was made before they could be well reconciled. Wherefore to confirme this atonement there [Page 6] was a mariage made betwene Alexander the brother of Olympiades (whome Philip by the expulsion of Arisba had made Kynge of Epirus) and Cleopatra the newe Quenes doughter. The triumphe of that daye was notable accordyng to the state and magnificence of suche two Princes, the one bestowing his doughter, and the other marieng a wyfe. There were set furth sondry notable playes and deuises plesaunt to beholde. And as Kyng Philip betwene the two Alexanders, the one his natural sonne, and the other his sonne in lawe, was passyng through the preasse without any guarde: The death of Philip. One Pansanias a young man of the nobilitie of Macedon, when no man suspected any suche thing, sodainly slewe him starck dead, making that day whiche was apoincted to Ioye and triumphe, lamentable and dolorous by the death of suche a prince. Pansanias. This Pansanias being a boie was enforced by Attalus to the vnnatural vse of his body, whiche not content to do so himself, at an other open banket caused diuers of his familiars to abuse him likewyse, Attalus. with whiche shame and villany the young man beyng sore greued (as reason would) cō playned to the kyng, whome although the dishonestie of the matter moued muche, yet for the loue he bare to Attalus, and for the respect of his seruice forbare to vse any reformacion in the matter. This Attalus was very nere vnto the kynge and in speciall fauoure, by reason he was kynsman vnto the Quene Cleopatra whō Philip had laste maried: He was also elected generall Capytayne of the Kynges Armye prepared to passe into Asia, as one that was bothe valiaunt of hys persone, and no lesse politique in the feates of warre vpon these respectes the Kynge endeuoured by all the meanes he coulde to pacefie Pansanias (beyng kyndled with moste iuste cause of grief) aswell by [Page] gyuing him great giftes and promocions, as placing hym honourably amongest those Ientlemē that were for the guarde of his persone. But all this could not appease the iust rage of his Ire, whiche wrought so in hym, that he determined to be reuenged, not only vpon Attalus that dyd the villony, but also vpon the Kynge that would not minister iustice. Whiche determinacion he put in effect, as is sayd before. Many thynges myght be sayd more of the doynges and sayenges of this Philip, but one thyng aboue an other is to be noted, that although for the more parte he was alwayes occupied in the tourmoyle of the warres, and other like busines, yet had he euer suche affeccion to the studies of humanitie and good learnyng, that he both did and spake many thynges worthy memory, whiche were both witty and plesaunt. He lyued seuen and fourty yeares, and reigned .xxv. yeares beyng the .xxiii. kynge of the Macedons, as they reigned in ordre.
¶The seconde boke of Quintus Curtius, supplied of the actes of Alexander the greate, Kyng of Macedonie.
WHen Philip was dead, Alexander toke vpon hym as king the .20. yere of his age. his sonne whiche for the greatnes of his actes was afterwardes called the great Alexander toke vpon him the kyngdome the .4.26. yeare after the buylding of Rome, being of the age of .20. yeares. His state stode at that tyme subiect to muche enuie, hatred, and hasard from all partes. For the nacions and prouinces borderyng vpon hym could not wel beare their present bondage, and euery one of them sought howe to recouer agayne their auncient dominion and enheritaunce. The first thyng he attempted after he was kyng was the greuous execution he dyd vpon as manye as hadde conspiryd his fathers death whyche done, he celebrated his funeralles, with great pompe. Concernyng his estate he sone establysshed it, and that muche better thē any man could haue imagyned, in one beyng of so yōg and tendre yeares, for beyng of some had in contempt, and of some suspected to be cruell, towardes the one he bare hym self so stoutely, that he toke from them all contempt, and to the other so gentylly, that their ymagened feare of his cruell disposition was cleane taken away, he graunted vnto the Macedons fredom and priuiledge from all exaccion and bondage, sauing from the seruice of warre, by whiche act he got so great fauour and loue amonges his people that all affirmed by one consent, howe the persone of their Kynge was chaunged and not his vertue, his name was altered, [Page] but not his good gouernement. In the beginning of his raigne rebellion was made against hym on all sydes, he by and by with an incredible stowtenes and cō stancy of mynde stayed all their tumultes, which thyng pacified and set in ordre, he went to Corinthe in Peloponese, Corinthe. where callyng a generall Counsell of all the states of Grece, Alexander elected Capitain generall against the Perciās he was elected their generall Capitain against the Percians, whiche before tyme had afflicted Grece with many plagues, and at that present possessed the greatest Empire in the world, his father had purposed that warre before, but the preuenciō of death was the cause he brought not his purpose to passe. Whiles he was in preparacion of this enterprise, he was enfourmed howe the Atheniens, the Thebanes, and Lacedemonians were reuolted from hym, and confederate with the Percians, and all by meanes of an Oratour called Demosthenes, Demosthenes. whiche was corrupted by them with a great somme of money. For the reformacion whereof Alexander so sodeynly had prepared an Army, wherewith he came vpon them, that they could scarsely beleue they sawe hym present, of whose commyng they had not herde before. In his way he practysed wyth the Tessalians, and vsed to them suche gentle wordes and apte persuasions, by puttyng them in remembraunce of his fathers benefites, and of the aūcient kynrede betwene thē by the discent frō Hercules, that he brought them to the pointe, that by an vnyuersall decre of the hole Countrey, he was created their Gouernour. So great was the celeritie that this young man vsed, and his diligence so effectuall in all his doynges, that he brought all suche in feare of hym, as before turned from hym, and regarded hym litle. As the Atheniens were the firste that fayled, so they firste of all repented, and extolled with [Page 8] prayses Alexanders chyldhode, whyche before they had despysed, aboue the vertue of the auncient conquerours. They also sent Embassadours to require of hym peace, whome he sore rebuked when they came to his presence, but yet was content at length to remytte their offence. And although Demosthenes was chosen one of the Embassadours, yet he came not to his Prince, but from Cythron retourned agayne to Athens, whiche his doyng was ether for feare that he had so often [...]ayled agaynst Philip, and stoored the Atheniens against hym, or els to take away the suspicion of hym selfe from the Kynge of Percie, of whome it was sayd that he had receyued a great somme of gold to stand agaynste the Macedons. The same thyng was layed agaynste hym by Aesthines in an Oracion, where he saieth: Aesthynes presently the Kynges gold doth beare his charges, but that can not laste hym long, seyng no ryches can suffise his prodigall liuyng. When Alexander had pacified those sturnes that were begonne in Grece, before he would passe his Army into Asia, he made a iourney agaynst the Peones, the Triballes, and Thillicians, because he vnderstode they were conspityng togethers. And for that they bordred vppon hys Countrey: and were woute to inuade thesame vpon euery occasion, thought to set stay amonges them before he would remoue hys power so farre of. Amphipolis From the Cytie of Amphipolis therefore he set forewardes agaynste the Tracians, whiche at that tyme were not vnder the rule or lawe of any man. And in ten daies came to the mount Hemus, Mount Hemus. in y e toppe wherof he found thē encamped with a great power to resist his passage. In steade of trēches they had impaled thē selfes w t their cariages crosse y e streightes [Page] purposyng ther to let his iourney. And if they should be inuaded by any other waye then by the strayghtes▪ they dyd determyne to roulle the Cariages downe the hyll vpon the Macedones, to breake the array of their battailes, whiche deuise in dede they put in execution. But the Souldiers had receyued before instruccions by Alexāder, that as occasiō should serue, parte should open their arraye to lette the Cartes and Wheales passe through them, and that other should fall flat vpō the grounde, and by coueryng their bodies with their Targattes auoyde the daunger. They vsed the matter accordyng to their instruccions, and when the Cartes were passed by, they with a courage and crye mounted vp agaynst their enemies, and in a moment put them to flyght: When Alexander was passed the Mountayne he entred into the Contrey of the Triballes as farre as the ryuer of Ligens. Syrmus kyng of the Trybals. When Syrmus Kynge of that lande vnderstode of his comyng he sent his wyfe and hys chyldren with suche of hys people, as were not mere for the warres into an Iland called Pencascytuate within the Riuer of Danubye. Penca. Into whiche lande the Thracians that bordered with the Triballes were fledde also. It was not long after that Syrmus hym selfe fledde thither lykewyse. The rest of the Tryballes that were not with the Kynge withdrewe into an other Ilande, where they kepte them selfes agaynste Alexander. But he by polecye founde the meanes to drawe them out of theree strength, whereby he slewe of them the nombre of thre thousande, and the reste fledde awaye, for of prysoners there were fewe taken. After this battayles he marched towardes the Ryuer of Danubye, to that Ilande where the Tracians and the other Tryballes were fledde. They made notable [Page 9] resistans againste him, which they might the better do, by reason that Alexander wanted boates, & the bankes of the Iland were so highe & stepe, that they could not be mounted vpon, but with great difficulty the streame besides ronnyng meruelously swifte, because that the Ilande made yt narowe▪ when Alexander perceyued the impossibility to assaile them, he withdrewe to another place, where gettyng a fewe boates passed the ryuer in the night to the nōber of .M.ccccc. horsemen & 4000 fotemen, wyth whiche company he set vpon a people called Getes, Getes. that stode redye in bataile on the further side, of purpose to stoppe the Macedones their passage w t .4000. horsemen & .x.M. fotemē. By which sodeyne comyng ouer, the Getes beīg afraid did not abyde the furste onset. it seamed to thē a matter of wonderful aduenture. for Alexander in one nyght wythout a bridge, Danuby. to passe his power ouer the brodest and depest ryuer of al Europe. this matter stroke such fear in thē that they fledde into the woddes and deserte places. leuing their cytie desolate which was taken by Alexander and ouerthrone. Syrmus Kyng of the Triballes, the Germains, and the other Inhabiters of Danubie, sent Embassadours thether vnto Alexander to enter with him in frendshyppe, and amitie. And he condiscending to their requestes, enquired of the Germaines what thing it was in the world that they doubted most, thinkinge in deade that the terrour of his name had bene the most feareful thing vnto thē. But when they vnderstode his meanynge they aunswered: that they doubted greatly the falling of the skye with whose presumptious aūswer Alexander was nothing moued, nor further replied, sauing only that he said, the Germains were alwaies a proud people, and thereupon dismissed thē. Agrians. As he was going frō thence against y e Agrians & [Page] y e Peās. Agryans. clitꝰ Bardeleius Glancias Kynge of Thalāts Lagarus. he was aduertised that Clitus Bardeleius had rebelled, and was confederate with Glancias y e kynge of the Thaulantes. he had also intelligēce, that y e people of Anteria wold giue him bataile in his passage wherefore he cōmytted to Lagarus the Kynge of Agryans (wich was welbeloued of King Philip, & no les fauored of Alexander) y e charge to go againste y e Anterians, Anterians. and promysed him vpon his retorne to giue him his suster Cyna in mariage. Cina. And Alexāder him self w t great celeritie wēt against Clytus & Glaucias, whō in sondrey bataylles he ouercame, & put to flight. Whiles Alexander was about thes thinges, The Greks rebellyd. he receiued aduertisemēt, y e diuers Cities in Greace & specially the Thebans had rebelled which thinge moued him muche, & was y e cause that he retorned w t spede to oppresse y e cōmocion. The Thebanes in this meane season besieged y e Castle of Thebes, wher in was a guarrison of Macedones, and wēt about by al meanes to win it. To whose rescue Alexander came by greate iourneys. & encamped w t his host nere to y e Citie. The siege of Thebes Such as bare rule amōges y e Thebanes, whē thei sawe Alexāder cōe, contrary to y t they loked for, & doubted whether such ayde shuld cōe to thē frō other Cities, as was promysed, began to consulte how to procede. At lēgth by a general consent they determyned to abide thaduenture of y e warre. The King in y e meane seasō stode at a staye, geuyng thē spare to be better aduised, & chaūge purpose for he was of opiniō. that not one Citye wold euer haue made resistance, against so great a power as he had, beinge aboue .xxx. thousand, fotmen, and thre thousand horsemen, al olde Souldyers, and experte in the traueiles of warre. The truste of whose manhode and valyantenes had caused hym to vndertake the warres agaynst the Percians. Trulye yf the Thebans had gyuen place too [Page 9] fortune, & to y e tyme, and wold haue required peace they mighte easelie haue obtained it his disire was so greate to passe into Asia against y e Percians. but y e Thebans y t were determined to trye their force, and vse no praiers, fought agaynst y e Macedōes that far exceded their nō bre obstynatly & with greate manhode. But whiles the batailes were ioyning the guarrison of the castle issued out vpon the Thebanes backe, wherby being enclosed they were vanquyshed, their Cytie taken, spoiled, The distraccion of Thebes and vtterly rased. Which thynge Alexander did of purpose because he thought y e reste y e Grecians afraied by their ēsample, wold be y e more quiet whiles he shoulde be in the warres of Asia. to gratifie the Phocians and Plateans that were confederat with hym, through the manifold accusations that they brought in agaynste the Thebanes, he slewe of them Six thousande▪ and solde thirte thousand as Slaues the money wherof coming amoūted to the som of foure hūdred and forty talentes yet he spared al the linage of Pindarus y e Poete, Pindarus the Poet. wherbye he woulde wytnes vnto the worlde, the fauour he did beate vnto learned men. In this Citie of Thebes was a notable woman called Timoclea▪ Tymoclea. whome when A capteyne of Thrace did rauishe, & wold haue enforced her to confes her monye, she brought him to a well where she saide all her precious gere was hydden. And whiles he stouped downe to loke into the wel, she thrust him in, and threwe stones after▪ wherby he was slaine For this facte she being comitted to prysone and afterwardes brought before Alexander: he asked her what she was, she aūswered w t out feare, y t she was Suster to Theogenes whych beind elected general Captayne against kīg Philip his father, māfully died for y e libertie of Grece. At wose stowtnes & cōstācy y e King merueled so much y t he caused her w e her childrē to be set at liberte [Page] The Athenians had so greate pitie and compassion of the estate of the Thebanes, that contrarye to the commaundement of Alexander, they receyued into theyr Citie such of them as escaped. Whiche thing Alexander toke in such displeasure, that when thei sente Embassadours the second tyme to demaunde peace, he would not graunte atonement, vpon any other condicion, but that such Oratours & Captaines which had sturred thē to rebelliō, shuld be deliuered vnto his handes. But at length the matter was brought to that poynet that the Oratours were reserued, & the Captaynes banished, which straight fled to Darius Kyng of Percia. At such tyme as Alexāder assembled the Greciās in Isthmos for the determinaciō of his iourney into Percia, many Oratours & Philosophers came to visite him, Diogenes. only Diogenes that remayned about Corinthe kept hym selfe away, as one that estemed Alexander nothyng at all. wherat he marueiled much, & wēt to visit him, wher he was beking of him selfe in the sō. He asked Diogenes if he had nede of any thīge y t he might do. To whō Diogenes nether gaue reuerēce nor thāks, but willed hym to stād out of his son shine. With whose behauour and wordes Alexāder was so delited, that turning to those that were with hym said: if he were not Alexander, he would wysh to be Diogenes. Whē he had put in ordre thaffaires of Grece, comitting the rule therof togither with the Realme of Macedō to the gouernemēt of Antipater, Antipater. whō he most trusted. in y e begīning of y e spring came to Hellespont w t his hole Armye, Hellespont which he transported into Asia with incredible spede & diligēs. Whē they were come to the furder shore, Alexāder threwe a darte to thennemies land, and as he was armed lepyd out of the ship wyth great chetefulnes, and their sacrified, making peticiō vnto the gods that thei wold voucsafe [...] [Page 11] towardes his enemies, and forbad his Souldiers to make eny spoyle vpon the contrey, persuadinge thē to spare that was ther owne, and that thei shuld not destroyt y e thinge, which they came to possesse. He not had in his Army aboue the nombre of .xxxii.M. The number of Alexander Armye. fotemen & v.M. horsemen, and but .Clxxx. ships. wherfore yt is harde to iudge whither yt be more, wonderful, that he conquered the worde, or that he dursd attempte y e conqueste therof, wyth so small a powre, he chase not out to suche a dangerus enterpryse the yonge men whych were in y e firste floure of there age, but thold souldiers of whom the more parte for there longe contiunans in warres, were by the custome at lyberty, whither they wold go to the warres any more or no, sauing at there owne pleasure. And there was none of the captaynes nor of ani other that bare office in the Army that was vnder the age of .lx. yeares. So that the souldiers, for their experiēce semed to be Scolemastres of y e warres. And the captayns for there grauitie apered to be Senators in some auncient comon welth. That was the couse that in the fighte none of the minded any flieng but everie one conceyued the victorie in his hedde, nor any put trust in his fete, but in his handes. Alexander that euery where made sacrifice, did vse moste solempnitie at Troye vpō Achilles Tombe, Achylles. of whom he was discended by his mothers side. He iudged hym moste happye of all men that had bene before, because in suche glory he died yonge, and had hys actes set forthe of such one as Homer was. Homer. From thence he passed forewardes into the domynions of Diarus Kynge of Perce, which beinge the sonne of Arsanus, Darius king of Perce. and the fourtene Kyng after Cirus, had gotten the possession of the Monarchie of the hole easte parte of the worlde. The chiefe cause that moued Alexander too [Page] inuade hī was to be reuēged of y e damgs & distruccōs, wherwith his predecessours had afflicted y e contrei of Greace, & also for demāding tribut of Philip his father for y t wiche he sent a proude & presumptious ambassad called hīself y e King of kīges & Kiusmā of y e gods, lastly he had written to Alexander & called him his seruant, & gaue commission to his lieutenants y t thei shuld beat y e mad boy y e sonne of Philip w t roddes & afterwards bring him to his presēce in kings aparaile And lasteli y t they shuld drowne both ship & mariners & conuey al y e Souldirs y t shuld be lefte on liue, beyond y e rede seas theytherfore purposīg to execute y e kings cōmādemēt, Troye Propontydes. assembled theyr powre at y e riuer of Grāik (which doth deuid y e cōtrei of Troie from propōtidis) thei had to y e nombre of .xx.M. fotmen & as many horsemē, w t whō thei had takē y e groūd on y e further sid of y e ryuer, wher Alexāder must nedes passe ouer, wherof he being advertisid though he sawe but p̄sēt ꝑil in thēterprise to fight in y e water & y e ouse frō y e lower groūd, The battal vppn the Ryuer of Grauyk. agaynst his enemyes which had thaduantage of y e higher bank. yet vpon a singuler truste of hys owne good fortune, and the valiantnes of his soulders, attempted the matter. At the fyrst he was sore resisted, & put in great hasard of repulse, but at length he vanqueshed and otuerthrewe his enemies. In doing whereof there neither wanted polycie in him self, nor yet singler manhode in his men. Ther was slayne in that battell of the percians .xx.M. fotemen with .cc.l. horsmen. And of y e Macedones but .xxxiiii. Thys victorie was greatlye effectuall to Alexanders purpose, for therby he wan the Cytie of Sardes, Sardes. beinge the cheyfe strength the percians had for the maistering of the seas, Lydia, Ephelos. vnto the whyche Cytye and to all the reste of the contreye of [Page 21] lidia he gaue libertye to liue vnder their owne lawes He got also into his possessyon the Cytye of Epheses by reason that the fourth daye after the battell yt was abandoned of y e guarison which Darius set ther. Magnesia. In the meane season ther cam Anbassedours frō Magnesia & frō y e Tralliās proffering y e delyuery of thier Cities. Parmenio was sent to thē with .iii. Meliton. thousand fotemen & .cc. horsemen, Helicarnassus. wyth whych powre he wan Miletum y t s [...]od at defēce, & marching frō thēs toward helycarnassus got al the townes therabouts at y e first approche & afterwardes besieged helicarnassus yt self which with great trauaile he wan at length, Ada the Quene of Carya. & rased to the ground. As Alexander entered into Caria, Orontoc [...]tes Ada the Quēe of that Countrey, Alynda. which had bene spoiled of al hir Domynion by Orontobates Darius lieutenant (sauinge of one strong Citye called Alinda) mette w t Alexander, and adopted hym for hir sonne and heire, He wold not refuse y e name & the proffer of hir liberalitie, but dyd betake to hyr againe, the custody of hyr owne Citie. Licia. And besides for y e memory of hyr beneuolens, put the hole Contrey of Caria vnder hyr rule and subiection. From thence he wente into Lycia and Pamphilia to thentent that by gettyng the possession of the sea costes of those contries, Pamphilia shulde causse the sea powre of Darius to stand to none effecte. whē he had ones subdued the people of Pisydia, Pisydia. he entred into Phrigia by the which contrey he was enforsed to passe, and marched towards Darius, Phrigia. with whom he had great desire to encounter, hearynge saye that he was comming against him with many thousand of men of warre.
¶The thyrde boke of Quyntus Curtius of the Act [...]s of the great Alexander Kyng of Macedon.
Geander. ALexander in the meane season hauing sēte Geāder to wage mē of warre out of Peleponese. & established the contreis of Lycia and Pamphilia, remoued his Armye to the Citye of Celenas. Celenas. Marcia. throughe thys Citye theyr rane the same tyme the Riuer of Marcia verie famous in the greake poesis whose hed springing out of the tope of an highe mountayne, and fallyng downe vpon a rock beneth, made muche nose & toringe. It floweth from thence, and watreth the feldes all about wythout encrease of any streame sauing hys owne. The collore wherof being like vnto the calmeese, gaue occasion to the poetes to fayne howe the Nymphes for the delight they toke in y e Riuer, choise their dwellyng vnder that roke. So longe as it ronnethe within compasse of the walles yt keapeth his owne name, but whē it cometh without, where y e streme is more swyfte & vehemente, is then called Lycum. Lycum. Alexander dyd enter into thys towne being foresaken of the Inhabitaunts, and perceyuing they were fled into the castle whych he determined to winne before he departed sēt, frist to sommō them by an Heraulde whych declared that except they wold yelde them selues, they should suffre the extremytie of the law of Armys. They brought the herauld into an highe towre which was strong both by nature and workmāship, willing him to cōsider the thing, & to declare vnto Alexander y t he wayed not sufficiently y e strengthe of the place, for thei said they knewe it to be impringable, & if y e worstshuld falle, yet were thei redy to dye in there truth & allegeance. Notwth standinge which wordes. whē it came to y e pointe, y t thei sawe thē selues be sieged, & al thinges wax scarse. They toke truse for l [...] dayes, w t thys composition, y t if they were [Page 13] not reseued by Darius within y e time, they wold rēdre it vp into his hāds. Which thei did afterwards at y e dai apointed, whē thei saw no succors coming. To y e place there ceme Embassadors to hym frō Athens makyng request, that such of there Citie as were takē prisōres at y e battel fought vppon the riuer of Granyke myght be restored to thē· To whom aunswer was made, that whē y e warres of percie wer ōes brōght to an end, both thers & al other y t wer greaks shuld be restored to their libertie. Alexander had his present care & Imagenarō alwaies vpō Darius, whō he knew not yet to be passed the ryuer of Euphrates. He assembled therfore all hys powre togethers purposing to aduēture the hasard of the bataile. The cōtrey was called Phriga y t he passed thorugh plentyful of villages but scarse of Cyties, Cytye of Gordyn. yet their was one therin of great Antiquitie called Gordin the roiall seat sometyme of Kynge Mydas The riuer Sangarius doth ronne throught yt, and it standeth in midewaye tetwēe the Seā of Ponte & Cilicia, being iudged to be the narowest parte of Asia by reasō of the Sees which lye on both sides representing y e forme of an Ilād. And if it were not for a smale point of land, y t do lie betwext those ses, thei shuld win both togithers. Alexander hauing brought this Citye vnder his boeysans, entered into the temple of Iubyter, were he saw the wagon wherin Mydas the builder of y e Citie was wonte to ride. The same in the furniture & outwarde appearance differred lyttle frō other common wagōs, Gordies knotte. but there was in yt a thing notable: which was a rope folded & knit with many knots, one so wrethed within an otheir, that no man could perceyue the maner of yt nether where the knotes began, nor wher thei eanded Vpon theys the Contremen had a prophesie y t he shuld be lord of all Asia that could vndo that endles knot which matter put the kinge in a meruelus desire to become [Page] the fulfiller of that prophesie. Ther stod a great nombre aboute him bothe of Phrigians & Macedons [...]hone parte of thē musing to what cōclusiō this matter wold come to, and the other feacing the rashe presiumpcō of the kyng. Forasmuch as they could perceyue bi no reasō now y e knot shuld be vndōe. The Kynge him self also doughting y t the failing of his purpose in y e matter, might be take as a tokē of his euel fortune to come. Wherfore after he had cōsidred the thing: What matter maketh it (qd he) which way it be vndone, and striued nolenger how to vnknit it, but out of hand cut w t his sword the cordes a sondre: therbi etheir illuding or els fulfilling theffecte of the prophecye. When this was dōe Alexāder purposed to find out Darius wher so euer he wer. And to the intēt he wold leue al thinges cleare behind his back, made Amphitorus captayne of his name vpon the coste of Helliespont, Amphitorus. comettyng y e charge of y e mē of warre to Egilocus. Egilocus. Thei two haue commissō to deliuer y e Ilāds of Lesbos, Lesbos. Scyo. Coos. Scyo, & Coos from y e handes of y e Percians. And for y e furniture of their chargs apointed to thē .l. talēts. And sent to Antipater & such as had y e gouernans of y e Cities of Greac threscore talēts. He gaue order y e suchas wer his cōfederats shuld w t ther own powre of ships defed y e seas of Hellespōt according to y e leage betwixt thē. It was not yet come to his knowledg how Menō was deade vpō whō he set his hole regard, Menon. knowing if y t he moued not against hī, nomā shuld enterrupt his passage before he cam to Darius. The Cytye of Ancire. Alexander came to the cytye Ancyre where he made hys musteres, and so entred into Paphlagomya wherunto the Grecians be borderers, of whome (it is said) the venetians be discended. Rhaphlagomya. Al this Contrey yealdid vnto him, gaue him pledgs, obteining to be free of tribute, seing they neuer paid any [...] the percians. Calas was captayne there, who taking w t [Page 14] him the band of Souldirs y t were lately come out of Macedon went vnto Capadocea. Calas, But Darius hearing of the deathe of Menon, Capadocia was noles moued therwyth then the case required, for then allother hope set apert he determyned to trye the matter in person, cō dempnyng all thynges y t had ben don by hys deputies, hauing opinion that good gouerment wanted in many of them, and that fortune had fayled in them all. He came therefore to Babylon, wher he encamped. Assembling al his force togithers in sight, bicause he wold shewe the greater courage. And vsing the ensample of Xrexes in takīg of his musters, entrenched so much ground abut as was able to receiue .x. thousand men. within the whych he lodged in the night suche as had bene mustred in the daye. And from thens they were bestowed abrode in y e plaine contrey of Mesepotanya, the numbre of his horsmen & fotemē were innumerable, and yet seamed to the syght to be more then they were. There were of the Percyans an .C. thousand of whom .xxx. thousand were horsemen. Of the Medeans .x. thousand horsemē, & .xxx. thousand fotemen. Of the Barcanyts two thousand horsemen, Themnubre of Darius men of warre. with brode swordes & light bucklers, and .x.M. fotmē w t like weapōs. Ther were of y e Armēians .xl. thousand fotemen & .vii. thousand horsemen The hircanyans of great estymaciō emongeste those naciōs had .vi. thousand horsemē. The deruicens were .xl. thousand fotemē armed w t pikes, wherof parte had no hedes of Irō, but dried y e poīts of thē in y e fiere therwer also of the same naciō .ii.M. horsmē. Ther cāe frō y e Caspiā sea viii.M. fotmē & .cc. horsmē. And with thē of y e rude nacions of Asia .ii.M. fotemen and .iiii.M. hosemen. To the increase af thes numbres there were .xxx.M Mercenary sauldiers y t were Greaks. Hast wold not suffer to cal for the Bactriās, Sogdians, Indians, w t [Page] other thinhabiters of y e red sea, naciōs which had nāes scarsely knowen to ther owne kynge. Thus Darius wanting nothing lesse thē y e mullitud of mē greatly reiossed to behold them. And puffed vp w t the vanitye & flattery of y e greate men y t were aboute hym, turned to Charidemus of Athēs an experte mā of warre (which for y e displeasure y t Alexāder did bere him was bāished his cōtrey) & asked him if he thought not this cōpany sufficient to ouerthrowe y e Macedons. Wheriūto Charidemus without resptte of the kinges pride, or of hys owne estate aunswered. Charidemus words [...]nto Drius Peraduenture six (qd he) ye will not be content to heare y e truth & excepte I tell yt nowe, it shalbe to late hereafter. This great preparatō & hiughe army of yours, gathered of y e multitud of somany naciōs y t you haue raised vp frō al pies of Thorient is more fearfull to theinhabiturs hereabouts, then terrible to your enemies. your mē shine in colors and glister in armure of gold, exceding so much in ryches, y t they which haue not sene thē w c ther eies cānot cōceiue any such thīg in their minds. But cōtrariwise the Macedōes being rough souldiers, w tout any such excesse be terrible to behold y e frōts of ther batailes stād close togethers alwais in strēgth furnished w t pikes & targets for defēce. The Phalant of the Macedons y t which thei call ther Phallant is an immouable square of fotemen, wherin euery one stād close to other ioyning weapō to weapon, euery souldier obediēt toy t whych is commaūded him redy at his captaines beck whyther it be tofolowe his ensigne, to kepe hys armye, to stand stil, to rūne, to fetche a cōpas, to chang thorder of the battell, to fight on this side or that side: euery souldier can do thes thinges aswel as the captaines. And because you shal not thinke gold & siluer to be effectuall to thys matier, they began and obserued this discipline pouerty beīg Maystres. Whē they be werye y e ground, is there bed, they are sattsfiedfied [Page 15] with suche meate as thei find by chaunce, and thei measure not their sleape by the lengthe of the nyght. Thinke you the horsmen of Thessaly, the Alcharnans, and Etolians whych be inuincible men of warre, wilbe repulsed with [...]lynges or staues hardned in the fire. It behoueth you to haue a like force to repulce thē, and to be serued of the same kind of men. Mi counsel is therfore that you sēd this gold and siluer to wage souldiers out of those countreis from whence thei come. Darius was a man of a meke and tractable dysposicion, if the heighte of his estate had not altered the goodnes of hys nature: which made hym so vnpatyent to here the truthe, that he commaunded Charydemus to bee put streight wayes to death: being a man that was fled to his proteccion, and that gaue hym right profitable coū sel. When he was going towards his death he left not his libertye to speake, but saide: there is one at hande that shal reuenge my deathe. For he againste whome I haue geuen the counsell, shall punyshe the for not folowinge of the same. And thou being thus altered with the libertye thou haste being a King, shalt be an ensample to suche as shal come after that when they commit their doinges to fortune they clerely forget thē selues. whiles Charidemus was speaking these wordes, they which had the charge committed vnto them put him to death. whereof afterwardes the Kynge toke ouer late repētance, for he confessed that he had spokē the truth. & caused him to be buried. Thymones Ther was one Thymones the sōne of Menter a yōg mā of great actiuite, to whō Darius gaue the charge of al the souldiers straungers, in whom he had great cōfidence and willed hym to receyue thē at Pharnabasus handes. And gaue to Pharnabasus y t rule y e Menō had before. Thus Dariꝰ beīg careful of the busines he had in hand, whither it were [Page] through pensiuenes of mind, or y t his fancie did deuine thīges to cōe was cōtinually troubled w t visiōs in his sleape. D [...]riue dreame. He dreamed y t y e Macedōs cāpe was al on fire. And shortly after yt semed to hym that Alexander was brought to his presēce in such kid of appariel as he him self did were, when he was first chosen Kyng, and that Alexander should ther be caried on horsebacke through Babilō, and so to vanishe out of sight. Hereupon thinterpretors of dreames with the diuersitie of theyr deuininge, did driue Darius into diuers ymaginacions. Some said his dreame betokened good fortune to him selfe bicause of y e fire that semed to be in his enemyes campe & for that Alexander wyth out any vesture of a King aperid in the vulgare apariel of y e Parcians. Other did enterprete it otherwise: that the lightenīg in y t Macedons campe signified glory & victorie to Alexander, & also then ioyment of y e empire of Asia. which they made a clere matter for as muche as Alexander apered in the same vestures that Darius ware when he was chosen King. Care besydes and trouble of mynd (as it often chaunseth) brought thinges by paste again to remembrance. It was rehersed howe Darius in y e beginning of his raigne chaūged y e scabard of hys sword from the Percian manner into the faschion that the Grekes vsed. Whereupon y t Caldees did prenosticat y t the Kyngdome of Perce shuld be translated to those, whose faschion he had counterfaited. Notwithstāding through the confidence of such prophecies as were commonly sene abrode, and of of the vision, that he seamed to haue sene in his sleape became very mery, and commaunded his Army to marche forwards to the riuer of Euphrates. It was the auncient custome amongeste the Perciās, at the sonne risinge to raise their campe and warnyng of their setting forewardes to be geuen [Page 16] by the blaste of a Trompet sowned at the kinges paullion vpō the which there stode an Image of the sonne enclosed in christall shininge so bright, that it might be sene throught out y e campe. The order of the percians in their merchins. The order of their marche was in this maner. The fire which thei cal holie and eternall was caried before vpon siluer aultars, and the priestes of their lawe went next synginge after theyr contrey maner. There folowed .ccc.lxv. yong men in scarlet robes. like in nombre vnto y e daies of the yeare. Then came the chariots that was cōsecrate to Iupiter drawen with whyte palfreis, a great horse folowinge which thei cal y t horse of y t sonne. Such as did ride vpon the palfreys dyd weare white garmentes, and had roddes of gold in theyr handes, next in order came ten chariots garnished and wrought with siluer and gold. The horsemen of twelue nacions folowed next in sondry sorte of Armoure. Thē came a cōpany that the Percians call immortall the ryches of whose apparell. exceded farre y e reste thei had al cheines of gold, coates embrodered with gold, and sleues set with Perle. there folowed with in a smale distans a band of xv. thousand called Doriphere reputed for the King kinsmen, which were disguised in maner like women, more notable for their gallentnes and varietie of apariel thē for the armour they did weare. Such as were wont to receyue the kynges robes at his hādes did ryde next before the chariot vpō y t which Darius did sit on high with great pompe and magnificens his chariot was set on bothe sides with carued Images of their gods both of siluer and gold. & al the former parte was adorned with perles and precious stones hauing two Images of golde their standynge of a cubyte lengthe combattant on against the other and ouer their heades an Egle of gold displayed. But amongeste all the reste the Kynges apparell [Page] shewed maruelous sumptuouse, whych was of purple empaled whit, with a border embroidred of gold faucons fighting togithers. He was gird effemynately with a gerdle of golde, and the sword that hung therupon had the scabard made of a perle. The diadeame the Kyng were vpon his head called by the Percyans Cydarys had a [...]oule about yt of white and grene. Next behind the Kyng came .x. thousande, horsemen, which had all their speares plated with siluer & their speares heades gilded. He was enclosed on both sides with .cc of y e bloud royal, at whose backes there folowed .xxx.M fotemen, Sisigambis darius mother. and after them .cccc. of the Kynges coursers: wythin the distance of one furlonge Sisigambis the mother of Darius was caried in a Wagone and hys wief in an other, y t trayne of their women ridinge on horsback. Next them wēt .xv. wagons, wherin the kinges children were caried, their nurces and Enuches, which are greatly estemed in y e nacion. And after them folowed .ccc. .lx. of the Kinges concubines al aparelled like Quenes. Then came .vi.c. mules and .ccc. Camels that caried the Kynges treasure whych were garded with a band of Archers. the wiues of the Kinges kinsmen and the other that were about the Kyng came ridinge next. & after them a great companye of slaues and verlets. Last came their reward, lightly armed, of whom euery captaine seueraly with his own company closed in y e army. Such was y e order of Darius host on the other side beholding Alexanders Armye, Alexanders Armye. there was to be sene agreat dyfference, niether the men nor the horse were set forthe with such gold nor precious furnymentes glistering only with the brightnes of their harnes, but they were obediēt at their captaines beck, alwaies in redines to stay or to passe forwardes, nether combred with ouer greate multitude. nor pestered with [Page] to muche bagage. Thei wanted not in any place either groūd for their encāping or victualles for their feding wherby theire smalle nombre was alwayes sufficient when they came to fyght. Where as Darius the lorde of so huge a multitude. through the streightnes of the ground. wherein he was driuen to geue battaille could worke theffect but of a small nombre, whiche he before had dispised in his enemy. Alexander appointed Abistamines the rule of Capadocia, and marching with his army towardes Calicia, came to the place that was called Cyrus Campe, because he lodged there when he passed into Licia against kyng Creasus. This place was distant aboutes .50. forlonges from the streight, wherby he must entre Cilicia. The enhabyters vse to cal those streightes Pyloe, where as the natural scituacion of the place had made a fortification as it were made with mans handes, Arsanes. When Arsanes gouernour of Cilicia vnderstode of Alexanders comyng. remembryng what opinion Menon was of in the beginnyng of the warres, put in executiō his wise coūsell, thought it were ouer late, wastyng and destroyeng through out Cilicia, all suche thinges as he thought might stande his enemy in stede, leuyng the countrey waste, whiche he thought he was not able to defend: where as it had bene muche better to haue preuented his enemy in the streightes, where from the hilles lyeng ouer the way he might without hasard either haue letted his entrey. or els haue distressed hym in his passing. But he leuieng a small nombre for the defence of the streyght, retired him selfe back to waste the countrey, whiche his parte had bene to defend from destructiō. Of his departure it came to passe that those whiche he left behynd, thynking them selues betrayed, would not so muche as abyde [Page] the fyght of their enemies, when a muche lesse nō bre had bene sufficient to haue kept the passage. The destruccion o [...] Cilicia. For the scituaciō of Cilicia is suche that it is enuironed round about with a continuall rough and steade Mountayne whiche rysing from the sea on the one syde, & fetchyng a compasse aboute, ioyneth againe with the sea, on the other syde. Through that parte of this Mountayne whiche lieth furdest from the Sea, beyng thre narowe and rough passages, by one of the whiche they must entre that will passe into Cilicia. This coūtrey towardes the Sea is playne and full of Riuers, amonges which two be notable Pyramus and Cydnus, Pyramus, Cydnus. but Cydnus moste speciall, not so muche for his greatnes, as for the clerenes of his water, whiche from his firste spryng ronneth plesauntly through all the Countrey, and hath no other Ryuer runnyng into hym to disturbe the purenes of his streame. For whiche cause it remayneth alwaies clere▪ and also coold by reason of the woodes that do shadowe all the banckes. Tyme hath consumed many antiquities within that countrey, whiche be remembred of the Poeres. There maie yet be sene the foundacions of the Cities of Lyrnessus, Lyrnessus, Cebestus. Coricius. and Cebestus with the caue and woode of Coricius where saffron groweth with many other thynges whereof nothyng remayneth sauyng only the same. When Alexander entred the straytes that before be mencioned, and beheld the scituacion of them, he neuer in all his life marueiled more of his owne felicitie and good fortune, confessyng that it had not bene possible for hym to haue passed, if any had stand at defence agaynst hym. for that with stones only he myght haue bene destressed, and the strayte besydes was so narrowe, that there could not passe aboue foure in a front. To thencrease [Page] of whiche difficulty the toppes of the Mountaynes hong ouer the ways, whiche in many places were broken and made hollowe with the streames that ranne downe from the hilles. Alexander sent the Thracians that were lyght armed to scower & discouer the ways, for feare the enemies should lye there in busshement, and sodeynly breake forth vpon hym: He appoyncted also a bād of Archers to take the toppe of the hyl, which were willed so to marche, that they myght be alwayes in a redines to fyghte. After this maner he came with his army to the Cytie of Tarson, Tarson. whiche was set on fyre by the Percions, because that Alexander should fynde no herborow there. But Parmeno was sent thether with a choyse nomber of horsemen to quenche the fyer, who vnderstandyng that the enemies were fled away through his commyng, entred into the Cytie and by that meanes saued it from burnyng. The Ryuer of Cydnus spoken of before, dyd ronne through this Cytie, where the kyng arryued about mydday, it beynge in the Sommer season, what tyme the heate is no where more feruent then in that countrey. He toke suche delyght in the pleasauntnes of the water, that he would nedes bathe his body, to washe awaye the sweate & dust he had caught: and being in an heate entred naked into the water in euery mans syght, thynckyng it should be a contentacion to his souldiers to se that the furnemētes about his body was no other but suche as they cōmonly vsed to weare. Alexander by bathing in a Ryuer became in great perill of his life. He was not so sone entred but all the partes of his body began to shake & tremble, his face waxed pale, & the liuely heate was mortified in all partes of his body: His seruauntes toke hym vp and caried hym into his tent, as one besides him self, and at the poinct of death. Then there [Page] was a great desolacion and heuines in the campe, they wepte, lamented, and bewayled, that suche a Kyng, so noble a Capitaine as had not bene sene in any age, should thus be taken from them in the chief of his enterprise and brunte of all his busines, and that after suche a manner, not in battaile slayne by his enemies, but thus cast away bathing in a ryuer. It greued them that Darius now beyng at hand should obtein the victory by suche a chaunce, without seing of his enemy, & that they should be enforced to retourne back agayne as men vanquysshed by those Countreis, through the whiche they had passed before as victorers. In whiche countreis all thynges beyng destroyed by themselues or by their enemies, it was of necessitie for them to dye for hunger, though no man should persue them. It became a question amonges them selues who should be their Capitayne in their flyeng away? or what he were that durste succede Alexander? And though they might saufely arriue at y e Sea of Hellespont, yet who should prepare them passage there. And when they had disputed these questions, their argument by and by was turned in compassion towardes their Prince, lamentyng as mē out of their wittes, that suche a floure of yought suche a force of courage as was in hym, that thesame their kyng and companion in armes should after this sorte be taken from them. In the meane season Alexā der began to drawe his breath somwhat better, & when he came vnto himselfe, he lifted vp his eyes and began to knowe his frendes that were about hym, the vehemens of his sicknes somwhat assuaging, whiche was perceiued in that he began to vnderstand the perill he was in. But the pensiuenes of his mynde was greate hinderaunce vnto his health, for tidinges came that [Page 19] Darius within fiue dayes would be in Cilicia, whiche was the thing that made him to sorowe and lamēt. He could not take it but greuously, that suche a victory should be plucked out of his handes through his infirmitie. And that he should be taken as one tied in bondes, and be put to some shamefull and vile death. He called therfore to hym both his frendes and Phisiciōs, and sayd vnto them: ye see in what state of my busines fortune hath taken me. The wordes of Alexander to his frendes in his sickenes Me thyncke the noyse of myne enemies do ringe in mine eares, and I whiche moued first the warre, am now chalenged and prouoked to fyght. When Darius did wrytte to me suche proude letters, he was not ignoraunt of myne estate, yet peraduenture he shalbe deceyued if I may vse myne own mynde in recouery of myne owne health. My case requireth no slacke medicines, nor slowe Phisicions. I had rather dye sloutly at ones, then to consume long tyme in my recouery. Wherfore if there be any hope or connyng in physicke let it be shewed. And thincke that I seke not remedy so muche for mine own life, as I do for the care I haue to encountre with myne enemies. When they harde him speake those wordes, they were in great doubte of his sodein rashnes, & therfore euery one required him apart, that he would not encrease his perill through any haste, but suffre himself to be ordred by thaduise of his Phisiciōs. For thei alledged that vnproued remedies were not suspected of them without cause, seing his enemy had gone about to corrupt suche as were about him, by promising a .M. talentes to his killer. Which cause alleged, they thought no mā would be so bold to make any experiment of phisicke vpō him, which for the want of triall therof, myght in any wyse geue cause of suspection. There was amongest the excellent [Page] phisicions that came with Alexāder out of Macedon one Philip of Acaxnon whiche was preferred to him for preseruacion of his health, Philip Alexanders phisicion. and had faithfully serued him from his childhode, and therfore loued him with entire affection. He promised to prouide for the Kynge an approued remedy, but suche one as would worke sore vpon him, by the drinkyng wherof he doubted not (he sayd) but to expulse the force of his disease: That promise pleased no mā, but only him which in the proufe therof should abide the perill: For he could abide all thinges better then delay. Darius and his power was alwayes in his eye, and he had assured confidence that y e victory should fall on his side, if he myght be able but to stand in the sight of his mē. The thing that only greued him, was that the Phisiciō would not minister vnto him before the third day. In the meane season Parmenio, whome of all his nobilitie he trusted moste, had exhorted him by his letter, that he should not cōmit himself to the cure of Philip, for that he was corrupted by Darius with a thousand talentes, and the promis of his syster in mariage. Those letters brought the kyng in great care and doubt, and moued hym to way and pondre secretly with himself all those thinges, that fear or hope could put in his hedde, of thone syde or thother. Shall I aduenture (thought he) to drynke this medicine? Alexanders Imaginaciō what if it be poyson? shal I not then be accoūpted the cause of myne owne death? shall I suspecte the fidelitie of my Physicion? or shall I suffre myne enemy to kyll me in my bedde? yet were it better to peryshe by other mens treason, then thus to dye through myne owne faynt herte. His mynde beyng thus diuersely wrought, he would shewe the contentes of the letter to no man, but sealed it with his owne ring, and layde it [Page 20] vnderneth his pillowe. Two dayes nere passed on in these Imaginacions, and the third daye the Phisicion came to his beddes syde with the medicine redy made. When the kyng sawe hym he raysed vp hymselfe vpon his elbowe, and takyng the letter in his lefte hande, with the other hande toke the cuppe, and streyght supped it of. When he had so done he delyuered the letter to Philip to reade, and whyles he was readyng he beheld hym continually in the face supposing that if he had bene faulty, some token would haue apeared in his countenaunce. When Philip had redde the letter he shewed more tokens of displesauntnes then of feare, and there withall fell downe vpon his knees, and said: Sir I se my lyfe doth depende vpon your health. But your recouery shall declare that I am falsely charged with this treason: But when that by my meanes you shall get your health; I truste ye will not deny me then my lyfe. In the meane season laye feare asyde, and suffre the medicine to worke, and to haue his operacion. Kepe your self quiet, and suffer not your self to be troubled with the supersticious carefulnes of your frē des, which though it procedeth of good wil, is yet much impediment vnto your health. His wordes not only satisfied the kyng, but made him to conceiue perfite hope to be hole, and said vnto Philip: If the goddes would haue graūted y t to deuise a meane to proue y e cōfidēce I haue in the, & the good wil towardes the y u couldest not haue chosen any so good as this is: for notwithstāding y e lfe, I drāke of y e medicine, beleuing y t to be no lesse careful for declaraciō of thine own truth, thē for my heth, & therwith gaue him his hād: yet afterwardes whē the medicine begā to worke it was such in operaciō, y t it semed to verefie Parmenios accusemēt: for he faited oft [Page] and had muche labour to drawe his breath. Then Philip left nothing vnproued or vndonne that might serue for his purpose. He laid warme clothes to his body, and alwaies as he fainted reuiued him againe with the sauour of one thing & other. And when he perceiued him once to come to him self, he ceased not to fede him with talke, and one while put him in remembraunce of his mother and his susters, and an other while of the great victory that was at hand. Alexanders recoueryng. When the powre of medicine was once entred into his vaines, ther apeared streight in all partes of his body manifest tokens of healt. First quicknes came to the spirites, and after the body recouered his strength a great deale soner then any mā loked for he should. For the third day after he had bene in this case, he walked in y e sight of his souldiours, which wonderfully reioysed to see him. And they shewed no lesse affeccion vnto Philip, whom euery one seuerally embraced & gaue him thankes, as vnto God. It cannot be expressed besides the naturall veneraciō the Macedons vse to beare vnto their prince, in what reuerence they especially had Alexander, and how feruently they loued him. They had conceiued of him an opinion that he could enterprise nothing but that it was furthered by God, & fortune was so fauorable vnto him that his rashenes was always encrease of his glory. His age besydes scarcely rype, and yet sufficient for so greate thynges, dyd marueylously set forth all his doynges. And thinges whiche out of the warres should be coū ted lightnes, are wōt to be moste acceptable to the souldiers, as thexercising of his body amonges thē, his apparell not differing from the cōmon sort, with his courage & forwardnes in the fielde: whiche giftes geuen him of nature, & thīges done of policy did get him both [Page 21] loue and reuerence of his people. When Darius harde of Alexanders sicknes, he marched towardes the riuer of Euphrates with all the haste he could make in conueying of so cōbrouse an army. He made there a brydge and in .v. daies passed ouer his people, hauing great desire to get Cilicia before his enemy. By that time Alexander had recouered his strength, and was come to a Cytie called Solos, Solos. whiche the inhabitauntes yelded vnto him, and for two hundred talentes obtayned assuraunce. Notwithstāding he put a garison in the Castle, and there celebrated playes, and triumphes whiche he had vowed to Aesculapius, and Minerua for the recouery of his health: Where being geuē so quietly to his pastime, shewed howe litle he estemed the commyng of his enemies. Whiles Alexāder was busied about these thinges, he receiued plesaunt newes, how his men had wonne a battaille of the Percians at Halicarnassus, and that the Myndians, and Cawnians, Myndians. Cawnians. with diuers other nacions in those partes were brought vnder his obediēce. This triumphe ones ended he remoued, and by a brydge made ouer the ryuer of Piramus, he came to the Cytie of Malon: Malon. Castabulon. and from thence with an other remoue, came to a towne called Castabulon. There Parmenio returned to the kyng whiche had bene sent to searche the strayte that lay betwene them and the Cytie of Isson. He had preuented the Percians at the passage, and so leuyng men for the defence therof, toke the Citie of Isson that was lefte desolate: Isson. he departed from thence and did driue the Perciās out of the moū taynes, & serched all the waies. So that hauing made all thinges clere for tharmy to passe, he returned again both the aucthour of the acte, & the reporter of the thing done. Alexander encamped within the Citie, & debated [Page] there in coūsail, whether it were better to passe on further, or els to tary there for a more power whiche was cōming to him out of Macedon: Parmenios opinion. Parmenio was of opinion that this place was moste metest to abide Dariꝰ in, and geue him battaille, where both tharmies should be of like force by reasō of y e straytes, wherein no great multitude could fight at once: He shewed reasons why thei ought to eschue the plaines, wherein their enemies shoud haue great auantage through their great nōbre that might enclose thē about. Wherin (he said) he doubted not his enemies stoutnes, but only feared that their own men might be ouercōme with werenes, where a multitude should fight with a fewe, & freshe men succede in the place of them that fainted. This counsaill was receiued for good, and Alexander determined in y t place to abide his enemies. There was in the host of y e Macedons one Sysenes a persone sent before tyme from the gouernour of Egipt vnto kyng Philip: Sysenes. who being aduaunced with rewarde and promociōs choyse to lyue out of his own con̄trey, & so folowing Alexāder into Asia, was estemed among those that the kyng trusted well: A souldier of Create deliuered hym a letter from Nabazzanes, Darius Lieutenaunt, wherin he exhorted him to do some notable enterprise, wherby he might wynne fauour & reputaciō with Darius. Sysenes innocēt of this matter was about diuers times to present the letter to the king, but seing him occupied w t weyghty affaires of prouision for the battaille, prolonged the matter. And whiles he wayted for a more conuenient time he brought himself in suspiciō of treason, for the letter was brought to the kinges handes before it was deliuered vnto him: who readyng it, did seale y e same with a strong seale, and caused it to be deliuered [Page 22] to Sysenes, to proue therby his fidelite, but because he counsealed the thyng many dayes and opened not the matter to the kyng it semed that he consented thereunto: And therefore by the kynges commaundement he was put to death by the band of y e Cretēsians: The Greke souldiers whiche Tymodes had receyued of Pharnabasus, beyng those that Darius trusted moste, were come vnto him. The grekes ad [...]ise. They perswaded muche Darius to retire backe into the playnes of Mesopotania, and if he would not do so, that at the leste he should deuide his power, and not commyt the hole force of his estate, to one stroke of fortune. This counsaill was not so displesaunt vnto the Kyng, as it was to suche that were about hym: For they sayd, mercinary souldiours were alwayes full of treason, and were to be doubted the more for that they counsayled the Army to be deuided, whiche was for no other purpose but only that they myght haue commoditie to flee vnto Alexander, when they should haue any charge committed vnto them. There is nothyng therefore more sure for vs (quod they) then to enclose them round about with our army and to cut them in peces, to be an ensample to the worlde that treason should neuer be vnreuenged. But Darius whiche was of a meke and good disposicion, Darius clemency. refused to commit so cruell an acte in sleyng suche as had betaken themselues to his truste: Darmes answere vnto his counsail For if we should fyle oure handes (quod he) with their bloude, what straunge nacion would euer then committe them selues into our handes? alledgyng that there ought no man to lose his lyfe for geuyng folyshe counsayll. For who would be bolde to geue Counsaylle, yf in counsayllyng there should be any peryll? For I call you (quod he) to counsaill daily, and heare the [Page] diuersitie of your opinions, & yet mistruste not thē that geue me not always the best counsaill. He caused the Grekes to be aunswered, that he gaue them thākes for their good will. But in retourning backe (he saied) he should geue vp him his countrey into his enemies hā des, whiche were not conuenient. And considering y e force y t fame is of in the warre, in going backe he shuld appeare to flee. But to deferre the fight he thought it worste of al, seing so great an army as he had (the winter thē approching) could not be victailed in a desolate coūtrey, that had bene wasted both by them selues & by their ennemies. And for the deuiding of his power, he shewed that he could not do it, obseruing the customes of his predecessours, which were not wont to hasard y e battaille, but w t their hole power. He declared y t Alexā der before his cōming semed terrible to the worlde, and through his absence was brought in a vaine presumption. But after he sawe him come, became ware & wel aduised, hiding him in the straytes of the mountaines, like those coward beastes, that hearing the noyse of cō mers by, do hide them selues in the dēs of the woddes. He hath blynded his souldiers ( qd he) with his coūterfeit sicknes, but nowe I will not suffer him to prolōge the fyght any longer, whiche if he will refuse, I wyll oppresse hym in his lurkyng hole. These wordes he spake with greater auaunte. then truthe. And sent his treasure and Iuelles with a smalle conuoye to Damasco in Syria, and entred with his Army into Cilicia, bryngyng with hym accordyng to hys Countrey maner, both his mother, his wyfe, his little sonne, and his doughters. It chaunsed thesame night that Alexā der was come to the strayte entryng into Siria. Darius came vnto y e place which thei cal Pylae Amāicae. Pylae Amanicae The Perciās not doubtīg at al, but that the Macedōs [Page 23] would haue forsaken the Citie of Isson, and fled away for feare, for certayne of thē that were weke and could not folowe were taken, the whiche Darius through instigacion of the great men about him, raging in barbarouse crueltie, caused their handes to be cut of, and to be lead about his campe, to the entēt they might behold the multitude of his men, whom after sufficient vowe taken, he lette go to shewe Alexander what they had sene. Darius remoued and passed the riuer of Piramꝰ of purpose to pursue after the Macedons, whiche he thought had bene fleing away. They whiche had their handes cut of, came runnyng in amonges the Macedons, declaryng that Darius was commyng in greate haste. There was scarsely any credens geuen to their wordes, but to be sure Alexander sent spyes towardes the Sea coaste, to knowe whether Darius were there in persone, or els had sent some other to make a shewe of a powre. The Spies retournyng dyd reporte that his hole army was at hand, and strayght wayes the fierce myght be sene, whiche gaue suche a shewe (by reason they lay straglyng so farre abrode to get forage) as though the hole Countrey had bene on fyre. When Alexander was assertayned of the truthe, he encamped in the same place where the tydynges came vnto hym, beyng marueylous glad that he knewe he should fyght, specially in the streyghtes whiche was the thing that he had alwayes desyred. But as it is commonly sene when daunger and extremitie is at hand, confidens is conuerted into feare. Alexanders Imaginaciō before the battaille. So he doubted not without greate cause, that fortune myght charge vpon hym, by whose fauour he had done so great actes, & considered her mutabilitie by such thinges as she had takē from other and geuen to hym, he sawe there was no [Page] prorograciō of the time, but that after one night passed the victory should be determined. But on y e other side, he called vnto remēbraunce howe the reward ensuing of the victory, farre exceded the aduenture. For as the same was dowbtfull, so beyng disconfited, he was certayne to dye with honour and perpetuall praise. When he had waied these thinges, he gaue ordre that the souldiours should refresshe them selues, and at the third watche to be armed and in a redines to set forwardes. He himselfe went vp into the toppe of a moūtayn with many torches and lightes about hym, where he made sacrifice vnto the goddes after his Countrey maner. And when the houre was come apoincted vnto the souldiers, at the third sound of the trompet, they ware in a redines both to marche and fight. Then exhortacion was geuen vnto them to passe on with bould courage, and so by the spryng of the day they were come to the streightes wherein their purpose was to preuent Dariꝰ. By that time such as were sent before to scowre the contrey, came in and reported that the Percians were within .30. furlonges. Then the battayles were stayed and set in suche ordre as they should fight. Lyke as Alexander was enfourmed of Darius, so he was aduertised of Alexander by the pesauntes of the coūtrey, whiche came fearfully runnyng vnto hym, declaryng that Alexander was at hande. These wordes were not beleued, for they could not thinck them to be comming, whom they thought before to be fledde. But when thei perceiued that it was so in dede, because they were in better ordre to pursue their enemies then to encoūtre with them in battaile, they were striken with a marueilous sodeine feare. Euery man toke him to his armour in haste, whiche haste and the callyng that one made [Page 24] vpon an other, did put a greater feare amonges them. Some ran vp to the toppes of the hilles to view the Macedons, other fell to brydling their horses. So that the hoste full of diuersite and not ruled by any certayn gouernement, with their hurley burley, put all thinges out of ordre. The ordre that Dariꝰ gaue for the battaille. Darius at the first had apoincted one part of his power to take the mountayne. Whiche settyng vpon his enemies backes might enclose them both behynde and before: and assigned an other company to passe along the sea syde whiche was on the right hand, to kepe his enemies doing on euery parte. He gaue ordre also that .xx. thousand fotemen with a band of Archers should passe the ryuer of Pyramus, and geue an vnset that way. But if they found any impedimēt why they might do so, then he willed them to retire amōges the mountaines, and to inuade their enemies on their backes. But fortune whiche was of greater force then any policie, determined those thinges that were wel deuised according as she thought good. For some durste not for feare execute the thing that was commaunded them, and then the rest worked in vayne, for where the membres faile the hole body is confounded. The order of the Perecians. The ordre of Darius army stode thus arāgid to fight: his power being deuided into two battailles, one marchīg on the left hand and the other on the right. Nabarzanes enpaled the battaille on the right hād with a great power of horsmē, and .xxx. thousand Slingers and Archers. Thymones was also in y e battaille with .xxx. thousand mercenary Grekes, being in very deade Dariꝰ chiefest force, a power equall vnto Phalanx of the Macedons. In the battaille on the left hand Aristomenes was in the fore front with .xxx.M. fotemen hauing plāted for his succour & relief such naciōs as were coūted moste [Page] valiaunt. There were about the kynge beyng also in that battayle thre thousand choyse horsemen that were of the ordinary guard of his persone, and .xl. thousand footemen with the horsemen of Hircany and Medya, and the horsemen of other nacions were wynges on both sydes. And besydes these nombres there went before this battaille in a forlorne heape .vi. thousand Slingers and casters of Dartes. All the plaine groūd betwene the streightes was filled with men of warre▪ and Darius battaille stode araunged from the mountayne downe to the Sea syde. The mother and wyfe of Darius with all the flockes of women were receyued into the myddes of the battaille. The order of the Macedons. Alexander on the other syde set his square battaille of fote men called Phalanx (beyng the Macedons chiefest force) in the fore fronte. Mycanor the sonne Parmenio was capitayne of the battaylle on the ryght hande, and with him Cenos and Perdicas Meleager, Tolomeus, and Amintas were ioyned euery one with his owne bande. Parmenio & Caterus had the rule of the battaille on the left hand, whiche stretched towardes the Sea, but Parmenio had the chief charge. Horsemen were set in wynges to both those battailles. The Macedō & Tessalien horsemen beyng apoyncted to the rygth hande battaille, and the horsemē of Peleponese to the battaile on the other side, before whiche battaylle there were also set Slingers with Archers amonges them, and the Cretences that were lyghtely armed, went before the mayne battaille. The band of Agrians that were lately come out of Grece, were assigned to encoūtre w t those y t Darius had sent to take y e toppe of y e moūtaine. He willed Parmenio y t as much as he might he should stretch out his bād towardes y e sea, to w tdrawe as farre [Page 25] as he could from the hilles, whiche the enemies had taken. But such as had directiō by Darius to take the hilles neither durste resiste suche as came against thē, nor yet to cōpasse those about that were passed by thē, but fled away at the first sight of the Slingers. Which thing chaunsed wel for Alexander, for it was the thing that he doubted moste, that they from the higher groūd should inuade the open side of his battaille, whiche lay vnflancked towardes them. The Macedons marched xxxii. in a rāke, for the streightnes of the groūd would not suffer them to go any broder, but by little and little as the playne betwene the mountaygnes began to enlarge, so they had libertie both to make their battailles broder, and also for the horsemen to marche vpon the sydes. Whē both the battailes were come within sight togethers, the Percians first gaue a terrible and rude shoute, whiche was agayn doubled of the Macedons, not with their nombre whiche were farre inferiour vnto the Percians, but with the rebounde of the hilles and the rockes, which doubled euery voice of theirs. Alexander did ryde vp and downe before the frontes of his battailles, makyng a sygne to his souldiours with his hand, that they should not make ouermuche haste to ioyne with their enemies, for bringing thēselues out of breath. And as he passed by, The exhortacions that Alexander gaue vnto his souldiours. he vsed to euery naciō sondry exhortacions, as he thought mete for their disposicions and qualitie. He put the Macedons in remembraunce of their olde prowes and māhode with the nō bre of battailles that they had wonne in Europe, howe that they were come hether aswel by their own desires as by his conducte, to subdue Asia and the vttermoste bondes of the Orient. He shewed them to be the people that were ordayned to conquere the worlde. & to passe [Page] the boundes both of Hercules, & Bachus. He declared that both Bactria and Inde should be theirs, in respect of whiche the coūtreis that they had sene were but trifles, & yet were to be gotten all with one victory, wherin he said their trauaile should not be in vain, as it was in the baraine rockes of Illiria, or in the mountaynes of Thrace, but that in this cōquest the spoyle of the hole Orient was offred vnto them. For the getting wherof they should scarsely nede to occupie their wordes, since the battailles of their enemies wauered so alredy for feare, that with their approche only they should put thē to flight. He reduced his father Philip vnto their memory how he cōquered the Atheniās with the coūtrey of Boetia, where he rased to the ground the noble cytie of Thebes. After that he made rehersall of the battail wonne at the ryuer of the Granik, and of all the Cities that he had taken, or that had bene youlden vnto hym, with the countreis thei had passed through & subdued. When he came vnto the Grekes, he desired them to call to mynd the greate warres that had bene made against their countrey in tymes past by the Percians. First by the pride of the Xerxes and after by Darius who made destruction both by water and land in suche sorte that the riuers could not serue them of drinke, nor the earth of victualles for to eate: rehersyng also howe the Temples of their Goddes had bene by them poluted, and put to ruen, their Cyties ouerthrowen, and the truces and promyses by them violated and broken that were confirmed both by deuine and humanie lawes. When he was passed by the Illirians and Thracians whiche were accustomed alwayes to lyue vpon thefte, and spoyle: he had them behold their enemies whiche glistered with gold, and bare no armour, but spoyle fro [Page 26] them & take. He encouraged them to go forwardes like men, and pluck the pray from those effeminat womē, & to make exchaunge of their kraggie rockes and bare hilles alwaies full of snowe, for the plentiful groundes and ryche landes of Perce. The battal betwixt Darius and Alexander. By the time he had made these exhortacions they were come within throwe of their dartes. And Dariꝰ horsemē gaue a fierce charge vpon the right hand battaille of the Macedōs. For Darius desire was to trie. y e battaille by horsemen iudging (as it was indede) that y e chiefest power of his enemies consisted in their square battaille of fotemē. So that y e battaille where Alexāder was, was brought to the point of enclosing about, if he had not ꝑceiued y e same in time. who cōmaunded two tropes of his horsemē to kepe the top of the hill, & brought all the rest to the encounter of his enemies. Then he cōueied the Tessalians horsmē from the place where they stode to fight, willing their captain to bring thē about behind the battailles, & there ioyning with Parmenio to do the thing manfully y t he should appoinct thē. By this the Phalanx of the Macedōs in maner enclosed about w t their enemies, fought notably on all partes, but they stode so thick, & so were ioyned one to an other, that there wāted scope to welde their dartes. Thei were so mīgled together, y t in castīg one letted another: very few lighted vpō y e enemies w t weake dintes, & the moste parte fel on y e groūd without harme doing, wherfore being enforced to ioyne hād for hand, they valiaūtly vsed the sworde. Then there was great effusiō of bloud, for both tharmies closed so nere that their harnes classhed together, wepō against wepō & foyned one at an others face w t their swordes. Ther was no place for y e fearfull or y e coward for to fle back, but eche set his fote to other, & by fighting kept stil their place, til thei could make their way bi force, & so always [Page] passed forwardes, as they could ouerthrowe their enemies, being weried and trauailed thus with fightyng, they were euer receiued with freshe enemies: & suche as were wounded myght not parte out of the battaille (as it hath bene sene els where) their enemies assayled them so fierssy before, and their fellowes thrust on so hard behind. Alexander did that day not only suche thynges as pertained to a Captayne, but aduentured himself as farre as any priuate souldier, couetyng by al meanes to kill Darius whiche he estemed the greatest honour. Darius did ride alofte vpon his chariot geuing great prouocation both to his enemies to assayle hym, Oxatres Dariꝰ brother. and for his own men to defend him. As Oxatres his brother apeared moste notable amonges them all in his furniture and personage, so in hardines and affection towardes the kyng he exceaded farre the rest, specially in that case of necessitie. For when he sawe Alexander aproche so nere, he thruste in before Darius with the band of horsemen wherof he had the charge, where as ouerthrowing diuerse, he put many to flight. But the Macedones swarmed so about the kyng and were in suche a courage by thexhortaciō that eche made to other, that they charged againe vpon that band of horsemen. Then apeared the slaughter lyke an ouerthrowe. About the Chayre of Darius lay the moste noble of his Captaines, all dyeng honorably afore the eies of their kyng, with their faces to the groūd like as they fel, receiued their death woūdes without turnyng their backes: Amonges whome Aticies, Romythres, & Sabaces gouernour of Egipt, that had the charge of great nombres of men, were ouerthrowen and slayne, and about them there lay by heapes a huyge nombre of the vulgare sorte, both of horsemen and fotemen. Of the [Page 27] Macedons also some were slayne of suche as pressed moste foreward, amonges whome the ryght shoulder of Darius was somwhat hurte with a sworde. In this thronge the horses that drue Darius Chariot, were thruste in with pykes, whiche beyng woode for payne of their woundes, began to stroggle and ouerthrowe their maister Darius. He fearyng therfore to be taken a lyue, leaped downe and was set vpon a ledde horse, and so fledde away castyng from his head his diademe because he would not be knowen. Dariꝰ ouerthrowen. Then all his men for feare disparkled, flyeng by suche wayes as were open for them, and throwe away their armoure whiche before thei had taken for their defence. Suche a thing is feare, that refuseth the thyng that should be his sauegarde. When Parmenio sawe them flee, he straight commaunded the horsemen to pursue them in the chase, and put all his enemies to flyght that were on that parte. But on the other hand the Percians dyd put the Tessaliens horsemen to a sore stresse, for at the first shock they had broken one of their tropes: yet for all that when the Tessalians sawe their enemies passe through them, they closed themselues together agayne and charged vpō the Percians, who by reason of their onsetgeuing and for that they though themselues sure of the victory, became cleane out of ordre, & were ouerthrowen with great slaughter. The Tessalians had herein a great aduauntage by reason that the Perciās besides that they be armed thēselues haue their horses also barbed with plates of stele, whiche was the cause that they could not, either in the vnset, or retire be so quicke as y t Tessaliās were: for by their celeritie wherin the feate of horsemen chiefly consiste, they had ouerthrowen many of them before they could tourne their [Page] horses about. When Alexāder vnderstode that his mē preuailed of their enemies on that parte likewise, was bold then to folowe in the chase, whiche he durst not do before he knew the battail to be clerely wōne & thennemies repulsed on all sides. Alexāder had not about him aboue a .M. horsemē, with whō he slewe innumerable of his enemies. For who is he that in an ouerthrowe or a chase can nōbre men? Those few Macedōs did driue the multitude of their enemies before thē like shepe. & thesame feare that caused thē flee, stayed thē likewise in their flieng. The Grecians that were on Darius side, vnder their capitain Amyntas which sōtime had bene in great aucthoritie with Alexander, Amyntas. but then against him, brake out from the rest and marched away in ordre of battaill. All the rest fled diuerse wayes, some directly towardes Perce, & some by pathes, & priuy wayes escaped by the moūtaines & the woodes. A few ther where that recouered their former cāpe, whiche they could not defend any time against the Macedons that were victours, but the same immediatly was wonne being habundāt of all riches of gold & siluer with appertaining not only to the warres but to all voluptuousnes & excesse: whiche riches whiles the souldiers violētly spoiled, they strowed the waies full of packes and fardels, whiche they would not touche in respect of y e couetous desire they had to thinges of greater valew. But when thei came vnto the women as their tirementes were moste precious, the more violētly thei plucked thē away and their bodies were not fre from their luste & enforcement. The campe euery where was ful of tumulte & lamentaciō, as chaūce fel to eche one. The libertie of y e victours was suche, that their crueltie raged vpon all ages & kynd of creatures, & no kynd of mischief wāted [Page 28] amonges thē. There might haue bene sene the variablenes of fortune, when they whiche had prepared Darius pauilion with al kynd of delicacie and riche furniture reserued & kept thesame for Alexand as for their old maister, for the Macedons had lefte that vnspoiled according to their aunciēt custome which are euer wōt to receiue their king whē he is victorious, into the kinges pauilion that he hath vanquished. Dariu [...] mother his w [...]fe & his children takē prisoners The mother and wyfe of Darius that where there taken prisoners moued all men to caste their eyes and inwarde contēplacion towardes thē, wherof thone deserued to be reuerenced for the maner that was in her, & for her yeares and the other for thexelēcy of her beuty, which through her misaduentur was nothing stained. She was sene embrasing her littell sonne in her armes not yet of the age of .vi. yeares, borne as inheritour to the dominion whiche his father newly had loste. There lay also two yong virgines in their grādmothers lappe, yeuen then mariable, whiche languyshed and lamēted not somuch through their own priuate sorowe, as for y e dolorousnes of thould woman. About the mother and the wife were a great nombre of noble womē that pulled their heare, and tare their clothes without respecte what apperteined to their estate. Who vnmyndfull of the falle Darius wife and his mother were come vnto▪ called them by the name of Quenes, with suche other titles of honour as they did before. They all had forgot their own misery & were diligēt to enquire y e fortune of the field, & what successe y e battell had that Darius was in. For if he were aliue (they sayd) they could in no wise thinke thēselues prisoners: But he by the chaunging of many horses was by that tyme fled far awaye. There were slayne of the Percians a hundred thousand footemen, [Page] and .x.M. The nōbre of thē that were slayne horsemen. And of Alexanders cōpany only v.C.iiii. hurte, & .xxxii. fotemē and .Cl. horsemē killed: So great a victory was gotten with so small a losse. Alexander that was weried with pursuyng of Darius, when he perceaued the night to drawe on. & that there was no hope to ouertake him whom he folowed, returned into the Percians campe whiche a little before his commyng was taken by his men, that night he made a banquet to suche as he accustomed to call for the hurte of his shoulder, wherof the skinne was but smaly perished, letted him not to kepe cōpany. As thei sat at meat sodainly they heard a piteful crie with a straunge howling and lamentacion, that put them all in great feare: Insomuche that the band that kept the watche about y e kinges pauilion, fearing it to be the beginning of some greater matter began to arme themselues. The wyfe and mother of Darius with the other noble womē that were taken prisoners, were the cause of this sodayne feare by lamenting of Darius, whō they supposed had bene slayne. Which opiniō they conceiued through one of the Enuches, whiche standing before their tent dore sawe a souldier cary a parcel of Dariꝰ diademe, which he a litle before had cast from his head. When Alexander vnderstode their errour wept (as it was said) to cō sider Darius mysfortune, and the womens affectiō towardes him. And for their comforte sent to them one Mythrenes that betrayed Sardes who was expecte in the Percian tonge, [...]ythrenes but yet cōsidering that the sight of him beīg a traitour should but encrease their sorow. sent a noble mā called Leonatus to declare to thē how they were deceiued, Leonatus. & that Darius was a liue. He came towardes the tent where the womē were, with certain men in harnes, & sent worde before that he was come [Page 29] thether frō the kyng, but when such as stode at the tent dore sawe armed men cōming, supposing their errand had bene to murther their mestresses, ran into them & cried out that their laste houre was come, for the men were at hand that were sent to kill thē. The seruaūtes therfore y t neither durst let Leonatus in, nor kepe him out, brought him no aunswere, but remained quietly to se what he would do. When Leonatus had long taried at the dore & sawe none came fourth to call him in, left [...]is men without & entred amōges the women. Whose [...]omming vnto them before he was admitted, was the [...]hing that feared thē moste of al. The mother therfore & wyfe of Darius fell down at his fete, requiring hym [...]hat before thei were slaine, he would suffer thē to bury Darius after his countrey manner▪ whiche laste obser [...]aunce perfourmed they were cōtent (they said) gladly [...]o suffer death. Leonatus assured them that both Darius was aliue, & that there was no harme towardes [...]hem but should remaine in thesame estate thei were in [...]efore. When Siligābis heard those wordes, she was content to be lift vp from the groūd, & to receiue some comforte. The next day Alexander with great diligēce buried the bodies of such of his owne men as could be founde and willed thesame to be done to the noble mē of the Percians. geuing licence to Darius mother to bury so many as she liste, after y e custume of her cōtrey, whiche thing she perfourmed to a fewe that were next of her kynne▪ according to the habilitie of her presente fortune, for if she should haue vsed the Percians pōpe therin, y e Macedons might haue enuied it, which being victours vsed no great curiositie in the matter. Whē y e due was perfourmed to the dead, Alexāder signified to [...]he women prisoners that he himself would come to visitie [Page] them and causing such as came with hym to tarie without, he only with Ephestion entred in amonges thē. Ephestion. Thesame Ephestion of all men was moste dere vnto Alexander brought vp in his companie from his yougth▪ & moste preuie with him in al thinges. There was none that had such libertie to speake his mynde plainlye to the kinge as he had. Which he vsed after suche sorte, that he seamed to do it by no authoritie, but by suffraunce. and as he was of like yeares vnto him. so in makīg and personage he did somwhat excel hym. Wherfore the women thinking Ephestion to be the kinge, did falle downe and worshyp hym as there contrey maner was to do to kinges till such tyme as one of the Enukes that was takē prysoner shewed which of them was Alexander. Then Sisigambis fell downe at his fete requiring pardon of her ignoraūce, forsomuche as she did neuer se him before. The king toke her vp by the hand, and saied: mother you be not deceyued, for this is Alexandar also. Whiche his humilitie continēcy of mind if he had continually obserued to this latter daies, A disgrssion. I would haue thought him muche more hapier then he was, whē that he hauing subdued all Asia from Hellispont to the Occiā see, would counterfiet the triūphes of Bacchus. Or if that amonges the reste of hys conqueste he woulde haue labored to conquere his pride and his Ire, which be vices inuincible. Or if that in his dronkenes he would haue abstayned from the slaughter of his nobilitie, and not to haue put to deathe those excellent men of warre without iudgemēt, that helped him to cōquere so many naciōs. At this time y e greatnes of his fortune had not yet altered his nature, but afterwardes he coulde not beare his victories whith y t vertue, y t he did winne thē. [Page 30] Thē he behaued him self after suche a manner that he exceded in continencie and cōpassion all the kinges y t had bene before his time. Alexanders cō [...]ynuance and Clemē cye. Entreating y e two Quenes with those Virgines that were of excellent bewtye so reuerently as if thei had bene his siesters. He not only absteyned from all violacion, of Darius wief, with in beuty excelled all the women of her time, but also toke great care and diligence y t none other should procure her to any dishonour. And to all y e womē he cōmaūded their ornementes and apparell to be restored. So y t thei wāted nothing of the magnificēce of their former estate, sauing only that assured cōfidēce that creatures want in myserye. Whiche thinges considred by Sisigambis she said vnto y e king. Sisigambis words vnto Alexander. Sir your goodnes towardes vs doth deserue y t we shuld make y esame praier for you y t we did somtyme for Darius, and we perceiue yow worthye to passe so greate a kyng as he was, in felicitie and good fortune, that habound so in iustice and clemencie. you vouchsaue to cal me by the name of mother and of Quene, but I confesse my selfe to be your hand maide. For bothe I conceiue the greatnes of my estate paste, and feale y t I can beare this present seruitude. It lieth only in your handes how we shall be delt with all, and whether ye wyll make vs notable to the worlde through your clemencie or crueltie. The kynge comforted them all he myght, and willing them to be of good chere, toke Darius sonne in hys armes. Wherat the childe was nothinge afrayde. hauyng neuer sene him before, but toke and embrased him about the necke. He was so moued with the constancy of the child that he beheld Ephestron, and saied, oh I would that Darius had, had some part of thys gontle disposiicon. When he was deperted [Page] from thence he caused .iii. aultars to be made vpon the Ryuer of Piramus, and there did sacrifice to Iupiter. Hercules and Mynerua and so went forewardes into Siria. Syria. Damasco. He sent Parmenio before to Damasco, wheras Darius treasure did remayne: who vnderstanding by the way that Darius had sent one of his nobles thether, fearing that for the smalnes of his owne nombre, the Damascēs would kepe him out, determined to send for a greater power, Mardus. but by chaunce one Mardus fell into the handes of the horsemē that he had sent before to score the Countrey, whiche beyng brought before Parmenio deliuered hym the letters that the Capitayne of Damasco had sent to Alexander, and besydes the letters added of hym selfe, that he doubted not but all Darius ryches and his treasure should be delyuered to hym at his arriuall. Parmenio gaue the charge to certayne of his men for his sure keapyng, and then opened the letters, wherin it was cōteined that Alexā der in all haste should sende one of his Capitaines thether with a small power. Whiche thyng knowē, he sent Mardus backe agayne to Damasco with certayne to accompany him, but he escaped out of their handes & came to Damasco before day light. That thīg troubled greatly Parmenio, doubting that they had layde some embushement for him, & therefore durst not go an vnknowen way without a guide. yet notwithstāding vpō the confidence he had in the felicitie of his prince, toke pesantes of the coūtrey to cōduite him the way, which the fourth day brought him to the Cytie of Damasco. The captain doubting y t credēce should not haue bene geuen to his letter pretended to mistruste the strength of the towne, and made countenaunce as though he would fle away. And by spryng of the daye he caused [Page 31] Darius treasure (whiche the Percians call Gaza) with the rest of all his precious thinges to be brought forth of the towne, of purpose to betray thesame into the Macedons handes. Then there were many thousandes of men and women that folowed, a piteous syght to all that sawe them, sauyng to hym to whose fidelitie they were committed. For he to wynne hymself thancke, purposed to deliuer to his enemies a praye more precious then all the rest, which were those of the nobilitie he had in keping. With the wiues and childrē of great men that bare rule vnder Darius, and besides the Embassadours of the Cities of Grece, whome Darius had left in the Traitours handes as in a fortresse (as he thought) of moste suertie. The Percians call those Gangabe that cary burthens vpon their shoulders, who hauing the cariage of thinges of moste valoure, when they could not endure the colde for the frost and snowe that sodainly fell, they put vpon them the robes of cloth of gold and purple, which they caried wrapt vp together with the money, there being no man to let thē, for the aduersitie of Darius caused that base sorte of men to vse a licencious libertie. Those kynde of men seamed to Parmenio at the first sight to be no smal army, and therfore regarded not the matter litle, but gaue exhortaciō to those that were with him, as though they should haue fought a sore battaill, and willed them to put their spurres to their horse and geue the charge: Whiche thynge perceiued by them that bare the burdeyns fled awaye for feare, and so dyd the men of warre that were with them by such wayes as they best [...]newe. The Capitayne of Damasco counterfeityng suche feare as other feared in dede, was the cause of all this confusion. The ryches of Darius was left alone [Page] and lay sparkled abrode ouer all the fieldes, with the money that was prepared for the wages of so infynite a nombre of Souldiers, and also thapparell of so many great men and noble women, vessell of golde, golding furnimentes for horses, pauilions adorned with regall magnificens, and wagons full of infinite ryches. A thing euen sorowfull to behold to the spoiles if any thing could stay the couetousenes of men. Was it not a pytefull thynge to behold the ryches that had bene gathered together in so great nombre of yeares, whiles the state of the Percians stode in that incredyble heigthe of fortune, one parte to be torne with busshes, and an other drowned in the myer, it beyng so great besides that the handes of the spo [...]lers could not suffise for the spoile. When the horsemē had ouertaken them that fled first they found diuers womē harying of the smale chyldren amonges whome there where foure Virgins the doughters of Occhus that reigned next before Darius. Occhus kyng before Darius. Thei before that time had suffred chaunge of fortune, when the state was altered from their fathers line. But this aduarsitie was much more greuous vnto them. There was in thys flocke the wife of Occhus, the daughter of Oxatrix that was Darius brother, and the wife of Artabasus which was of the head house of Percia. And also hys sonne called Ilionesus. The wyfe and the sonne of Farnabazus were also taken, to whom Darius had commytted the charge of al y e sea costes. With thē the thre doughters of Mentor, and the wyfe and the Sonne of the noble captain Memnon, there was scarsely any house of the nobilitie of Percia that was fre of that euel aduēture There were bothe Lacedemonians and Athenians. that contrary to the league betwene Alexander and [Page 32] them, toke Darius parte. Amonges the Athenians Aristogiton, Dropides, and Leuertes were of moste notable fame, and linage. And of the Lacedemonians the chefest were Perisippus and Onomastorides with Omanys and Callicratides. The sōme of the coined money there taken was two thousand .lx. The [...]omme of the treasure taken at Damasco talentes & of massy siluer .v. hundred talentes. Besides .xxx. thousand men. and .vii. thousand beastes that caried burdeins on their backes. But the goddes did persecute with due punishement the betraier of such a treasure. For one whom he had made priuie to y e matter pitieng therin the state of hys prince dyd sle the traitour and brought his head to Darius a comfort not vnapte for the tyme to the betrayed kyng for therby he was both reuenged of his ennemy, and perceiued that the memorie due vnto hys estate, was not growen [...]ut of al mens hartes.
¶The fourth boke of Quintus Curtius of the actes of the great Alexander Kyng of Macedonie.
DArius whiche alittle before was Lorde of so great an army, and that came vnto the field caried alofte vpon his chariot more like to triū phe then to fight: fled by the places then waste and deserte whiche he before had filled with his infinite nombres of men of warre. There were but fewe that folowed hym, for neither they fled all one way, nor suche as folowed could kepe pace with him that so oftē chaunged horses. Vnchas. At length he came to Vnchas where he was receiued of .iiii. or .v. thousand Grekes, whiche conducted him to the Ryuer of Euphrates, thinkyng that onely to be his, in the whiche he could preuent Alexander by his haste makyng. Parmenio was apoincted gouernour of Siria, and to be the keper of the treasure and prisoners whiche he toke at Damasco. The Sirians could not at the first beare their newe gouernement, because they had not yet felt the scourge of the warres: but as they reuolted, they were straightway subdued, perfourming all that they were apoincted to do. Strato king of Arade. The Ile of Arade was yeldē to Alexāder, wherof Strato was kyng, that had in subiection all the sea coaste with diuerse of the Inland countreis, whiche being subdued by the Macedons, Alexander remoued to the cytie of Marathon, where he receyued letters from Darius that put him in great coller, Letters frō Darius vnto Alexand because they were so arrogantly written, the speciall poincte that [Page 33] moued Alexāder was for that Darius writing himself king, did not vouchsaue to geue him that title, but dyd write rather by way of cōmaundement then of request proffering for the ransom of his wife & childrē somuch money as Macedon could receiue. For the superioritie (he said) he put it to his choise, to trie it by the sworde if he liste but if he would be better aduised, he willed him to be content with his owne enheritaūce, & so he would ioyne in amitie with him & become his frend, in whiche poinct he was redy to enter into treatie▪ Alexanders aunswere to Darius letters. Alexander did wryte to him againe after this maner: Darius whose name thou hast vsurped, did great destruction vpon the Grekes inhabiting on the coast of Hellespont and vpō the Iomans whiche be Greke cyties. and from thence did passe the sea w t a great army to make warre agaīst Grece and Macedon. And also king zerxes the predecessour came to subdue vs with infinitie nōbres, which being vanquished in a battel on the sea, left notwithstā ding Mardonius behind him in Grece, to destroy their cities, and burne their coūtreis. It is manifest besides that Philip my father was slayne, by such as were corrupted therūto with your money, ye vndertake always vniust warres, and occupyeng armes, go about for all that to circumuent men with treason. As thou of late hauing suche nōbre of men in thine army diddest procure my death with the promis of a thousand talentes. I am not therfore the beginner of the warres, but repulce such iniuries as be proffered me. In doing wherof through the help of the Goddes, which fauour alway the right, haue brought the more parte of Asia vnder my subiectiō: & hauing ouercōme the in battail by force of armes, there is no cause that I should graunt the any thyng whiche haste not obserued towardes me the [Page] lawe of armes. yet if thou wilt come and submit thyself I promis the that I will deliuer frely both thy mother wife and childrē, for both I knowe howe to get the victory and howe to vse suche as I ouercome: but if thou fearest to commit thy self to vs. I will geue the saufeconduite to come frely. In the reste when thou writest vnto me, remembre that thou writest, not only to a king but also vnto hym that is thy kyng. He sent this letter by Thersippus, and went from thence into Phenicia, Phenicia. Biblon Sydon. where the Cytie of Biblon was youlden vnto him. And so came vnto Sydon which was a Cytie of great nobilitie by reason of the antiquitie and fame of the builders. The same was vnder Stratos dominiō, supported by the power of Darius who yeldyng more by the constreinte of the people, then of his own good will was thought vnworthy to reigne there. Alexand made a graunt to Ephestion that he should make suche one kyng whome the Sidons thought moste worthy that place. There were diuerse noble yong men in that cytie that had familiaritie with Ephestion, of whome he purposed to haue chosen one kynge: but they refused his offre, affirming that none myght enioye that dignitie except he were descended of the bloud roiall. Ephestion wondred at the magnaminitie that was in them, in despisyng the thyng, whiche other sought for by sworde and fier, and therfore sayd: continewe you still in that vertuous mynde, whiche be the firste that haue vnderstande howe muche more better it is to refuse, then to receyue a kyngdome. Chouse ye therefore suche one of the bloud royall, that may remembre that he hath receyued the rule at your handes. But when they sawe that diuers gaped for it, and for the gredines they had to reigne, fell to flatteryng such as were nere [Page 34] about Alexander, resolued that there was none more mete for that dignitie then one Abdolominus who being of the auncient bloud of the kynges, Abdolominus was made kyng for pouertie was enforced to dwell in a smale grange without the Cytie. His honestie was the cause of his pouertie (as it is to many other) and beyng occupied in his daily labour, harde no noyse of the warres that troubled all Asia. They of whome we spake of before came into his gardein with garmentes to apparell hym lyke a kyng and found him weding of his ground, whome they saluted as kyng, and sayd vnto hym, you muste make exchaunge of the vilenes of your apparell with these ryche robes we here ꝑsent you: washe the body y t is now foull and filthe, take vpon you the harte of a kyng, and in the fortune you be worthy to haue, shewe the same moderacion and continencie you do vse presently. And when you shall sit in your regall seate, hauing in your handes power of the life and death of your people, do in no wyse forget the estate ye were in when ye toke the kyngdom vpon you nor yet for what purpose ye did receiue it. The matter seamed to Abdolominus lyke a dreame, and asked them if they were madde that would mocke him after that manner. But when he sawe thē affirme by othes the thyng to be in earnest, he washed himself, & receiued the garment which was of purple & gold, & so went with the into the palaice. The fame (as is wont in such a case) did notably ronne abrode of this matter. Some fauored the cause, & some did disdain it, but suche as were riche did reproue his pouertie & base estate to such as were nere about Alexād, which caused the king to send for him, & when he had lōg beholdē his behauour, saied: your personage doth not disagre to the fame of your lynage. But I desire much to know with [Page] what pacience you did sustain your pouertie. I would to God ( qd he) I could beare my prosperitie in like case now when I am a kyng. These handes did get that I desired & hauing nothing I lacked nothing. His wordes caused Alexander to conceiue of him a maruelous opinion, so that he gaue vnto him not only the ryches, stuf, and furnimentes that appertained to the king before, but also many thinges that were takē frō the Percians, adding to his dominion all the countrey nere about the citie. In the meane season Amyntas with .iiii M. Grekes that escaped with him out of the field fled to Tripolis where he enbarcked them & sailed vnto Cipres, Tripolis. thinking the world to be such then, that euery one might enioy y t he could get, like as it had bene his owne enheritaūce. His purpose was to go into Egipt, & so he thought to becōme enemy both to Darius & Alexander waying with the worlde, according as the tyme should alter. Amintas ꝑswasion to his souldiours. To brīg therfore his souldiers to hope wel of his enterprice, he declared how y e gouernour of Egipt was slaine in the battell, & that y e Perciās left their enguarrison were but of smale nōbre, of littel force, & without any head. He shewed how the Egipciās vsed to rebel against their gouernours wherfore they were sure to be receiued as frendes. For since necessitie ( qd he) hath enforced vs to proue our fortunes, which failīg vs in our first hope, we must now thinck y e thīges to come shalbe much better thē our p̄sent estat. They al agreed w t one voice y t he shuld leade thē where he liste, wherupō thinking good not to pretermit thoccasiō whiles y e hope was hote in their hartes, cōueied thē into Egipt & entred y e hauē at Pelusiū vnder pretence y t he had bene sent thether by Darius. Pelusium Whē he had gottē Pelusiū he set forwardes towards Mēphis, Memphis. at y e fame of wose coming y e [Page 35] Egiptians beyng a lyght nation, and more apt to make a store, then to maintayne it when it is oure begonne, ran to hym out of al townes and villages with entent to destroy all the Percians, who notwithstanding for all the feare they were in did, not leaue the defence of the countrey, but fought with the Grekes and were put to flyght. After that victory Amintas beseged Memphis, and his men destroyed so all the countrey there aboutes, that they left nothing vnspoiled. Wherupon Mareches though he perceiued his souldiers much amased with the feare of their late ouerthrowe. Mazeches. yet when he sawe his enemies scatered abrode, & without ordre for the pride they had conciued of their victory, at length persuaded his men to issue out of the cytie and in setting vpon their enemies to recouer again that they had lost. Whiche aduise being good of it selfe, toke by good handling moste fortunate [...]esse for thei s [...]ewe at that tyme both A [...]intas and all his company. This punishement he suffred for the offence committed to both princes. Being neither faithfull to Alexander whome he forsake, nor to Darius to whom he fled. Darius capitaines whiche escaped from the battaille at Isson gathering together such mē as wer scattered after y e battaille, with such power besides as they could leuie in Capaducea and Paphlagonia, did attempte to recouer again the countrey of Lidia. Antigonus was gouernour for Alexander there, who notwithstanding that he had take many souldiers out of the guarrisones to send vnto Alexander: yet he so litle estemed his enemies, that he doubted not to aduenture the battaille. Where the Percians receiued the like fortune they did in other places: Whiche attempting the fyght in thre sondry countreis, were vainguisshed in them all. At the [Page] same time the nauie of the Macedons whiche Alexander had sent for out of Grece met Aristomeues (whom Darius had apoincted to make warre vpō the coast of Hellespont) where they did take and drowne all his ships. aristomenes Farnabazus Darius admirall, hauing exacted money at Nulesium, Nulesium and set guarison in Sio, passed into the Ile of Andros with a hundred shippes. Andros Syphuns And from thence he went to Syphuns, puttyng men of warre into all the Ilandes, exacted of them money, The greatnes of the warre that was in hand betwene two of the moste puissant princes of Asia and Europe, did drawe both Grece and Crete to armes. Agys the kyng of Lacedenon gathered together .viii. thousand Grekes that were come home out of Cilicia, and moued warre to Antipater that was gouernour of Macedonia. The Cretians folowing sometime one parte & sometyme another receiued one while guarrisoners of Macedons, and an other while of Lacedemonians to lie amonges them. But those warres were of no great importunaunce. For all mens eies were fixed vpon the warres that were in v [...]e betwene Alexāder & Darius. wherupon all the rest did depend. The Macedons had sudbued all Siria & Phenices. The Citie of Tyre. Tire only except. which being the greatest & moste notable cytie of all that coū trey. shewed that they estemed themselues worthy rather to ioyne with Alexāder as frendes, then to become his subiectes. For when he was come nere vnto them. and encamped vpon the the mayn land. whiche is deuided from their Cytie with a small arme of the Sea. They sent to hym by their Embassadours a crowne of gold for a present, with great plenty besides of victuals for his army. He receiued their giftes, as frō his frēdes and gaue gentle aunsweres vnto the Embassadours: [Page 36] but he shewed thē that he desired to make sacrifice vnto Hercules (whom the Cirians specially worshipped:) for the Macedons opinion was that they were descē ded of him, whiche to do (he saied) he was admonished by an Oracle, the Embassadours aunswered: that there was a temple of Hercules without their Cytie in the place whiche they call Paleteriō, where as he might do sacrifice at his pleasure. At those wordes Alexand could not refraine his Ire, whereunto he was much subiect. but fell in a rage: I perceiue nowe ( qd he) because ye dwell in an Iland ye truste so muche in the Cituacion of your citie, that ye despise my land power. But I wil shortly do you to vnderstande that ye dwell vpon the mayne land, and bring you to suche case as your Iland shal not helpe you: and therfore truste to it that if ye receiue me not in, I will enter by force. When the Embassadours were dismissed with this aunswere, suche as were nere about the king persuaded them that they should not exclude him whome all Siria and Phenises had receiued. But they had conceiued such a confidence, for that their Cytie stode in the sea deuyded .lxxx. furlonges from the mayn land, that they vtterly determined to abyde the siege. That Sea of theirs was so muche subiecte to the southwest wynd whiche made at euery storme the waues beate so highe against the Shore, that it would not suffer the Macedōs to make any worcke for the ioynyng of the mayn land to the cytie, it being scarsely possible to worcke any thyng there when the wether was moste caulme. The Siege of Tyre. The first worke that the Macedōs began was by & by throwē down w t the vehemens of the seas that were driuē by the wynd. Nor thei could make no mole so strōg within y e sea. but [Page] that it was washed awaie and brought downe by beating of the waues. And when the wynd blewe strenth able it wold bring y e Seas clene ouer the work. Ther was an other difficultie no les then this. For by reasone that the walles were enuironed about wyth the deapnes of y e Sea, they could rayse no engine to shote but a far of out of shippes, nor ther was not ani groūd about the Cytie, wherupon ladders mought haue bene raised againste the walles, or aproche made vpon the land. Alexander had no shippes, and though he had had some, and would haue coueted to bryng them to y e walles, yet by reason of the water, might with shotte easely haue bene keapt of. But emonges the reste of other thinges, y e Tyrians were wōderfully encouraged by the commynge of the Embassadores that were sent from Cartage to celebrat there yearly sacrifice, according to rhere custome. Carthage. For the Tyrians being the builders of Cartage were since that tyme had in veneracion as there parentes and furste founders. Those Embassadores exorted thē in any wise to abide the siege, and promysed them shortly and which they alleged might eselye and sone be done, forsomuche as that tyme al the Seas were ful of the Cartage fletes vpon this hat [...]ing they determyned to abide thextremitie, and placed ther engynes vpon the towers and the walles, deuyding ther armour emōges the yought of the Cytie. The Artificers, wherof that Citie had great plēty, were deuided into worcke houses to make all suche thinges as were necissarye for the warres. There were deuised certaine instrimentes wherwith thei might pull downe the workes that ther ennemies made, called Harpagones, and also crowes of Iron which be named corui, with al other thīges that might [Page 37] be inuented for the defence of Cyties. But a straunge thinge is reported, P [...]odigous lighted. that whē the Iron was put in the forge & blowne in the fire the same was sene to be full of droppes of bloud. Whiche wonder the Tirians did interprete as a token of good fortune towardes them selues, & as significatiō of destructiō towardes their ennemies. A like thing was sene amonges the Macedons for when a certayn souldier was breakyng of his breade, droppes of bloud appeared therin. Whereat Alexander being astonied. Aristander. Aristander that was moste connyng of all the deuiners of their Religon. Did enterprete thus the matter. If the bloud had apered outwardly then it had signified il fortune to y e Macedons but in asmuch as it was found within, it betokened destruction to the Cytie they went about to wynne. The lawe of nacions bryken. Alexander considering his nauie to be farre from him and that a longe siege▪ should be great impedyment to his other affaires. Sent officers of Armes vnto the Citie to perswade them vnto peace, whō the Tirians against the lawe of Nacoues did drowne in the sea. There vniuste death stored Alexander so muche, that he then vtterly determined to go forwardes with the siege, but before he could make his aproche it was of necessitie for him to make a Pers or a Mole, whereby they might passe from the mayne land to the Citie. But in the making therof ther entered great despaire into all mens hartes, considering the deapnes of the sea which they sawe not possible to be filled s [...]arcly by any deuine powre. For thei thought no stones so great, any trees so highe, nor any contrey to haue such plētie as mighte suffise for the building of a bank in suche a place, considring the Sea was alwaies troubled. And narowes the place was betwēe the Citie and the land, [Page] so much more greater was the rage. But Alexander that had y e way to allure his souldiers to what effect hī pleased, declared how that Hercules apered vnto him in his slepe and gaue him his hand proffering to be his captaine and him giude for the entraunce of the Citie. Therunto he added the killing of his Embassadours, and howe that they had violated and broken the lawe that all nacions obserued. and that there remayned but only one Cytie whiche staied his victorie. Wherupon he deuided the worcke amonges his capteines. that euerye one might applye his owne band. And so put the worck in vre, Mounte Libanus. when he had oues sufficientlye encouraged his men. There were great plentye of stones had of the mynes of thould Cytie where Tite stode before and for the making of bores and Towres tymber was brought from the mount Libanus. The worcke did growe from the bottom of the Sea like a mountayne, but not yet brought to the highe wartee marke. And the further the Pere was wrought from the land vnto the Sea ward, so muche the soner the Sea did swallowe vp the substance of thinges, wherof the same was made. Whiles the Macedons were thus about their worcke the Tiriās would rōne about them in smale vessels, and giue the wordes of reproche and scorne as that they were nowe become goodly mē of warre that would be made pioners & cary burdens like beastes vpon ther backes And they asked them also If they thought Alexander to be greater then the god of the Sea. But ther reproffe did not hynder but encrease the cherefulnes of the souldiers in there payne and trauaile. In so muche the mole in a short space surmounted aboue the water, encreasing much in bredth, aproched nere vnto the Cytie. Then the [Page 38] Tyrians seinge the hugenes of the worcke. whereof they before had bene diseiued in there opynion. littell thinking that it woulde haue growen to suche a passe. they in littell vessels came rowynge aboute the Pere. and did driue the soulders with shote from ther woreking. and bicause it lay in them to bryng there boats sodeinly forwardes, and returne sone ageine they hurte many of the Macedons without any daunger to them selues, which enforsed them to leue ther worck and fall to ther owne defence. For remedie wherof & to auoyde ther enemies shote. they were compelled to streach out beastes skynes vpon poles like sayles. and set those betwene thē and their enemies. And besides at the hedde of the Peace they raysed vp two Towres from whence with shote and castinge of dartes they keapt of the boates that came aboutes them. On the other side the Tirians would lande with ther boates farre out of the sight of the Campt & kill such as were carriēg of stones. The peasants besides of Arabie did set vpon certayne Macedons that were s [...]atred abrod in the mount Libanus, where they slewe and toke diuers. That was one cause whith moued Alexander to deuide his army. And lest he might seme to remaine idely about the siege of one citie, he apointed Perdicas and Craterus to take the charge of the worcke he had in hande and went into Arabia with such parte of his powre as was most apte for his porpose. Arabia. In the meane season the Tyrians prepared agreat shyppe laden with stones and grauell behind, so that the fore patte flotid aboue the water, which ship anoynted ouer w t pitche & brymstone, they brought sodenly by sailinge and force of oers vnto the pere. and there remaining the mariners [Page] set the shippe on fier, and then leaped into boates which folowed after for the purpose. The ship thus set on fire so enflamed the wood worcke perteining to the pere, that before any rescue could come, the fire had taken the towers and al the rest of the workes that were made in the head thereof. When they that were leaped into the boates sawe the matter take suche effect, they put betwixt the timbre and other voide places both fire brandes, and all suche thinges as might geue noryshement and encrease the fire. So that the towers and al the rest being on a flame. many of the Macedōs were consumed therewith and the rest forsoke their armour and throwe themselues into the sea. Then the Talās that were more desirous to take them on liue then to kyll them, with staues and stones did so beate them on the handes, as they were swymming, that for werenes they were glad to be taken vp into their boates. The hole worcke was not consumed with this fire only, for it chaunsed also thesame daye a terrible wynde to ryse, whiche blowing out of the Sea, brought the waues with suche violence vpon the Mole that with often beating of the Seas the ioyntes that knitte the worck together began to lose and leue their hold. Then the water that wasshed through brake downe the Mole in the myddes, so that the heapes of stones whiche were before susteyned by the tymbre and earth caste betwixt them once broken asonder, the hole worcke fell to ruyn and was caried away into the deape sea. By that time Alexander was returned out of Arabie, and scarsely found any remayne or token that any suche worck had bene. In that case (as it is euer vsed in thynges that chaunce [...]ll) one laide the faulte vpon an other▪ when in dede the violence of the sea was the cause of al. Alexā der [Page 39] begā to make the Pere againe after a newe sorte, A newe Pere made a [...]ter amoyer force. so that it ran with the fore front into the wind, and not with the open side as before. The fore front alwaies defending the reste of the worcke lieng behind. which he made of suche bredth, because the Toweres might be builded in the middes to be the further of from the shott. Hole trees were put into the Sea with all ther braunches, and after great stones thrown vpon them. And ouer those a newe course of trees and stones againe, by which deuice this hole worke was ioyned. & knit all in one. As the Macedons were busie to bring ther worcke forwardes, so the Tyrians were as diligent to inuent all such thinges as might giue impediment to their proceding. Their cheife practise was for a nombre of them to go vnder water a farre of out of the macedones sight, and so come diuing vnder the water till they came vnto the Pere, wher with hokes they would pull vnto them the bramuches of the trees that apered out of the stones. wherby the stones and thother substaunce folowed after into the depe. For the trees being discharged of ther burden were esely drawen awaie, and then the foundacion failing, the hole worcke that staied vpon the trees fell to ruyne. Amongs thes impedimentes Alexander stode in great perplexitie of mynde doutinge whither he should continewe the siege still. or els deperte his waye. When he was in this imaginacion sodenly his nauie arriued from Cipres, and Cleander also with such souldiers as he had brought out of Greace and hauing to the nombre of .c.lxxx. shippes, deuided theim into two batailes. wherof he committed thone vnto Pitagoras y e kinge of Cipres, and to Craterus, Pytagor [...]s king of Cipris. and toke charge of the other him selfe taking for his owne persone a Galey [Page] called Cin (que):reme, which had fiue oers in a bancke. The Tiriās durst not aduēture the sea figh although they had a great nauy but set al there galies in a froūt before the walles of ther Citie which the king assailed and put to distresse The next daye the Macedons w t ther shippes enuironed the Citie round about, and did beate downe the walles, specially with such engynes as they call Arietes. Arietes. But the Tirians strayght waye renforced and made vp ther walles againe with stōes that laie at hande and raised vp an inward wale roūd aboute within the Citie, which might be there defence if the other failed. But their destruction approched on euerie side, the Mole was wrought with in caste of darte, and the shippes gaue the approche round about the walles, so that they were ouer laide both by Sea and by land. The Macedones had deuised to ioyne ther gallayes two and two togither in such sorte that the forepartes met close before, and the hinderpartes lay farre of one from the other. And ouer the spaces that remayne betwixt ruppe and puppe they made brydges with mastes and many yardes laied betwixt Galey and galey, and faste bounde together to carie souldiers vpon, when they had put ther galeis in this ordre they set forwardes towardes the Cytie. And hauinge rampared the prores for defence of the souldiers that were behind They stode in the Galies and did shoote and cast dartes against ther enemies without any perill or daunger to themselues. It was midnight whē they had commaundement to set forwards after this maner. A Tempest As the shippes were approching on all partes, and the Tyrians stode astonied for feare & desperacion, Sodēly the skie was ouerwhelmed with dimeine clowdes, & a sodeine darkenes toke away the light. Then the sea by litell & litell waxed terrible and roughe, the wyend blewe and raysed vp the waues, & [Page 40] beate the shippes one againste an other, the violences wherof brust a sonder the bandes and graspers wherwith y e galaies were fastened togethers. Which doun the bridges crashed and flewe asonder, and with the souldiers that stoode vpon them fell into the Sea. Ther was great confusion, for the shippes entangled thus togither could by no means be gouerned in such a tempest, the souldiers disturbing the feate of the mariners, and the mariners giuinge impediment to the office of the Souldiers. Thus as it doth often happē in such a case, the expert were obedient to the ignorant for the shippe masters that were wont to commaunde then for feare of death were derected by other. But at length by force of rowing, the galeis recouered the shore the more parte of them being broken and torne. It chaunsed at the same time .xxx. Embasseadores to come from Cartage to Tyre, who gaue more comfort then assistance to them that were besieged. For they shewed howe the Carthaginens were so assailed with warre at ther owne dores, that they could by no meanes send them succore. Saracusās In somuche as the Saracusans were burning in Afrike, and had encāped them selues vnder the verie walles of Cartage. The Tirians yet were not discomfite, for al that they were disapointed of ther speciall truste, but deliuered vnto those Embassadours their wyues and their childrien to carie vnto Cartage, thinking to endure more stowtly the siege, if the thinges which were moste deare vnto them were remoued out of Daunger. Ther was a Tirian which in an open assemble declared that Apollo (whom the Tyrians gretlly do worshyppe) had appered to him in his slepe, semyng to him that he had forsaken the Cytie and trausformed the mole that the Macedons had made, into a grate woode. Hereupon [Page] though the autter were of small credite, yet forasmuch as men in feare be apte to beleue the worste, they tied faste Apolloes Image with a golden cherie, and they bound faste also the aulter of Hercules (to whom the Cytie was dedicate) thinking that by deteaning of thone. to keape still the other. The Cartagēs in times paste had brought that Image from Siracuse and had plased yt in the hed Cytie out of the which they were descēded. For their custome was to addorne dyre with such spoiles as they had taken, no les then they did Cartage. They at y e time wold also haue bene auctores vnto the Tiryans for the renuieng of an old sacrifice that had bene omitted many yeares. wherin they vsed to offre vp to Saturne a fre borne childe, Which beīg rather a sacriledge then a sacrifice. of the Cartagens receyued of there fyrste founders, and still obserued the same, till ther citie was destroyed. And but that the auncient men by whom al thinges was gouerned had withstand yt, this wicked supersticon had taken place, which nature and humaintie doth abhorre. The necessitie that was hanging ouer there heades being more effectuall then aine arte or science, practised not onlye suche thinges as were accustomed for defences, but also found one that was neuer enuented before. For to the desturbours of the shippes that approched the wales, they deuised longe rafters to the which the fastened grasples of Iron and great hokes like sithes which letten downe with ropes by an engyue, ether tare the shippes or destroyed the men. They inuented also Targettes of metall to be made fire hote, in the which they put burning sand, & scalding lyme. and thē poured the same down vpon the Macedones that cam nere the walles, which was a mischief that they feared [Page 41] moste of all other. For when the hote sande entered betwene the harnes & the body, there was no meanes to auoyde it away: and where it touched it burned to the bones, so that they were enforced to throwe away their harnes, and teare away all thynges they had vpon their bodies. Whereby they became subiecte to be hurte by their enemies, and were not in case to endomage them againe. But specially the grasples letten downe (whiche be called corui) toke violently away many of the souldiers that were within the shyppes. Alexander seyng their obstinate defence was wery of the matter and determined to rayse vp his siege, and go vnto Egypt. For consideryng in howe short a space he had ouercome Asia, it greued hym to be detayned so long about the walles of that Cytie, whereby he omitted the occasion and oportunitie of greater thynges in the meane season. But he was asmuche ashamed to departe without his purpose, as to remayne there and leue other thynges vndone: iudgyng that if he should leue Tyre after that sorte, as a wytnes that he myght be withstādid, it should much impaire his fame. wherewith he had gotten more then with force. And it chaunsed at thesame tyme a monster of an excedyng bygnes to appere aswell in the syght of the Tyrians as the Macedons. whiche lyeng vpon his back aboue the water came towardes the mole, and when he had beaten the water and lyfted vp hymselfe at the head of the mole, diued vnder the water agayne, sometyme appeatyng aboue and sometyme vnderneath, and when he came nere the walles of the Cytie vanyshed out of fyght. The appearyng of this monster reioysed bothe parties. The Macedons dyd enterprete thesame to be sent to them as a guide to leade them away to furnishe [Page] out the worcke. The Tyrians deuined that Neptune reuenging the vsurpacion that the Macedons had made vpon the sea, would shortely destroy the worcke that they had made, in lyke sorte as he had taken away the monster, and vpon their owne imagination had conceiued suche a gladnes, and pronosticated to them selues suche good fortune, that they fel to bancqueting and drinkyng. And when they were well charged with wine at the sonne rising thei set garlandes of flowers vpon their heades, and mounted into their galleis, not only with hope of victory, but with a triumphe made beforehand. It chaunsed at the sametime that Alexander had conueyed his nauy to the contrary syde of the Cytie, and lefte vpon the shore .xxx. of the smallest vessels, of the whiche the Tyrians caught two, and put the rest in great feare of distressing, vntyll suche tyme as the kynge hearyng the alarome, sette forwardes with his nauy towardes that parte where the sk [...]ye was heard. The firste Galley of the Macedons that came nere them was a quinquereme moste swyfte amonges all the reste, whiche when the Tirians espied, they came against her with two gallies ouerwhart vpon her side: wherof the one stroke full with her spurne, and the cinquereme graspled with her, but the other whiche was loss and at libertie fell vn the contrary syde, but leste betwixt them two she myght haue sustained some domage, there came a tryreme of Alexanders to the rescue with suche violence that the maister of the lose galley was striken into the sea. But when the Tirians sawe Alexander was come himselfe and more of his shyppes were at hande, then with strength of oers and great difficultie they set their galley that was entangled lose againe and at libertie, and made towardes [Page 42] their hauen with all the haste they myght make. Alexā der immediatly pursued, but when he came to the hauē he could not enter, but was beaten of with shot from the walles, but that not withstandyng the more parte of their galleis were eyther drowned or taken. After this aduenture he rested his souldiers two dayes, and then willed his shyppes to be brought forwardes, and the engines in them, to the intent that by assaylyng the Tirians on all sydes, he might put them in extreme feare. Alexander with a wonderfull courage not with out great parill vnto his persone, mounted vp into the toppe of a tower that was made in a shyppe, and there knowen by his apparell and ryche armour was chiefly layde at, and shot to from all partes. He wrought wonderfull feates with his owne persone, for bothe with his pike he slewe diuers that stode at defence, and afterwardes also fought hande to hande with hys sworde and his target, and threwe diuers downe from their defence, for the towre wherein he fought ioyned hard to the walles. By that time the Engines called Arietes with muche beatyng had striken downe the walles, the nauie was got within the hauen, and certayne of the Macedons had wonne the towres, and dryuen the Tirians from them. The winning of Ti [...] re. Oppressed them with the multitude of these myseries they were cleane discomfited, some fled for succour vnto the temples, some did shut their dores takyng that kynde of death they lyked beste. And other ran vpon their enemies to sell their liues dere. But y e more parte got vp into y e toppes of their houses, and frō thence did cast down vpō their enemies, whatsoeuer came vnto their handes, Alexand cōmaūded al to be slayne with exceptiō sauing such as fled into the temples. and the houses to be set on fyer. [Page] Though that was proclaymed through out the Cytie: yet there was none bearyng armour that woulde saue themselues that way. For as the women and chyldren filled the temples, so the men kept the entrees of their houses redie to abyde the crueltie of their enemies. yet the Sydonians were the cause that many were saued who amonges the Macedons seruyng in the warres, and entring the Cytie amonges the reste, Agenour. were myndfull of their affinitie with the Tirians (Agenour being builder of both their Cyties) and conueyed many into their shippes whiche they sent priuely vnto Sydone: By whiche meanes fiftene thousand escaped the crueltie of the sworde. The nombre of them that were slain may partely be coniectured, in that there were founde dead within the Cytie syx thousand of them that bare armour. A notable reuēging of the breache of the lawe of armes. The Kynges wrath towardes the Cytie made the syght dolerous vnto the victors. For twoo thousand whome the furye of the slaughter had lefte on lyue, were afterwardes hanged vpon crosses along the sea coaste. The Embassadours of the Cartagens were saued, but he threatened to make warre against them, from the whiche he was then letted by other busines he had in hand. Thus Tyre was taken the .vii. moneth after it was besieged, a Cytie notable to the posteritie, aswell through the antiquitie it was of, as also by the often chaunge of fortune that it had suffred. It was buylded by Agenour, and many yeares was maister of the seas, not only nere thereabout but in all places where as their nauies came. And if we lyste to credite the fame, that Cytie was the firste whiche either taught or learned letters. They buylded Cyties and put in them inhabiters through out the more partes of the worlde, bothe Carthago [Page 43] in Affrick, Thebes in boecia, and Gades in Spayne vpon the Occian. It is to be thought that by reason of their fre recourse throught al seas, and by viseting of many straunge coūtries they had occasion to chosse out Seates to place in ther youthe, wherof they then habounded Or els as some write the Inhabitores weried to dwell their by reason of many earthequakes, were compelled of force to seke out straunge dwelling places. But after manie casualties that happened vnto Tyre after the destrucion newely renued, and all thinges grown againe thorugh long peace, remaineth nowe vnder the defence of the romaines Clemency. About the same tyme Alexāder receyued letters from Darius, wherein at laste he was contented to name him king. The contentee of Darius l [...]tters. His requeste was that Alexander woulde receiue his doughter Saptyne for his wief with whō he offred in dowre all the countrey betwen Hellespont and the Riuer of Alys, and would receiue vnto him selfe onlye suche kyngdomes, as lay from thence towardes theaste. And if peraduenture he should make any doubt to receyue this offre, he willed him to consider that fortune is not wont to continewe longe in one estate, and that the greater felicitie men haue, the greater enuie doth folowe them. It was to be dow [...]ed (he saied) lesse he exalted him selfe through a vaine & a childishe affeccion like as byrdes vse to do whose naturall lightnes conuey them to the stares. For ther was nothing more difficulty in so yonge yeares, then to beare wel such heigh and greatnes of fortune. He willed him also to consider that there remaynede yet meane contreies that he had not touched, and that he should not alwaies mete him in streightes. Hauing to passe the Riuer of Euphrates, Tygre, Araxes and [Page] Hidaspes, which were like bulwarks vnto his dominiō. & when that he shuld come vnto the playnes, he should be ashamed of his smalle nombre. He put him in remē braunce to waye howe longe it should be or he coulde passe Media, Hi [...]cania, Baetria, and the Indians, that bordered on the Occian Sea. And likewyse the Sogdians and Aracho [...]ians of whome men haue no other knowledge then of their name, with other nacions lieng towardes the mount Caucasus, and the Ryuer of Tanays. Though no man should lette hym, nor offer hym battaille, yet he should growe in age (he saied) before he coulde passe so many landes. In the latter ende he aduysed hym to call hym no more forewardes. for he would come sone enough and that to his destruccion. Thef [...]ect of Darius a [...]nswere. Alexander made aunswer to those letters by the messengers that brought them in effect that Darius offred to hym that was none of his owne, and made a proffer to geue that he had all loste. For Lidia, Ionia, Acolides, and the coste of the Hellespont, whiche he appoincted in dowre, were alredy become the rewardes of his victory. And as for lawes and condicions those were wonte to be geuen and appoyncted by the victors, and receyued of suche as were ouercome. And if he were ignoraunt in whiche of those two estates he were in, he should come of and aduenture the battaille once agayne. For he was not ignoraunt (he sayed) before he passed the Sea howe Lidia, and Cilicia, were ouer smale rewardes, for the making of suche a warre. But his determinacion was euer to subdue and bring vnder his dominion, both Percipolis the chief Citie of his kyngdome, and also Bactria, and Echatania, with the vttermoste boundes of the Orient. He could fle no [Page 44] where but he was able to folowe. and therefore counsailed him that he should leue to feare him with ryuers which had learned how to passe seas. Thus the kinges did write one to another: Rhodian [...]. & in the meane season y e Rhodians yelded their cytie and their hauen vnto Alexander, who cōmitted the rule of Cilicia vnto Socrates. and the coūtrey about Tyre vnto Philotas. And Parmenio made Andromachus his deputie in Celi Siria. Celi Siria For from thence they had to set forwardes to the reste of their iourney. Alexander gaue commaundement to Ephestion that he should fetche about with his nauie y e coste of Phenices, and came with his hole power to y e cytie of Gaza. Ol [...]mpiades About thesame time there were solēpne triumphes and plaies at Isthnios, accustomed to be celebrated with the assemblie of all Grece. In that counsell, as y e wittes of y e Grekes be sodain, decreed to send xii. Embassadours vnto Alexander to cary him a croun of gold in gratefiēg the victory he had won, & the actes he had done for the saulfegard & libertie of Grece, but a little before they harkened how the fame went, & were redy to bend that way that fortune enclined. Alexander visited not in persone all suche countreis, and cyties as refused their obedience vnto him, but made conquest of them by his deputies. For Calas toke Paphlagonia, Antigonus Licaonia, and Balacrus ouercame Idarne, Darius lieutenaunt, and wan Miletum. Amphitorus and Egilochus with a nauie of hundred and .lx. shyppes subdued all the Ilandes betwene Asia and Achaia. And also by the consent of the inhabiters got Tenedon whiche alwaies was a receptacle to the Percians. Tenedon. They were at the poinct to haue gotten Scio, but that Pharnabasus Darius deputie hauing intelligence of the matter, did fyrste apprehende all suche [Page] as were of the Macedons faccion, and committed the cytie with a small guarrison to Appollodines and Athenagoras that were enclined to the Percians. Alexanders captaines for al this continued the siege of the citie still, not so muche in truste of their own strength as they did in hope of the facciō they had within the citie. In whiche poinct they were not deceiued, for through a sedicion whiche did aryse betwene Apollodines and the captaines of the men of warre, occasion was ministred vnto the Macedons to breake into the Cytie. When the gate was broken vp, and a band of Macedons entred, Scio taken then the cytesens whiche before had deuised to rebell against the Percians, toke parte with Amphiterus and Egilochus, so that the guarrison of the Percians were slaine, and Pharnabasus with Apolloindes and Anathogoras were takē prisoners. There were .xii. galies takē with their souldiers and rowers, besides .xxx. shippes and vessels of Pirates, with thre thousand Grekes that were in wages with the Percians, with the Grekes they furnyshed vp their owne bandes, and put the pyrotes to death bestowyng the rowers in their owne galeis. Aristonicus It chaunsed that Aristonicus the vsurper of Methina ignoraunt of any suche matter as was chaunsed, in the first parte of the night came with certayn piraters shippes to enter into the hauen, whome when the watche demaunded what he was, he sayd: he was Aristonicus, and came to the succour of Pharnabasus, they said he was at reste & could not then be spoken with all, but it should be laufull for hym beyng their frende to enter into the hauē for that night and speake with hym when it was day. Aristonicus was the first that entred, and the pirates folowed him. But whiles they placed their shyppes, the watchemen [Page 45] drewe the chayne againe ouer the hauen, and then called vp suche as lay there nere about, so that none of them durst resist but were al taken prisoners, and so deliuered to Amphiterus and Egilocus. Mytelene From thence the Macedons passed to Mytelene whiche was kept by Chares of Athens with a guarison of two thousand Perciās: but when he was not able to endure y e siege, he yelded vp the Cytie with conposicion to haue their liues saued and to departe in sauegarde vnto Imbros. Imbros. Darius dispairing of peace, which he had procured both by his lettres and Embassadours, gaue his mynd to assemble a new power, and freshely to renue the warre. Therfore he commaunded the Capitaines and rulers of his men to assemble at Babilon. and that Bessus gouernour of the Bactrians, Bactrians should come thether with al the power he could make. The Bactrians be the moste hardie people amōges those nacions, vnciuill men, and much abhorring from the delicatnes of the Percians: for by reason y t they border vpō the Scithians whiche be a warlicke people, they are accustomed to lyue by thefte, and be conuersant continually in armes. But Bessus that was suspect of treason that he would not be content with the second place, put Darius in great doubte. Who hauing an inckling that he compassed to be kyng feared only his treason, hauyng no other way to bryng his purpose to passe. Alexander wrought all the wayes he could obtayne to knoweledge where Darius was become, and into what coūtrey he was gone. And yet could not get any intelligence by reason of a custome amonges the Percians whiche are wont with a marueylous fidelitie to kepe close their princes secretes: in the vtteryng wherof neither feare of death. nor hope of rewarde can cause them bryng forth a worde. [Page] This was a goodly discipline that the kinges ther had of olde time vsed emōges their subiectes in ponishing with losse of lief, the lavesnes of the tounge, which is there more greuosly chastysed then any other cryme. The lauesnes of the tounge ponyshed with the Perciās Nor ther is not in those partes any goodnes loked for at any mans handes that hath not the gifte of secretnes, wherof nature hath giuen a facilitye in mā. Thys was the cause that Alexander was ingnorant of all thinges that his enemies did, and therefore continued his siege before Gaza. The Siege of Gaza. Beties was Captayne there who was a man of a notable fidelitie towardes hys prince, which with a small guarison defended the Cytie that was of a large compasse. Wherfore Alexander perceyuing the aduauntage of the Scituacion set maney mynes in hande. For the lightnes of the ground made y e worcke easye hauinge nether rockes nor stones to gyue any impediment. They began their mines on that side, wher thei within could not destroy them. And to auoyde the suspcion of any such worck in hande, caused an aproche to be made to the wales wyth Towres that he had made of Tymbre. But the ground woulde not serue for their carieng and remouing, by reason of the losenes of the sande whereinto the wheles sonk, and was cause that the ioyntes of the towres bracke a sonder. About the conuoyans of them many were hurte and as muche truble they had in wythdrawinge of them as in setting them forwardes. When he perceyued he could not preuail by that meanes he retired againe his mē for that time. But the next daye he enuironed the Citie round about to gyue thassaulte in euerye parte at ones and before he remoued out of his campte, made sacrifice after his [Page 46] contrey maner, requiring the aide of the goddes. It chaunsed as he was so doing, that a Rauen flieng by let falle a clodde, which she caried in hir clawes vpon the kinges Hede, where it bracke & resolued in peces. And the rauen flewe vnto the next towre, wher hir fethers were so entangled with Piche that she lighted vpon, that she coulde not flee away, but was taken of the standers theraboutes. This was thought a matter worthye whereupon the deuyners should consulte, for he him selfe was not free from the supersticon of such thynges. Therefore Aristander to whom he gaue moste credite, did interprete the same to be a signe of the distrucion of that Cytie, but yet there was some parill apearing towardes the kynges person. For which cause he perswaded Alexander that he shoulde not go about any enterpryse that daye. Whyche, though it greued hym muche that one Cytie shoulde be a staye and impedient vnto hym for hys free passage into Egipt, yet he obeied the pronosticator & caused all his men to returne. Thennemies toke courage of their departure, and thinkinge feare to haue bene the cause whie they came not forwardes, sayled out of the Cytie and set vpon their tayle. But they were more fierse in the beginnyng of the skyrmishe, then constante in maintaining of the same. For when they sawe the Macedons turne about, they stayed and pursued no further. Alexander hering the larume and remembring nothing the parill that was prophesied vnto hym, at hys frendes requeste put on hys harnys which he was seldom accustmued to do, & resorted thether where the skyrmushe was moste hote. There he was knowne by a certayne Arabiane that was one [Page] of Darius souldiers which toke vpon him a desperate entterprise of the sleainge of Alexander and therfore makyng his pretencs to haue bene fugitiue from the Percians, keapt his sword secret vnder nethe his targat, and fell downe on his knees before him. Who iudging that he had fled to him forsocore willed him to be receyued amonges his owne men. But tharrabian therwithall stracke at the kinge wyth his sword, which he by little steppinge aside auoyded it from his throte and cutte of the Arabians hand that missed of hys strocke Alexander then iudged that he had cleane escaped the perill that should haue chaunsed to him that daie, but (as I thincke) desteyn cannot be auoyded: for whiles he was egre to fight amongss the formoste he was striken with an arrowe wich passed throughe his Corselet and did sticke in his shoulder. Philip his Phisiciō did plucke it out, and great haboundaunce of blood did folowe, wherof euery man was afraied, in so much as they neuer sawe an arrowe passe so farre through any Armore before. But he neuer chaunged countenance nor couller, but causinge the blood to be stanched and his wound to be wrapt vp continued stil in the skyrmishe amonges the foremoste, either suffring or dissimuling his paine and dolore but when the bloode that was staied for the tyme braste out againe. And the wound whiche for the greues greued hym not muche beganne to swell and ranc [...]e as the bloode waxed coulde then he began to faynt and fall downe and was taken vp by suche as were next him, and caried into his tent. Betis that perceyued thys, supposyng him to be slaine retorned bnto the Citie agayne with great ioye and triumphe. But Alexāders wound being yet vnhealed he caused a mounte to be caste vp [Page 47] as highe as the toppe of the walles, and the walles to be cast downe in diuers places by the Myners. But they within made a countermure as highe as the olde wall. but that coulde not stretche to the heyghte of the towres made vpon the Mounte, so that the inner partes of the citie were subiecte to shotte. But a mine wherby the wa [...]le was ouerthrown, and a breach made wherby the Macedones did enter was the vtter losse of the towne wher as Alexander pressing on amōges the foremoste aduenterously, The winning of Gaza. had his legge hurte with a stone. Whiche notwithstanding he mounted vp by help of his weapon (his former wound yet vnclosed) and fought emongs the formost being in a great furie that in the siege of that one Citie he had receyued two wounds. Betis that had fought notably and receyued many woundes was forsaken of his owne men yet not withstanding he mainteyned still the fight, and had all his Armour embrued with his owne blood and his ennemies. But when he was enclosed round about, thē Alexander which was wount to wonder at the vertue of his enemies puffed vp with a ioyful pride saide vnto him: Betis thou shalt not die as thou wouldest thy selfe, but whatsoeuer tormētes may be inuented, thīck that thou shalt suffre them. For all his wordes ther apeared in Betis no token of feare, but beheld the king with an arrogant countenance, and would not aunswere him one worde. Then Alexander saide se you not howe obstynat he is to hold his peace, he would not knele; nor ones desire mercye. But I will breke his silence with groning if nothing els can do it. Thus his fortune alteringe hys nature chaunged hym into straunge maners, and turned his wrath into wodnes. The death of Betys For causing cordes to be putte throughe Betys feate [Page] whyles he was a lyue did drawe hym about the Citye with horses glorieng in that he did coūterfiet Achilles (of whom he was descendid) in afflyctyng of his enymye. There were slaine of the Percians and Arabies ten thousand, and the victorye was not vnblodye vnto the Macedones. This siege was not so famous by the Nobylitie of the Cytie as it was by y e double daungier the kynge was in. Whiche makynge haste to passe into Egypt sent Amyntas wyth ten Galies into Macedonia to leuie more souldiers. For though he were alwyes victorer in prosperous battayles, yet hys men were deminished, and he trusted not so muche to the souldiers of those contries he had subdued, as he did to his own nacion. Egyptians be a nacion that alwaies were offēded with thencrese and good fortune of the Percians. Egipcyans. who in there gouerment ouer them vsed muche pride and couetousnes. And therefore sekinge all occasions to reuolt, had receyued Amyntas whiche came to them rather by way of treaty then by any force, but nowe specially at Alexanders comming plucked vp ther sprightes and assembled a great nombre to mete hym at Pelusiū where they iudged he woulde enter. Alexander entred into Egipte. The .vii. daye he remoued from Gaza and came to that place in Egipte which nowe is called Alexanders campe, from whence he sent hys Armye vnto pelluzium by the land way and he him self with a choise band of mē was conueyed thether vpon the Riuer of Nile. The Percians durste not abide his comming being in doubt that the Egiptiās would reuolt. Memphys. And therfore whē Alexander drewe nere vnto Memphis where Astaces Darius lieutennant was wyth a powre of men of warre, he came ouer the Ryuer to mete Alexander, and yealdinge hym selfe delyuered [Page 48] hym .viii.C. talentes with all the Riches belonging to the kynge of Perce. From Memphis he passed vpon the same Ryuer vnto the inwarde partes of Egypt, and set a staie and order of the gouerment of the countrey in suche sorte that he chaunged nothing of theyr lawes and custumes. Which thing ones brought to passe, he had a great desire to visite the Oracle of Iupiter Hammon. But it was declared vnto him that the waye he had to go was not passable wyth anye great nombre and those ought to be light, and trimmed mete to iourney without bagage or much cariage. The countrey he had to trauaill throughe was sayde to be spread ouer all wyth bareyn sande, which ones put in an heate wyth the Sonne woulde burne there feate in suche forte that it should be intollerable for them to iourney. And had to contend not only wyth the heate and want of water, but also wyth the rowlynge sande, whych was so deape, and woulde so sink vnder there feet that it should be great empediment vnto ther trauaile. All whiche difficulties the Egiptians set forth to be greater then they were indede. But Alexander for the desire he had to excede mans estate was so fervently bent to visite that famous Oracle of Iupiter, whome ether he beleued, or coueted that other should beleue to be his father. that nothing could staye him in performinge of that enterprise. Therefore with such as he had apointed, The Cyrenians. to accompany him in that iourny passed by water vpon Nile til he came to the Meare of Meotes. The Embassadours of y e Cyreniās came to him thither & brought him p̄sentes, whō he iently entertained, assuring thē of his frendship. And y t done went forwards in his voyage. The firste & the second daies traueil seamed tollerable, not beīg yet come to y e barein [Page] and wild wildernes, and yet the ground they passed on was but vnfrutefull and dead erth. But when the plaens apeared that were couered ouer wyth deape sand, they then loked and sought a farre of wyth their eyes for the land, euē as men be accustomed to do whē they saill in the mayne Sea. For they could not iudge them selues on lande. where they neuer sawe tree nor any apearance of habitacion or haunt of men. And water ther was none to be found in that drie and burnīg sand and such as thei had brought with them in bottels vpon camelles backes was consumed and spent. Besides the sonne was so hote that it dried and burned vp all thinges. When they were afflicted after this maner, whither yt were by the wil of god or by chaūce the clowdes sodenly ouerwelmed the skye, and so shadowed them that it was great cōfort to suche as were forweried with the heat, thoughe they wanted water to drinck. But to supplie ther lacke therin ther fell by and by a great shoure which euery man (for the greate desire they had to drincke) gaped to receyue with open mouth. When they had traueled foure dayes in passīg of these wild desertes and were come nere vnto the place of the Oracle, there apeared a great swarme of Crowes flieng lowe before the troupe, and when the hoste merched softely they sat downe vpon the groūd and sometime flewe forwardes, as they had bene guides the shewe vnto tharmye the way. The destricion of Hamon. At length they came vnto the place consecrate vnto Iupiter, where as it was a wonder to se in the mides of so wyld a desert such a groūd so enuironed on al partes with high trees defending the heat of the sonne, & such a nombre of springes ronyng euery where, which cause the woodes alwaies to loke greane. The ayer there al seasons [Page 49] of the yeare is like vnto the springe tyme holsom and temperat to liue in. This cuntrey doth border wyth the Ethiops towardes the Este and vpon the arabies that they cal Troglodites vpō the southe. Ethiops. Whose contrey stretche to the Red sea vpon the west it confineth with other Ethiops that be called Symenos vpon the the north by a Naciō called Nasamōs, who inhabiting vpon a flat shore be acustumed to liue on spoiles of the sea, and lye alwaies in a wayt vpon the coste to spoyle such ships as suffre wracke, the people which inhabite about the wood be called Hāmonios & dwel in cotages scatered abrode. The middes of there woode closed about with a treable walle is vnto them as a Castle. In the fyrste warde is the Palaice of there auncient kinges in the second ther wyues, children, and concubines were lodged in whych place the Oracle of Iupiter is also. The descricon of the Idolle. And the laste is a place apointed for the men of warre Ther is also an other wood whiche in y e middes hath a spring called the fountaine of the sonne which at the rising is luke warme, in y e heat of the day it is coolde, in the euenynge warmeth againe, so that at mydnight it is scalding hote and as it draweth towardes daie it demynisheth his heate more and more. The same thing that is worshipped for Iubiter hath not the symilitude of other Images that craftes men do make for goddes but is very like vnto the fashiō of a nauell hauing in the middes a Emera [...]de & set about with perles. Whē any answer is required the priestes cary thesame in a ship of gold that hath many plates of siluer hanging on both sides. The Matrones & the virgines folowe after singinge a iude songe after their coūtrey manner, wherby they beleue to obtayne of Iupiter to shewe hys Oracle manifeste and true. When Alexander was come vnto the place, the eldeste of the [Page] Priestes met him and called him sonne, affirming that Iupiter his father had geuen hym that name, and he forgetting the state of his mortalitie, said: that he bothe did receyue and acknowledge thesame. Then he demaunded further, if thempire of the hole worlde were apointed to hym by destiny. The flattery of the prophettes. Whereupon the prophet prepared before to flattery aunswered: that the hole worlde should come vnder his obeysaunce. After that he demaunded whether al had suffred death that murthered his father. The priest answered that his father could not be harmed by the treason of any man, but he said: that all Philippes killers were put to death, & one thing he added more, y t he should be inuincible til suche time as he should departe to the gods. Thereupon Alexander made sacrifice, & both offred vnto Iupiter & gaue great giftes vnto the priestes. He licēsed also his frendes that they might cōsult with the oracle, for suche thinges as they would demaūde, but they enquired no further, but if it were Iupiter his wil y t thei shuld worship their king with deuine honours. To them it was answered: that if they honoured their prince being victorer as a god, A digressiō. it should be acceptable vnto Iupiter. If he had with iudgement wayed the oracle according to the veritie, he should well haue perceiued the vntruthe that was therein: but whome fortune hath brought to beleue in her, she make thē many times more desirous of glory, then able to receiue it. Alexander not only suffred, but also cōmaunded himself to be called the sonne of Iupiter, & whiles he wēt about to encrease the fame of his actes, he did corrupt and deface them through suche vayne titles. Whereby the Macedons accustomed to be gouerned by kinges, but yet reseruīg a greater shadowe of libertie then other naciōs, did withstāde [Page 50] hym more arogantly in affecting of hys, in mortalytie then was eyther expedyent for hym or them but thes thinges shalbe declared in tyme conuenient. Nowe I will procede in the reste of his doinges. The building of Alexand [...]a. When Alexāder was returned from hamon and come to the marisse of Marcotes scituat nere vnto the Isle of Pharos, viewed the nature of the place, & was at the fyrste determined to biuld a Citie within the Iland. But afterwardes cōsidering the Isle not to be large enough chose out the ground where Alexādria is nowe (called by the name of the biulder) contayning all that ground betwēe the Mere and the sea, the which was in cōpass as the walles went .lxxx. furlonges. When he had takē ordre for building of this Citie, leuing such behind him as he had apointed for the performās therof, departed vnto Memphis. He had a desire (not vnreasōable if it had ben in time conueniēt) to haue visited both the inward partes of Egipt, & also Ethiopia. And y e affeccion he had to viewe antiquities & the famous pallaces of Memon and Tyron had nere drawn him beyond the boūdes of the sonne. Memnon Tyron. But the warres he had in hande being of much more momēt thē any such idle peregrinacion; gaue him no time to fulfill his fantasie. And therfore apointed Aestylus a Rodyan, Aestylus Pewcestes. and Pewcestes a Macedon the gouernās of Egipt. And assigning to the .iiii. thousād souldiers for defēce of y e Region gaue Tolomā .xxx. galles to keape the mouthe of Nile. He made Posomus ruler of that parte of Afrik which ioyneth vnto Egipt, and Cliomenes receyuer of the Tributes in both Contreis. Clyomenes. This newe Cytye was sone replenished wyth a great multitude, for commandiment was giuen to all the Cyties theraboutes to send inhabiters vnto Alexandrey. It is saide that when the kynge occordinge to the Macedones custume vsede [Page] the kyng according to the Macedons custome vsed the ceremony of steping barley at y e making of the walles, that the birdes came & fed thereupon which being takē of many for an vnlucky token: it was aunswered by their deuiners y t ther shuld be great resort of straūgers to that citie. & that it should giue norishement to many landes. The Ryuer of Nyle. As the king went down y e riuer of Nile Hector Parmenio his sōne desirous to folowe him was drowned. For the vessel sonke y t caried him. being pestred w t ouer many mē. He striued lōg with the streame. but his garmentes gaue impediment to his swimming. so that his breath was nere gone before he could recouer the banke. The death of Hector Parmen [...]os sonne. wherfore want of succour he died. Whose vnfortunate chaūce Alexāder toke greuously as one y t did beare him speciall fauour, & therfore caused his body to be honorably buried. The death of Andromachus lieutenaunt of Siria, Andromachus burnid by the Samaritans. whō the Samaritās had burned was encrease of Alexāders sorow for y e reuengemēt wherof he made al the halfe he might. & at his cōming into Samaria, had the auctours of the acte deliuered into his handes, whom he put to death. & then placed Nemnō in Andromachus rowme. Methinians He deliuered into y e Methiniās handes Aristonicus, & Crisolaus, that had vsurped amonges them, whō they after many greuous tormētes did hāg ouer their walles. That done he gaue audiēce to the Embassadours of the Athenians the Rodians, & the Sciottis. The Athenians did gratefie vnto hym his victory and required that such Grekes as were takē prisoners might be restored to libertie. The Rodiās and the Sciotes demaunded assistaunce of some guarrison: he graunted to them all their requestes and restoryng to the Mytelens their pledges, encreased their territorie and dominion in respecte of the fidelitie [Page 51] they shewed vnto hym, and the money that they employed in the warres. He gaue honour also according to their deseruinges vnto he kynges of Cipres whiche reuolted from Darius vnto him, and had aided him with shippes at the siege of Tyre. Amphoterus his admiral had cōmission to driue the Percians out of the Isle Crete, but specially that he shuld ridde the seas of the pirates, whiche troubled and spoiled all the Ilādes, whiles these two princes conuerted their powers one against another. When he had geuen order to all these thinges he did dedicate to Hercules at Tyre a greate standing pece and .xxx. bowles of gold. Alexander & Darius prepared to fight another battel. That done he set his hole mynde and care vpon Darius, causing it to be proclaimed that euery man should set forwardes towardes Euphrates. But Darius vnderstanding that his enemy was gone through Egipt into Affrick, stode in doubte whether he shuld stay about Mesopotania, or withdrawe into the inward partes of his kyngdome, iudging that he should be hable to worcke with those farre nacions in bringing of them forwardes to the warres, that his lieftenaunt should not be able to doe. yet when the fame had published, and he vnderstode by assured aduertisement that Alexander was retourned out of Egipt, and fully resolued to folowe him with all his power into what countrey soeuer he should go: he then gaue order that the force of all the farre nations should drawe towardes Babilō, knowing the stoutnes of his enemy he had to match withal. Thither resorted both Bactrians, Scythians, and Indians, for the power of other countreys were come thether before. And hauing the double nombre of men that he had before in Cilicia, prepared much armour for them with diligēce, wherof many of them had want. Both the horsemen [Page] and the horses were armed with plates of stele. And such as before had no weapōs but dartes, had swordes and bucklers geuen to them more. And to encrease the power of his horsemē, deliuered many horses to be broken amōges the footemen. He had prepared also .CC. wagons set with hokes, whiche in those coūtreys were estemed thynges of great force, and iudged to be a wō derfull terrour to the ennemie: they were made with greate lōg pykes styking out before, and with swordes set ouerwhart on both sydes. The wheales were also full of Iron pikes ryght forth, and of great hokes both vpward and downward, wherewith all thyng was cutte a sondre that came in their waye. When his people were thus furnysshed of armour, and had prouided sufficiently for the warres, he remoued from Babilon. and kepyng the ryuer of Tygre on his ryght hand▪ Tygre. Euphrates. and Euphrates on his lefte hand, ouerspredde with his army all the playnes of Mesopotania. After that he passed Tigre, and vnderstandyng that his enemy was commyng at hand sent first Satrapaces before with a thousand chosen horsemen, Satrapaces and afterwardes appointed syx thousand to Mascens to stop Alexander the passage of the Ryuer. Masens. Who had also in commission to waste & burne all the coūtrey where he iudged that his enemies should come, thynking to famyshe them with wante of victualles, consyderyng that they had no other prouision but suche as they got by rauyne, and by stelthe: they themselues hauyng plenty brought them both by lande and by the ryuer of Tigre. At length he came vnto a village called Arbella, Arbella. whiche was afterwardes famous by reason of his ouerthrowe. There he lefte the chief furniture of his victualles and cariage, Licus. and made a brydge ouer the Ryuer of Licus, [Page] and in fyue dayes conueyed ouer his army as he had done before ouer Euphrates: passyng forewardes from thence about foure store forlōges. He came vnto an other ryuer called Bowmello, Bowmello. and there encamped. The countrey serued wonderfull well for the arrangyng of his battailles in the large playnes, passable for horses euery where, and without stubbes, or shorte brushe, to couer the ground withall, but so free a prospect, that the eye might decerne thynges a great waye of. And if there appeared any hilles within the playne. Darius caused thesame to be caste downe, and the ground to be made smothe. Suche as by coniecture made reporte to Alexander of Darius power coulde not be credited, for he could not thinke after so many slayne, there coulde be a greater power gathered together, that he had before. But he that neuer doubted any perill, and muche lesse the multitude of men, after the eleuēth encāping came to the riuer of Euphrates, ouer the whiche he made brudges and passed ouer his horsemen and afterwardes his footemen. For Mazeus that was sent against him with six thousand horsemen to let his passage, durst not encoūter with him. When he had continued there a fewe dayes not only to reste his souldiers but also to confirme their myndes and encourage them, he sette forewardes stoutly against his enemy, fearyng that he would haue retired back into the inwarde partes of his coūtrey, whether he should haue bene enforced to folowe by waste places and desertes. Therefore the fourth daye he passed by Arbella and came vnto the ryuer of Tigre. All the countrey beyond the Ryuer was on a smoke newely sette on fier by Mazeus, who burned all thynges where he came euen as he had bene an enemy. Alexander at the [Page] fyrste by reason of the darcknes of the smoke stayed for feare of embushementes. But when they which were sent to scoure the contrey reported that all thing was clere he apoynted a fewe horsemen to proue the passage of the Riuer, who founde the deapnes at the fyrst entre to come to the horse breaste, and in the middes of the streame to the horse neckes. There is no Riuer in all the east partes of the worlde that ronneth so violētly, which besides the waters of other riuers that do rōne into it, driueth downe stones with the streame so that of his swiftnes it is called Tigre, whiche in the percian tonge is so much to say as an arrowe. The footemē therfore deuided into two bādes, holdīg there armour ouer ther heades were enclosed on both sydes with the horsemen, and so passed till they came in the deape of the chanell without anye great difficultye. The kinge was the firste amonge the fotemen that passed ouer to the furtherside, who with his hande (seinge his voyre could not be harde) shewed the shallowe places vnto the souldiers. But they had muche paine to kepe their footing by reason of stones whervpon they stumbled, and of the violence of the water that toke their feete away. Suche as caried burthens on their backes had the greatest trauaill whyche not beinge able to staye them selues by reason of the troble of their carriage were borne downe by violence, of the streame. And whiles euery man went about to recouer agayne his owne, ther fel greater strife amōges themselues, then they had with the streame. And the heapes of fardelles that fleted euery where vpon the water bare downe many. The king cried to them that it was sufficyent to keape their armour and lette the rest go, promysing to recompence euery man. But they nether folowed his counsell, nor did as he commaunded [Page] them besides the noyse, that was emonges them, feare so fissed their eares in ther, swimming and wading through the water. Atlēgth where the streame was most shallow thei came furth, there being nothing mys caried or wantinge emonges them all, sauinge afew fardelles. If their enemies had made but a proffer againste them. they might easely haue put them to distresse. But Alexanders continuall good fortune turned then his enemyes away from hym. Wyth whiche fortune he passed the Ryuer of Granyk, when so many thousandes both of horsemen and footemen kept the passage against him. After that sort he ouercame the multitude of hys enemies in the streyghtes of Cilicia. Though his bouldnes were suche, that is some tyme wanted praise, yet his felicitie euer deliuered hym out of all extreme perill. If Mazeus had done his parte and set vpon them as they were passynge the Ryuer, he myght easely haue put them to distresse, being vnarmed and out of ordre. But after the Macedones had Armed them selfes (being then to late) he began to shewe himselfe wyth a thousande horsemen. When Alexander perceyued the small nombre that came against him he caused Ariston captayne of Peonians to giue a full charge vpon them. The horsemen that daye notably behaued them selfes, but in especiall Ariston, Ariston. which w t his spece ran Satropaces the chief captayn through the throte, & pursuyng him into the middest of hys campe threw him from his horse and cut of his heade, which to his great commendacion he brought and threw downe before the kynge. Alexander taried there two dayes, and against the morning caused warning to be giuen by proclamacion for his setting forwardes. But in the first watche of y e [...] [Page] the mone suffred Ecclips whiche losing her brightnes afterwardes became as redde as bloud and therewith waxed dimme & backe. An Ecclips of the Moone The straūgenes of this matter did strike a religious feare amōges y e Macedōs, wherof proceded such a doubte & feare, y t they fell into a murmur & grudging that they shuld be brought forwardes after such a maner against the will of the goddes into the vttermost boundes of the earth, wher as they were not hable to passe the Riuers, nor could enioye the accustomed vse of the elementes, finding nothing but waste groundes and wild desertes, al which was done (they sayed) for the ambicion of one man. for whose vainglory the bloude of so many thousandes should be shedde. He despiseth ( qd they) his countrey, he hathe forsaken Philip for his father and affected heauen in his folish imaginacion. When Alexander perceiued the matter to come to a mutterīg, he that in al thinges was without feare cōmaunded the chief rulers & capteins of his men of warre to assemble at his pauilion, and there commaunded the Astronomers of the Egiptiane (whom he iudged to haue moste vnderstandyng of the planettes) to declare their opinions. They vnderstanding very well the reuolucyons of the tyme, & their apointed courses knewe that the moone did euer eclipse, when that either she went vnderneth the earth or elles when her light was blemished by opposiciō of the sōne, which reason conceiued amōges them selfes they accustomed not to teache the people. They affirmed also that the greakes were vnder the Regyon of the Sonne, and the Percyans vnder the moone, & therfore so oftē as the moone fel of her light it signified great destruction to the naciōs vnder that cōstellaciō. And to confirme that opyniō of theirs they [Page] brought in olde presidentes of the kynges of Perce to whō the eclips of the moone had signified, y t the goddes were agaīst thē in fighting of their battailles. The force of supersticion to gouerne a multitude. There is nothing more effectuall then supersticion to gouerne a multitude, whiche otherwise is without rule, fierse, & mutable. But when they haue once cōceiued a religiō: though it be but vaine, they be more obedient to their deuynes, then to their captaines whiche thing might be well perceiued, when these aunsweres of the Egipcians were spread abrode amonges the people, for they streight wayes were remoued from their dulnes and dispaire, and slurred vp to hope and confidence. Alexā der therfore that could vse the tyme, and employe his souldiers in their good mode: in the second watche remoued his campe, kepyng Tigre on his right hād, and the mount whiche they cal Gordeion his left hand. By the spring of the day the scouters that he sent before to discouer, returned to hym with reporte that Darius was coming. Then the souldiers prepared themselues to the fyght, & marched forwardes in ordre of battaille. But those that discouered for the Percians, were but a thousand horsemen, which keping the scoute a farreof, semed to the Macedons to be a great army. The scouters commonly haue that propertie that when they can not fynde out the truthe, they imagen thorowe feare thinges that be false. When Alexander vnderstode the certayntie he sent out towardes them a smalle, nombre of his owne horsemen: at whose commyng they fled, & were partely slayne, and partely taken prisoners. That done, he sent horsemen as well to discouer further, as also to quenche the fire whiche the Percians had made through all the countrey. For as they fled away they put fier into the ruffes of the houses and the stackes of [Page] torne, whiche sone toke holde aboue and consumed all till it came to the ground. By extinguisshing of those fiers great plenty of corne was found, and habundāce of all other thinges ensued amonges the Macedons. That was a matter whiche encouraged the souldiers greatly to pursue their enemies. For doubting lest they should burne and consume all suche thinges as myght serue to their vse: pursued them with al the speade they could make, wysdome growing of necessitie. For Mazeus whiche before did burne the countrey at leysure. whē he sawe himself pursued. fled away & left vnto the Macedons the more parte vntouched. Alexander vnderstanding that Darius drewe towardes hym, & was come within an hundred and fiftie furlonges, made prouision of victualles, and remayned foure dayes in thesame place. Darius letters were there intercepted, whiche he had written to the Grekes, in perswasion either to kyll or betray Allexander. Who doubted whether he should recite thesame letters openly or no, hauing no mistrust of their beneuolence and affection towardes hym: But Parmeno disswaded the putting of any suche promises into the souldiers heades, considering that the committing of suche an acte consisted in one mans hand, and that couetousnes iudged neuer any thing vnlawfull. He folowed Parmenios counsel, and so remoued his campe. As thei were marching one of the Enukes that attendid vpō Darius wife brought worde that she fainted, and drew her breath with great difficultie. Who in very dede was so weried with continuall trauaill of her iourney, and care of mynde, that she fel downe in a swowne betwixt her mother in law and her yoūg daughter, and so died. He had not so sone tolde the tale but another came with tidinges that she [Page 55] was dead in dede: wherat Alexāder was no les sorowful then if his owne mother had bene in the same case. and such teares falling frō his eyes as Darius sh [...]ld haue shed: repairid into the tent where Darius mother was sitting by the dead body. There his sorow renued when he sawe her lye prostrat vpon the grounde, who by the chaunce that presently fell being put in remembraūce of her aduersitie past, enbrased in hir armes Darius .ii. doughters a cōfort to hee in their mutual dokir but that she was enforced to cōfort thē. Her young nephewe stoode in her presence the more to be petied, because y t for his yought he yet vnderstoode not the calamytie that was growing towardes him. A man would haue iudged that Alexāder had wept for his own case, whiche lamented and would receiue no comforte but abstayned from meat, & reserued all honor to be done to the dead corse after the coūtrey custome of the Percians. Worthy he was hereby to receyue the frute of such mekenes and continency. He had only sene her once before, whych was the daye of her takynge, and thē came not to visite her, but as Dariꝰ mother. The excellencye of her beutye, was no prouoking to him of luste, but of glory. Of those Enukes that were about the Quene there was one Tiriotes which during this murning and lamentacion, escaped by a gate that was vnwarded, and fled vnto the Percians Campe, where he was by the watchmen brought to Darius presence. When Darius sawe hym lamentyng and tearynge of his clothes. he was in a wōderful expectaciō what his sorowe should be, doubting what thing he myght feare moste. Thy countenaunce (qd he) declareth that some great mishefe is happened. Darius to Tyrw [...]es. Take hede thou confelest nothing from my miserable ears. I haue learned to [Page] be vnfortunate, and it is often tymes a comforte of a mans calamitie to knowe his misshapp. Is it not the misusing of my wife and children that thou woldest tel me? which is the thing I suspecte most and feare to vtter and (as I beleue) is more greuous vnto them then any kynde of torment. Nothing les ( qd Tiriotes) The same honor that was giuen vnto thē by your subiectes the like is vsed by him that is victorer. But your wife is the cause of my amasement, which is euen nowe dedde. Whē that word was ones spoken ther was nothing but lamētacion & howling out through the camp And Darius could not be otherwise persuadid but that she was slaine, bicause she would not consent to hyr misusement, and in the vehemency of his sorowe cryed out. Darius exclamacion in his sorow O Alexander what so great an offence haue I committed againste the whom of thy kinred haue I slaine, that thou shuldest require me with this crueltie? Thou hast done it without enye peruokement of my parte. But be it so that thou do [...]e moue & iuste warre agaynste me yet is it thy parte therefore to kepe warre with womē? Tyriotes therupon did swere by the gods immortal, that she had receiued no kynd of violēce nor harme, but that Alexander lamēted hir death, and wept no less thē he him selfe would haue done. Those words driue him into further suspicion and Ielousie, cō [...]ec [...]uring that Alexāders behauor therin had risen vpon the familier conuersacion had betwixt them. Therfore he auoyded all persones from him, sauing only Tyriotes, & leauing his weping, but yet nere dead for sorow said vnto hym: Thou seeste nowe Ciriotes that lyes can take no place. Tormētes streight ways shalbe brought before the [...] I require thē therfore if any reuerence of the Prince remayne within thy harte, tel me whithout [Page 56] compulcion the thing that I desire to knowe and am ashamed to enquire. Is it possible being of thage that he is, and hauing hir in his handes, that he should notattempt hir: Tiriotes offered hym self to be racked in tryall of the cause, and called the gods to witnes, that she was neuer vsed but chastly & reuerently. Atlēgth when he was once parsuaded that hys wordes were true,. He couered his heade, weping longe space. And afterwards the teares yet distilling down his chekes vncouered his face, and holding vp his handes to heauen, said. O you goddes that I do worship I require you cheflie to stablishe this kyngdome vnto my selfe. Darius peticion. But if ye haue determyned my ruyn and decaye, then my request is that none maye reigne as kynge in my domynion, but euen he that is so iust an ennemy, and so mercifull a victorer. And therefore though he had twise before required peace at Alexander his handes & preuailed not, but had conuerted al his mind towardes the warres: yet he was then so ouercome with the continencye of his ennemy, that he sent ten of the chiefest of his blod as Embassedors to treate wyth hym vpon condicons of peace. Alexander calling a counsel gaue them presence. to whom the eldest spake in this wise. That Darius hath nowe the third tyme demaunded peace of you no powre hath cōpelled hym, The words of Darius Embasseadores. but your iustice & cōtinency hath moued him. He shuld not perceiue y t ether his mother, wife, or childrē were prysoners sauing for want of their cōpany, you take care of their chastities which remaine on liue, yea euen as you were their father you giue to thē the hōor aꝑtaining, & suffer thē to cōtinewe in their former estate. Ise y e dolorousnes in your face, that I saw in darius whē I ꝑted frō hī, & yet he doth morn̄ for his wif, & you for your enemy [Page] And if the care of her buriall had not bene, you had nowe stand in battell in redynes to fyght. Is it anye maruell therefore if he require peace of suche one, that is so frendly disposed towardes him? What shall they nede to contend with armes, betwene whom there remaineth no hatred. In his former treaties he offred y e Riuer of Alys whych boundeth vpon Lydia to be the confynes of your empire, but nowe he proffereth you in dowre with his doughter to be deliuered out of hād, al those countreis that lie betwene Hellespōt and Euphrates. For the performans of which his promys: and for the obseruing of peace. Occhus his sonne nowe in your possession shallbe the pledge for his parte. Hys request is to haue his mother, and his two daughters restored vnto him, for which thre you shall receyue .xxx thousand Talentes. Except I knewe the moderacion that is in you I would not be so bold to say that this is a time when you ought not only to graūt peace, but also to seke for it yourself: Loke back and behold what a great thing you leue behind you, and force how much it is that you couet before you. Ouer great an empire is daungerus. And it is harde to hold that you be not able to receiue. Do you not se that those shippes which be of exceding greatnes, that they cannot well be gouerned. Iudge that to be the cause that Darius loste so muche. Bicause that ouermuche is the occasion of much losse. It is more facil to get many thinges then to keape a fewe. How much more easly do our handes catche, then holde styll. The verie deathe of Darius wyfe nowe doth shewe, that you haue not so get at occasion to shewe your cōpassion as you had before. The Embassadours were remoued vnto an other place and he debated in counsell his opynion. It was long [Page 57] before any durst vtter what they thought, because they were vncertain howe the kyng was enclined. Parmenios opinion concerning the raunsoming of prisoners At lēgth Parmenio spake, and said: my opiniō was euer that the prisoners taken at Damaseo should haue bene deliuered to such as wold redeme thē, wherby a great somme of money might haue bene made of them, whiche nowe remaining in captiuitie pester the hādes of many a mā of seruice. And nowe I thinke moste necessary of all, y t you exchaunce for .xxx. talentes of gold, this olde womā and the two yong damosels which be but impedimētes and disturbaunce to you in your iourneis. The cōquest (he said) was better that was gottē by treaty, rather thē by force. And that there was neuer none before him y t was lorde of all the countreis in length & breadth lieng betwene Ister and Euphrates: he willed him therefore rather to haue respect towardes Macedonia, then to loke forewardes towardes Bactria & the Indiās. His wordes liked not the king, & therfore so sone as Parmenio had made an end of his tale, he made this answere: And I, if I were Parmenio, would rather desire money then glory. But now seing I am Alexander, I am not in any doubte of pouertie, & haue cōsideracion that I am a king & no marchaunt. I haue nothing wherof I wil make saie, and muche lesse sell my fortune. If I were in minde to deliuer the prisoners it were muche better to geue them frely, then to ransome thē for money. Hereupō he called in the Embassadours & answered thē in this sort. Alexanders aunswere to the Embassadours. Shew you to Dariꝰ that y e geuing of thankes is but waste to a mans enemy, and let hym not thinke. that I haue had any respect to his frendship, in those thinges y t I haue done of mine owne clemency & liberalitie, nor let him not impute the same in any wise towardes himself, but to thinclinaciō of mine owne nature, and that I contende not against mens [Page] calamities, but against the force of mine enemies I vse not to make warres w t women & prisoners, for he must be armed to whome I shall shewe my hatred. And though it were so in dede that he mēt good faith in his peace asking, yet peraduenture I would aduise me before I would consent. But seyng that at some tyme he hath by his letters prouoked my souldiers to betray me and at other tyme stored vp my frendes with money to my destruction: I must pursue him to thuttermost, not as a righteous enemy, but as one that worketh his thinges by treason. If I should accept the condicions of peace that you do bring, I should acknowledge him to be victorer, whiche liberally doth geue me all that is behynd the ryuer of Euphrates, not consideryng in what place I speake now vnto you. Haue you forgotte that I am passed the ryuer of Euphrates. & encamped beyond the boundes ye proffer me in dowre? driue me from hence that I may knowe the same to be yours, wherewith ye would infeoffe m [...]. He proffereth me his doughter with no greater liberalitie then he would do to one of his seruauntes. Dothe he thinke to do me a pleasure in preferryng me to be his sonne in lawe before Mazeus? Go and shewe this to your kyng, that both that he hath lost, and that he hath yet in possession, shall be vnto me rewardes of the warre, whiche warre shall discusse the boundes of both our Empires, and by the fortune of the battaille we shall fight to morowe, appoincted to eche of vs our limittes. Let hym knowe that I came not into Asia to receiue but to geue. If he would haue bene content to be second persone and not coueted to be equall with me. I would peraduenture haue graūted his request. But as two sonnes cannot shyne on the earth at once, so likewise two suche great [Page 58] kingdomes cannot be at one time in the world without the subuersion therof. Therfore let him either this day yelde himself, or els prepare himself against y e morowes fight, nor let him not ꝑsuade himself to haue other fortune, then he hath proued alredy. The Embassadours replied: y t seing he was resolued to procede with warre he did royally in that he was plain, and did not fode the furth with hope of peace, their request was therefore that they might be dispatched to the kynge to warne him to prepare likewise for the warre: When they returned they declared that Alexander was determined out of hand to trie the matter by battaille. Wherefore Darius sent Mazeus out of hand with iii.M. horsemē to kepe the passages whereby the Macedones should passe. When Alexāder had perfourmed the funeralles of Darius wife, leuyng with a small guarrison al such as were vnprofitable for the fight, within the strength of his campe, set forwardes towardes his enemies. His footemen were deuided into two battailles empaled with horsemen on both sydes, and his cariage went in the myddes. Then he sent Medinas with horsemen vpon the spores to discouer where Darius was: Who commyng within the viewe of Mazeus, durst not passe any further, but brought reporte that he could here nothing els but the noyse of men and neying of horses. Mazeus likewyse discouered them and returned back to Darius, declaring that his enemies were commyng: Then Darius, whose desire was to encounter his enemies in the playne and open fieldes, The ordre of Darius battilles. commaunded his men to armour, and deuided them into two partes, wherof the one marched on the left hand, and the other on the ryght. In the battaille on the [Page] left hande a .M. of the Bactrian horsemen had the first place, with the like nōbre of Dahans and .iiii.M. Arac [...]osians and Susians, after whiche band of horsemē there folowed, Bessus. C. hoked wagons, and behind thē Bessus with an other band of .viii.M. Bactrians horsemē & .ii.M. Massagetes. The footemen of diuers naciōs came next in ordre of battaille, not mixed together, but eche contreymē by themselues. Ariobarzanes. Ariobar [...]anes and Oribates had the gouernement of the Percians, Mardiās and Sogdiās. But their charge was deuided, and Orsines that was come of the .vii. Perciās & of the bloud of noble king Cyrus had y e rule of the whole: Other nacions folowed whose names were scarsely knowen to their owne company. Cradates. Cradates was the next whiche hauing also fiftie hoked wagons, placed a band of Caspians horsemen before them, and behind them the Indians and other the inhabiters of the redde sea, rather names of men then good assistaūce. This square was empaled with fiftie wagons, vnto the whiche the mercenary souldiers were ioyned. After them folowed the men of Armeny the lesse, then the Babilonians, and next the Bellitans with suche as inhabite the Cossean mountaynes. The Gortuans came next, whiche sometyme folowed the Mediās out of Euboia, but at those dayes degenerated from their countrey customes. The Phrigians, Cathonians, and Parthians, enclosed the tayle. This was the battaille on the left hand. In the battaille on the ryght hand were the people of the greater army, the Cadusians, Capadociās, Siriās, and medians, who had fifty hoked wagons. The some of his whole army was .xlv.M. horsemē, & .CC. thousand footemē. When they were placed in ordre of battaille, they marched forewardes ten furlōges, and they [Page] were commaunded to stay. Whiles the Perciās after that maner taried for their enemies, the [...] fell a sodain feare amonges the Macedons: wherof there apeared no cause, & yet euery mā was amased, & a certain bread entred into their hertes. The lightening that fel out of the ayer being in the somer season semed like fier, and the flames sodainly appearing, were thought to come from Darius campe. If Mezeus whiche was sent to obserue their comming had set vpon them while [...] they were in this feare, he might haue done thē some notable domage. But he was [...]lack to do his enterprice & remained vpon the toppe of an hille, cōtent [...] that he was not assailed. Alexāder perceiuing the terrour that was come amonges his men made a signe for them is stay, and gaue ordre that they should warme themselues▪ & refreshe their bodies: geuing them to vnderstand that there was no cause why they should so sodainly conceiue a feare, seing their enemies were yet a good distaunce from them. At length, when he perceiued they had recouered their spirites, he exhorted them both to receiue courage and to put on their armour. But yet he thoughte nothing more expedient for the case present, then to fortifie his campe in the same place. The next daye Mazeus whiche had planted himselfe on a hygh hill from whence he might beholde his enemies campe, either for feare or els because his commission was but only to discouer, returned agayne vnto Darius. Vpon his departure the Macedōs by and by t [...]ke the hille whiche he had forsaken, the same being of more strength then the playne where they remayned before, from whence he might beholde their enemies campe. And though the miste whiche the moiste hilles did caste forth toke not away clerely the vse of the prospe [...]: yet [Page] it letted them to deserue the deuision of their enemies barteles, and ther ordre: the multitude of whom ouerspreade the fyldes, and the noyse of suche a nombre fylled there eares thoughe they wepe farre of. Then Alexander began to reuolue in his heade, and debase wyth hym selfe, one while Pe [...]menyos opynion, and a nother tyme his owne. For he was come so farforth that he could not retire excepte he were victoret with out the great destruccyon of hys Armye. The multytude of hys enemyes moued hym muche in respect of hys small noumbre. yet on the other parte he remembred what great actes he had don with them, and howe many nacions he had vanquysshed. So that hope surmountynge hys feare, he thought it moste daunger of all to differ the battell any lenger, leste desperacion might growe amongest hys men, and therefore diss [...]mblyng the matter caused the Mercenarye horsemen, and the Peones to passe on before, and deuided hys Phalanx as it hath bene saied before, into two battayles, and empaled the same wyth horsemen on both sides. By that tyme the m [...]ste auoyded, and began to wax clere, the ordre of ther enemies apearing manifestly. The Macedones then whither it were of courage, or for that they were impacient to tarie any lenger, made such a shoute as men of warre vse when they ioyne in battel the like was also made by the Percians. So that the woods and vaille is round about, rebounded wyth the terryble sounde. The Macedōes then coulde not absteine any lenger, but woulde haue ronne forwardes towardes there enemies. But Alexander thought it better to fortifie his campe vpon that hyll, and so commaunded it to be entrenched aboute. Whych worke being spedely p [...]rformed he enteres in [Page 60] his tent from whens he might beholde his [...] host. Then the hole fashiō and fourme of the [...] that was at hand was presented before his eies: doth horsemen and fotemen glistred in there bright armour, and al thinges were prepared with great diligēce. He beheld the care of the captaines in his enemies campe howe they did ride vp & downe to set thinges in ordre. And diuers thinges whiche were but vaine in dede: as the noyse of mē, the n [...]yng of horses & the glistering of their armour trouble [...]he mind: that was careful in thexpectacion of the matter, Therefore whither it were that he was not fully resolued in his mynd or els to proue the mindes of such as were aboutes hym, Permenio his opinion. called hys frendes to consult what was best to do▪ Parmenio that was the moste expert man amonges al the captaines in the feates of warre: thought [...] not to giue his ennemies plaine battell, but rather to set vpō them in the dead time of the night wherby he thought they might easely be discomfited. Supposing that they amōgs whō there was so great diuersitie of customes and alteracion of language could neuer assemble wel togither▪ specially whē they shuld be put sodēly in feare in the night tyme beinge a sleape: wheras in the daye tyme the harpe of the Scythians and Bactryans wyth their rough faces, and longe heare, besydes the hugenes of their bodies should appere terrible. And argued how souldiers were more moued wyth vaine causes of feare and suche were of no Moment then with such as were iuste causes in dede he declared also howe their enemies by reason of y e great multitude shoulde be hable to enclose there smal nombre rounde aboute: and that they shoulde not nowe fyght in the [Page] straites and narow passages of Cilicia, but in an open and large playne. They all in maner agreed to Parmenios sayeng: and Policarpon was of a plaine opynion, that the victorie consisted in the pointe which he had deuised. The king that before had taunted Parmenio more bitterly then he thought good, would not check him againe. but beheld Polycarpon and sayed: That policie that you aduise me pertaineth to robbers and theues, A [...]exanders aunswer for it is their propertye to worke by fle [...]ht and d [...]ce it. I will no more suffre that eyther Darius absence, the streytnes of the ground or the [...]elthe in the night, shalbe an hinderaunce to my glorye. I am plainly determined to haue to do with hym in the open day, and had rather repent me of my fortune, than be ashamed of my victory. Besides this it is to be consideryd, that the Percians keape good watche and stand armed alwaies in a redines to receyue vs. wherof I haue aduertisement: So that they cannot be deceiued that waye. Therefore ther doth remayne no more, but that you prepare your selues to the battayll. When he had by these wordes put thē in a courage, he dismisses them from counsel, to refresshe there bodies. Darius coniecturing that hys enemyes would haue done the same thing y t Parmenio did persuade, caused the horses to stand redy brideled, the hole night, and the more of his hoste to continue armed and keape good watche. His cāpe shone bright with the fiers that were made, and he him self wyth his capitaynes and kinsfolkes wēt about his batte [...]ls that stode in ordre and in armes making inuocation to the Sonne, to Mars, and to the euerlasting fier, that they woulde inspire vnto them a fortitude of mynd, that might aunswer to the auncient glory and actes of his predecessors. And shewed if the [Page 61] mynde of man were noble to conceyue any tokens or signes of the goddes fauore or assistaunce, it was no doubte but that they were bent on ther syde, hauing alredy streken a sode [...] feare amonges the Macedones which (he saied) might he sene by ther rō [...]ing here and there by the [...]arieng and casting of ther Armour. And that the gods which toke care of the Percians Impire were newe determined to punishe those towardes: Whose captayne being of another sorte then the reste was like vnto these wilde beastes, which through gredines of the [...]ray, that they do couet, fal into the s [...]ares that be set f [...] them. The like care was emonges the Macedones, for as though the matter should haue ben tried that night, thei passed i [...] ouer in doubte and feare. Alexander himselfe that was neuer sene i [...] such scare before that tyme called for Aristander to meke vowes & praiers, wh [...] in a white garment cariēg V [...]rberies in his hand, with his hedde, couered went before the king calling vpon Iupiter, Mynerua & Victoria. When he had thus ꝑformed his sacrifice accordīg to ther religiō retorned into his [...] him to rest y e residue of y e night. But he [...]ulde nether reste▪ nor sleape, but continually debated with him self which way he should affaile hys enemies: One while he was of opinion to gyue his first vnset wō that battel of the Percians that should come on his right hande: Some tyme he determined to mete his enemies in a plaine fronte, and an other while was in doubte whither it were better to set first on their left batteyll, atlength hys bodye became heuy with trauaill of the mynd and fell into a sound sleape. Whē the daye apeared, the capteines assembled about the kinges Pauilion, to receyue ther charge. Where they stode amased with greater silence then they were [Page] accustumed. For they could not but wonder that Alexander who was euer wount [...] cast vpon other men, and to reproue suche as were slowe or neglygent, not to be then storyng when the matte [...] was come to the poincte of the extreme daunger. And many were of opinion that he slept not but shronke for feare, yet for all that none of them that were about his persone durste attempte to wake hym. In the meane season the tyme paste away, and the souldiers myght neyther put on their armour, nor go in ordre of battaille without commaundement of their hea [...]. When they had thus taried a good whyle. Parmenio gaue commaundement they shoulde fall to meate. At length when the tyme came, that of necessitie they muste sette their battaylles, he entered into the kynges l [...]dgyng, and called vpon hym diuers tymes by his name, but when he could not awake hym with his voyce he stored hym with his hand: Parmenio to Alexād. It is farfourth day (quod he) and your enemies come forewardes in ordre of battaylle and your souldiers beyng yet vnarmed, [...] no commaundement yet geuen them what they shal do [...] where is▪ that there fulnes and courage of yours become whiche were wonte to stirre [...]p other men▪ vnto whom Alexander made aunswere: Thinke you that I could slepe before I had rid myself of the rare that letteth me to take my rest? and therupon caused the [...]ompettes to blowe to the battaille. But when Parmenio continued [...]ll in admiracion that he in suche a tyme could slepe so quietly. It is no marueile (quod Alexander) when Darius burned the countrey [...]sted the vyllages, and destroyed the victualles. I could then in no wyse be quiet. But now what cause haue I of feare, seyng he prepareth hymself to fyght? He hath nowe fulfilled [Page 62] my desire, res [...]te now where your charge lye, and I wyll streyght [...]lyes come to ge [...]e, ordre amonges you, and reason this matter afterwardes. He vse [...] seldome to take his frendes a [...]u [...]e when my [...] [...] daunger was at hande, when Parmenio was gone he armed himself, and came forwardes amonges the souldiers. Who seing him loke so thereful as they had not done before [...] yued by the boldnes of his coū tenaunce a certayne hope of the victory: Then he caused the trenches of he [...] campe [...] caste downe, that the souldiers myght haue free passage forth and so did set his battailles in ordre. The horsemen whiche they call Age [...]a of whome Cli [...]us was Capitaine, were set in the wynge of his ryght hand battaylle: to whome he ioyned Philotas and other Capitaines. The order that Alexā der vsed at the battaill of Arbella. The laste hande of horsemen was Me [...]e [...]gers whiche went next vnto the square battaylle of footemen that the Macedons name Phalanx. After the Phalanx those footemen went that he called Argyraspides, Argiraspid [...] of whome Nycanour the sonne of Parmenio was Capitaine. Cen [...]s with his hand was appoincted to be a relief▪ Horestes and L [...]ta [...] next [...]n ordre, and after them Poly [...]arp [...]n that had the rule of the straungers Ph [...]lag [...] had the rule of the Balacr [...]us. And this was the ordre of Alexanders battaylle in the right hand wherof Ami [...]tas was chief. In the left battaille. Cr [...]terus had the charge of the Peloperension horsemen and had with h [...]m also the bandes of the Atheiās Locrensians, and Mole [...]sians, and the last trops were the horsemen of Lassalia vnder Philip their Capitaine. Thus the horsemen couering the foote men made the front of the left battaylle. And lefte [Page] thennemies through their multitude should enclose the battell about, he planted a great force behinde for the relief of that matter, and set a relief also vpon the winges not to front with the rest but vpon the sides. to thentent that if the enemies atempted to compasse about the battailles, that there should be redy to kepe them doing. Those that occupied the places of relief were the Agrians, of whome Attalus was capitayne. and the archers of Crete ioyned vnto them: suche as stode in the hinder partes of the battailles were ordred to turne their faces frō the frontwardes; because that being in a redines euery waye, the battailles in euery place should be of like force. They whiche stode with their faces cōtrariwyse were the Illicians & the mercinary souldiers, with the Thraciās that were lightly armed. These his battailles were set so aptly to be turned euery way, that such as stode in y e hinder partes could not be enclosed about, but myghte towardes eche parte make their front: So the front, the flankes, and the hinder partes were also of like force. When he had set his men in ordre after this maner, he gaue commaū dement that if the Perciās should put forwardes vpō them their hoked wagons with a crie or noyse, that thē they should open their battailles and receyue thē with silence, not doubting but that they should passe through without harme doing, if no man did resiste them. But if they should come without any shout or [...], that then they themselues should make a crye [...] fear [...] the horse withal, and so with p [...]kes thrust them in on euery syde. They which had the charge of the battailles were commaunded to extende them so muche in breadth as they myght, leste by standing ouer close the myght be enuironed, and yet not to stretche them so farre out, to [Page 63] leue the places voyde or thinne in the middes. The cariage and the prisoners amonges whom Darius mother was, were set in the toppe of an hill wyth a small guarde about them. The charge of the left battel was cōmitted to Parmenio as was accustomed before time and Alexander him self was in thother. When they were come nere together one Bion came flieng from the Percian campe in all the haste he could make, and declared vnto the king that Darius had planted Irō galtroppes. Where as he thought hys horsemen shoulde passe, and by a certaine signe shewed him the place, bicause it might be auoyded. Alexander wylled the fugitiue to be keapt sauffe, and assembled all hys captains together, declaring the matter and exorting them to make their souldiers priuie to the daunger, for eschewyng the place poynted out to them. But all that were in so great an army could not hear y e warning giuen, the noyse of both armies takyng away the vse of the eares. Alexanders exortacion to hys men. But Alexāder riding betwixt the battels, gaue exortacion to the Capitains and to all other that were within hearing. He declared that ther was but one hasarde remayninge to them that had passed through so many coūtreis in hope of the vitorie which they were now ready to fight for. Therupō he reduced to their memorie the battelles they had fought, at the Ryuer of Granike, in the mountaynes of Cilicia, and with what spede they had passed ouer both Siria and Egipt, the rehersal wherof put them in great hope and pricked them forwardes to the desire of glory. He shewed that the Percians being withdrawen again from their former flieng, were now cōpelled to fight of nesessitie bicause they could fle no further, and how that thre days together amased for feare thei had remained [Page] still in one place wyth their armor on their backes. Of whose dispaire (he sayd) there coulde be no greater argument, then that they had set on fire their owne contrey, confessing all to be their ennemies, that they distroyed not. He exhorted them not to feare the vaine names of vnknown naciōs, as a thing nothing pertinent to the warre, whych were called Scythians or Cadusians. For that they were vnknown naciōs, was the greatest tokē that they were mē of no valour. For that such as be valiāt mē could neuer be vnknown in the world. And contrariwise dastards, when they come forth of ther dēnes bring nothing w t them but names of men wher as you y t be Macedons haue obtained by your vertue & manhod, that ther is no Contrey in the world ignorāt of your artes. He willed thē to behold y e euil order y t was in their enemies host, of whom some had no weapō but a darte, other a slinge to cast stones, & very few had such armour as thei ought to haue. So that though there were a great nombre on the other parte, yet he said thei had more on their side that should cōe to hand strippes. And y t for his ꝑte he would not require any mā to aduēture hym self, except he were an ensāple to thē to shewe their valiātnes & courage. For he promised y t he should be sene fighting w t the formost knowing y t so many wounds as he should get, should be so many ornamēntes to his ꝑson. He said they them selues knew y t he would be no ꝑtaker of the pray, but y t euer his cus [...]ume was to bestowe the rewardes of the victory to their behoue & cōmoditie. His former words he shewed to be spoken to such as were mē of courage But if ther were any y t were otherwise, he had to saye vnto the: that they were come to the place from whēs they could not fle, hauīg lest so many coūtreis behīd thē which they had passed ouer, & so many riuers & mounteyns [Page 64] at their backes. So that now there was no way to their houses and countrey, but such as they muste make open with their owne handes. This was the exhortacion he gaue vnto the captaines, and to such of y e souldiers as stode next him. Dariꝰ that was in his left battail accompaned with a choyse band of electe horsemē, & fotemē, dispiced the smal nōbre of his ennemies their battails appearing to him shinne & voyde of mē, when he saw ther winges stretched so fat abrode. He stode therfore in his Chariot on hie, & turning him self both on the right hand and the left, The oraciō of Daryus. spake in this sort to such as were abouts him. We that lōg ago were lords of al the coūtries lieng betwixt Hellespōt & the Occian Sea, are cōpelled now to fight not for fame and glori but for our sauegard and our libertie, with chyefly is to be estemed. This daie shal I either establishe, or make an ende of the greatest Impire that hath bene in any age. At y e riuer of Granik we fought w t a smal part of our powre. Whē we were vāquished in Cilicia, Siria was able to receiue vs, and the Ryuers of Tigre and Emphrates were as bulwarkes to defende our kingdome. But now we come to that pointe, that we haue no place to fle to, if we be put to flight. All thinges behind our backes are wasted w t this long warre, nether cities be inhabited nor mē left to tylle the groūd. Both our wiefes and chyldren do folowe thys armye, a praye redie for our ennemyes, except we put forth our bodyes for the defence of suche as be dere vnto vs. So much as hath cōcerned me. I perfourmed preparing such an army as this huge plaine is scarsly able to receiue: I distributed emonges you horse & armour prouided y e vitels should not want for such a multitude and haue chosē out an apt place to derayn y e batailes in [Page] All the reste remaineth in your handes. Do but dare, and the victorie is yours, Despise you this fame which is but a weke wepon against men of valeur. It is rashenes which hitherto ye haue feared as a vertue, wherof when the furste brunt is spent, it waxeth then dul as the bees when they haue ones lost their thōges. This plaine hath disclosed their final nombre, which y e moūtaines of Cilicia did hide: you se how thinne their rankes be, their winges how they be extended abrode. howe their battels be emptie, and voyde of men. And such as be hinder most haue alredy turned their backes They may be ouerthrowne wyth the horse fete though I send none against them but the hoked wagons And if we wynne the battaile we make an end of the warre for thei haue no place to flie vnto. They be shut in with Tigre on the one side, & with Euphrates on the other: and such things as before made for their purpose, now be turned and make clere against them. Our Armie is light, and without much baggage, and they be laden with prayes and with booties. We shal kill them therfore as they be wrayt in our spoiles. And the same one thing shalbe both our gaine, and the cause of our victorye. If any of you be moued wyth the fame of the nacion you must thinke that the armour and outward shew & not y e bodies of the veraie Macedons be their p̄sent we haue cōsumed so much of their bloud since y e warre begā. And seing they be but few, their losse must nedes be to them the greater. For howe great so euer Alexander doth seme to suche as be fearfull, and towardes, he is but a mā, and if you trust me, both rashe and without consideracion: and hetherto more fortunat through ouer feare, then by his own valure. Ther is nothing can cōtinue that is not gouerned by reasō. [Page 65] for though fortune seme to fauour for a whyle, yet at length she shall not supporte his rasshenes. Besydes that the estate of thynges be full of chaunge, and no man hath perpetuall felicitie. It may be that the prouidence of the goddes haue so ordeyned it, that the Empire of the Percians encreased with suche prosperous successe by the space of two hundred and thirty yeares, and brought to so great an height of fortune, should nowe rather be shaken, then vtterly ouerthrowen: Therby to admonyshe vs of mans fragility, whiche vseth to forget himself ouermuch in prosperous estate. It is not long agoe since of our own mocion and courage, we moued warre against the Grecians, and inuaded their dominions, but nowe we stand at defence in our owne countrey. Thus we be tossed one against an other by exchaunge of fortune. For one nacion cannot [...]eare the greatnes of the Empire whiche we both do [...]ouet. But be it so that hope were taken from vs, yet necessitie ought to prick vs forwardes, the matter is come to suche extremitie. He keapeth nowe as prisoners, both my mother, my two doughters, and Occhus my sonne, borne to the succession of this Empire. He keapeth captiue your princes, the issue that is descended of the bloud royall, yea & your capitaines equall with kynges, and if you do not now lay to your handes I my self am lyke to become captiue. Deliuer you therfore my bowels out of my prison, and restore to me my children, for whose sake I do not refuse to die. Be you all sure that both my mother and my children (for my wyfe is dead in prison be holding vp their hādes criēg vnto the goddes, & calling for your helpe, your cōpassiō and fidelitie, that you would deliuer them from seruitude, from fetters, & from the state they are in, liuing at [Page] other mens will & apointment. Thinke you y t they can be cōtent to liue vnder such as thei could scarsly vouch saue to haue for subiectes? I see that our enemies battailles do approche, & the nere the daunger is at hand, y e lesse the wordes I haue spokē do content me, I make request to you by the goddes of our coūtrey by the eternall fier that is caried vpon the aulters, by the brightnes of the sonne that riseth within the boūdes of mine Empire, by y e euerlasting memory of Cyrus, which first did take the Empire frō the Medes & Lidians & gaue it to the Perciās, deliuer their name & this nacion frō shame & reproche. Go fourth cherefully haue you good hope, and se that you restore to your posteritie, the glory you haue receiued of your elders. Lo you cary now in your hādes your libertie, your help, & your hope in time to come. Whosoeuer contēpneth death, escaped death, & death ouertaketh suche, as do flie frō death▪ I ride here in a chariot, not only for that it is my coūtrey, custome▪ but also that I may be sene of you al. And I desire nothing so muche as y e ye will folowe me, whether I shew you an ensample of proues or of cowardnes. In the meane season whiles Alexander did couet to escue the place of parill, y t he was warned of, & enforced himselfe to encounter with Darius lefte battaill where he was in person, The battail [...]ught or [...]rbella bewixt Alexa [...]der & Darius. was compelled to fetche a compasse about. Whom whē Darius perceiued he turned likewise his own battail towardes him, willing bessus to apoint the Massagites horsemen to geu a charge on Alexanders left battaill. He set before him his hoked wagōs, which by a signe geuen brake out sodenly vpon their enemies with a full course to thintent that by their cōming vnbewares they might do the greater destruction. The pikes that were set before in the wagons destroyed diuers, [Page 66] & many were torne a sōdre by y e houkes that were on both sides. The Macedons gaue not place to thē by a little & little, but troubled their array w t a mayn fute. When Mazeus sawe their disordre, he put thē in more feare, and apointed out a thousand horsemē to fetche a compasse about the Macedōs battailles to spoyle their cariage, supposing that the prisoners which were there kept, would breake their bādes, whē they shuld see their own naciō approche. Parmenio which was in the left winge perceiued this matter well, & therfore sent by & by Polidamas vnto Alexander to shewe him the daunger, and know his pleasure what he would haue done. When he vnderstode the case by Polidamas: Go thy way ( qd he) and shewe Parmenio, if we wynne the battaill, we shall not only recouer again our own, but shal haue also the spoyle of our enemies. Therfore I would not that any parte of our force should be remoued from the maine battell, but let him fight it out manfully, and not regarde the losse of baggage, wherin he shal obserue the honour of me, & my father Philip whose custome was to do the like. In the meane season the Percians were entred amonges the cariages & had slam diuers that were left in their defence wherupon the prisoners began to lose themselues, and taking vp whatsoeuer came to hande, toke parte with the horsemen, & sharply assailed the Macedōs. Diuers were so ioyful that they ranne to beare tidinges to Sisigambis howe Darius had wonne the victory, and had ouerthrowen his enemies to their great slaughter, and also that all their cariage was wonne, thynkyng the lyke fortune had bene euery where, seyng they sawe the Percians fall to spoyle. And although they exhorted Sisigambis that she should leue her heuynes and reioyse, yet she continued in thesame estate she was in before, not speaking [Page] one worde nor chaūging collour nor coūtenaunce, but sat stil immouable. She was so ouercōe (as it was thought) with sodain ioye y t she durst not sturre nor attēpte fortune, for suche as did behold her, could not perceiue whiche way she was enclined. In the meane season Amyntas, Amyntas. that was maister of the horse to Alexand, came with a fewe bandes of horsemen to sucrour the carriages, but vncertain it was whither he did it of his own head, or by the kinges apointmēt. He was not able to endure the force of the Cadusians & Scithians, for scarsly attempting the skirmishe, he was driuen back & fled again vnto Alexāder, being rather a witnes of the losse of the cariage, thē a rescuer of thesame. The grief that Alexander conceiued of this matter ouercame the purpose he toke before, & feared (not without cause) lest the souldiers through y e carfulnes to recouer their own might leaue the fight, & resort toward their bagage: he sent therfore Aretes captein of the spearemē that were named Sarissopheros against the Scythes. Aretes. By this time the hoked wagons, whiche had somwhat troubled the forefront, were come within the square whiche the Macedons cal Phalanx, yet the souldiers neuer shrōk at the matter, but receiued thē into the middes of their battail, where as, ioyning thēselues close together, they stode like a wal on both sides▪ thrusting their pikes into the bowels of y e horses, & ran about y e wagōs, throwing downe such as stode in thē at defence. The whole battaill was entāgled & troubled with the ruyne, & killing of the horses, & suche as gouerned thē. They could not rule their horses when they were once gualled & hurt, whiche with muche leaping & strugling not only brake out of their trace, but also ouerthrewe the wagons, drawing at their tailes the mē y t were slayn, neither being [Page 67] able to stande still for the feare they were in, nor yet go forwardes beyng so fainte of their woundes, yet a fewe of them passed through the battaille, wherby such as the wagons did lite vpon, were myserably stayne, lyeng vpon the ground with their members, cut in sondre, yet because that through the grenesse of their woū des they felt litle payne, they kept their weapons still notwithstāding they were maimed & without strength, till suche tyme as by continuall bleadyng, they soncke downe dead. Aretes in the meane tyme had slayne the capitaine of the Scythians that were spoyling of the cariages and repulsed them back. But streight way came the Bactrians by Darius sendyng, and turned the fortune of the field agayne. Many Macedōs were slayne at the first encountrey, but more fled vnto Alexander. Then the Percians made suche a showte as men are wont to do that wynne the victory, and fiersely assayled their enemies thinkyng that they had in euery place bene put to flyght. When Alexander perceyued his men shrinke, he rebuked suche as he sawe afrayed, and encouragyng very many that he sawe alone restored the battaille that began to faynt, & geue ground. When he had put them in harte, he required them to presse forwardes, and go on frely against their enemies. When Alexander perceyuing that the Bactrians were departed to the defeating of the cariages, and by their going had left the right hande battaille of Darius thinne & naked, he bent his force wholy y t way, and there made a wonderfull slaughter and destructiō of his enemies, whiche by reason of their lose array were not able to withstand him. The Percians in the left wynge seing this thing, were in hope to haue enclosed Alexender about, and came forwardes to set vpon [Page] his backe parte, wherby greate daunger had ensued to him beyng enuironed both before and behind. If the Agrians had not put their spurres to their horses and geuen a charge to their enemies, that had nere hande enuironed their kyng about, and so compelled the Percians to turne their faces againe towardes them. The battailles thus were sore trauailed on both sydes. Alexander had his enemies bothe before and behynd▪ and his enemies that came on his back were sore oppressed by the Agrians. The Bactrians also that had spoyled the cariages, were excluded from their own company, and could not recouer their place agayne. Thus the battaylles were deuyded in diuers partes, and fought one against an other as their chaunce fell. The two kynges, that ioyned their battaylles hard one to an other renued agayne the fyght. There were moste of the Percians slayne, but the nombre of the wounded were lyke on both sydes. Darius did ryde in a chariot and Alexander vpon an horse. They both had a choise band about them whiche were careles of their owne lyues. For if their kynges should miscary, neyther they could be saufe, nor yet desired to lyue. Wherfore euery of them thought it a noble thyng to aduenture them selues before the face of their prince. And he that coueted moste to defende his maister▪ was in moste peryll, for eche man coueted the honour to kyll the kynge on his contrary parte. There (whether it were an imaginacion of the eyes or a thyng done in dede) suche as were about Alexander▪ beleued that they sawe an Egle flickeryng aboue his head, whiche neyther feared with classyng of the harneys, nor by the cryeng of them that were dyeng, honge styll in the ayet a lyttle aboue hym. Then Arislander whiche ware a whyte [Page 68] garment, and caried lawrell in hys hande shewed thys thyng vnto the souldiers as they were busye fyghtyng, as a certayne token of victory, whiche thyng did cause them, whiche before were in some doubte, cherefully and with great confidence, to assayle their ennemies. The fyght contynued after thys sorte vntill the tyme that he was slayne whiche gouerned the horse, that drue Darius chariot. Then neyther the Percians nor Macedons, doubted but that Darius had bene slayne. And the Percians vpon that imaginacion made a barbarous noyse, and a sorowefull howlyng, wherewith they sore troubled and astonied their whole hoste, that were yet fyghtyng with equall victory. Darius kynsmen and the Squires for his body that were on his left hand, lefte hym and fled away with a mayn flyght: but suche as stode in his defence dn his ryght hande, conuoyed hym into the hart of the battaill. It is sayd that Darius drue out his sworde and was determined diuerse tymes to kyll hymselfe, rather then to susteine the shame of flyeng away. But when he sawe as he sat alofte in his chariot, that a great parte of his army remayned yet fighting, he was ashamed to leue them in suche sorte. And whyles he thus wauered in his opiniō betwixt hope and dispaire, the Percians by little and lytle gaue grounde, and shronck from their order. Alexander that had tyred many horses, did chaunge the same he did at that time ryde vpon, & strake at the faces of thē that stode at defence. There was none then that made resistaūce any lēger▪ but a manifest slaughter fell on the Percians, Darius [...]led and Darius tourned his chariot to flye awaye. The Macedons pursued them hard that fled, and the duste that flue vp to the skie toke away their prospect, so that they [Page] wandred as it had bene in darknes, and euer dreue together when they hard any voice that they knew. Only the ratling and noyse of the chariot was a marcke for the Macedones to folowe after. As fortune was prosperous to the Macedons on this parte. and contrarious to their ennemies: so on the other syde, where Permenio in the lefte winge encountred with the Percians▪ they had the better, and the Macedons the worse. Mazeus. Mazeus wyth his whole bande gaue a great charge, and put the horsemen that stoode in the winges to a sore distres. And thervpon by reason he aboūded with multitude began to enclose the footemē about. Then Parmenio sent worde to Alexander in what daunger they were in whiche he signified to be such, that except they had succour in tyme, they coulde not resiste, but he enforced to flye awaye. Alexander was gone farre in the chase, when this sorowfull message was brought him. Wherfore he commanded the horsemen to staye and chafed wounderfullye, that the victory was thus taken out of his hādes, & that Dariꝰ had better fortune in fleing then he in hys folowing. In the meane season the fame of Darius ouerthrowe was brought vnto Mazeus. And therefore though he had the vpper hand yet he was striken with such feare of his fellowes misfortune, that he made astarke pursuite vpon his enemies. Parmenio was ignorant of the cause why the fight did slake so willingly of there parte, Parmenio encouraged his soldiers but boldly vsing the occacion of the victorie called the Tessalien horesmen vnto hym and sayed. Se you not how our enemies that euen nowe gaue vs a feirse onset, be sodenly afrayed, and withdrawe them selues. I see the fortune of our kyng doth giue vs the victoryie. All the feldes be strown with the Percians [Page 69] that be slaine. Why do you therfore staye? are you not good anoughe for men that be fleing? They sawe his wordes had an apparaunce of a truthe▪ and therfore by and by they toke courage, and putting their spores to the horse made a full charge vpon their enemies who retired not by littell & littill, but marched away a great pace. And they wanted nothing of flieng sauing that they had not yet directly turned their backes: yet for al that insomuch as Permenio knewe not what was become of the king, nor of hys battell, stayed and woulde not pursue after them. Mazeus hauing leisure geuen him to flie at his libertie, passed the riuer of Tigre, not the next way, but by a further cōpasse about with more suretie, and so recouered the Citie of Babilon with the remaynes of that vanqueshed Armye. In the meane season Darius with a fewe that accompained him in his flieng came to the Riuer of Licus▪ wher passinge ouer he stode in doubte, whither he should breake the bridge or no, for it was shewed him that his enemies were at hand. But considering how many thousandes of his men by the breakinge therof should be a pray to hys enemies, he left the bridge standing, and at his departure, said that he had rather open the waye to them that pursued him, then to shut it against them that fled after him. But Darius lefte not his flieng til he came to Arbilla, where he arriued about midnight. Who is able to conceyue in his mind or expresse in wordes, the discomfirture. the manifold chasises in this discōfiture, the slaughter that fell both vpon captaines and souldiers, the chasing of them that were put to flight the destruccion in particular and in generall. Fortune heaped to gether that one daye the chaunces of a whole world. Some toke the way that came next to hand, a nother sort fled vnto [Page] the woods, and sought out by pathes, to escape such as folowed after them. Ther was a confusion of horsmē & footemē mixed togither without any head, the armed with the vnarmed, and the whole wyth the hurte. At length the compassion that one had of an other was turned into feare, and they that could not folow, were lefte bewailing themselues one to another. But thirest chieflie afflicted the wounded and weried, which laye alōg euerie where in the waies where any water was gasping after it with open mouth. And when for gredines they had gulled in the troubled water, they began to swell, when the mudde ones entred into their entrayles. And bienge thus not in case to moue, the enemie came and sturred them vp with new wounds. Some when the brookes nere hand, were taken vp by other: sought out for springes in euery secret place. Nor their was no puddle so drie nor so farre out of the way, that could be hidden from the thirest of them that serched them out. The olde men and women were hard howling and crieng in all the villages nere the waies side, how Darius was yet their kinge. Alexander as it hath bene saied before staieng the chase, was come to the Riuer of Licus, where as the multitude of the fliers was greater then could passe the bridge. So that many when their enemyes pursued them, lept into the water, and their laden wyth their armour, and weried wyth fightyng and flienge were consumed wyth the streame. But within a while neither the bridge nor the riuer were hable to receyue the companies that continually encreased by their vndiscret flieng. For when feare was once entred into their hartes, they doubted only that, which put them first in feare. The Macedōs were eger in the pursute [Page 70] of their enemies▪ and required Alexāder that he would not suffre their enemies to escape fre away. But he to stay them alledgid that their weapons were dull, their hādes weried, their bodies faint with long pursute, and that the daye drue towards night. But in veraie dede the care of his other battail which he thought to be yet fighting, caused him to returne to their socour. He had not so sone turned his ensignes, but y e certaine horsmē brought him worde from Permenio y t the victory was wōne also on their part. He was not in so great a daū ger al y t day, as whē he was cōming towards his cāpe. The daungier Alexander was in at his returne from the chase For there were but fewe y t folowed him and those out of ordre, as men that reioising of the victorye, iudged all their enemies either to be fled or slaine in the field: then sodēly ther appered a band of horsemē of the contrary parte coming against thē, which at the first staied but afterwardes perceiuing the small nombre of the Macedōs, gaue a charge vpō thē. The king rode formoste rather disimuling▪ then despising the perill he was in: but his perpetual felicitie neuer failed him in extremities. For at the first encountre he stracke thorough with a speare, the captaine of the Percians, who in egernes of the fight vnaduisedly came agaynst hym Whē he through his stroke was fallen to the ground▪ Alexāder slewe the next to him with the same weapō ▪ and after diuers other, wherewith his company seing the Percians amased, bracke vpon them, and threwe many to the earthe, yet they for their partes were not vnreuenged▪ for the whole battaill did not so ernestly fyght as that small bande assembled so by chaunce. But at lengthe when they sawe that flyenge in the darke should be more suretie to thē then fighting shocked away in diuers companies. Alexander hauing escaped thys extraordinarie perill, brought hys men in [Page] saufegarde vnto his campe. There were slayne of the Percians, The nobre of the dead. whiche came to the knowledge of them that had the victory .xl.M. and of the Macedons lesse then iii.C. whiche victory Alexander wan more by his own vertue, then by any fortune: and with hardines & courage, more then through any aduantage of the ground. For he both ordred his battailles politikely, and fought manfully. With greate wysdome he contemned the losse of the bagage, cōsideryng the weight of the whole matter to consist in the battaille it self. Whiles the fortune of the field was yet doubtfull, he vsed hymself as assured of the victory. And when he had put his enemies in feare, he cessed not till he had set them flyeng, and that whiche scarsely can be beleued in that fiersenes of spirite, he pursued in the chase more wisely then gredely. For if he should haue folowed on still, parte of his powre yet fighting in the field, he shuld either haue lost the battaylle through his owne fault, or els haue wonne the victory through the prowes of other men. Or if after he had gottē the victory he had shewed him selfe afrayed of the horsemen that he met, he must either haue shamefully fled, or haue bene miserably slain Nor his capitains were not to be defrauded of their cō mendacion: For the woundes that they did receyue, were tokens of their manhode. Ephestions arme was wounded with a spere. Perdicas, Cenos, and Menidas, with shot of arrowes were nere slayne. And if we will geue a true iudgement of the Macedons that were there, we muste confesse that he was a kyng worthy such ministers, and they men worthy of suche a maister.
¶The fifte boke of Quintus Curtius of the actes of the great Alexander Kyng of Macedonie.
IF I shall make mencion of the matters that chaunsed in the meane season both in Grece. Iliria, and Thracia, by the appointment and commission of Alexander in order as they fell the matters of Asia shuld therby be interrupted, which I thought most cōuenient to put wholy together vntil the death of Darius, and then to ioyne them in thys worke as they agre with the tyme. Darius wordes to them that were fledde from the felde I will firste speake of those thinges that ensued after the battayll at Arbella, where Darius arriued about midnight. And as it chaunsed the more parte of his fryndes and of all other that were escaped from the felde were come thither, he called them all togither and made an oracion to this effect: That he doubted not but Alexander and his men, gaping with gredy desire for the haboūdance of spoyle that was in redines for them, would visite suche cities and cōtries, of his as were moste notable & plentiful of riches: which thing (he said) considering his estate▪ could not but turne at length to his auaill. Hys purpose was nowe with a small band to repayre into the desertes. And seing the vttermoste partes of his kingdōe were yet vntouched, he should from thēce easely repayre hys powre agayne to renue the warre, Let therefore that gredy nacion ( qd he) take my treasure, and satisfie their great hunger with gold, which shortly shall cause both the same and them also, to be a pray vnto vs. For he had learned (he said) by experiēce [Page] that the haboudance and excesse of ther preciouse furniture▪ their flockes of Concubines & Eunukes, were nothing els but burdens and impedimentes. Whych Alexander possessing and carieng about should make him inferior vnto them of whom before he was victorius. His oracion semed to all men to be full of desperacion. For they sawe therby that the riche Citie of babilon should be geuen vp vnto the Macedōs, & Susa shortly after wyth all other ornamentes of the realme that were cause of y e warre. But he procedid in persuading them, howe that men in aduersitie ought not do thinges y t should seame goodly in the speaking, but necessary in thexperiēce. That warres were made wyth iron, and not with gold, wyth men, and not wyth the walles of Cities. For all thinges folowe them that be armed and in strength. He shewed that his auntetors were afflicted after this maner in the begining, & yet recouered againe quickly their former estate. After he had spoken these wordes. either for y t they were therby encouraged, or els that they rather obeid his autoritie then liked his counsell, folowed hym into the bondes of Media. Arbella yeldid vnto Alexander Shortly after Arbella was geuen vp vnto Alexander, which was full of the kynges ryches and treasure, of precious stuf, and appariell. And besides in that towne the substāce of the hole army was lesse. The siknes that began in Alexanders campe, rising of the sauor of the deade bodies scatered ouer all the fieldes, was the cause that he did the soner remoue. Arabye. The champion contrey of Arabia very notable with the haboundāce of swete odoers there growyng lay vpon the right hand as they marched. And so passed through y e coūtrey lieng betwen Tigre and. Euphrates whyche is so fat and plentyfull a ground. [Page 72] that the inhabiters be fayne to dryue their bestes from feading, leaste they should kill them selues by eating ouer muche. The cause of thys fertilitie commeth of the moister that issueth from both riuers, Tygre. distilling by vaines through the grounde. Both these riuer haue their beginning in the mountaynes of Armenia, Euphrates. wher they be distaunt .v. thousand thousand .v.C. fuclonges and so runne forwardes keaping their distāce, till they come nere the boundes of Media and Gordia. For thē by little and little the further they go they draue more nere together leuing les space betwixte them. They enclose of both sids the coūtrey that is called Mesopotania, Mesopotamia. from whence they runne through the bonds of Babilō in the redde sea. After Alexāder had chaunged hys campe foure tymes, Mennium. he came to a citie called Mennium wher as there is a fountaine within a caue: that boyleth out great plenty of pycche so it apeareth that the Babilonians had there cement from thence, which they employed about the making of their huge walles. As Alexāder was going frō thence towardes Babilō Mazeus which was said before to haue fled from the battell, came to mete hym in moste humble maner. where cōmitting hys children into his hands, yelded him self; and rendred vp the cytie. Hys comming was very greate full vnto the kynge considering what trauayll he shoulde haue susteyned in the syege of so strong a Citie, if it had bene keapte agaynst hym. And besides forsomuchas Mazeus was a mā both famous and valient, & much noted for his doing in the last battel, thought his ensamble should much prouoke others do to the like. For that cause he receyued both hym and hys childrē wyth gentil maner, and yet gaue ordre to hys men that they should enter into the Cytye in [Page] suche array of battaill as if they should fight. A great nōbre of the Babilonians stoode vpon the walles, desirous to behold him that was ther new king. But the more parte went forthe to mete hym. Bagistenes. Bagistenes, that was captayne of the castle, and keaper of the kynges treasour, because he would shewe hym selfe to be no lesse affectionate towardes Alexander than Mazeus was, strowed all the waies where he should passe, with flowers and garlādes, and set aulters of siluer on both sides the waye, wherupon frankensence was burning, and all other kinde of swete odours. Next vnto hym came flockes of beastes, great nombres of horses wyth Lyons, and Pardalies caried in cages, which he brought to geue as presentes vnto Alexander. And after them the Magies singing according to their contrey manner. Caldees went next with their deuiners and prophetes, and then musicians wyth their kindes of instrumētes: their propertie was to singe the praises of kinges. And the Caldeis vsed to declare the mociōs of y e planetes, The distruccion of Babilon. with the course & reuolucion of the time. Laste in ordre came the Babilonian horsemen, whose sumptuous furniture, both for them selues and their horses, tendid more to voluptuousnes and delicacy, thē to any magnificence. Alexander that was enclosed about wyth armed men willed that the Babilonians should come behind his footemen, and he riding alofte in his chariot entred into the cytie, and afterwardes into the palace, where the next daye he surueyed Darius threasure and riches. The beuty and plesauntnes of that Citie gaue iuste occasion to Alexander and such as were with him to wonder much vpon it. Semiramis was the builder therof and according to some mens opinion Belus, Semiramis Belus. whose palaice is to be sene their. [Page 73] The walles be made all of brick set with pitche, whiche is called bytumen. And they be .xxxii. foote in bredth, so that two cartes may easely go vpō them afront. They be in height .C. cubites, & the towers be .x. foote higher then the reste of the walles. The compasse of thē about is .CCClxviii. furlonges, being builded as it is left in memory in so many dayes. The houses stand the brede of an acre distaūt from the walles not builded through out the cytie, but only by the space of .iiii. score & .x. forlōges, and those not ioyned nere one to another, but for some consideracion deuided a sondre. The rest of the ground is sowed and tilled, to thintēt that if any forein powre cometh against them, thei should be able to be releued by the frute therof comyng. The ryuer of Euphrates doth ronne through the middes of the citie, and is kept in on both sides with walles of a wounderfull worckmanship, but the great caues made of bricke, and in pitche in steade of morter wrought lowe within the ground to receiue the violence of the streame, do excede all the relle of y e worckes there made: for except thesame were of quantitie and largenes to receiue the water when the streame floweth ouer the bankes that be made to kepe it in, the violēce therof shuld beare down the houses of the citie. There is also ouer that ryuer a stone brydge, whiche ioyneth both partes of the citie togethers: counted amonges the marueilous workes of the Orient. For by reason that Euphrates is so full of mudde and owse, ground can scarsely there be found to lay the foundaciō vpon, and the streame besides casteth vp such heapes of sande against the brydge, that it is an impediment for the water frely to passe, and therfore beateth vpon the brydge with greater force, The Castel of Babilon. then if it had his fre recourse. There is also a castle that is: xx [Page] forlonges about, the towres, wherof be .xxx. foote depe within the ground, and .iiii. score foote in height aboue the ground. Where also the wōders are to be sene, that are so often mencioned in the Greke poesis. For in the same be whole groues of trees set by wounderful arte aboue the ground, so highe as the toppes of the towres, whiche be marueilous beuteful and pleasaunt through their height and shadowe that they make. The whole weight of them is susteined and borne by huge pillers made of stone, vpon whiche pillers there is a floure of square stone, that both vphold the earth that lieth deape vpō the same, & also y e humour wherewith it is watred. The trees y t growe therupon be of eight cubites about and as fruteful as though they grew in natural earth. And though proces of time is wont by little & little not only to destroy thinges made with hande, but also the very worckes of nature: yet this worcke, for all it is oppressed with the rootes of so many trees, and burdened with the weight of so much earth, & of so great a wood, yet it remaineth vnperisshed in any point, being susteined vp with .xx. broade walles distāt .xi. foote one from another. Whē these trees be sene afarre of, they feame to be a wood growing vpon a mountaine. It is said y t aking of Siria raigning in Babilō builded this worke for his wifes fansy, who for the loue she had to woodes and shadowe places, moued her husbād in doing therof to counterfeit the plesauntnes of nature. Alexāder taried lenger here then in any other citie, whiche hurted more the discipline of the Macedons in their warres, thē any other place. The customes of the Babiloniās For nothing was more corrupt thē the maners & customes of that citie, nor any other was more haboundantly furnisshed of al thinges, wherwith men be allured and sturred to excessiue pleasures. The parentes & husbādes are contēted for gaine, that their [Page 74] children & w [...]es ha [...]tes company with such straungers as came amōges thē. The kinges & nobilitie of Pe [...]e, delite much in banqueting pastime, but the Bablioniās be specially geuen thereūto, to wyne, and to dronkenes, wher the womē vse such a custome, y t in the beginning of the feast their apparel semeth womāly & demure, but afterwardes by little & little they put of the vppermost garmentes, and layeng a side al shamefastnes do discouer thēselues naked. Whiche vile custome is not vsed by harlottes only, but by thē all in general whiche coūte the making of their bodies comen, but a ciuilitie & good maner. In this voluptuousnes and abhominacion the conquerour of Asia walowed by the space of .xxxiiii. dayes, wherby he became muche the weaker to haue done other enterprises, if he had had an enemy to stand against him. But to thintent the harme he toke should be y e lesse perceiued, he encreased his power with a new supplie of mē. Amyntas came to Alexander with a new supplie of men. For Amintas the sonne of Andromenes brought him from Antipater syx thousand Macedons footemen, and .v.C. horsemen, & with them .v.C. Tracian horsemen, with .iii.M.v.C. footemen of the same nacion. He had also out of Peloponese .iiii.M. footemē & .iiii.C.iiii. score horsmē being Mercenary souldiers. Amintas also brought with hym .L. young men of the nobilitie of Macedonia to attēde vpon Alexāders person: whose office was to serue the king at meat, to brīg him his horse when he wēt to battel. They accustomed to be aboute hym when he hunted, and kept the watche by course at his chambre dore: These were they whiche afterwardes proued greate capitaines, and that was the race out of the whiche the rulers of their men of warre dyd come. Agathon, Alexander appoincted Agathon capitaine of the castel of Babilon, with .vii. hundred Macedons [Page] and .iii.C. mercenary souldiers, Mynetas▪ Appollydorus. & left Minetas & Apollidorus gouernours of the citie and the countrey. to whome he assigned two .M. footemen and a .M. talentes, geuing them in commission to wage more souldiers. He made Mazeus that gaue the citie into his hā des, lieutenaunt of the whole, and caused Bagistanes that yelded vp the castle to folowe hym in his warres. Armenia was geuen to Methrenes that betraied the citie of Sardos, Armenia. and to encourage his souldiers to the enterprising of other thynges, gaue out of the treasure of Babilon to euery Macedon horsemā .v.C. deneres, to euery horseman of the straungers .v.C. and to euery footeman two .C. When he had set ordre in all these thinges, The countrey of Atrapene. he came into y e coūtrey called Atrapene which being plentifull of all thinges and haboundaunt of vitayle, caused the kyng to tary the lenger there. And lest idlenes should be any abatement of his mennes courages, deuised to slurre vp their spirites and kepe them occupied, by appoincting iudges to trye out such as had shewed themselues moste valiaunt in the warres, to whom he assigned rewardes due to their deseruinges. There were eight found out, whose doinges appeared aboue the rest, and euery one of thē was appointed the charge of a .M. men, and were called Chiliarchi: that was the first time that the souldiers were deuided into suche nōbres, for before they vsed .v.C. in a bād which was not as they reputed for any preferment or reward of valiauntnes. The nombre of souldiers was greate that came to pleade their right in this behalf, and that before the iudges y t gaue sentēce brought in testimony of their doinges: So y t it could not be knowē which of thē had deserued iustly such honor or not, the first place was adiuged to old Adarchias, Adarchias. for his valiaūtnes vsed in y e battail at Alicarnasson, where he chiefly did restore [Page 75] againe the fyght, when the young souldiers had geuen it ouer, the second place of honour was geuen Antigonus, & Philotas, Angeus obteyned the third, the fourth was adiudged to Amyntas. The fifte to Antigonus. Amintas the sonne of Lyncestes obtained the syxt. Theodorus the seuenth, and Hellacanicus the laste. Hereupon to great purpose he altered many thynges that were vsed by his predecessours in the discipline of warre. For where as before the horsemen of euery coū trey were in seueral bandes by themselues, he without respect of any nacion apointed to them suche capitains as he thought expediēt. And where as at the remouing of his campe warning was accustomed to be geuen by a trompet, the sound wherof in any noyse or tumulte could not be sufficiently harde. Therefore he caused an hyghe pole to be alwayes set before his pauilion, wherupon remayned a sygne apparaunt to all men. The token that they obserued was fire in the nyght & smoke in the daye tyme. As he was marchyng towardes Susa, Abulites that was ruler of that region, Abulites. either by Darius commaundement thynkyng by meanes of the spoyle to deteyne Alexander the lenger there, or els of his owne fre wyll, sent his sonne agaynst hym, profferyng the deliuery of the cytie. The young man was entreated very gently, and by his conduccion Alexander passed forwardes, till he came to the ryuer of Hydaspis, Hydaspis. whiche is counted to be a very delicat water. Abulites there mette Alexāder with princely and riche giftes, and presented him amonges the reste of other thinges. Dromedary camels, that were wounderfull swift, with .xii. elephantes that Darius had sent for out of India to be a terrour to the Macedons, which now were become an encrease of their strēgth, when the riches [Page] of the vanquisshed, Susa whei Alexander found incredible treasours. was come into the victorers handes. He foūd in y e citie an incredible treasure .l.M talentes of massy siluer y t was vncoyned: which riches gathered together in y e space of many yeares by diuers kinges for their successiō & posteritie, thus in a momēt came into the hādes of a forein prince. Alexāder being lodged within the palaice did sit down in Darius seate whiche being higher then serued for his stature, by reason his fete could not reche to the groūd, one of the kinges pages put a bord vnderneth for him to treade vpō. At the doing wherof one of the Enukes y t belonged to Darius, loked heuely & fetched great sythe: whose sadnes when Alexander perceiued, he enquired of him the cause. He answered y t when he beheld the bord wherupon Darius was wont to eate, employed to so base an vse, he could not behold it without great grief. Alexander being therfore ashamed, so muche to misuse y e thing that before was had in suche a reuerence, caused the same to be taken away. Wherupon Philotas required hym not so to do, but rather take it as a diuinaciō of his good lucke and fortune that the table wherupō his enemy did eate, should now become subiect vnder his fete. Alexander purposing from thence to passe into Percia committed the cytie of Susa to Archilaus with .iii.M mē of warre, Archilaus zenophilus. and to zenophilus the charge of the castle, leuing suche Macedons as were aged, there in guarison. But he did betake the keping of the treasure vnto Callicrates & restored to Abulites the gouernement & principalitie of the coūtrey of Susa, Callicrates leuing within the cytie Darius mother & his children. And forasmuch as Alexander had at thesame tyme plēty of cloth of purple sent hym out of his coūtrey, with garmētes redy made after the Macedon maner for the honour he bare to [Page 76] Sisigambis (whome he had in reuerence as if she had bene his mother) thought good to present parte of those to her, with the persones that vsed to make them, and willed it should be told her if she liked them, that she should accustome her neces to make the lyke, and geue them for presentes. At the declaring of whiche message the teares ran out of her eyes, whiche declared the gift not to be acceptable to her. For the Percian womē take nothyng in more despite the men to put their handes to wolle. When reporte was made to Alexander in what sorte she had receiued his presēt, thought both the matter meete to be excused, and her to be comforted. Alexanders excuse to Sisigambis of the present he sent her. Therfore he came to visite her & sayd: This garment which I were was both of the gifte & makyng of my susters: our customes brought me into errour. Therfore I require you that ye wil not take myne ignoraunce in euel parte. I trust that otherwise I haue obserued sufficiētly all thynges whiche I knewe to be your customes: When I vnderstode that it was not laufull amonges you, for the sonne to sit in the mothers presence except she doth geue hym leue, whensoeuer I came vnto your presence. I would neuer sitte til you willed me so to do: you would oftentimes haue fallen down & worship me, but I would not suffer you, but haue euer honored you and geuen you the name due to my swete mother Olimpiades. Whē the king with these wordes had wel pacified her, he departed, & by four encāpinges came vnto a ryuer y t the coūtreimē cal Pasatigras, Pasatigras which springing the moūtaines of y e Vxiōs rōneth stepe down amōges y e rockes w t woody bākes by y e space of .30. forlōges: but then descēding into a plain it becometh nauigable, & so rōneth w t a more quiet streame, & in a softer groūd by y e space of .vi.c. forlōgs, til such time as it doth ēter into [Page] the Percian sea. Alexander passing this riuer wyth nyne thousand footemē of the Macedons, with the Agrians, the Mecenary Grekes and with .iiii. thousand Thraciās, The vxione came amōges the Vxions. Whose coūtrey is nere vnto Susis, and stretcheth out into Percia leuing betwixt it and Susis a narowe streight. Madates had the rule of that contrey, Madates. who was such a man as was rare at y t time, for he determed to abide thextremitie for his duties sake. Such as knewe the contrey did enforme Alexander that their was a priuie waye through the hilles, wherby men might get to the farre side of the chief citie that partayned to them, and if he would send a few that were light armed: thei might be brought to a place, where thei shuld appere aboue their enemies heades. This counsell liked him so well, that he made the councellers guydes, and committed them to Tauron, Tauron. whome he apointed cheif of that enterprise He assigned to him, a thousād .v.c. mercenary soldiers and a thousand Agrians, wyth whom after the sonne was gone downe he entred into his iourney. Alexander in the third watche remoued hys campe, and by the springe of the daye had passed the streightes. There he set his mē in hand to cut downe timbre for the making of Towres and al other such thinges as pretayned to the assault of a cytie, and so beganne his seige. It was a difficult matter to make the approche, the cytie stode so highe, and the rockes gaue such impediment, wherby the souldiers were repulced, & receyued many h [...]rtes, contending both with thenemyes and the Scytuacion of the place. Notwithstanding they gaue it not ouer, by reason the kinge was euer amonges the foremoste, asking of them if they were not ashamed being the Conquerours of so many cyties, to be so longe in [Page 77] the winning of a smal castle, that was so obscure & vnknowen in the world. As he was traueling amonges the rest they did shote and caste stones at him from the walles, whom the souldiers defended wyth their tergettes, because they could not remoue hym away. At length Tauron apered aboue the castle of the cytie at whose sight the enemies hartes faynted, and the Macedons the more fierslye did assayll them. When they sawe themself with this extremitie and perceiued they were not of powre to withstand the Macedons they became of diuers disposiciōs. For some were determined to dye, and many to flye awaye. But the greater parte retired them selues into the castle from whence they sent vnto Alexander .xxx. Embassadours to aske mercy. But he gaue vnto them a sorowfull aunswere that there was no pardō to be obtained at his handes, wherupō being in doubt of death and excluded from al other remedies, sent vnto Sisigambes by a priuy way vnknowne to their enemies, makyng their requeste that she would vouchsaufe to be a meane to Alexāder for the pacefieng of his rigour & wrath towardes thē. In her only they put theyr hope, knowing howe much Alexāder loued her, & that he estemed her as if she had ben his mother. And they thought she would the rather encline to their desire because Madates that was captaine there had maried her sisters daughter, wherby he became a kyn to Darius. Sisigambis stode longe in deniall of their requeste, sheweng that it agreed not with her fortune to become an intercessor for others. addyng therunto, that she feared lest she might misuse the victorers fauor, and make him we by of her, for (she said) she had more remēbraūce that she was a prisoner then that she was a Quene. But at lengthe she was [Page] ouercome with there suite, and by hir letters made intercession vnto Alexander after that sorte, that she fyrste excused hir self of her suite making and after required him that he would pardon them or at the leste waies y t he would forgiue her that was peticioner but for the life only of such one as was hir frend and hyr kinsmā, and now no lenger any enemy to his maiestie but in redines to submit him self. This one matter is sufficiēt to declare the Moderacion and clemēcy that was then in Alexander. For he dyd not only pardon Madates, but also left the Citie vntouched graunting to all that were within it both libertie and fredom, with enioyment of their landes and goods, without paieng of any tribute: more then the which she could not haue obtayned of Darius being hir sonne. When he had thus subdued the Vxions he annexed them to the prouince of Susa, and purposing to passe forwards deuided his army into two partes, wherof he cōmitted the one to Permenio to be conuaied by thē plaine contrey, and reseruing such a parte as was pestered leste wyth bagage, toke the way of the mounteins, whych wyth a contiunall ridge ronne out in length from thence into Perce. In his passage he destroyed al the moūteine coūtrey, arriuing the thirdday in the boūdes of Percia The fifte day he entred into y e streightes called Piloe, Susidoe, Ariobazzanes keapt the streight betwixt Susys and Percia. which were defended by Ariobazzanes with xv.M. fotemē who keping the toppes of the highe and steepe rockes y t hange ouer on both sides of the way, at the firste keapt them selues quyet of purpose pretēding a feare vntyll such time as the army was entered into the narowest of the streight. But when they sawe the Macedons passe onforwards in their contempte, then they threw downe great stones vpon them, which falling [Page 78] vpon the tiethermoste rockes, and these breaking in peaces rebounded amonge the Macedons, fel with greater violence, and distressed hole bands at ones. And besides that did thē great damage with shot of arrowes, and stones that they did caste out of slinges. Suche as were men of courage were not so muche greued with the death & destruciō that they sawe their presently, as that they shuld be slain after such a maner like beastes caught in a pitte, wher as thei could not be reuenged vpon their enemies. Their wrath hereupon was turned into such a rage and woodnes, that they ran vp against the rokes. & ther enforced them selues by taking holde, and by hauing vp one of an other to mount vp vnto their enemies: But when they hade caught hold vpon some outward parte, and therby labored to ascend, by force of so many handes that fastened to it at ones, they pulled a sondre the thing they held by, and so fell downe all togithers. In this case they could neither stand, passe forwards, nor yet defend themselues, by any deuise thei could make w t their targetes, seing the stones were of such weight that were throwen down vpō thē. Alexāder was in great trouble of minde not only for y e greif he receiued by the destrucion of his mē, but much more for the shame y t he had so rasheli brought his armi into such a daūgerus streight He had bene inuincible before y t daie & neuer attēpted thing in vaine. He had passed y t streightes of Cilicia w t out damage & opened to himself a new way by sea into Pāphilia. Which felicity of his semed thē to be staied & plucked back, for he could ꝑceiue no other remedy thē to returne by y e way he cam, he caused y e retreit therfore to be blown. & gaue ordre to his soldiers to go close together & by castīg their targets ouer their heads returne back again, after thei had merched .xxx. forlōges w tin y e streyte▪ [Page] When he was retourned and had planted his campe in an open ground, he cōsulted what was best to doe, and therewith suche a supersticion entred into his minde, that he called for the priestes and deuiners to healpe herein by their inuocation. But Aristander, to whome he gaue moste confidence, could do nothing in the case, so that Alexander condempning their sacrifices which he thought then done out of tyme, called for suche as knewe the coūtray: They shewed him of an other way that was playne and open enough, but he lyked it not, he was so ashamed to leue his souldiers vnburied. y t were slayne. For amonges al other ceremonies obserued in the discipline of their warres, there was none more religiously kept then the burieng of the dead. He caused therefore suche prisoners as were lately taken to be called before him, amonges whom there was one experte both of the Greke and Percian tongue, whiche shewed to y e kyng y t he laboured in vayne, if he thought to conuoy his army ouer the toppes of those moūtaines whiche (he sayd) beginne at mount Caufasus, The description of the streyte & the coūtrey therunto adioyning. and closed in the one syde of Perce by the space of .M.vi.C. furlonges in length, and .Clx. in bredth, till suche tyme as they come vnto the sea, which also enclosed the coū trey from the place where the moūtaines ceased. The countrey lyeng at the foote of the mountaynes, he dedescribed to be playne, frutefull, and replenysshed with many faire cyties and villages, and that the ryuer of Arares ronning through thesame, Arates. falleth into another ryuer called Medus, Medus. bringing with it the wa [...]eds of many smale streames. Whiche ryuer of Medus beyng muche lesse then thesame whiche it doth receyue runneth from thence towardes the south Sea: No place could be more aboundant of grasse, for euerery where [Page 80] nere vnto the water, the grounde was couered ouer wyth flowres. The riuer was shadowed ouer wyth plantyne and pople trees, which by reason they stande somwhat highe, and the water ronne lowe in a depe chanell: seme to such as be a farre, to be woodes adioynning to the Mountains. He counted no contrey in al Asia to be more holsome, or to haue more temperat ayer then thys, both by reason of shadowing moūtein that euermore defendeth the heate, and also of the sea which on the parte being at hand with a certeine temperature doth norishe the ground. When the prisoner had made a descriptiō of the contrey after this maner, the kinge enquired of hym whither he knewe those thinges by hearing say, or els had sene them with hys eyes. He sayde, that he had bene an herdman & knewe the contrey veraie well and al the wayes thither. And that he had bene twise taken prisoner, ones by Percās in Licia, and now the second time by hym. Vpon those wordes Alexander called an oracle to memorye, wherby it was signified to him that a Lician shou [...]d be hys guide into Perce. Wherfore promising to him suche rewardes as the present necessitie required, & as hys estate was mete to receiue, willed him to be armed after the Macedons maner, and wyth good spede to go shewe on the waye. Which though he had declared to be but streight and difficult, yet Alexāder put no doubt to passe it wyth a fewe mē, except any thought (he said) that Alexander would not attempte that thyng for to wynne glorye and perpetuall commendacion that the herdman had done often tymes in feading of his beastes. Thē the prisoner left not to alledge the difficulties of the waye, specially for such as ware armour. Then the kinge said: Take me for suertie that neuer one of them that be appoynted to the, shall refuce to go, where [Page] thou shalt passe. Craterus. That done he left Craterus with the charge of his campe, and he hym self passed forwardes with suche fotemen as were accustomed to his person, with those hādes of whom Meleager had charge, Meleager. and a thousād Archers on horsback, taking first ordre with Crateus that he should kepe his cāpe in such forme as it had bene vsed before, & cause many fiers to be made of purpose, y t the enemies might y t rather think, hym to be there stil present, aduising him further y t if Ariobarzanes shuld get knowlege of his enterprise, & send part of his powre to stop his passage, y t thē Craterus should shew al y e terror they could to cause him cōuert thē self to the defence of the daunger y t was next at hand. But if he should deceiue his enemye & recouer the hil vpon hym, that then vpon the hearing of the alarome in the Percians campe, preparing thē selues to his resistaūce he should not doubt to passe that way from which they wer repulced the day before, wher he iudged thei should find no resistaunce, the enemies being conuerted towards him. In y e third watch he set forwardes in great silēce, without blowyng of trompet, & passed on by such way as was shewed him by the guide, Euery souldier that was lyght armed carieng thre dayes vitaile. But when he was on his way, besides the wild rockes and sharpe stones, that caused them oft fayle their foting, the snowe also driuen wyth the wynd, was a great impediment to them in their iourney. For they fell diuers tymes downe into pittes, and suche as coueted to pull them out were oft times drawen after. The night also wyth the countrey vnknowne, and the guide of whose fidelitye they doubted, encreased muche their feare, considering [...]hat if they should not deceiue their enemies watch, they should be taken like beastes, they [Page 81] wayed also that both the sauegard of them, and of the king lay in the handes of one that was a prisoner. At length they came to a mounteyne, wher as the way towards Ariobarzanes lay on the right hād. Thē he sent before by the guiding of such as they had taken prisoners, Philotas, Cenon, Amintas, & Policarpon wyth a band of the lighteste Armed, whom he aduised that forasmuch as they had both horsemē and fotemen, and the coūtrey fertell and habound of fodder, that they should make no haste but passe forwardes faire & easely. And he with the esquiers of his body, & the band of horsemē that they called Agema, was guided by another bipath farre of frō y t place wher his enemies kept their watch But the way was so streight and so depe, y t thei suffred great trouble & vexaciō in passing therof. It was middaie, & they were so weried, that of necessitie they must take reste, for they had so farre to go as they had trauailed all redy, sauing that the waye was not so difficult nor so roughe. He refreshed therefore his men w t meat & with sleape, & in the secōd watche, did rise vp & passed the reste of hys iourney without any great difficultie. Sauing in y e part where the moūtayne begāne to fall aslope towards the plaine, their passage was sodeinly stopped, by a great gull made with the violence of the streames that ranne downe the moūtains, by wearing away of y e earth. And besids the trees stāding so thick, & the bowes that grewe one within another appeared before thē as a cōtinual hedge. Whē they saw thēselues staied after this maner, such desperaciō fel amōges thē y t thei could s [...]arsly abstain frō teares. The darknes being a great encrease of their terror seing thei could not enioy any benefit of y e statres. For if any gaue light, y e same was takē away by y e shadow of y e trees. And y e vse [Page] of the eares could not serue for one to receiue counsel and comforte at an other, the wynd whyrlid so amōges the leaues, and the shakyng of the bowes made such a noyse. But at length the daie which they so much desired, demynished wyth his lighte the terrors that the darknes of the night did make. For by fetching of a little compasse about, they passed the holow gylle, and euery man began to be aguide. Finally they got vp in the toppe of the hille from whence they might beholde their enemies lieng in campe. Thē the macedons shewed them selues stoutly in their Armour, appering sodeinly on their backes, when they mistrusted no suche thyng, and there slewe suche as came fyrste to encountre wyth them. So that on the one parte the greuous noyse of them that were slayne, and the miserable showt of suche as ran in for succour amonges their owne companye, put the rest to flyght without making any resistaunce. When the alarome was once hard in the camp wher Craterus lay, the Army by and by passed forwards to go through the streightes in the which they were repulsed the day before. Philotas also who with Policarpō Cenos and Amyntas were gone the other waye arriued at the same tyme and gaue a further terror vnto their enemies. Whē the Perciēs sawe ther enemies agreing in al partes at ons, though they were so opprest wyth their sodaine inuasion that at the fyrst they were in doubt what to do, yet at length they assembled to githers and fought notably: Necessitie styring vp the faintnes of theyr hartes. For oftentymes dispaire is cause of mennes good hope. They being vnarmed, closed with them that were armed, and wyth the weyght of their bodies drewe their enemies to the earth and killed diuers with their owne weapōs [Page 82] Arriobarzanes with fourty horsemen, & fiue thousand footemē, that kept about his persone, brake through the battaill of the Macedons, to the great slaughter both of his owne men and of his enemies, & by makyng of haste, recouered Persepolis the chief citie of the countrey. But when he was excluded from thence by them that were within, he renued againe the fight with such as were with him, & so was slayne: by y e time Craterus that made all the spede he could deuise, was come vnto them. Alexander fortefied his campe in thesame place where he did disconfite his enemies. For though they were all fled, and he certaine of the victory, yet because he found his way stopped in many places with great and deape diches, he thought good to vse circumspection, and not to make ouer great haste, not so muche for feare of his enemies force, as of the nature of the ground whiche he sawe apt for them to worke policie against hym. As he was passing forwardes, he receyued letters from Tyrydates the keaper of Darius treasure, Tyrydates sygnifieng that the inhabiters of Percepolis hearyng of his cōmyng were about to spoyle the treasure, and therfore he should make haste to preuent the matter, for the way was ready enough, notwithstāding that the ryuer of Araxes was in his way. There was no vertue in Alexander more commendable then his celeritie, whiche he shewed in this matter, for leuyng his footemen behynd, trauayled all nyght with his horsemen, and by the daylyght came to the ryuer of Arapos. There he found villages at hande, wherof the tymber they brake downe of the houses, a brydge was made in a moment, by the helpe of stones whiche were layde in the foundacion. When Alexander was passed the riuer, and came nere vnto the cytie, a company met [Page] him so miserable, as seldome haue bene found in any memory: the same were Grekes to the nombre of .iiii. thousande, whome the Percians before time had taken prisoners, & afflicted with diuers kyndes of tormē tes. For of them some had their feete cut of some their handes, & other their eares, but all were marked in the flesh with hote yrons. Whō the Percians mayming & deforming after this maner, had kept & reserued amō ges them, as a memory of the despite towardes the nacion. But when thei sawe y t they should become vnder the obediēce of another prince, they suffred the Grekes to mete Alexāder. Thei appeared rather to be the Images of some straunge mōsters, then of mē. For nothing could be decerned or knowen in them but their voice. The compassion of their wretched estate caused the beholders to let fall no fewer teares, then they did thēselues. For it could not appeare whiche of thē were moste miserable, though their afflictions were diuers. But whē they cried out before Alexāder that Iupiter the reuēger of Grece had opened their eies in beholding him that shuld deliuer thē: they iudged then all their grefes as one. Alexander wiped the teares from his eyes, and willed them to be of good chere, for that they shuld both see their countrey and their frendes, & he encamped in thesame place, where he mette thē being two forlōges from Persepolis. Persepolis. The Grekes drue themselues together to consult what was beste for them to demaūde of Alexander, and when some were of opiniō to aske dwelling places within Asia, & others had more minde to retourne vnto their coūtreis: Entemeons oracion. Entemeon Cimeus spake thus vnto them. We that were euen nowe ashamed to shew our heades out of the prison & darkenes we were in, to make suite for our own aide and relief, or become [Page 83] of such simplicitie, that we presently desire to shew vnto Grece as a pleasant spectacle our infirmities & maimes, wherof we haue as much cause to be ashamed, as to be sorowfull, you must thinke that suche beare their miseries best, which can finde the meanes to hide them moste, & that there is none so familier a countrey to mē that be vnfortunate as solitarines and forgetfulnes of their former estate. For they whiche make an accōpt of their frendes pitie & compassion, know not howe sone their teares wil drie vp, no creature can loue faythfully whome they abhorre. For as calamitie of his nature is querelous, so felicitie is always proude, & euery one doth vse to cōsider his own fortune, when he determineth of an other mans. For except we had all bene in mysery, one of vs long ago had bene wery of an other. What meruayle is it then though men infelicitie seke always their equalies. My opinion is therfore that we as mē whiche long ago were as dead in this lyfe, seke vs a place wherein we may hyde our maymed members, and where exyle may hyde our horryble scarres. For if we shall retourne vnto our countrey, beyng in this case, we cannot be but vngrateful to our wyues, whom we maried young, shall our chyldren, shall our brethren acknowledge vs, beyng prison slaues? and though all thynges should there succede as we would wyshe, yet there be but a small nombre of vs able to trauayll through so many countreys? Howe is it possible for vs that be here banysshed into the vttermoste bondes of the Orient, aged, impotent, and maymed, to suffre those thynges, whiche haue tyred men then were in force and victorious. It is to be axed what shal become of our wyues whome chaunce and necessitie hathe [Page] gotten vnto vs here for the only comforte of our prisonement? what shall we do with our children we haue begotten here? take them with vs, or leue them behinde vs? If we returne with suche as we haue here, none of those in Grece will acknowledge vs, and shall we then be so madde to leue those comfortes we haue already, being vncertayne whether we shall come to those that we seke or no? Verely muche better it were for vs, to hyde our selues amonges them whiche haue bene acquainted with vs in our mysery. These were Eutemon wordes: Theatus wordes. But Theatus of Athens, reasoned to the contrary. There is no creature ( qd he) in whome remaineth any sparke of goodnes. that will esteme vs by our outward shape, seyng that our calamitie is not come of nature, or by our own deseruyng, but through misfortune, and our enemies crueltie, and suche as be ashamed of fortunes chaunses, are well worthy to suffer misaduenture. They geue a greuous sentence vpon the estate of mans mortalitie, & dispaire muche of mercy, that deny their cōpassion to mē in misery. Now therfore since the goddes haue offered to you the thing whiche ye durste neuer haue wisshed for: that is your countrey, your wiues, & your childrē, being the thinges whiche men esteme more then lyfe, & redeame oftentymes with death: why do you doubt for the enioymēt of thē to breake out of this imprisonemēt? I iudge y t a yet of our own countrey moste naturall to vs, where me thīkes is an other maner of beholding y e light, other customes, other religiō, & another maner of tonge, whiche for y e pleasaūtnes is coueted of the barbarous naciōs: what great thinges therfore be those that ye would willingly leaue, y e wāte of which only is y e cause of your misery. My opiniō is plain y t we visite our countrey & our home [Page 84] and not refuse so great a benefite as Alexander hath proffered vs, and if any be so deteined with the loue of suche wifes & children as they haue gotten here in seruitude, let suche be no impedement to others, that of al thinges esteme moste their naturall countrey. There were but few of his opiniō, for custome that is of greater force then nature, preuailed in that matter. They agreed to demaunde of Alexander that he would geue vnto them some place to inhabite in, and there chosed out an hundred to be suters vnto hym in that behalfe. Whome when Alexander perceiued coming towardes hym, thynking that they would haue required the thing that he conceiued in his minde. I haue apointed to you ( qd he) beastes to cary you, and to euery one a .M. denires, and when you shal come to Grece. I wil so do for you, y t excepting your misfortune, no other shall thinke themselues in better case then you. But when he sawe them loke still towardes the ground, and that they neither lifted vp their countenaūces, nor did speake, he enquired the cause of their heuines. Then Eutemon rehearsed again those thinges in effect which he had spoken before in coūsel. The king therfore pitieng no lesse their demaunde then he did their misfortune, cōmaunded .iii.M. deneres to be geuen to euery one of them, & garmentes besides with shepe, cattell, and corne, wherby they might till and sowe the lande that should be appointed vnto them. The next day he assembled all the captaines of his army togethers, and shewed thē that there was no citie more enemy to the Grekes, then the same that was the chief seage of the aunciēt kinges of Perce, from whence all the great armies had bene sent into Grece, and howe Darius first, & after Xerxes had come out of that place to moue their vniust warre [Page] against Europe with the destruction of whiche cytie he thought good to reuenge their predecessours. Thinhabiters had abandoned the citie, The taking of Persepolis. & fled where feare dyd driue thē. Wherupon the king streight wayes brought in all his footemen to the spoyle therof. He had before that time wonne many cities, some by force, & some by composicion, that were full of substaūce, & princes treasure. But the ryches of that citie, did excide all the rest, as in the place where the Perciās had layd their whole substaunce. Gold and siluer was there foūd in heapes, and great plenty of ryche vestures and furnimentes of houses, not only for necessitie and necessary vse, but for excesse and ostentacion, whiche was so great that it gaue the victourers occasion to fight amonges them selues, eche takyng other for enemies that had gotten the rychest spoyle. The plenty there was suche, that they could not employe to their vse the ryches they found, but when they sawe thynges of value, estemed them rather then toke them away. Till suche time that euery one couetyng to haue a parte of euery thyng, tare and brake a sonder the princely robes, and the precious vessels of curious workemanship, and the Images of gold and syluer were either beaton in gobetes or plucked in peces, as euery one caught holde: nothing was left vntouched, nor nothing caried away whole. Crueltie bare no lesse rule there then couetousnes, euery one was so laden with gold and siluer, that they esteamed not the keping of prisoners, but kylled suche as they first spared in hope of gayne. There were many therefore that preuented their enemies handes with voluntary death, and diuerse that clothyng them selues in their moste precious apparell, leaped downe from the walles with their wyfes and chyldren. Certayne there [Page 85] were that set their owne houses on fyer, (whiche they iudged their enemies woulde els haue done shortely after) because they would burne themselues amunges their owne family. At length the kyng dyd forbyd any violence to be done to women, and that no man should medle with any thyng pertayning to them. The some of money taken within this Cytie, was greater then any man can well credite: but eyther we muste doubte of the reste, or els beleue that hath bene lefte in memory, howe that the treasure there found, The treasure taken at Persepolis. amounted to a hundred and twenty thousand talentes: whiche treasure because that Alexander purposed to employ in his warres, caused horse and camels to be brought from Susis and Babilon to cary thesame. The takyng of the Cytie of Persagadis, Persagadis wherein was founde syx thousand talentes, was an encrease to this some, whiche Cytie beyng buylded by Cyrus, was yeldid vp by Gobares that had the kepyng therof. Gobares. Alexander lefte in the castle of Persepolis, thre thousand Macedons in guarrison vnder Nycarides, Nicarydes. capitaine of the same, and reserued to Tiridates that deliuered hym the treasure, thesame honour that he enioyed with Darius. Leuing in this cytie the greater parte of his army with his cariages vnder the rule of Permenio and Craterus. He with a thousand horsemen and a band of footemen without any bagage, went to visite in the winter season, the inward partes of Perce. There he was vexed & troubled with shoures & tēpestes y t were in maner intollerable: but yet he letted not to go forwardes in his enterprise to y e place y t he appointed. In his iourney he came vnto a coūtrey y t was couered all with snowe, & thesame also frosen by force of the could. [Page] The wildnes and desert maner therof, put the souldiers that were weried of trauail insuch a feare and terror, that they imagened to haue sene the vttermoste boūdes of the world. For when they beheld all thinges wast, and no signe appearing of habitaciō of man, they were amased, and made requeste to returne againe, before that the light and the elementes should fail them. The king would not chastice them being in this terror but leped frō his horse, and went one fote in the snow and ice. Which thing whē his frēdes sawe, they could not for shame but folow, then the captaines did the like and finally the souldiers. The kyng was the first that did breake the ice and made him selfe away, whose ensample the reste did folowe. At length hauing passed the woodes that were without way, thei foūd here and there some appearaunce of habitacion and perceyued flockes of shepe. When thinhabitours that dwelled in Cotages disparcled there aboutes, sawe men cōming. whome they iudged to be their enemies, thinking they had bene enclosed about, slew such as were not able to folowe them and fledde, to the wild mountains that were ful of snowe. But at length by cōmunicatiō with such as they toke prisoners, their wildnes was sōwhat mitigated, & they yelded them selues to Alexander, whō he hurted not any kind of way. Whē he had destroied all that parte of Perce, & brought the townes vnder his obediēce, he came into y e coūtrey of y e warlike Mardōs, The Mardons. whiche differed much frō the rest of y e other Percians in their maner of their liuing. They with their wiues and children dyd inhabite within caues in the mountaines, and liued wyth the fleshe of shepe, & wyld beastes. Nor y e womē according to their kind had any more appearaūte of mekenes or mildnes thē the men, either in theyr personages or dispositions. But their curled [Page 86] heere did hang down before vpon their faces, and their garmentes came but to their knee The band of theyr slinge was a fyllet for their forhead, whyche they vsed both for ornament, and for defence. This nacion for al their vncyuill and rude maner, could not escape to be subdued with the same force of fortune y t others were. So that the .xxx. daie after he departed from Persepoles, he returned thither againe. Then he gaue rewardes to his fredes, & to al the reste, according to their deseruing, distributing in a maner al his riches which he found within that cytie. But al his excellēt vertues of the mind, his princely qualities wherin he excelled al kinges, both that constancy in al daungers & perilles, y t celeritie in deuising & perfourming his enterprises. his promis keaping towards y t yelden, his clemēcie towardes prisoners, & that tēperaūce in lawful & accustomable pleasures: were all defaced through the intollerable desire & delite he had in drinking. For notwithstanding that his enemie which cōtended with him for thempire, did chiefly then prepare for the warres, and was gathering of his powre togethers, and though the people newly cōquered, had not receiued quiet subiection, yet he gaue him selfe continually to feasting and banqueting, wher womē were euer presēt, but not such to whō mē had respect of honestie, but harlotes whiche had there more libertie, then was beseming in the cōpany of men of warre. And amonges thē ther was one Thays, Thays. who vpō a daie in her dronkenes, affirmed to Alexāder that he should wonderfully winne the fauor of the Greakes, if he would commaund the palaice of Persepoles to be set on fire. The distruction wherof (she said) they greatlie desired, forsomuch as the same was the chief Seate of the kinges of Perce, which in [Page] tymes paste had distroyed so many great Cities. Whē the dronken harlot had giuen hir sentence: their were other present who being likewise drōken cōfirmed hir wordes. Alexander then that had in him more enclinacion of heate then of pacience, said: whi do we not then reuenge Greace, and set this Citie on fire. They were al chaffed with drinking & rose immediatly vpon those wordes to burne that citie in there dronkennes, which the men of warre had spared in their fury. The king him self first, and after his gestes, his seruauntes and his concubines set fier in the palaice. which being builded for the moste parte of cedre trees, became sodeinly in a flame. When the army that was encamped nere vnto the citie saw the fire, which they thought had ben kendled by some casualty, came ronning to quench the same again. But when thei sawe the king ther present norishing of the fire, they powred downe the water which they brought, and healped likewise the matter forwardes. The distrucion of Persepoles. Thus the palaice that was the hedde of the whole Orient, from whence so many nacions before had fetched their lawes to liue vnder. The seate of so many kinges y t only terror somtyme of Grece. The same that hath bene the sender forth of the Nauies of .x. thousand shippes, & of the armies that ouerflowed all Europe that made bridges ouer the Sea, and vndermined mountaines where the sea hath nowe hys course: was cōsumed and had his eand, and neuer rose againe in all the age that did ensue. For the kinges of Macedon vsed other cities which be now in the Parthians handes. The destruccion of this citie was such that the foundacion thereof at this daye coulde not be found, but that the riuer of Araxes doth shew where it stode. Which was distant frō persepolis .xx. furlonges [Page 87] as the inhabitātes rather do beleue then knowe. The Macedons were ashamed that so noble a Cytie was destroyed by their king in hys drōkenes: yet at length it was turned into an earneste matter, and were content to thynke it expedient that the Cytie should haue bene destroyed after that maner. But it is certeine that when Alexander had taken his reste and was, become better aduised he repented hym of his doing and sayed: That the Percians should haue doone the Greakes more harme if it had ben his chaunce to haue reigned in Xerxes sted. The next daie he gaue .xxx. talentes for a rewarde to him that was his guide into Perce, and from thence he toke his iourney into Media, Media. where a new supplie of souldiers, of whom Plato (of Athens had the conduccion) came to him out of Cilicia, being .v.c. fotemē and a thousand horsemen. Whē he had by this meanes encreased his powre, he dettermined to pursue Darius, Ecathana. who was come to Ecathana the hedde citie of Media, & was purposed from thence to haue passed into Bactria. But fearing to be preuented by the spede his enemies made, altered his purpose and his iourney. Alexāder was not come nere hym by a.M.v.c. forlōg but he could not think any distāce sufficiēt to defend him against his celeritie & therfore prepared him self rather to fight then to fle. He had w t him xxx.M. footemen, amōgs whō ther were .iiii.M. grekes whose fidilitie neuer failed in al his aduers fortūe He had also .iiii.M. archers & Slingers, & besides .iii. thousand .iii.c. Bactrian horsemen, which were vnder Bessus charge being gouernour both of y e citie of Bactria and the contrey. Darius with his band wythdrue a litell from the highe waye, and commaundyng the verlets & such as had charge of the caryng to passe on [Page] before, Darius wordes. called a counsell and spake these wordes vnto them. If fortune had matched me with cowardes, and with suche as estemed any kynde of lyfe, before an honest death. I would rather haue holden my peace, then consume my wordes in vaine. But I haue had greater experience then I would wyshe both of your valiaunt courage and fidelitie towardes me. So that I for my parte ought rather labour to seme worthy to haue suche frendes as you are, then to doubte whether ye yet remaine thesame men towardes me that ye were before. For of so many thousandes that were vnder myne empire, you are those that haue folowed and sticked by me. When I haue bene twyse ouerthrowen in the field, & twyse enforced to flye away, your fidelitie & your constancy maketh me thinke that I remayne still a kyng. Traitours and fugitiues reigne in my cyties, not for that they be thought worthy of suche honour, but that you myght be prouoked by their rewardes to reuolte against me. Notwithstanding, you haue chosen rather to folowe me in my misfortune, then be partakers of the victorers felicitie, you are worthy, whome the Goddes shall reward (if I may not) as vndoubtedly they wyll. There can no posteritie be so silent, nor no fame so vngrateful, which shal not with due cōmendaciōs extolle you to the sterres. Though I was determined still to haue fled, whereūto my harte neuer agreed: yet now I haue conceyued suche a truste of your vertue and man hode, that I purpose to passe against myne enemies. Howe long shall I be banisshed within myne own dominion, from a straunge and a forein prince? and flye within the boundes of myne owne kingdome, when I may by hasarding of the battaill, either recouer that I haue loste, or els dye an honest death? Except peraduenture [Page 83] it semeth better to some mē that I should submit myself to enemies will, and by thensample of Mazens and Mithrenes, to receiue by peticion the dominion of some one nacion. Wherin I iuge that Alexander had rather folowe thinclinacyon of his glorie then of hys wrath. No, let the gods neuer graunte that it may lye in any mans powre, eyther to take awaye, or gyue vnto me, thys Deadeame vpon my hede, nor that I lose this Impire so longe as I remaine on liue. For in this I am determined that my breath and my kingdome, shall end both togither. If this mynd remayne in you, and if thys lawe be graffed in your hartes, their is none of you that can want libertie, their is non that shalbe cō pelled to endure the vrkesomnes of your enemies, neither their proud porte, nor their stately lokes. For euery mans ryght hand shall giue vnto hym self either a reuenge, or an end of all thes euils. Nothing can stand long in one stay. I my selfe am ensample of the alteracion of fortune, nor it is not without cause that I loke for a better change. And if the worst fall that the gods wyll neds be againste vs in our warres that be lauful and honeste, yet it cannot be taken from vs but that we may alway manfully and honestly dye. I require and make intercession to you by the honor of our predecessors that with suche fame and glory possessed the kingdomes of the hole Orient, by those mē to whō Macedon sometyme was tributarie, by so many nauies of ships sent into Grece, and by so many victories wonne, that ye wyll take suche courage and hart vnto you, as may seme worthy your nobilitie and your nacion. So that with the same constancie of minde wherwith ye haue endured thinges paste, ye wyll proue and attempte what soeuer chaunge send to you hereafter. [Page] For I am resolued for my part to get my self perpetual fame either by the victorie or by the notable aduenture I will giue for the wynning therof. When Darius had spoken theis wordes the representacion of the present perill so amasyd them all, that they were not able either to shew there aduise or to speake a worde to the matter, Artabazus. til such tyme as Artabazus the moste auncient of his frendes, which before tyme had bene wyth king Philip, began to say hys fancie: We are come into the felde ( qd he) with you that is our king, in our moste precious apparell, and richest armoure▪ with the entent to win the victorie, and if nessessitie require, not to refuse death. To whose wordes the reste with ther voice seamed to agre. Sauing Nabarzanes who being present in that counsell wyth Bessus and of hys opynion conspired a treasō so wonderful that the like hath seldome ben hard of before. Their determinacion was by force of the souldiers they had vnder their charg to put ther kinge in hold. Wyth this purpose, that if Alexander pursued them to deliuer him then aliue into his hādes for to wynne therby his fauor, as a thing which they thought he would esteame greatly. But if they coulde escape conueniently, then they were in mynde to kyll Darius, and deuiding the kyngdome betwixt them renue againe the warre againste the Macedons. They hauing imagened this treasō long before in their mind Nabarzanes thoughte this an occasion to make a preparatiue to his wicked intent, by a persuasion which he their vttered. Nabarzanes wordes. I knowe ( qd he) that I shall speake the thing which in the firste apparaunce shall not be grateful vnto your eares, but phesicions vse to cure deseases that be greate with sharpe & bitter medycines, and the shipmaisters whē they fear a shipwrack accustume [Page 89] to redeame such thinges as may be saued, with the distruction and losse of the reste. But thys matter that I meane is no parsuasion to losse, but a deuice by what meanes ye may preserue your self & your kingdome. We make a warre wherin the gods seme manifestly to be against vs and fortune ceaseth not obstinatly to pursue vs. It is nedefull therfore that we lay new foūdacions, & seke out men which haue other fortune. My opinion is therefore that you deliuer vp your kingdom vnto some mānes hādes, which shal haue the name of king, so longe as your enemies remaine within Asya. And when they be once departed (which my minde geueth me to be shortly) he shal restore the same vnto you againe. The countrey of Bactria is yet vntouched: the Indians & Saeans be at your apointement, so many people, so many armes, so many thousandes of horsemen & fotemē haue their force in redines to renue this warre again. So y t a muche greater force remaineth then y t which is cōsumed. Why do we then like beastes wilfully runne to a distruction that is not necessary? It is y e ꝓpertie of such as be men of courage, rather to dispise death then hate the life, and oftentymes by werines of trauayll towardes are driuen to take little regarde of them selues. But vertue leaueth nothing vnprouided. So that death beynge the ende of all thynges it is sufficient if we god not to yt lyke sluggardes. Therefore if we shal go vnto Bactria which is now our next refuge: let vs for the times sake make Bessus king, who is alredy ruler of y e countrey, & whē y e matters be once brought to some staie, he shal restore to you thempire againe as to the righteouse king. Although Darius ꝑceiued not y e greatnes of the mischief that laye hidden vnder hys wicked wordes yet was it [Page] no meruaill though he could not obstayne. He turned towardes him, and said: thou vile slaue hast thou now found out a time mete to disclose the treason that lyeth in thy harte, and therwyth all pulled out hys sworde to haue slaine him if Bessus had not straight waye come and the other Bactrians about him and letted his purpose they pretendyd to be sory for the matter, But mindid in very dede to bind him if he had continued in his purpose. In the meane season Nabazzanes escaped away, and Bessus folowed after, who imedialy dyd seperate the bandes they had charge of from the rest of the armye, bicause they would vse them apart to their purpose. Whē thei were departed Artabazus framed his talke according to thestate of the time then present and beganne to pacifie Darius wyth wordes putting him in remembraunce howe hys case was suche, that it behoued hym to beare quietly the folishnes, or rather the error of hys own men: For asmuch as Alexander was at hande, ouer sore an enemy for thē though there were no discord nor disobedience. But if we shalbe at variaunce ( qd he) when he doth pursue vs, our matters shal stand in very euil plight. Thereupō Darius enclyned some what to Artabasus aduise, & though he was determined to remoue, yet bicause he parceiued euery man to be troubled in mind, remained still in the same place. But he him selfe was so astoined with sorowe and disperaciō that he kept him self close and came not forth of his pauilion, Wherupon the campe being without gouerment, the hedes not consulting togither as they did before, there rose amonges them great diuersitie of opynions, and mocions of mynd. Which thing when Patron sawe that was capetaine of the Greake souldiers he wylled his men to put on their armour, to [Page 90] be in a redines to do as they should be apointed. The Percyans encampyd by them selues, and Bessus remained amonges the Bactrians, practising to cary away the Percians into Bactria, and to leue Darius: signifieng to them, the riches of that region yet vntouched and the perell they were in, if they remayned styl. But they were al in maner of one opynion, that it was ouer great an offence for them to forsake their prince. In the meane season. Artabasus executed the kinges offence, and went amongs the Percians in their lodginges admonishing and exorting them, sometyme aparte, and otherwhile all togithers, and lefte them not before it apeared that they would do as the king would haue them. That done with great paine & difficulte he parsuaded Darius to take hys meate, and to set hys mynd vpon hys busines. But Bessus and Nabarzanes were so gredy to get the gouernement into their handes, that they resolued to put in excution the thing, they had longe conspired betwyxt them. For so longe as Darius was in sauegard, thei could not hope to cō passe nor atteine so great powre and auctoritie. The maiestie of a king is had in so great veneraciō amōges those nacions, that at hys verie name they vse to assemble togither. And the reuerens of Darius former fortune, caused them to beare the like obedience to him in his aduersitie. The greatnes and powre of the countreies whereof Bessus and Nabarzanes had the rule, not being inferior to any other nacions in that parte of the world, either in armour, men or largenes of their territory gaue a great encourage vnto their wicked disposicions in attempting of this matter. Which possessing the third part of Asia were able to make as great nombre of men, as Darius before had loste. In confidence [Page] wherof they not only dispised Darius, but Alexander purposing when they were once become lordes of that countrey to reenforce from thence againe the powre of thempire, & mainteine the warres against the Macedōs. Whē they had long deuised & debated these thinges, they determined to take Darius by y e Bactriā souldiers, which were at there cōmandiment, & then to send word to Alexander that they reserued him on liue to deliuer him vnto his hādes. And if so be that Alexā der should nor accept their doing, (whiche in dede they doubted) then ther purpose was to kill Darius, and with their powre to flie into Bactria. But for somuche as they sawe, that Darius could not be taken openly, seing there were so many thousādes redy to aide him. And fearinge also the fidelitye of the Greakes, determined to work by sleight, the thing that they could not bring to passe by force. Their deuise was lo coūterfeit a repentance of their former doinges in excusing vnto the king the feare they were in. And in the mean season they sent certaine to practise with the Percians, & to proue their mindes. The souldiers were tossed to & fro with hope and feare. Sometime thei thought that by leauing of ther king, they should cōmit them selues to manifeste ruyne and destruccion: and againe they remembred what entertaynment was promised them in Bactria that lay open for them, where they should be receyued with such giftes and riches as they coulde not wel imagien. Whiles Bessus & Nabarzanes were bearīg of these thīges in their heades. Artabasus came vnto them declaring howe Darius was wel pacefied, and that they might of they would, be in the same estate and degre with him that they were in before. Therupon thei fel to weaping and purging of them selues, requiring [Page 91] Artabasus that he would take vpon him the defence of there cause, and cary their requeste and submissiō vnto the king. The night was cōsumed in this kind of busines. When it was day Nabarzanes wyth the Bactriā souldiers stode at the entrey of the kinges lodging, colouring hys preuy treason with a solempne pretence of doing his dutye. Darius caused warnyng to be giuen for his remoue, and so mounted vpon hys chariot after his accustumed manner, Nabarzanes and the other traytores fell vpon the ground to worshipe him and shed teares in token of repentaunce, notwithstanding that they determined shortly after to put him in fetters: mens nature is so apart to dissymulacion. Darius being of a simple and gentle nature, was enforced through their behauor not only to beleue y t they pretēded, but also caused him to weape for ioie: yet that could not cause the traitors to alter ther porpose. Whē they parceiued what kynd of man, and what maner of prince they went about to deceiue. Darius doubting nothing of his peril that was next at hand, made al the haste he could to escape Alexander, whom he only doubted. Patron. Patron that was captaine of the Grecians commaunded his souldiers to put on their harneys, which they caried before in trusses, and to be ready and attēt to euery thing that should be appointed thē. For he vnderstanding the treason that Bessus went about folowed y e kinges chariot seking occasiō to speake w t him And Bessus doubting the same thing, would not departe frō the chariot, but folowed rather as a watche, then a wayter. Patron therefore hauing taried long, & interrupted oftentimes as he was about to speak, stod in a stay betwixt feare and fidelitie, beholding the king in the face. Whē Darius parceiued that he beheld hym [Page] after that maner he wylled Bubace his Enuche that rode next hym, Bubace. to enquire of Patron if he had any thyng to saye to hym. Patron sayde ye, but his matter was suche as he woulde no man should here. Then he was wylled to come nere, and without any interpretour. (Darius vnderstandyng somwhat of the Greke tongue) Patron sayd vnto hym. Patrons wordes to Darius. Syr of fyfty thousand Grekes that serued you, there is a smalle nombre of vs ramaining whiche haue continually folowed you in all fortunes, bearing vnto you thesame fidelitie and affection that we did in your moste florysshing estate. And are determined wheresoeuer you be, to take that for our countrey, and home, both prosperitie and aduersitie hath so coupled vs together, by whiche inuincible fidelitie that is in vs. I desire and require you, that you would vouchsaue to lodge within our campe, and suffer vs to be the guarde of your persone. We haue lost Grece, we haue no Bactria to go vnto, al our hope is in you, and God graunt that other had the lyke. It is not necessarye I shoulde speake any more, nor would not demaunde the custody of your persone beyng an alien and a straunger, if I knewe that others were well mynded towardes you. Although Bessus was ignoraunt of the Greke tongue, yet his cōscience pricked him to beleue that Patrō had disclosed some such matter, & therefore carieng away some part of his wordes, by a greke interpretour, became out of doubte. Darius nothing afraid as it appeared by his coūtenaūce, enquired of Patrō what moued him to geue him such aduise. Wherupon he thought not good to deferre it any lēger, but said: Bessus & Nabarzanes worke treason against you, so that your life and your estate stand in extreame [Page 92] peril, and this day shalbe the last either to the traitours or to you: whose wordes if Darius had wel wayed and regarded. Patron had receiued great glory of the presecuacion of his prince. But let them mocke that lyst, whiche be persuaded y t thestate of man is gouerned at aduenture and by chaunce, but I beleue that euery mā runneth his race by an immutable ordre, and an euerlasting appointment, by a knitting together of causes vnknowen appointed long before. Darius aunswere vnto Parron. Darius aunswere was: that although the fidelitie of the Greke souldiers was sufficiently knowen vnto hym, yet he was determined neuer to departe from his owne nation, by whō though he might be disceyued, yet it was harde for hym to mistrust them: whatsoeuer should chaunce to him he sayd. he was mynded rather to suffer it amonges his owne subiectes, then to parte from them. Not desiring to liue if his own souldiers desired not his sauegarde. Whereupon Patron dispairing of the kinges well doyng, returned to them of whome he had the charge, redy to aduenture any thyng for his sake. Bessus in the meane season had vtterly determyned to slee Darius, but fearing that he could not wynne Alexāders fauour except he deliuered his enemy into his handes aliue, deferred his purpose till y t night folowing. In the meane season he came to Darius and gaue him thankes that he had so warely and with suche wisdome auoyded the treason of that false Grecian, who being corrupted by Alexander, sought nothing but howe to make a present of his head: whereat (he said) he could not maruaill that a mercenary mā shuld leue any thing vndone for money, being without any pledge of his honestie, without house, home, banisshed out of the world, a doubtful enemy, tossed here and there at the backe of all men, that [Page] will corrupt hym. And then he fell to purging of hym selfe, callyng the Goddes of his countrey to wytnes of his innocentie in the matter. Darius by his countenaunce semed to beleue hym, yet he doubted not of the truth of the tale that Patron had tolde him, but he was come to suche a pointe, that it was as daungerous for hym not to beleue his owne men, as to be deceyued. There were .xxx. thousand whose lytenes was feared to haue consented to this conspiracy: and Patron had but foure thousand, to whome if he had committed his sauegarde, and thereby condempned the fidelitie of his owne nacion, he sawe that then they myght haue therof a goodly colour and a pretence to perfourme the thyng they went about, and therefore chose rather to be killed innocently, then to geue any occasion whereby he should seame to haue deserued death. And yet when Bessus purged hymselfe, he aunswered that he knewe there was no lesse iustice in Alexander, then manhode, and that they were deceiued that loked for any reward of treason at his handes, knowyng that there was no sorer punyssher nor reuenger of the breche of fidelitie. When the nyght drewe nere, the Percians after their accustomed maner put of their armour, and repayred to the next villages to prouide thynges necessary. But the Bactrians as Bessus had commaunded them stode styll armed. In the meane season Darius had sent for Artabasus and shewed hym what Patron had declared. Whereupon Artabasus made no doubte, but that he shoulde strayght wayes commit hym selfe amonges the Grekes, thynkyng that the Percians whē the kynges perill should be publyshed abroade, would ioyne with the Grecians. But Darius predestinat to his chaunce, could not beare then any holsome counsel [Page 93] nor sought for any help in that case, but embrased Artabazus, as though he should neuer see hym more, and being wet with the teares that one of them lette fall vpon another, caused Artabazus to be taken away that claue faste vnto hym, and because he would not see his sorowe in departing from hym, he couered hys head and fell flat vpon the ground. Then suche as were accustomed to the guarde of his persone, whiche should haue bene his defence in all perils, fled awaye, thynkyng themselues ouer weake, for suche nombre of armed men, as they supposed to be commyng. Then there was great solitarines within his lodgyng, for none remayned about the kyng but a fewe Enukes, that had no place to repaire vnto. Then he debated and deuised with himselfe alone▪ sometyme one thyng, and sometyme another, and by and by waxed wery of that solitarines, whiche before he toke for a comforte, and called Bubace vnto hym, whome he behelde, and sayd: Go prouyde your selues, whiche according to your duties haue bene true to your prince till the last howre, Here I doe tary for the fatall lawe of my destynie. peraduenture ye do maruayle that I do not ende myne owne lyfe. I had rather dye thorough other mens wickednes, then by mine own. After those wordes Bub [...]ce filled both the kynges lodging, and also the hole campe with morning and lamentacion, and diuerse brake into Darius, which tearyng their clothes, bewayled his case with a barbarous howling out. Whē the crie came vnto the Perciās they were so amased for feare, that they durst neither put on their armour. lest they might geue occasiō to y e Bactriās to set vpō thē, nor they could not remaine quiet, lest thei might seme so wickedly to leue [Page] their kynge. There were clamours through out the campe of diuers sortes and tunes, wythout any head, and without any apointment. Such as partayned to Nabarzanes and Bessus deceiued by such lamētacion as they harde, brought them worde that the kyng had killed him self. Whereupon the prepaired thither so fast as thei could gallop, Darius taken prisoner by Bessus and Nabarzanes. and such folowed after as thei had chosen to be mynisters of their mischeife. When they were entred into the kings pauilion, bicause the Enuches declared that he was on liue, they cōmaunded him to be bound. Thus he whych before was caried in a chariot and honoured of his men like a god, was made prisoner by hys owne seruauntes, without any foreine powre, and put into a vile cart couered ouer with beastes skynnes: and spoyle was made of the kinges stufe in such sort, as if it had bene taken in the warres. And when they had laden them selues with the pray gotten after so foule a maner they conuaied them selues into their countries. But Artabazus with those of whom he had the charge, and with the Greake souldiers, toke the way towardes Parthina thinking to be more sure any where, then in the felowship of those traitors. The Percians whom Bessus had burdened with so many faire promises, specially bicause thei had no other mā to folowe, ioyned them selues to the Bactrians, and the third daye ouertoke them. But to thintent Darius should not want such honor as was due vnto his estate Bessus caused him to be bound wyth golden fetters. such were the despightes that his fortune made him subiect vnto. And for that he should not be knowen by his apparell▪ they couered the carte with foull hides of beastes, and caused vnknowē mē to driue it forwards. And lest by enquiring the Armye he might be discouered, [Page 94] such as had the charge of hym folowed afarre of. Whan Alexander hard that Darius was remoued to Echatane, he lefte the way that he was in, and with all the spede he could make, folowed after Darius y t was said to be gone into Media. But when Alexander was come to Taba, which is the cheife Citie of Paratacene, Taba. Paratacene. it was there shewed him by fugitiues that came out of Darius camp, that he was fled with al spede into Bactria. And afterwardes vnderstod the matter more certeinly by Bagistenes of Babilō. who could not affirme directly that Darius was vsed as a prisoner, but declared that either he was in daūger of death, or of captiuitie. Alexander vpon those newes called his capteines togither, and shewed them that he had a greate enterprise, but such one as the trauail was verie short. Darius (he sayd) was not far of, forsaken of his own men, and either takē as a presoner or slaine. In whose parson he shewed their whole victorye to consiste, and the greatnes of the matter, to be reward sufficient of their haste making. They all cried with one voice that they were redy to folowe him where he would go, and that he should neither spare there labor nor their perill. Wherupon he cōueied his army forwardes with merueilous spede, rather in post, then after the cōmon ordre of marching, neither resting daie nor night til they had passed .v.c. furlōges, & come to the village where Darius was taken. There Melun, Melun. Darius Interpreter, who by reason of his sicknes could not folowe the army, was taken through Alexanders celeritie, who fayning that he fledde awaye from his maister, declared the whole matter, but how great so euer his desire was to ouertake his enemies, it was necessary for hym to giue his men rest of their trauayle. So that determining [Page] to leue the teste of his army behinde, did chose out six thousand horsemen, and added to them .iii.c. whiche they cal Dimichas, that were fotemen heuy harnised, but yet did ride on horseback, and when the matter and place required, lighted & fought on foote. When Alexander was taking ordre about these thinges. Orsellos and Mythracenes which for the hatred they bare to Bessus for his treason, fled from him, declared to the kynge that the Percians were but .v.c. furlonges of. and proffered to guide hym by a nearer way. Their cōmyng was gratefull to the king, for by their conduccion, in the begynning of the nigh, the toke his iourney wyth suche horsemen as he had appointed, willing his fote battell to folowe after wyth all spede possible. He marched forwardes in a square battell, and kept such an ordre that the firste might ioyne with the laste, and such as came behind, releue them y e went before. When they had passed .ccc. furlonges of their way. Broculus. Broculus the sonne of Mazeus that sometime had bene gouernour of Siria met Alexander and declared that Bessus was within two hūdred furlonges marching with his men out of all ordre, as one that did caste no doubtes, seming to him that they went towardes Hircania. wherfore yf haste were made (he said) they myght sone be ouertaken, & found disparckled here & ther, out of al aray. He affirmed also that Darius was yet aliue, Alexander that was hote before in his pursuite, was with his wordes muche more pricked forwardes, so that he caused them put spores to their horses, and passed forwardes a gallop, and went so farre forth, that they might heare the noise of their enemies, made as thei marched. But the duste that dyd ryse toke awaye their fight, and therefore he stayed a while, tyl the duste was [Page 95] vanished away. And then both Bessus parceyued the Macedons, and they sawe the Percians as they fled. Notwithstanding they had not ben hable to haue matched with them, if Bessus had had as great courage to fight, as he had to betraye hys master. For besides that they excedid the Macedons in nombre and powre, who being forweried and sore trauayled, should haue had to do with them that were iustie & freshe. But the name of Alexander and his fame, which is of great moment, euer in the warres put thē in such feare, that thei could not staye them selues. Then Bessus and other that were parteners of the cōspiracy came to y e carte, where Darius was, & parsuaded him to leape on horsebacke, and fle from hys enemies that were at hand. But he affirming that the gods were come to his reueng, and calling for the assistaunce of Alexander, Darius wounded to death. said that in no wyse he woulde go wyth traitors: wherewith they were so sturred to wrath, that they threw dartes at him, and left him woūded in many places of his body. They thucst in the beastes also that driew the cart, to thintent they should not be hable to passe forwardes. & slew his two seruaūtes that did waite vpon him. Whē they had cōmitted this acte, they thought it expedient to disperse them selues in their flieng. And so Nabarzanes toke the waye to Hircania, and Bessus to Bactria, with a few horsemen that eche of them had in their company. When their souldiers were forsaken of theyr Captaines, they scatered here and there, where hope and feare did lead thē. There were only fiue hundred horsmen which assembled them self togither, and stode in a māmoryng, whither it were better to resiste, or to flee. Alexander vnderstanding the feare his enemies were in sent Nycanor before wyth parte of hys horsemen, [Page] by keping of them occupied, and he with the rest folowed after. Where were slayn about the nombre of .iii. thousand that stode at their defence, and they dyd dryue before them the reste of the army like beastes, from killyng of whome, the kyng gaue commaundement to abstaine. Amonges all the prisoners there was none that was able to shewe which was the cart that caried Darius, for euery one was so desirous to fynd him, that as they sawe any carte thei sought Darius therin, and yet they could perceyue by no meanes where he was become. Alexander made suche haste that scarsely thre thousand horsemen folowed hym, of all his nombre, but the whole army of the Percians, fell into their lappes that folowed behynde. It is scarsely credible to be beleued, that there should be more prisoners taken, then there were men to take thē. But fortune in that feare had so taken away their sence, that they could not consyder their owne multitude, nor the smale nombre of their enemies. In the meane season the beastes that drewe Darius wagon, hauing no man to gouerne thē, were swarued out of the hyghe way, and wanderyng here and there, had drawen Darius four furlonges frō the place he was woūded, into a valley, where they fainted, by reason of their heate and their hurtes. There was a spring there at hand, whiche certaine that knew the countrey, Polistratus had shewed to Polistratus a Macedon, that was ouercome for thrust. And whiles he was drinking water out of his helmet, he spyed the beastes that were thrust in with darres, and marueilyng that they were not rather caried away, then hurt after that maner. He loked, & foūd in the foule cart the body of a mā haulf aliue, and at length perceiued it was Darius that lay there sore wounded, & drawing of his breath. Then [Page 96] Polistratus drought to hym a Percian whome he had taken prisone [...]. Whome when Darius knewe by his voyce, to be of his countrey, sayde: he toke that for a cō fort of his present fortune, that he should speake before he died, to one that vnderstode hym, The message that Darius sent to Alexand before his death. and not vtter his last wordes in vayne. He required hym to declare vnto Alexāder, that though he had neuer deserued any thing at his handes, yet it was his chaunce to die greatly his debtour, and had great thankes to geue hym, for the fauour and goodnes that he had shewed towardes his mother, his wife, and his children, to whome he had not only graūted lyfe, but also the reuerēce of their former estate & dignitie, where as he of his kinsmen & frendes to whome he had geuen both life and landes, was now by thē bereaued of al. He praied therefore that he might alwayes be victor, and that the Empire of the whole worlde myght come vnto his handes requiring that he would not neglecte to take reuengaunce of so foull an act, not only for his cause, but for ensample and the loue of other princes, which should be a thing honorable vnto hym, and proffitable in tyme cōmyng. When he had spoken these wordes, he fainted and called for water, & after he had dronke, said to Polystratus that presented it vnto hym. Whatsoeuer thou art, this is vnto me the last mysery in all my aduerse chaunce, that I am not able to requite the this benefite. But Alexander shal rewarde the, & the goddes shall requite him for his great humanite & clemency shewed towardes mine. Vnto whome, in my behalfe thou shalt geue my hande as a pledge of a kinges promise. When he had spoken these wordes, and geuen Polistratus his hand, he died. Whē these thinges were reported to Alexander, he repayred where the dead corse lay, & there be wayled with teares, [Page] that it was his chaunce to dye, a death so vnworthy for so great an estate, and taking of his owne clooke to couer the dead coorse withall, adorned thesame with all thinges that pertayned to a kyng, and sent it to his mother Sisigambis to be buried, in suche sorte as the countrey maner was to bury kynges, and to be layde amonges the rest of his predecessours.
☞Here the first parte of the syxt booke doth want, wherin was conteyned the cause of the warre betwixt the Lacedemonians and Macedons: with the preparacion of both nacions to the battaill that was fought betwixt Antipater Alexanders lieutenaunt in Macedonia, and Agis, kyng of the Lacedemonians.
¶The sixte boke of Quintus Curtius of the actes of the great Alexander Kyng of Macedonie.
HE preassed forwardes where the fyght was moste daungerous, The batail betwyxt Agys kynge of Lacedemon and Antipater laeutenāt in Macedonia and sleyng suche as made moste resistaunce put the greater parte of his enemies to flyght. Then suche as were victorers before began to flye, till they had drawe [...] their enemies, gredely folowyng them, out of the streyte into a more playne ground. In the retire many of them were slayne, but when they had once recouered suche a ground where as they might staye and fall in ordre, the battailes ioyned equally againe on both sides. Amonges them all, the kyng of the Lacedemonians, appeared moste notable in all mens eyes, not so muche by the beawty of his armour and goodly personage, as through the greatnes of his courage, wherein only he could not be ouercome. He was layde to on all partes, both nere hande, and a farre of ye [...] for all that he endured long in armes against his enemies, auoiding their strokes parte with his target, and parte with his body, til suche tyme as he was thrust through both thies with a spere, when by great effusion of bloud he was not able any lōger to endure the fyght: Then the esquiers for his body toke hym vp vpon his target, and caried hym into their campe, that with great payne endured the slurring of his woundes. The Lacedemoniās for all their kynges departure, gaue not ouer the fyght, but assone as they could recouer any ground of aduauntage, they cloosed them selues in battaylle [Page] togither, and receyued stowtly ther enemies that came ful vpon them. Their is not found in any memorie of a battayl more vehemētly fought then that was, where the armies of two nacions that were moste excellent in the warres contended togithers the victory not yet enclyning to any part. The Lacedemonians called to mynde ther aunciente manhode and prowes, and the Macedons considred ther present estymacion they had in the world. The Lacedemonians striued for their libertie, and the Macedons for the souereyntye. The one partie lacked a capteine, and the other rowme to fight in. The manifolde aduentures and causes that fel that daie, encreased both the hope and feare of both parties, fortune as it were of purpose bringing suche valiant men to fight togithers, neither of them preuailing vpon other. But the streytnes of the place, wherin they fought, did not suffre them to ioyne with there whole force at ones: for more were beholders the fighters, and such as stode without daunger encouraged the other with their crie. Atlength the Lacedemoniās began to faint, and scarsly able for sweating to sustain their armour began to drawe backe, to haue the more libertie to fle from their enemies that preased sore vpon them. Whē they were ones brokē and scatered abrode the victor pursued after. And passing the place wherupon the Lacedemonians batteyll was first araynged, with all haste, made a sore pursuyt vpon Agym, who seing his men flieng and his enemies approch at hāde, wylled his men to set him downe. Where stretching out him selfe, to fele if the force of his body could aunswere vnto his hart. When he found him selfe vnable to stand, remaining vpon his knees, put on his helmet, and couering his body with his target, shaked his spere [Page] [Page] [Page 98] and prouoked his enemies to drawe nere, if any were desirous of his spoile, but there was not one that preassed nere hym, but did cast dartes afarre of, which he alwayes toke and threwe at his enemies againe, till such tyme as he was thrust into y e bare breast with a speare, Agi [...] was slayne. which pulled out of the wound, he fainted and bowing downe himself vpon his target, shortly after fel downe dead bloud and lyfe failing both together. There were slayne of the Lacedemoniās .v.M.iii.C.lx. and of the Macedons, not passing .iii.C. but there was scarsely any of thē that escaped vnwoūded. This victory brake the hartes not only of the Lacedemoniās and of their confederates, but also of all other whiche lay in wayte loking for y e successe of that warre. Antiparer was not ignorant howe the coūtenaūces of such as did gratefie his victory, differed muche from the ententes of their hartes: but desirous to finishe the warre that was begonne, perceiued it necessary for him to dissēble, & suffre hīself to be deceiued. And though he reioysed much in the fortune of the thing, yet he feared the enuy that might ensue therof, being a greater matter then the estate of a lieutenaunt did beare. For Alexāder was of y e nature, that he desired that his enemies had wonne the victory, shewyng manifestly that he was not contented with Antiparers good successe, thinking that what honour soeuer chaunsed to any other man, was a derogacion to his owne glory. Antipater therefore which knew full wel his stomake, durst not vse the victory according to his owne will. But assembled a counsel of Grekes to aduise, what thei thought expediēt. The Lacedemoniās made no other request, but that they might send Embassadours vnto Alexander, whiche vpon their repaire to him and their suite made, obtained pardon to all men. [Page] sauing to suche as were the authores of the rebellion. The Megapolitans whose citie did abide the sieg, Megapolitane. were cōpelled to pay as a fine for ther rebellion .xx. talentes to the Aheians and the catolians. This was the ende of the warre, Howe Alexander in prosprytie [...]ell to vice. which being sodeinly begone was ended before that Alexander had ouerthrowne Darius at Arbella. Assone as his minde was deliuered of those present cares, as one that coulde beare better the warres then quietnes or rest, gaue him selfe al to pleasures. By the vices wherof ensewing he was ouercome, whom no powre of the Percians or any other was able to subdue. He was geuen to banquetting out of season, & to a fonde delight of drinking & watching, in plaies, and amonges flocks of Concubines y t drwe him into straūg manners & custumes. Which he folowing as thinges better then the vsagies of his countrey, offended therby greatly both y e eyes & the hartes of his owne nacion, & caused many y t loued hym before entierly, to hate him then as an enemy. For the Macedōs y t were obstinate in keaping their own discipline, & accustumed not to be curius, but so scarse in their diet as might suffise nature. Whē they sawe he went about to bring in amonges them y e vices of those nacions whych they had subdued: cōspiracies then began to be made againste hym, mutyne risse amonges the souldiers, & euery one complaynning to an other frely vttred ther griefes, therby he was prouoked to wrath, to suspicion & sodeine feare, diuers other inconuenience ensuing therupon which shalbe declared herafter. Alexander being giuen as it hath bene saied before to vnreasonable banquetinge wherin he consumed both daie & night. When he was satisfied of eating & drinking, passed ouer the tyme w t plaies & pastimes. And not cōtented w t such musiciās as he brought out of Greace, caused the womē y t were taken captiue tosing before him such songs as abhored [Page 99] the eares of the Macedons not accustumed to suche thinges. Emonges those women Alexander spyed one more sadder then the rest, which with a certaine shamfastnes did striue with them that brought hir fourth. She was excellent of bewty & throughe hir shamfastnes hir bewty was augmentyd. Bicause she did caste hir eies towardes the earth, & couered hir face so much as she might: caused him to suspect hir to come of greater nobilitie, then y t she ought to be shewed furth amō such banquetting plaies. And therfore being demaunded what she was: she shewed hir self to be the doughter of the sonne of Occhus y t lately reigned in Perce, & the wief of Histaspis which was Darius kinsmā, Histaspis. and had ben his lieutennant ouer great armies. Their yet remaynned in the kinges hart some smalle sparkes of his former vertue. For in respect of her estate beinge come of kinges blood, & the reuerence he bare to such a name as the nese of Occhus, commaunded hir not only to be set free, but also to be restored to hir goods and hir husband, whō he willed to be sought out. The next daie he apointed Ephestiō to bring al the prisoners vnto the court, where enquering of the nobilitie of euery one commaunded them which were descended of noble blood to be seuered from the reste amonges whom they found Oxatres brother to Darius, y t was no lesse noble of mind then of blood. There was made of the laste spoile .xxvi.M. talentes, whereof .xii.M. were consumed in rewardes amonges the men of warre: & the smoe amōted to no lesse value y t was cōuaied away by them that had the keapinge thereof. There was one Oxydates a noble man of Perce that was put in prison by Darius, and apointed to suffre death, Oxydates. whom Alexander delyuered and gaue vnto hym the signorie of Medya, and receyued Darius brother amonges the nombre of his frendes, reseruing to him all the accustomed [Page] honour of his nobilitie. Thē thei came to the countrey of Parthenia, Parthenia. then being but obscure & vnknowen: but now the head of all those countreis which lie vpon Tigre & Euphrates, & be boūded with the read seas. This countrey, being frutefull & haboundaunt of al thinges, was taken by the Scithians, whiche possessing part both of Asia & Europe, be troubleous neyghbours to them both. They, which inhabite vpō the Bospheron sea, Baspheron. are ascribed to be in Asia. And such as be in Europe, possesse the coūtreis lieng on the lefte side of Thracia so far as Boristhenes, Boristenes. & frō thence right furth so farre as the ryuer of Tanais, that parteth Europe & Asia. It is certain that the Sythes, of whom the Percians be descended, came not from Bospheron, but out of Europe. There was a noble cytie in those daies called Atomphilos builded by the Grekes, Ato [...]philos where Alexander remained with his army, conuoieng vittels thether from all partes. A tumulte that rose vpon a rumour. Amonges the souldiers lieng there in idlenes, there did rise sodainly a rumour, y t enterid into their heades without any certain auctour or beginnīg. The rumor was, how that Alexander satisfied with the actes he had done, purposed immediatly to returne into Macedon. This fame was not so sone sowen abrode, but y t they ran like madde men to their lodginges, and trussed vp their baggage and their stufa: making such preparacion to depart, that euery man iudged warning had bene geuen to remoue, and that the thing had bene done by appointmēt. The tumult that rysse in the cāpe by lading of cariages, & the calling that one made vnto another, came vnto y e kynges eares. This rumour obtained y e soner credite, by y e dispatche of certain Greke souldiers, whom Alexāder had dismissed into their coū trey, with the gift of .vi. thousand deneres, to euery horseman, wherupon they toke occasion to thinke that the [Page] [Page] [Page 100] warre had bene at an ende. Alexander, whose purpose was to passe into India, and the vttermoste bandes of the orient, was no lesse afraied of this matter, then the case required. And therefore called before him the capteins of his army: And with y e teares in his eies, made a great complaint vnto them: that in the middle course of his glorie should thus be pulled back, and compelled to returne into his countrey, rather as a man vainquished then as a victor. Whiche misfortune (he saide) he could not impute to his souldiers, nor iudge in thē any cowardnes, to giue impedimēt to his procedinges, but that it was only the enuie of y e goddes, which put so sodeine a desire of their countrey into the mindes of valiaunt men, that within a while should haue returned with great glory and fame. Therupon they al promised him to trauaill in reformation of the matter, offeringe them selues in al thinges (were they neuer so difficult) to do as he would haue them. And they promised also, the obedience of the souldiers, if so be that he would make some gentle & apt oracion to pacefie them: which were neuer yet sene departe from him in any desperacion or disturbāce of mind, if they once beheld the cherfulnes of his coūtenaūce and the courage that proceded from his harte. He promised that he would so do. & required at their handes to prepare in the multitude an aptnes to gyue eare vnto hym. When all thinges were prepared which were thought expedient for the purpose, he assembled all his armye togither and made this oracion vnto them. Alexanders oracion vnto the souldiers. When ye consider (my souldiers) the greatnes of the actes which ye haue done, & the manifolde conquestes that ye haue made, it is no merueill at all, though ye be enclined to the desyer of quietnes, and fully satisfied with fame and glorye. For [Page] leuing to speake of the Illirians, & Triballes, of Boetia, Thracia, & Sparta, of the Acheians & Peloponesians, whom I haue subdued part in persone, & the rest by my apointmēt. I will not make rehersal of y e warre we began at Hellespont, and how we deliuered frō the intollerable seruitude of the Barbarians nations, Ionas and Aeolides, and got vnto our possessiō both Caria, Lydia, Cappadocia, Phrigia, Paphlagonia, Pamphilia, Pisides, Cilicia, Siria, Phenices, Armenia, Perce, Mede, and Parthenia. We haue gotten more coūtreis, then other haue taken cities, & yet (I am sure) the multitude of them, haue caused me to leue some of thē vnrehersed. If I could thinke that the possession of these landes that we haue cōquered in so short time could remain sure vnto vs, thē (my souldiers) I would, though it were against your willes, breake from you, to visite my house and my home, to see my mother, my sisters, & my countreymen, to enioy there the laude & glory that I haue gotten with you. Where as the ioyfull conuersacion of our wifes, our children, & parētes, peace, quietnes, & a sure possession of thinges gotten through our valiauntnes, do tary for vs, as large rewardes of our victory. But if we wil cōfesse y e truth, this new empire whiche we haue not yet at cōmaundement, but is kept as it were by way of entreaty, doth require a time, that this stiffe necked people, may learne to beare our yoke, & framing their disposiciōs to a more humanitie, bring their cruell nature to a more ciuill cōuersacion. Do we not see that the corne in the field axeth a time for his riping? and though the same be without sence, yet hath it his course to be brought to perfection. Do you beleue that so many nacions not agreing with vs in religion, in customes, nor in vse of tongue, accustomed to thempire, [Page 101] and name of an other man, will be conquered and brought to subiectiō with the wynning of one battail? No, trust me, they be kept vnder with the feare of our powre, and do not obey vs of their owne good willes. And they whiche shewe you obedience when ye be here amonges them, when you be absent, wilbe your enemies▪ you must thinke, that ye haue to doe with wilde beastes, whiche, being fierse of nature, whē they be first taken, must be shut vp, and tamed with tyme. Hetherto I haue reasoned with you as though we had conquered the hole dominion that perteyned to Darius, which is nothyng so: For Nabarzanes possesseth Hircania, and the traitour Bessus not only enioyeth Bactria, but also threateneth vs. The Sogdians, Dahans, Massagetes, Sagans, and the Indians, remayne yet in their owne libertie and iurisdiction, whiche shall not see our backes so sone turned, but they will followe vs in the tayles. They all haue a certayne frendshyp and amitie one with an other, but we be all straungers and foryners vnto them. There is no creature but that will more gladly be obedient to rulers of his own nacion, then to foryners, be their gouernement neuer so terryble. We are dryuen of necessitie therefore to wynne that we haue not, or els to lose that we haue all redy gotten. As phisicions in sick bodies will leaue no humour that maye hurt, so lykewyse we must cut away whatsoeuer shall be impediment vnto our Empire. Haue you not sene great fiers risen of small sparkes not regarded? We may not neglect any thīg in our enemies, whom the more we dispise, the more strōg we make them. And because you shal not thinke it such an impossibilitie for Bessus to make him self kyng, where [Page] as a kyng wanteth: you shall vnderstande that Darius came not to his Empire by enheritaunce, but got into the seate of Cirus by the benefite of Bagoas his Enuche. We commit an heinous offence (my souldiers) if we made warre to Darius, and put him downe for the entent to geue his kyngdome vnto his seruaunt, yea, and to suche one as attempted so vyle an acte against his maister, at suche a tyme as he had moste neade of helpe, and whō, we being his enemies would haue spared, he being his subiect, put him in chaynes as a captiue, and finally slewe him, because he should not be preserued by vs. Shall you suffre this kynd of man to reigne? no, let vs make all the spede we may to see him crucified, and so to shewe vnto all kynges and nacions a iustice done vpon one, that so vilely falsefied his fayth. If the reporte should come vnto you, beyng in your own countreis, that thesame man were distroyeng of the Greke cities about Helespont. O God howe sorye would you be then, and howe muche would you lamente, that Bessus should enioye that you haue gotten, and vsurpe the rewardes of your victory? Then would you make haste to recouer your own, thē would you bend your selues to the warres. But how muche better is it nowe to oppresse him whiles he remaineth in suche feare, and is vncertayne what way to take? Shal we spare to spēd .iiii. score daies iourney to come to hym, that haue ouertroden suche snowes, that haue passed so many ryuers, that haue clymed so many moū taines? to whose iourney the flowyng sea could be no impediment, nor the streyte of Cilicia could shut vp our way. Nowe all thinges are made playne and open, and we stande in the entrey of our victory. There be but a fewe fugitiues, and killers of their maisters that do remaine. [Page 102] What more notable worcke can you leaue vnto your posteritie, to be reges [...]red by fame vnto your glory then in reuenging such as were traitours to Darius? you shal therby shewe that whē you were enemies vnto him, yet your hatred ended with his death, & that no wicked person could escape your handes. Which thing if you bring to passe, howe muche more obedient do you thinke the Perciās shalbe vnto you, whē they perceiue that you take iust warres in hand, and it was not Bessus name wherewith ye were offended, but with his faultes and euill doinges? His oracion was receiued of the souldiers with such gladnes, that thei streightwaies desired him to cary them whether he would. And he that could vse the occasion of their good mode, passed through Parthenia, and came to the boundes of Hircania, Hircania. leuyng Craterus with the band wherof he had the rule, and six thousand horsemen, of whome Amyntas had the charge, with the like nombre of archers to defend Parthenia from the incursion of the barberous naciōs. He appointed Erigonus a smal power to attēd vpō his cariages, willing him to passe with thē through the plaine countrey. And he himself with his fotemen, and with the reste of his horsemen, marched forwardes C. fyfty furlonges, and encamped in a valley at the entrey of Hircania. In thesame place, be greate woodes full of hyghe and thyck trees, and the botome of the valey is very frutefull, by reason of the sprynges that come forth of the rockes. Out of the foote of the mountaynes, there ryseth a ryuer called zioberis, zioberis. which with in thre furlonges of the head, is deuided by a rocke, stā dyng in the middes of the streame, causyng the water to go two sondrie wayes. Whiche afterwardes comming again into one chanell, ronneth more violently [Page] then before, by reason of the fall of the rockes. And sodenly it sinketh into the ground, and so rōneth hidden by the space of .ccc. furlonges, and then cōmeth furthe againe as it were out of a newe spring, the same being then in bredth .xiii. furlonges, and as it ronneth forewardes drawith more narow, and falleth into an other streame named Rhydago. Rhydago. The inhabiters of the countrey affirmed that al thinges caste in, where the streme sunk into the ground, would apeare & come out again at the next issue. For the prouing of which conclusion. Alexāder caused two bulles to be cast in where the water entered, whose bodies were found by such as were apoynted for the purpose, where the streame brake out againe. In this place he refreshed his army .iiii. daies, during which time Nabarzanes which was confederat with Bessus in killing of y e king, did write l [...]es to him, in effect, The effecte of Nabarzanes letters to Alexāder howe that he was no enemie vnto Darius, but counseiled hym euer to doe suche thynges as he iudged moste proffitable, and for his faithfull counsell was put in daunger of his life by him, who went about against al reason to commit the custodie of his person to straungers, condemning therby the fidelitie of hys owne nacion, which they had kept vnspotted towards theyr kinges by the space of .ccxxx. yeares. Wherefore seing himself in that perill and daunger, toke counsel of his present necessite. And alledged that it was allwaies admitted lauful for a man to kil such one, whom he knewe to imagyn his death, which was an excuse (he said) wherwith Darius satisfied the people, when he had slain Bagoas. He alledged y t nothing was more deare to mortal creatures then life, for the loue wherof he was driuen to this extremytie, in committing an act which necessity rather cōpelled him to do, then his own [Page 103] disposion. For in a generall calamitie eueri man hath his fortune. If he would commaund hym to come to his presence, he said he woulde not refuse to doe it, for he coulde not feare that so great a kyng would violat his promis, seing one God is not wont to deceiue an other. But if he shoulde seame vnworthy to whom he would giue his assuraunce, ther were many countries for him to fle vnto. For al men hauing vertue in them, counte alwaies that for their coūtrey, where they make their dwelling place. Alexander made no stay in giuing him his faith, after such sorte as the Parcians vsed to receiue it: which was to do him no harme if he came to him. Notwithstanding he marched in ordre of battell sending euer scourers before to discouer the ground. The light armed were apointed to the voward, y e phalanx folowed after, & the baggage behind. For by reasō the same was a warlik nacion, & the countrey harde to entre vpon, caused the kinge to loke ernestly vpon the matter. The same valley stretcheth out to the Caspian sea, the bākes therof resembling y e hornes of the mone before it cōmeth to the full, the sea lieng betwyxt them like a great bay, vpon the lefte hand the people inhabite that be called Cercetes, Cercetes, whyche lye open towardes the north, and vpon the other parte the Leucosyrians, Leucosiriās Mossynes, Mossynes. Chalybes. and Chalibes and the plaines of the Amazones lye towardes the weste. This sea whiche some call the Caspion and some the Hyrcanian sea, The caspyō sea, being more sweater then anie other, bringeth forth Serpentes of a wonderfull bignes, and fyshes differinge in colour much from all the reste. Theyr be dyuers of opynion that the lake of Meotis shoulde ronne into thys sea, whiche they coniecture of the water, thinkyng the same to receyue hys sweatnes of the lake. [Page] Towardes the north the sea groweth into a fleat shore and putteth furth his waters farre vpō the lād, which rising high make many meares and plashes. And as by certaine course of the planets they flowe out, so at certaine time by an ebbe, they returne in againe restoring the groūd to his former estate. Some beleue those waters to be no parcel of the Caspian sea, but that they come out of Inde and rōne into Hyrcania, which lieth low in the forsaid vailey. The king being remoued frō that place, marched forwardes .xx. furlonge in a wylde desert way. Where great woodes honge continually ner their heades, and brokes of water and myer gaue great impediment to ther iourney. But at length with out any impedimēt of his enemies he passed those difficulties, and came vnto a more faire countrei, wherin besides other vittells (whereof it dyd habound) grewe great plenty of appulles, and the ground was veray apt for vynes. There were also plenty of a certayne kynd of trees, much like vnto okes, whose leaues were couered with hony, which the inhabitors gather before y e sonne rising, for els the moister would be drie vp with the heate. When Alexander had passed .xxx. furlonges more forwardes. Phrataphernes mette him, yeldinge both him selfe, & such other as fled away after Darius death, whom he receyued gentely, and came to a towne called Aruas. Aruas. Phradates. Thether came Craterus and Erigonus bringing with thē Phradates that had the rule of the Tapurians: Tapurians whose frendly receyuing and gentle entertainment was the cause that many folowed his ensample in committing themselues to Alexanders mercy Menape was made their prince of Hitcania, Menape. who, being a banished man, in the tyme of Occhus, came to king Philipp for refuge & Phradates also was restored [Page 104] to the office he had before. When Alexander was come to the vttermost boūdes of Hi [...]cania, Artabasus, Artabayus yelded to A [...]exander. whom we declared to shewe hym selfe faithfull alway to hys Master, met Alexāder with Darius kinsmen and children, and with a smalle bande of Greake souldiers. The kyng at his comming proffered him his hand, bicause he had byn entertayned before by king Philippe when he was banished by Occhus? but the chief cause that he accepted him so well, was for the cōtinual fidelitie that he obserued towardes his prince. He beinge thus gentlye receyued by Alexander, sayd vnto him: Sir, long may you florishe and reigne in perpetuall felicitie. I that reioyce in all other thinges, with one ani chiefly greuid, that by reason of myne olde age. I shall not be hable long to reioyse your goodnes. He was iiii. score .v. yeares of age, & brought, with him .ix. sonnes borne of one mother, whō he presented before the king, prayeng god to continewe their liues: so long as their seruice might be acceptable vnto him. Alexander was accustomed much to walk on fote, but then left he the olde man might be ashamed to ride, he goinge on fote called for horses for them bothe. When he was encāped, he sent for the Grekes that Artabasus brought. But they made requeste firste that he woulde giue assurance to the Lacedemoniās that were amōges thē, or els they would take aduise amonges them selues what were beste to do: The same were the Embasseadours that the Lacedemoniās had sent vnto Darius. After whose ouerthrowe they ioyned them selues to the Greakes that were in his wages. The king willed thē to leue al assuraūces & cōposiciōs & come to receiue such apointment as he would gyue them. They stode long in a staye vareing in openions but at length they [Page] agreed so to do: Sauing Democrates of Athēce which chefly had euer oppugned the successe of the Mace dons, dispairing of pardon flewe him self. But thother, as they had determyned, submitted them selues to Alexā ders wil, being .x.M.vc. in nūbre, besides .iiii score & .x of such as were sēt Embassadores vnto, Darius. The more parte of the souldiers were distrubuted amongs the bandes, to fyll vp the nombres that wāted, and the rest were sent home except the Lacedemonians, which he commaunded to be put in prison. Ther was a nacion called Mardons bounding next to Hircania, The Mardons rude in their manners and vsagies, accustumed to lyue by theft: They neither sent Embassadores, nor gaue anye significacion that they woulde be at Alexanders commaūdiment, he toke therat great indingnaciō that any one people should giue impediment to his victory. And therfore leuing a guard for his cariages, went against them with a strong powre. He merched forwardes in the night, and by the tyme that the day appeared his enemies were in sight. But the matter came rather to a larom then to any fyght. For thennemies were sone driuen from the hilles. Who flieng away left their villagies to be sacked by the Macedons. But the armye could not passe into the inward partes of the countrey without great trouble & veracion, the same being compassed about w t high montains, great woodes & desert rockes▪ & the partes which were plaine were defended with a straung kind of fortificacion, that is to say with tres set thick of purpose, the bowes whereof whē they were yong were wreathed one wythin an other: The toppes bowed downe were put into the groūd againe, from whence as out of an other rote ther sprong new b [...]aunches. Which they would not suffre to growe as [Page 105] nature brought furth, but did knit them so one with an other, that when they were full of leaues they couered clene the earth. The trees thus wreathed one w t an other, enclosed in the countrey as it were with a continuall hedge, and were as snares to entangle suche as would go about to entre, ther was no way could be deuised to passe through y e same but onliby cutting down of the wood. And therin they found a great difficultie and much trauail, by reason that the wreathing & wrappinge togither of the bowes kept them of from the bodies of the tres. And the weaknes of the bowes so yelded to the strokes that they could not wel be cut a sonder. The inhabiters of the countrey were accus [...]umed to creape amonges the brush like wilde bestes, and by pryuie salies breake out vpon their enemies. Alexāder therfore caused his men after y e maner of hunters to sake out ther lurkīg places & killed many of them. But at length he enuironed the woode with his souldiers round about, to thintent they might breake in at euery place, wher they should spie any entrey, Wherby many wandred & lost ther company in places that they knew not, and were taken prysoners: And amonges them Bucephalus Alexāders horse, Bucephalus Alexanders horse. whom he did not esteame as men do other beastes, for he would not suffre any other man to come vpon hys back. and when the kynge would ride he would kneell downe vpon hys knees to receiue him, so that he seamed to haue the sence to vnderstand whom he caried. Alexander was more sorowfull and sturred to a greater wrath for the losse of the horse thē was expedient for such a cause, for serching about to get y e horse againe caused proclamaciō to be made by an interpreter, y e except he were restored he wold not leaue one of them aliue. Whē they hard this terrible threating, amōges other giftes they presented vnto [Page] Alexander his horse. yet he was not therwyth pacefied but comaunded the woodes to be cut downe, & earth to be brought for making of the wayes smooth, which he cutt through the woodes. This worck went so wel forward, that the inhabiters dispayring of habilitie to defend their countrey, yelded them selues to the kinge, who receyuing their pledges, committed them to the keaping of Phradates. And from thence the fifte day returned againe to his campe. There he gaue to Artabasus the double honor that Darius did vnto him, and sent him home againe into his countrey. After that he came to that citie of Hircania where Darius Palace was Nabarzanes vpon assurance, came thither bringing with him great giftes, and amonges the reste presented vnto Alexāder Bagoas an Enuche of singuler beauty, being in the firste flowre of youth, whom Darius accustomed, and after Alexander. The Amazons. At whose intercession speicially he did pardon Nabarzanes. The nacion of the Amazōs being nere vnto Hircania (as hath bene sayed before) did inhabite the playnes of Themiscirae about the riuer of Thermodoonta, Thermodoonta. & had a quene reigning ouer thē called Thalestris, which kept vnder her dominion all the countries betwene the Mount Caucasus, and the riuer of Phasis: Phasis. who for the greate affeccion she had to see Alexander, trauailed out of hir owne countrey, and being come nere where he was, she sente certayne before, to declare that a quene was come of desire to visite him, and to make hir acquayntaunce. Whan libertie was giuen her to come to his presence, she caused all the rest of hir band to stay, and the came forwardes accompanied with .ccc. women. Assone as she parceyued Alexander, Thalestrys me [...]te Alexander. she leaped from her horse carieng two Lances in hir hande, The Amazons [Page] [Page] [Page 106] apparell is suche that it doth not couer all their bodies, for their brestes be bare on the lefte syde, nor their garmentes whiche they vse to knytte vp with a knot, come not to their knees. One breste thei alwaies reserue vntouched wherewith they noryshe their woman children, but their ryght breastes thei vse to seare, to make them more apt to drawe their bowes, and caste their dartes. Thalestis behelde Alexander with a bold countenaunce, and considered in lokyng vpon hym, that his personage aunswered not to the same that she had heard of his actes. For the barbarous nacions geue great veneracion to the maiestie of the personage, thynking none to be sufficient for the doing of greate actes, but suche as nature haue endued with great personages. It was demaunded of her, if she had any request to make vnto Alexander: Wherat she abashed not to confesse that she was come thether to get chyldren with hym, thynkyng her selfe a personage worthy of whome he should get heires to enherite his kyngdome. Couenanting that if it were a womā she wold kepe it styll, and if it were a man chylde, she would restore it to the father. Alexander enquired of her, if she would go forwardes with him in his warres, but therin she excused her selfe, that she had left no ordre for the defence of her kyngdome. But she continued styll in declaration of the cause of her commyng, and required that her hope therein myght not be in vayne. The womans appetite, seamed to be more vehemently geuen to luste then the kynges was, yet she obtayned of hym to stay for her cause, and consumed thirtene daies in satisfieng of her desire. Here Alexā der first forsoke vertue and fell to vice. That done she departed to her owne kyngdome, and Alexander went to Patthinia, which was the place where he first shewed [Page] manifestly the vices that were in hym: there he turned his continency, and moderacion, being the moste excellent vertues appearing in any kynde of estate, into pryde and voluptuousnesse, not esteamyng hys countrey customes, nor the holsome temperaunce that was in the vsagies and discipline of the kynges of Macedon, whiche iudged their ciuill vsage and maner to be ouer base for his greatnes, but did counterfeit the heyghte and pompe of the Kynges of Perce, representing the greatnes of the Goddes. He was content to suffre men there to fall downe flat vpon the ground, and worshyp hym, and accustomed the victors of so many nacions, by litle and litle, to seruile offices, coueting to make them equall vnto his captiues. He ware vpon his head a diademe of purple, interpaled with white, lyke as Darius was accustomed, and fasshioned his apparell of the maner of the Percians, without scrupulesitie of any euell token that it signified, for the victorer to chaunge his habite into the fasshion of hym whome he had vanquisshed. And though he aduaunted that he ware the spoiles of his enemies, yet with those spoyles he put vpon him their euell maners, and the insolency of the mynde, followed the pride of the apparell. Besides he sealed suche letters as he sent into Europe with his accustomed seale, but all the letters he sent abrode into Asia, were sealed with Darius rynge. So it appeared that one mynde could not beare the greatnes that apperteyned to two. He apparelled also his frendes, his capitaynes, and his horsemen in Percian apparell, wherat though they grudged in their myndes, yet they durst not refuse it for feare of his displeasure. His court was replenisshed with concubines, for he still maynteined thre hundred [Page 107] & .lx. that belonged to Darius, & amonges them were flockes of Enukes accustomed to perfourme the vse of women. The old souldiers of Philippe naturally abhorryng suche thinges manifestly withstode to be infected with suche voluptuousnes and straūge customes. Wherupon there rose a general talke and opiniō throughout the cāpe: that they had lost more by the victory, then they had wonne by the warre. For when they sawe themselues ouercome in suche excesse, & foreine customes so to preuaile amonges them, they iudged it aslender reward of their long being abrode, to returne home in the habite of prisoners. They began to be ashamed of their king that was more like to suche as were subdued, then to them that were victorious, and that of a kyng of Macedon, was become a prince of Perce, & one of Darius courtiers. When he vnderstode that the chefe of his frendes, and his men of warre, were greuously offended with his doynges, he went about to recouer fauour againe with giftes and liberalitie, but it is to be thought that the rewardes of seruitude, be vngratefull to fre men. And therfore lest this matter might turne into a sedicion, he thought good to breake the imaginaciōs encreased by idlenes, with the exercise of warres, wherof an apt occasiō was geuen. For Bessus inuesting him selfe as a kyng, Bessus toke vpon him as kyng. toke vpon hym the name of Artaxerses, drawing to his parte the Scithians and other that were the inhabiters of the Ryuer of Tanais: whiche thinges were reported to hym by Nabarzanes, whome he had receiued into his fauour, & geuen the rule of the countrey that he had before. When he had determined this new expediciō, he found his army so ouercharged and laden with spoyle, & other furnimētes of voluptuousnes, that they could [Page] not scarsly moue. Wherfore he commaunded the baggage and stuf of the whole army to be brought together in one place, excepting only such thinges as were very necessary. The place was large and playne whether the cartes were brought laden, and when euery one stode wayting and musing what he woulde commaunde them to doe, he caused the beastes to be remoued first out of the way, and then set his owne fardels on fyer, and after all the reste. Whiles these thynges were burning the owners were on fyer, to see those thinges consumed, for the sauing wherof they had oft quenched the flambes in Cyties of their enemies, yet no man durste lament the price of his owne bloud, seing they sawe the fyer consume the kynges ryches, as well as their owne, but the rather to pacefie them, the kyng did mytigate their dolour with a briefe oracion. Whereupon they that were euer apt for the warres, and redy to doe all thynges, began to be ioyfull that with the losse of their baggage, they had saued their discipline accustomed in the warres. As they were settyng forwardes towardes Bactria. Nycanour. Nycanour the sonne of Parmenio died sodainly, whome euery man greatly lamented, but chefely the kyng was so sorowefull, desiring to haue stayed for the celebracion of his buriall but that want of vitayles. caused hym to haste forwardes. Philotas therfore was left behynde with two thousand and syx hundred souldiers to perfourme the ceremonis apperteining to his brothers buriall, and he hym selfe marched towardes Bessus. In the way letters were brought to Alexander from the lordes there about, that Bessus was comming towardes hym with a great army, Satribarzanes. adding thereunto that Satribarzanes whome he had made prince of the Arians, was newely [Page 108] rebelled agaynste hym. For that cause notwythstandynge he was come nere vnto Bessus, yet he thought it best first to oppresse Satribarzanes, and for that entent brought forwardes his horsemen and footemen that were lyght armed, to come sodaynly vpon his enemies. His comming was not so pryuye, but Satribarzanes knewe and fled into Bactria with two thousand horsemen. For by reason he was not able to assemble any more in so shorte a tyme, the reste toke the next mountaynes for their refuge. The siege of a rocke. There was a rock whiche towardes the west was hyghe and steape, but towardes the east more lowe and easye to be clymbed, vpon whiche parte it was full of trees. The same rock had a fountayne that ran continually with great plenty of water, and was in compasse two and thirty furlonges. In the toppe was a grene plaine full of grasse, where they placed the weaker multitude, but the rest that were apt for defence beyng to the nō bre of thirtene thousand, got them selues to the eggies of the rock, and there threwe downe stones and stockes of trees againste the Macedonians that came to assayle them. He left Craterus to besyege this rocke, going him self to pursue Satribarzanes. And because he vnderstode that he was gone farre on his waye, returned backe agayne to the siege of them that were vpon the rocke. Fyrst he caused all thynges to be taken away, that myght be any impediment to them in the assault therof. But whē they came to the bare and steape rock, y e labour semed waste, where nature had wrought against them. But he that was of a disposiciō alwayes to striue agaynst difficulties, consideryng howe hard a matter it was to go forwardes, and daungerous to returne backe agayne, did caste in his head all the wayes [Page] and deuises that could be Imagined, and nowe fantesied one thing, and then an other, as men be wont whē the waies they haue found out first, do not please them. As he stode in a stay in doubt what to doe, fortune did minister vnto him a meane, which neither wit nor reason could inuente. It chaunsed that the wynde blewe sore at the southwest, what tyme the souldiers had felled great plenty of wood, wherof thei thought to make them selues away vp against the rocke, and the heat of the sonne had made thesame drye. When Alexander perceiued the wynd to blowe after that sorte, and the woode lieng in that place, cōceiued by and by his purpose, and willed more trees to be cut downe, & laid vpō them, putting all other thinges to it, that were apt to kyndle and noryshe fier: So that trees heaped vpon trees, became as it were a mountaine, so hyghe as the top of the rocke. The same being set a fire in al partes at once, the wynde caried the flambe into the face of their enemies, & the smoke couered ouer the sky. The noise was then great that the fier made, which burned not only the trees that were fired of purpose, but also the rest of the woode growing nere there about. The enemies were so tormented with the flambe & heate of the fire, that they were enforced to forsake their place of strength, & attempted to escape away where the fyer gaue them lest impediment. But where the fier gaue place, the Macedons stode in redines to receiue them, so that they were consumed & slayne, diuers kynde of wayes. Some threwe them selues downe the rockes, some ran into the middes of y e fier, other fell into their enemies hādes, and a fewe, haulf consumed with fier were takē prisoners. Whē Alexāder had done this act, he returned to Craterꝰ, which besieged Artacnan, Art [...]cnan. who [Page 109] hauing prepared all thinges in redines taried only for the kinges cōming to giue him the honour of the winning of the Cytie. When Alexander was come he approched nere the walles with the towres of timbre that he had prepared for the assault, at the syght whereof the inhabitaunts were so afrayed that they held vp their handes from the walles requiring hym to spare them, and execute his wrath vpon Sattibarzanes that was the aucthour of their rebellion. Alexander pardoned them frely, and not only leuied his siege, but also restored to the inhabitauntes, all thynges that pertayned to them. As he remoued from this Cytie, there came vnto hym a newe supply of souldiers. zolus brought out of Grece fyue hundred horsemen, and thre thousand footemen, whiche Antipater sent out of Iliria, and hundred and thirty Tessalian horsemen that came with Philip, who also brought of souldiers straungers out of Lidia, two thousand fiue hundred footemen with .iii. hundred horsemen. Alexander hauing thus encreased his power, entred into the countrey of the Drangans, Drangans. whiche were a warlyke nacion, and vnder the gouernement of Nabarzanes, who beyng of counsell with Bessus in the treason that he committed against his prince, when he heard of Alexanders commyng, for feare of the punishement that he had deserued, fledde into India. Thus had they lien in campe nyne dayes, when Alexander being without feare of any enemy, and inuincible againste all foren powers was brought in perill by treason of his own people. A treason cō spired against Alexand It chaūsed that one Dymnus a mā of meane behauour and aucthoritie with his prince, was greatly enflābed in the loue of a young man called Nicomachus, with whō he vsed much familier cōuersatiō [Page] This Dimnus on a tyme beyng in a passion, Dimnus. as it wel appeared by his countenaunce, allured this yong man into a Temple, where remayning alone togethers, declared that he had certaine secretes to shewe him, whiche in no wise were to be reported againe. Thereby he brought Nycomachus in great suspection, Nichomacus. what the matter shoulde be: For before he woulde tell him, he made a protestation by the loue & familiaritie betwixte thē, that he would assure him by his oth to kepe y e thing secrete, who supposinge the matter to be of no suche weight, that he ought with periurie and breakynge of his othe to disclose the same againe, sware by the goddes there presente. Then Dymnus opened vnto him howe there was a treason conspired against the kinge, whiche within three dayes shoulde be put in execution, wherof (he saied) he him selfe was prittie with diuers men of nobilitie and estimation. When Nicomachus did heare it to be suche a matter, constauntlye denied then that his promise extēded to conceil treason, whervnto no othe nor religion coulde binde a man. When Dymnus hearde him saye so, he became in a rage betwixte loue and feare, and clasped the yong man by the hand, requiryng him with wepyng eyes that he would not stycke to be a partaker in the execution of this cō spiracye, or at the leaste, if his harte woulde not serue him, that he woulde kepe his counsaile secrete, in respecte that he had founde suche proufe of loue in him, to commit his life into his hādes without any further proufe of his fidelitie. But in conclusion when he perceiued that Nicomachus woulde in no wise agree to his purpose, but manifestly abhorred the acte, he vsed diuers meanes to bring him to his counsaile, one while entreatyng him with fayre wordes, and an other while [Page 110] threatenynge to kyll him. He called him towarde and traitour to his frende, commendyng the goodlines of the enterprice, and putte him in hope of greate prefermentes, in that he shoulde be part [...]ener of the Kingdome thei went about to get. When he had proued all these waies, and yet founde him straunge, he thruste his swerde one while to Nicomachus throte, and another while to his owne, so that at lengthe by threating and faire speakyng, he brought him to promise, both to kepe his counsaile secrete, and also to be assistaunte to the dede doyng, yet neuerthelesse as one of a constaūt mynde (though for the time presente he seamed to be wonne with the loue of his frende, & become agreable to his requestes) chaunged no parte of his former purpose. This done, Nicomachus required to know what the men were, that had confederated them selues in so weightie a matter, because the persons (he saied) were muche materiall that shoulde take so greate an enterprice in hand. Then Dimnus, though he were in great trouble of minde that he hadde brought the matter so farre forth, yet when he hearde him aske that question, reioysed, and thanked him greatlye, that he would frely associate him selfe with suche maner of men, as Demetrius of the priuie chābre was, Peculaus, Nichanor, Aphobetus, Loceus, Diosenus, Arche [...]is, & Amintas This communication once ended betwixt [...] theim, Nicomachus departed, and disclosed all the ma [...]er whiche he had hearde before, to a brother of his called Ceballinus: Ceballinus· agreyng betwixt them two, that Nicomachus shoulde remaine styll secrete in his tente, least by his commyng to the kynges lodgynge, not vsyng to haue accesse vnto the kynge, the conspiratours might perceiue them selues bewraied.
[Page]Ceballinus repaired to the kynges lodgynge, and taried before the gate, waitynge for some man nere about the kynge, to brynge him to his prince. It fortuned that amongest many whiche passed by, onely Philotas the sonne of Parmenio, Philotas. demaūded why he waited there. To whom Ceballinus with a bashed countenaunce (wel declaring the vnquietnes of his minde) reported all those thinges whiche he had hearde of his brother, requiryng him that he would declare the same immediatly vnto the kynge. Philotas departed from him vnto the kynge, with whom that daie he had much communication of other thinges, and yet opened no parte of the same matter whiche was tolde him by Ceballinus. At nyght as Philotas came forthe. Ceballinus mette him at the court gate, and enquired whether he hadde done his message to the king or not. He excused the matter, that he could find him at no leasure. The nexte daye Ceballinus mette him againe goynge to the kynge, and put him in remembraunce of that he hadde tolde him before, to whom he aunswered that he remēbred it wel, but yet for al that? he disclosed no part of the matter. Ceballinus began then to suspecte him, and intended no lenger to differ the thynge, but opened the same to one Metrone master of the Kynges armorye, The treasō disclosed. who immediatlye conueied Ciballinus into the armorye, and wente strayght to the kynge whyche was bath [...]nge, and enfourmed him of all that he had hearde Alexandre then made no delaye, but sente certaine of his guarde to take Dymnus, and after came him selfe into the armorye. Whom assone as Ceballinus lawe, he ranne to him with great reioysynge, and sayd: loe, I haue preserued the from the hādes of thine [Page 111] enemie. But Alexander examined him of all the circumstaunces, and when he againe aunswered to euerye poynte in order. The kynge was earnest to know howe longe it was sence Nicomachus had geuen him this information, he confessed that it was three dayes, wherupon the kynge consideringe that he coulde not with trueth haue conceiled this matter so longe, commaunded that he shoulde be put in warde. Then cried he out, and declared that at the same instaunt he knew of the conspiracye firste, he opened it to Philotas, of whom (he saied) he might enquere the trueth. Therupō it was demaunded of him, whether he hadde required Philotas to be broughte to the kynges presence or no. Whiche thynge when the kyng by his confession perceiued to be true, and that he did stifly abide by his first tale, he lifted vp his handes to heauen, the teares fallynge from his eyes, greatlye complainynge that Philotas shoulde requite him with suche vntruthe, whom he moste assuredly trusted. Dimnus slew him selfe, Dymnus in the meane season knowynge for what cause he was sente for, wounded him selfe to death, but yet somewhat letted by thē that were sente to take hym, was broughte before the kynge, whom as sone as he behelde, saied vnto him. Dymnus, what haue I offended the, that thou shouldest thinke Philotas more worthy to be kynge of Macedon then I. At whyche wordes Dymnus became speacheles, and castynge forthe a greate sighe, turned his face from the kynges sight, and fell downe deade. The kings wordes to Philotas The kynge called Philotas before him, and saied: this man whom thou here seest should haue suffered death if it could haue bene proued that he hadde conceiled two dayes. the treason prepensed againste me. [Page] with the whiche matter he chargeth Philotas, to whome (as he sayth) he gaue knowledge immediatly: the more nere thou art about me, so muche more greater is thy offence, and the fault had bene more tollerable in hym then in the. Howbeit thou hast a fauorable iudge, for if there be any thyng that cannot be excused, yet at the lest it may be pardoned. Philotas aunswere To this Philotas nothing abasshed (if the hart may be iudged by the coū tenaunce) made aunswere, that Ciballinus brought hym a tale, the reporter wherof was ouer light of credit to be beleued, and that he feared lest by the presentyng of suche a matter whiche did ryse vpon brabling betwixt two persones of euill disposiciō, he might haue bene laught to scorne: But afterwardes when he once knewe that Dymnus had slayne hymselfe, he was clerely then resolued no longer to haue prolonged the thyng. And so fallyng down before the kyng, be sought him that he would rather haue respect to his life paste, then to his fault whiche was only a consealement and no acte done. It is hard to say, whether the kyng beleued hym, or grounded his displeasure more deapely in his harte, neuertheles in token of pardon, gaue hym his hand, sayeng: howe it appeared that thaccusacion was rather miscredited by hym, then consealed of malice. Alexander called a coū sell, Notwithstanding he called his counsell together, amonges whom Philotas was not admitted, but Nycomachus was brought in before thē, where he declared all suche matters as he before had shewed to the kyng. There was one Craterus in speciall fauour with Alexander, whiche for thenuie he had to Philotas aduauncement, bare him alwaies grudge: Who knew very wel that the kyng had often bene displeased with Philotas, for the ouermuche auaunting of his good [Page 107] seruice and valeaunt actes: but yet for all that in those matters he was not suspected of treason, but onelye noted of presumption and arrogancie. Craterus thought that he could not haue a better occasion to oppresse his enemy, by colouryng his priuate hatred with a pretence of dutie towardes his Prince. Woulde God (quod he) ye had taken our counsaile in the beginnyng of this matter: for if ye woulde nedes haue pardoned ye shoulde haue kept from his knowledge how muche he was in your daunger, rather then to haue brought him in feare of his life, wherby ye shal make him more mindefull of his owne perill, then of your goodnesse. For he maie alwayes imagine your death, but you shal not be alwaies in case to pardō him. Let it neuer sinke in your hart, that he which purposed so haynous a treason, woulde chaunge his purpose for the beneuolence of a pardon. you knowe well that such as offende are often in dispayre of mercy. And though he perchaunce either with repentaunce of his faulte, or remembraūce of your goodnes woulde chaunge his minde, yet I am sure that his father Parmenio, generall capitaine of so greate an armye, and of so grounded aucthoritie amongest your souldiours (that is with theim in maner as your selfe) would be euill content to be in your debt for his sonnes life. There be certaine benefites hatefull to men, and it is shame to confesse to haue deserued death. Therefore I conclude, that he had rather it shoulde be thought you had done him wronge, thē that ye had geuen him his life. I can not see therefore, but you shall be enforced to destroye theim for your owne suertie. There be enemies enoughe remainynge yet vnconquered, against whom we be goyng: make your selfe sure from your foes at home, so shal ye haue lesse [Page] nede to feare your enemies abrode. The opiniō of the coū saile. These were Craterus wordes, and the residue of the counsail were of opinion that Philotas woulde neuer haue conseiled this conspiracie, excepte he had bene either principall or priuye therunto. For thei thought there was no true man, or of honest hart, though he had bene none of the kynges familiers but one of his meane Seruauntes, hearinge so muche as Philotas hearde, but woulde forthwith haue opened the marter, yet he beynge the sonne of Parmenio, the master of the kynges horse, & of his priuie coūsaile, did not so much as the straūger, which straight waies made relation of that his brother had told him. And where as he pretended that the king was at no leasure, that thei iudged to be done to thentente the accuser shoulde not seke any other to whom he might vtter it. Wher as Nicomachus albeit he was bounde by his othe to the cōtrary, yet woulde he neuer rest till he had discharged his conscience. But Philotas when he cōsumed in maner the whole daie in sport and pastime with the Kynge, coulde not finde in his harte to caste forthe a fewe wordes, specially in a matter so muche concernyng the kynges safegarde. But admit (quod they) he had geuē no credite to the matter throughe the lightnes of the reporter, why shoulde he haue differred the accuser .ii. daies, as thoughe he had beleued it. For if he had misliked y e tale, he might haue dismissed the partye. It was also alledged that euerye mans mynde muche misgeueth him, when the matter concerneth his owne ieopardye. Muche more ought men to be credulous when it touched the suretie of a kynges person, in whiche ease it ought to be examined though it be of small weight. Thei al therfore determined that Philotas should be enforced to disclose y e parteners [Page 113] of the conspiracie. The king cōmaundyng thē to kepe the matter secrete, departed, and to the entente no inglynge shoulde appeare of this newe counsaile, he caused it to be proclaimed that the armye should set forwardes the next daye. The same night the Kynge called Philotas to a bācquete, with whom he vouchsafed not onelye to eate: but also familiarly to commen, notwithstandynge he hadde before in the counsayle determined his deathe, after in the seconde watche of the night, Ephestion, Craterus, and Erigonus whiche were of the Kynges counsaile, came priuelye into the courte without lyghte, and of the esquiers, there came Perdicas, and Leonatus, by whom commaundement was geuen, that all suche as laye neare the Kynges lodgynge shoulde watche in harneys. By this time souldiours were appoynted to all the Passages, and horsemen were sente to kepe the wayes, that no man shoulde passe priuelye to Parmenio, whiche then was gouernoure of Media with a greate power. Then Attaras came into the courte with .ccc. armed men, Attaras vnto whom there were appoincted ten of those that had the charge of the kynges person, euerye one of theim accōpanied wyth ten Esquiers, whiche were sorted into diuers cōpanies to take the other conspiratours. But Attaras with his .ccc. was sent to Philotas lodging, where wyth fiftye of the hardiest brake vp his chambre dore that was shutte againste them. The residue were commaunded to beset the house, least he might escape by some secrete waye. Philotas, whether it were through the suertye of his owne conscience, or through wearinesse of suche trauayle of mynde, was in so profounde and deade sleape, that Attaras brake in vpon him before he wyste.
[Page] Philotas taken.But at length when he was awaked and come to him selfe, perceiuing them about to binde him: he exclamed and saied: O Alexandre, the malice of mine enemies haue preuailed aboue thy mercye. Speakyng these wordes, thei couered his face, and brought him into the courte. The nexte daye the kynge gaue commaundement that certaine of the men of warre shoulde assē ble in harneys to the numbre of .vi.M. besides slaues and rascalles that filled full the courte, whiche beyng assembled together, the guarde compassed in Philotas with their bande, to the entent he shoulde not be espied of the people, vntill such time as the king might speake vnto them. For by an olde lawe of the Macedons the kynges in their owne persons were wonte to enquire in matters of treasō, yet could not the kinges aucthoritie preuayle to condempnation, except it were confirmed by the consent of the men of warre. Therefore the bodye of Dymnus was first brought into the place (the moste parte vnknowynge what he had done, or by what chaunce he was slayne.) Then came the Kynge forth to speake vnto the multitude, whiche in his countenaunce declared the doloure of his hart, and the sadnesse of such as were nere about him, caused vnto the reste great expectation of the matter▪ He did caste his eyes towardes thearth, and stode long astonied and in a muse, but at length he plucked vp his spirites, & spake vnto them on this wise. The Oratiō of Alexandre againste Philotas.
By the treason of some men I was almoste taken from you, but through the mercy and prouidence of the Gods, I am yet preserued, your honourable presence dothe constreine me more vehemently to be moued against those traytours. Because the onely comforte and fruite of my life is, that I remayne to geue thankes to so many noble men, to whō [Page 114] I am so muche bounden. With speaking of these wordes the murmur of the multitude did interrupt his tale, and the teares did fall from their eyes. Then the king began againe his tale. Howe much more will you be moued when I shall shewe you the authours of so horrible a treason, the rehersal of whom I yet refrain, as one very loth to discouer their names. But I must ouercome the memory of my former fauour & vtter the conspiracie of my vnnatural people, for how is it possible for me to hide so great a treason. Parmenio a man of that age so depely in my dette, through the most ample benefites both of me and my father, and whome I moste estemed of all my frendes, is the captaine & contriuer of all this mischief. His minister Philotas hath procured Lencolaus, Demetrius, and this Dymnus (whose body here you se) with other parteners of their fury to my destructiō. Whē he came to that point there rose throughout y e multitude a great cherme of a murmur and complaint, suche as is wont to be amonges a nombre, and specially of men of warre, when they are moued either with affection, or displeasure. With that Nichomacus, Metrō, & Ciballinꝰ were brought furth, euery one of thē geuing in euidence that they had spoken afore. Yet appered it not by any mās tale that Philotas was priuy to that conspiracy. But at the last whē the noyse was cessed, & the witnesses had said all they could, the king proceded in this wise. Of what maner mynd thinke you was this man whiche hearing the whole report, could find in his hart to cōseale y e matter the truth wherof is wel declared by the death of Dimnus. Ceballinus that reported an vncertaine tale, for y e triall therof was afrayed of no tormentes, & neuer delaied the lest moment of time, vntill he had discharged [Page] hym self, insomuche that he brake into the place where I was bathing, but Philotas only feared nothyng, he beleued nothing. O how greate a harte had this man whiche hauing knowledge of the daunger of his king, did neuer chaunge coūtenaunce, neither take so much paine as to heare out the tale of thaccuser: but in this silence and consealement there is treason hidden, and the gredy desire he had to reigne, did driue him hedlōg to attempt extreme mischief. His father is gouernour of Media, and heareth suche a stroke amonges the capitaines and men of warre thorowe myne aucthoritie, that he hopeth for a great deale more then he hath. And because I am without children he estemeth me not. But Philotas is deceiued. I haue children, frendes, and kinsfolke amonges you. So long as you be in sauegard, I shal not recken my self without heires. Then did he resite a letter that was taken, whiche Parmenio had writtē to his sonnes Nicanour, & Philotas, wherein there appeared no greate proufe of any great treason intended. A letter. Theffect was this: First take good hede to your selues, and then to those that long to you, so shall we bring to passe that we haue purposed. Whiche letter the king enforced, sayeng: it was writtē after suche a manner, that if it came to his sonnes hā des it might be perceiued of them that knewe the matter. And if it were caught by the way, it shuld deceyue them that knewe it not. Then proceded he: nowe wyll Philotas perhappes saye that when Dymnus named all that were partakers of his conspiracy, he named not him: as for that it is no prouf of his innocency, but a token of his power and aucthoritie, because he was spared of them that might best bewray hym, that confessing of them selues, durst not yet speake of hym. But what maner mā he hath bene, his lyfe doth shew. [Page 115] He was fellowe and companion to Aniyntas my kynsman, whiche conspired highe treason againste my persone in Macedon. He gaue his suster in mariage, to Attalus, then whome I had neuer greater enemye. When by reason of olde frendship and familiaritie I wrote to hym of the title geuen to me by the oracle of Iupiter Hammon, he did not stick to aunswere: that he was very glad that I was admitted into the nombre of Goddes, howbeit very sory for those that should liue vnder suche o [...]e [...] as woulde ox [...]de the state of a man. These were playne tokens that his harte was turned from me and that he [...]pitedony glory. Whiche I kept close in my hart so long as I myght. For I thought my bowels pulled from me, if I should make a litle store of them, for whome, I had done so muche. But, now it is not their wordes that must be punished for the rashenes of their tōgues is turned to swordes, whiche (if ye beleue me) Philotas hath wh [...]tted to my destruction. Whome if I should suffer to escape, alas my souldiers whether should I go? to whom should I commit my person? He was the man that I made generall of my horsemen of the greatest part of myne army & of all the noble yong gentlemen. To his trouth & fidelitie haue I committed my saueguarde, my truste, & victory. His father did I preserue vnto the same estate, wherunto you aduaunced me. Media then whiche there is not a richer countrey, with many thousandes of your frendes and fellowes I haue put vnder his gouernaunce, and aucthoritie. Where I trusted of moste surty, there found I moste perill. Howe muche more happy had I bene to haue died in battell, and rather slayne of myne enemies, then thus betrayed of my subiectes. For now being saued frō the daungers that I moste feared, I haue fallen into those that I ought [Page] to haue doubted lest. You haue bene wont often times to warne me that I should regard my surtie. It is you that may make me sure of that that you coūseil me. To your handes & to your succour I fle. I would not liue though I might agaīst your willes, & though you wold yet can I not, except I be deliuered from these my enemies. Hereupon Philotas was brought furth in an old garment, his hādes bound behind his back. It wel appeared how much this miserable sight moued thē whiche late before enuied him. The daye before they sawe him generall of the horsemē, they knew that he was at supper with the king, & sodainly they sawe him both prisoner, bound like a thefe, & also cōdempned to dye. So did it pity their hartes to cōsider how Parmenio so noble a mā, so great a captain, which late hauing lost two of his sonnes, Hector, & Nicanor, shuld be put to answer absent, with the third sonne, whō euell fortune had left him. The multitude being thus enclined to pitye. Amintas one of the kinges officers, Amyntas tale. with a cruel tale set them all against the prisoner, we be all ( qd he) betrayed to the barbarous naciōs, none of vs shal returne home to his coūtrey, wife nor frēdes, but as a maymed body without an head without honour, without fame, in a straunge countrey, shalbe a mocking stock to our enemies. His tale was nothing pleasaūt to y e king, because he put the souldiers in remēbraunce of their wifes & coūtrey, wherby he thought they would be the lesse willing to go forwardes in his warres. There was one Cenus which though he had maried the suster of Philotas, Cenus. yet did he more extremely [...]uay againste hym then any other, calling hym traitour against his kyng, to his countrey & to the whole army. And therupō toke vp a stone that by chaunce laye at his feete, to haue [Page 116] cast at Philotas; which he dyd (as some thought) to thende he might rid him from racking. But the king kepte backe his hand, & said y t the prisoner should haue libertie to speake for him self, & would not suffre him to be cōdempned otherwise. Then Philotas being admitted to speak, were it through y e cōscience of his offence, or through the greatnes of his perill, as a mā astonied, and besides him self, durste neither loke vp nor speake, but burste out into teares. Wherupon his hart fainted, and he swowned downe vpon those that ledde him But afterwardes when he had wiped his eyes, and by little and little recouered his hart, and tonge, he made countenaunce to speake. What tyme the kinge beheld hym and said. The Macedons shalbe thy iudges. I woulde knowe therefore whither thou wilt speake vnto them in thy countrey language or not, to whom Philotas aunswered? There be diuers nacions here besides the Macedons, which as I trust shall perceiue my wordes the better. If I vse the same language that you did, bicause the moe myght vnderstand your tale. Then said the kinge marke howe this man hath his owne Countrey tonge in hatred, for ther is none but he that will dysdaine to speake it: but let him say what he will so long as you remembre, that he not onely disdayneth our custumes but also our language. And with y t word the king departed from thassemble. Then saied Philotas. The aunswere of Philotas. It is easy for an innosent to finde words to speake, but it is very hard for a mā in misery to keape a temperaunce in his tale. Thus standyng betwixt a cleare cōscience & most vnhappie fortune. I know not in what wise I shal satisfie my self, & the time both togither. For he y t might beste haue iudged my cause is gone, what y e cause is he would not here me, I cannot [Page] well imagen, sith vpon the matter heard, it lieth onely in his hādes both to discharge, & cōdemne me. For the matter not heard, he can not acquite me beyng absent, since he cōdēpned me whē he was here presēt. But not withstanding that the defence of a prisoner is not only superfluous, but also hatefull, which semeth not to enforme, but to reproue the iudge. Yet wil I not forsake my self, nor so do, that I shal seme cōdempned by mine owne defaulte. I se not of what treason I shoulde be gilty, emong the cōspiratours no man named me. Nichomacus saied nothing of me. Ceballinus could not tel more of me then he heard. And yet doth the king beleue that I should be head of this conspiracye. Was it possible that Dymnus should forget to name him that was chefe? or is it likely that he wold haue ouerslipped me, whē the names of the conspirators were demaunded of him? he would rather haue named me falsely to alure the yong man the soner to his opinion, yet when he tolde y e matter priuely to Nichomacas, which he beleued verilye would haue kept it secrede, namyng hym selfe and all the rest, of me only he made no mencion: wherin it can not be gathered: that he omitted me, for bicause he woulde haue spared me. I [...]raye you my felowes if no man had come to me, no [...]ge [...]en me knowledge of the matter, should I this day haue bene put to answere, whē no man could haue accused me? But beit that Dimnus were aliue & wold spare me, what thinke you by the other? would thei cōfesse of thēselues, & forbeare me aduersitie as subiecte to manye miseries. An offender whē he is punished him self, vseth not to kepe silence to spare another man. Comonlye he that goeth to death wil spare no man nor no mā wil spare him y t is ready to dye, & yet so many as be giltye & put to tormentes, [Page 117] wil there none cōfesse the trueth? But now I must aunswere to the point y t was offence, if there were any. Why did I cōceile treasō? why did I heare it with so small regarde? this fault, if it were a faulte, thou hast pardoned me O Alexander whersoeuer thou a [...]t, by geuing me thy hand, & bidding me to thy banc [...]uet in token of atonement. If thou didst beleue me, I am clere. If thou forgauest me, I am quitte. Stand at the least to thine owne iudgemēt. Alas what haue I done sīce this laste nyghte▪ I wente from thy bourde? What newe reporte hathe chaunged thy mynde?
I rested in a sound slepe, when mine enemies by their bindyng waked me that was sleapyng in myne, owne misfortune? Offēders whē thei can not slepe through their vnquiet coscience are wont to be vexed with rages, not onely when their mischiefe is intended, but also whē it is ended. But this [...]uietnes came to me first throughe mine owne innocencye, and then by the kinges pardon. I feared not that others cruel [...]y, shoulde take more place then his mercye. But least he shoulde forthinke that he beleued me, ye shall vnderstande that the matter was firste shewed me by a light felow, who could not bring any witnes or warāt of his tale, which if I had disclosed, should haue put many men to trouble. O vnhappy man. I thought mine eares had bene seduced, with the brabblemētes of two boggerers, and I suspected the trouth of the partie, because he did not vtter the matter him selfe, but procured his brother to do it. I was in feare that the one shoulde haue denied that euer he shewed anye suche matter to the other, and then shoulde I haue seamed to procure much trouble to manye of the Kynges frendes.
So that where I offended none, I haue found some [Page] more desirous to procure my death then to saue my lief What hatred suppose ye shuld I haue gotten if I had accused innocents? But Dymnus slew him self? could I therefore deuyne afore that he would so do? no surely Thus his death being the thing that only tried thaccusatyon trewe, could not moue me to vtter it being preuēted by an other. And if I had bene cōspiratour with Dymnus of so great a treason: It is not like that I would haue dyssimuled by the space of two daies after it was discouered? As for Ceballinus it had bene smal mastery to haue dispatched him out of y e way. After the thing dysclosed wherefore should I haue delayed the matter? I entred into the kings chambre alone hauing weapon about me, whye deferred I my purpose? durst I not attempt it with out Dymnus? no parchaunce ye wyll saye, bicause he was the cheife conspirator howe then standeth it to gither, that I should be hys vnderling, which did couet to be king of Macedon? which of you al hath bene corrupte of me wyth bribes, what capitaine, what officer haue I made of aboue other? It is laide to my charge that I abhorre the speakinge of my countrey language, and that I disdaine the manners of the Macedons. What? do I so dispise the kyngdome that I couet? Ye knowe well that our naturall tounge through the conuersacion of straung nacions is gonne out of vre, as wel we that be victorers as they that be subdued must learne a newe language. But suerly these things make no more against me thē dyd the treason that Amintas the sonne of Pardycas intended agaynste the Kynge. Wyth whom I had frendshyp I wyll not deny, excepte ye wyll make it a thinge vnlawfull to loue the kynges brother. But [...]ythens it was our dutie to honor a mā called to y e degre [Page 118] of fortune I besech you am I gilty bicause I coulde not gesse before that he would offend. Is the lawe so y t the frends of offenders must suffre being innocents? If that be reason why liue I so longe? if it be no reasō why am I cōdempned to die? But then I wrot that I had pietie of those that should liue vnder such a one as beleued him selfe the Sonne of Iupiter. O faithfull fendship and daungerous libertie of true counsel, that deceiued me, that compelled me not to hide y t I thought I confesse that I wrote so to the kinge but not of the king. I dyd it not for spite, but for my duities sake. Mee thought it more meter for Alexander to haue knowledged the kindred of Iupiter wyth silence, then to haue made auannt therof with vaine bosting. But forbicause the truth of goddes Oracle is certeine, lette god be witnes in my cause. Retaine me in prison till ye may know Iupiters aunswere concerning this cō spirasie. And in the meane season he that hath vouchsaued our kynge to be his sonne, will suffre none of them that haue cōspired againste his ofspring to be vnknown If you suppose tormentes more certaine then Oracles I wil not desire to be saued from them in triall of the truth. There is an olde vsage that such as be put to aunswere vpon life & death are wont to bring there parents and kinsfolks before you. Two brothers of late haue I loste, my father neither I can bringe forth, nor dare cal for, bicause he is accused of this treason likewise. Is it a small thing for him that was the father of many children, and hauing but one sonne lest him in whom to take pleasure, not only to lose him, but also to lease his owne life with him? Therfore my most dere father shalt thou dye for me, & with me it is I that take thy liefe from the. It is I that ende thyne olde [Page] dayes. Why diddest thou beget me vnhappy wretch in hatred of the gods? to take such frute by me, as is prepared for the. I am in doubt whether my youth be more vnhappy or thy age. For I in the very floure of myne yeres am wedded vp▪ & there cutioner shall bereue the thy life. Whiche if fortune would haue suffred to continew, yet nature would haue asked or it had bene lōg. The remēbraunce of my father doth put me in mynd, how loth & timerous that I ought to haue bene in reporting of tales. For when my father was enfourmed that Philip the phisiciō had prepared poyson for y e king, he wrote a letter to warne the king, that he should not receiue the medicine, that his phisicion had prepared: was my father beleued? was his letter of any aucthoritie? I my self when I haue reported such thinges as I hard, how often haue I bene shaken of with a check for my light belefe, so that when we tel thinges we are hated, & whē we hold our peace, we are suspected: what would you haue vs do? Then one of the company that stode by, cried out, y t none ought to be traitours to them that put them in trust. Thou saiest well ( qd Philotas) whosoeuer thou art. And therfore if I haue done treason. I require no respect of my paine. And here will I make an end of speaking, because my last wordes seme tedious to your eares.
And as he was speaking so, his keapers led him away. There was amōges the captaines one Belon, Belons euidence, a hardy man, but very rude of al honest maner & ciuilitie, who being an old souldier, was promoted frō lowe estate to the rowme of a captain. This Belon presuming vpon a folishe audacitie (when all others had done) began to tell thē: that whē diuers had taken vp their lodginges in the campe, how they were thurst out by the seruauntes of Philotas, which would [Page 119] lay their baggage, where other mē were placed before. And how all the streates were ful of his wagons, ladē with gold and siluer. He added further that Philotas would suffre none to lodge nere him, but alwayes appointed certaine to wayte whiles he stept, which should voyde al men alowf to thintēt he should not be disquieted with any noyse, not so much for wakening of him. as for his diseasing. And howe he was so hault that he dispised the plaine men of Phrigia, and Paphlagonia, & being a Macedō borne, would not be ashamed to here men of his owne nacion by an interpreter. And where as Philotas had before moued to haue the oracle of Iupiter enquired of, he sayd it was ment therby to make God a lier, for knowledging Alexāder, to be his sonne, as though any man should enuie the king for that title whiche the goddes had geuen him. But why ( qd he) did he not aske counsel of Iupiter afore he did offend, For nowe he would haue vs send for an oracle, that in the meane season his father which ruleth in Media might raise a power vp, & with the money y t he hath in custody might assemble disperat persones to the felowship of his mischief. Neuertheles we shal ( qd he) send to Iupiter, not to enquire of any thing towching the matter, but to geue him thankes, & do him sacrifice, for the preseruacion of so good a king. Then all the cōpany was moued, and amonges the kinges houshold there began a crye that the traytour shoulde be rent in peaces. Whiche thyng Philotas (who feared more greuous punyshement) was content to heare. The kyng returnyng into the prease, deferred the counsell till the next day, to thintēt to cōmit Philotas either to prison there to be racked, or els in the meane season to get further knowledge of thinges. And albeit, it drue towardes [Page] night yet commaunded he hys counsell to be called together. Some of them thought it best Philotas should be stoned to death after the Macedōs lawes. Ephestiō Craterus, and Cenus determined to haue the trouth tried by tormentes, and then they which counseled the contrary turned to their opynion. Therfore when the counsel was broken vp. Ephestion, with craterus and Cenus arose to take Philotas thexaminacion. The king called Craterus vnto him, and commauding the rest to auoide, had secret cōmuinicacion with him in the innermoste parte of his lodging, theffect wherof came not to any mans knowledg. And their taried tyll the night was farre passed, Philotas. [...]acked to here thend of thexaminaciō The executyoners set forth al sortes of cruel torments in the sight of Philotas who of his own mind said vnto them. Why deferre you to kill such one as hath confessed hym selfe the kings enemy and a traitour? what nedeth more examinacion? It was myne intent, It was my wil. Craterꝰ mind was that whatsoeuer was confessed before, should be cōfessed by Philotas againe vpon the racke. Whych whiles he was taken vp. hys eyes bounden, and spoyled of his clothes, cried out vpon the lawe of nature, and the gods of the countrey. But al was in vaine to their death eares. Fynally as a condempned man, he was torne wyth moste extreame torments by his enemies, that wronge him sore for the kinges pleasure. And notwithstanding that at the first fire on the one side, and scourges on thother were ministred vnto him, more to payne him then for any examinacion sake, yet he had powre of him self to refraine both from speaking and groning. But after that hys body beganne to be bolne with stripes, & that he coulde not abide the scourges that persed vnto the bare bones [Page 120] Then he promised if they would torment him no more, he would confesse whatsoeuer they shoulde require to know. But first he would haue them swere by the life of Alexander, that thei shoulde cesse their tormentes, & set the racke aside. The which thing obteyned, he saied to Craterus: Tell me what wil ye haue me to cōfesse? Therat Craterus was displeased, thinkinge by those wordes y t he had mocked him, The confession or Philotas. & caused his tormentes to be renued. Then Philotas besought him to haue a time of respite, whiles he might take his breath, & then he would vtter all that euer he knewe. In the meane season, the chefe of the men at armes, & especially such as were nere to Parmenio in any degre of kinred, after that the fame had bruted that Philotas was tormē ted, fearing the Macedōs law, wherin it was ordeined that the kins [...]olke of suche as had done treasō against the king, should be put to death w t the traitors: Some slew them selues, some fled into wilde moūtaines, and waist wildernesses, & great dreade & feare fell through all the host, vntil such time as the king hauing knowlege of that vprore, made proclamation y t he would pardon the rigour of the lawe to the kinsfolke of the traitours. But in cōclusion Philotas made this cōfession, whether it were to deliuer him self out of paine, by accusyng him self falsly or not it is doubted. Seing it is cōmunely sene, that both such as truely cōfesse, & falsly denye, come all to one ende. You are not ignoraunt (quod he) how familier my father was w t Egilocus. I meane the same that was slaine in the feild: he was the cause of all our mischiefe: For when the kyng toke vpō him the title of Iupiters sonne, he disdained therat. Shal we knowlege him (quod he) to be our kyng y t taketh scorne that Phillip was his father? We are al vndone [Page] if we can suffer this. He doth not onelye despise men, but y e Gods also, which wil be reputed a God. We haue lost Alexander, we haue lost our kyng. We are fallen to presumption, nether tollerable to the Gods with whom he cōpareth, neither to men whom he despiseth. Haue we with our bloud made him a god, which despiseth vs which disdayneth to be in the numbre of men? Trust me y t we also if we be men shall be adopted likewise of the Gods. Who hath reuēged the deathes of Alexādre his great grandfather, or of Archilaus or Perdicas? But this man (quod he) hath forgeuen thē that slewe his father. These were the wordes y t Egilocus spake about supper time, and on the morowe early my father sent for me, who was heauy and sawe me sadde, for we both had heard that, which made vs out of quiet. Therefore to proue whether he babled those woordes through excesse of wine, or of an aduised purpose cōceiued before, we thought good to send for him, & sekyng occasion of the same cōmunicatiō he of his own mind said further: that if we durst vndertake the aduenture, he would not shrynke from vs, or if our hartes serued not he would kepe our counsayle. Yet so long as Darius was liuyng my father thought all the matter out of time because the death of Alexāder should be to the auaile of our enemies, and not of our selues. But Darius once ridde out of the waye, then he that could destroy the kynge should obtaine the empire of Asia, and all the orient for his reward, whiche coūsaile beyng approued, faieth and trouth was geuen therupon. But concernyng Dimnus I know nothing. When he had confessed all thys matter, I perceyue (quod he) that it dothe not auayle me that I am vtterlye gilties of this treason. Then thei renued his tormentes againe, and [Page 121] so beate his face and his eyes with the troncheons of their speares, vntil they enforced him, not onely to cō fesse of him selfe, but also to shewe the circumstaunces of the whole treason prepēced. The secōde cōfession of Philotas. Because (quod he) it semed y t the king would soiourne long among the Bactriās, I was afrayed least my father that had so greate a power in his handes, and the keping of so much treasure, (beyng .lxx. yere of age) should happe to die in the meane season, & thē being disarmed of so great a strē gth, should not get oportunitie to slea the kyng. Wherfore I hasted the matter, while the praye was in hand. Thus discouered he the conspiracye, wherof if thei beleued his father to be aucthour, he saied for his trial he refused not to be tormented againe, though it were to greuous for him to endure. The officers then whisperyng together thought the examination to be sufficient, returned therwithall to the Kynge, whiche on the morow caused al the cōfession there to be opēly recited before Philotas, whō he caused to be led into the place, because he was not able to go, where he cōfessed all the matter againe. Then Demetrius was brought forth, Demetrius whiche was counted the greatest doer in this conspiracye next to Philotas. But he with great protestatiō and incredible sloutenes both of harte & coūtenaunce, denyed that he euer intended any euill against y e king, and for his triall desiered to be tormented. Then Philotas castyng his eyes about, Calis spied one Calis standing by, and made a sygne to him to draw nere. Who being abashed, & refusing to come forwards. Wilt thou (quod he) suffer Demetrius to lye, & me to be strayned again. With those words Calis became speachles, & chaūged color. Thē the Macedōs begā to suspect y t he wold accuse innocēt, bicause y e same Calis was nether named by [Page] Nichomacus, nor by Philotas him selfe in his tormentes. But finallye Philotas before the kinges officers standing therabout, cōfessed that all the treason was conspired by him self & Demetrius. Wherfore as many as were appeached by Nichomacus, vpon a tokē geuen, Philotas put to death were stoned to death according to the Macedons lawe. Thus was Alexander deliuered frō great peril not only of his life, but also of his surety. For Parmenio and Philotas, beyng of suche power▪ if thei had not openly bene found culpable, coulde not haue bene condempned without the great grudge of the armye. So long therfore as Philotas as denied the thing, the matter semed doubtfull, and many men thought him cruellye handled. But after he hadde confessed the circumstaunces, no man, not so muche as his neare frendes toke any pitye of him.
The seuenth boke of Quintus Curtius of the actes of the great Alexander Kyng of Macedon.
LIke as the men of warre thought Philotas iustly put to death, his offence beyng fresh in memorie, euen so after he was gone, whō thei before hated, their enuye was turned to pitie. The noblenes of the yong man moued theim muche, so did the remēbraunce of the olde yeres and desolatiō of his father. He was the firste that made the waye open for Alexander into Asia, alwaies partaker of his perils, as he whiche in the warres was euer captayne of his vowarde, chiefe a counsaile with the kynge his father, and so trusty to Alexander him selfe, that in oppressing of Attalus his enemye, he would vse no other mans seruice. The remembraunce of these thinges was ripe among al the souldiours, & sedicious wordes came to the kinges eares, who being litle moued therwith, did wisely with trauaile auoide the euel occasiōs cōming of idlenes. Wherfore he made it so be proclaimed that all men should be in redines before the court gate, where thei being once assembled, he came for [...]h to speake vnto thē. And as it was before deuised, required the bande of the Agrians to bring forth one Alexander Lincestes, whiche long before Philotas. Alexander Lincestes had cō spired the kinges death. This mā being accused of two witnesses (as afore is said) had remained in prison .iii. yeres together. It was also proued y t he was of counsell with Pāsanias in the killing of king Phillip. But because he saluted first Alexāder by the name of king, his punishement was deferred, rather then his offēce [Page] forgeuē. For at the intercessiō of Antipater his father in law, the king had respected his iust indignation for the time. But the old festred sore brake out againe, and the cōsideration of his perill present, renued the remē braunce of that y t was passed. Therefore when he was brought forth of pryson, & commaunded to saye for him selfe, albeit he had .iii. yeres leasure to deuise his aunswere, yet stammeryng and tremblinge coulde bringe forth but little of that whiche he purposed to saie, & finally both his memory and his harte failed him. Wherfore there was none that doubted, but that his fearfulnes was a token of a gilty conscience, and no default of memory, so that whiles he was staggering and hacking in his tale, they that stode next thrust him through with their pikes, whose bodye conueied out of the place the kinge commaunded Amintas and Simmannas to be brought forth, Amintas & Simmannas brought to iudgement. for Palemon their yongest brother after he had knowledge of Philotas torment fledde away. Of al Philotas frēdes, these .ii. were most deare vnto him, & through his commendation, aduaunced to high & honorable offices. The kinge remēbryng wyth what earnestnes and labour Philotas had brought thē into his fauour, doubted not but they wer priuy to this last cōspiracy. And therupon he declared to the multitude, Alexāders accusatiō against them that he had occasiō of suspectiō against those mē long agoe by his mothers letters, wherby he had warning to beware of thē, and y t now fearing the sequel of worser incōueniences, had made thē sure, wherunto he was enforced by apparaūt presūptions. First he saied y t day before Philotas treason came to light, it was well knowen y t they had much cōference w t him in secrete, & also their brother which fled away whē Philotas was on y t racke, had declared by the absēting of him self the [Page 123] cause of his fliyng. He shewed also that of late, cōtrary to their accustomed maner of waiting, without any cause mouing thē therunto, but only by pretence of diligence preased next about the king of all other, wherat marueilyng that they would furnish a roume wherunto thei were not appointed, became so in doubt of their clustering together, that he returned into the traine of the gētlemen y t folowed him. He declared besides that when Antiphanes clarke of the stable, Antiphanes the daye before Philotas treasō came to light, according to his accustomable maner, gaue knowlege to Amintas y t he should deliuer of his horse to such as had loste their owne: He proudly aunswered again, that except he would cōtent him selfe, he should know shortly what maner of man he was. Which violence of tonge, & rashnes of wordes bulked out (quod he) was nothing els but a declaratiō & token of his traiterous hart. These thinges beyng true (he saied) thei had no lesse deserued thē Philotas, and if they were otherwise, he desired thei might aunswere vnto the pointes. Therupon Antiphanes was brought in to geue euidence of the horse not deliuered and of his proud aunswere geuē w t threatening. Whē Amintas had gottē libertie to speake, he desired of the king, y t whiles they answered for thē selues, their bādes might be losed, which thing obtayned, he made suite to haue his garment cast vpō him. Thanswer of Amintas Which Alexander not only graūted, but willed also such a spere to be deliuerd to his handes as other esquires vsed. When he had receiued the same, he eschued a little the place where the corps of Lincestes laye, & saied in this wise. Whatsoeuer shall become of vs (sir kyng) we muste thinke if our chaunce be good, y e same to procede of your fauour [Page] & if it be yil, we must iudge y e fault to be in our fortune seinge you suffer vs to pleade our cause without preiudice, setting our mindes free, & our bodies at large, with y e same apparel restored vs, wherin we were wōte to folow you. Our cause is suche that we cā not doubt of it, and we are passed the feare of fortune. Therfore with your fauoure I wil aunswere first those poyntes wherwith you charged vs laste. We knowe most assuredly that we be innocent of any kind of wordes spokē to the derogation of your maiestie. And durst affirme that you had ouercome all enuy of men, but that peraduenture you would thinke that I wente aboute wyth faire wordes to excuse thinges that haue bene maliciously spoken. Though it were so that wordes sometime did escape vs, either when we were fainte, or weried in marchyng, hasardyng our selues in fightynge, or elles when we were sicke, or dressyng of our woūdes, our honest doynges otherwise do deserue, y t ye shoulde rather impute the same to the time, then to any euil dispositiō in vs. For it is commenly sene where any thing chaū ceth amisse, al mē in maner become gilty of this fault. We do violence sometime to our owne bodies whiche we hate not. Yea, the comming of the fathers vnto the children sometime is bothe vngratefull, and also hateful. But on the other side, whē we receiue rewardes or giftes, or whē we come ladē home with spoyle, who can the stay vs? who cā restraine our chearefulnes? or who cā resist our courage in fighting? The nature of mā is nether to kepe measure in displeasure, nor in gladnes. Thus are we driuē by the violēce of affectiō, sometime w t pitie, & sometime with fury, as our presēt desire doth gouern vs. One while we are in mind to passe through India as far as the Occeā sea, & by & by the memory of our [Page 124] wiues, children, and countrey, call vs backe agayne, & dothe alter our purpose. But as sone as the trumpet bloweth, straight al these imaginations do passe away, and euerye man then runneth into his araye, and reuenge vpon their enemies, the displeasures thei haue conceiued within their lodgynges. I woulde Philotas had offended but onelye in wordes, but passynge ouer that, I will returne to the other poynte wherof we be accused. The frendship y t was betwixt Philotas & vs. I will not onely not denye, but also confesse that we did couet the same, & receiued therby great cōmoditye. Do you maruaile that we did honoure and esteme the Sonne of Parmenio, whom you did chose to be next about your persone, and did auaunce aboue all other your frēdes? you your self (if it please you to heare the trueth) are the cause of this our peryl. What other thing moued vs to couet Philotas frendshyppe, then that wee desired to please you. By his preferment we were aduaūced to that degree of your fauour. He stode in such case wyth you, that it behoued vs as well to sue for his beneuolence, as to feare to get his displeasure. Haue not we sworne that we shoulde repute your enemies our enemies? and honoure your frendes as our owne? Should we haue bene found disobediēt in thys bonde of our dutie? and specially towardes him, whom ye did preferre aboue al mē. If this be a fault, ye haue fewe innocentes, or surely none at all. All men desired to be Philotas frendes, but all that did couet coulde not be accepted. So if ye will make no difference betwene the parteners of his treason, and suche as were his frendes, then so many be offenders as would haue bene his frendes. What presūption haue you now that we shoulde offende? I thinke because yesterday Philotas [Page] talked w t vs familiarly alone. Therof I cā not excuse my selfe, if yesterday I chaūged any thing of mine accustomed maner & liuyng, but if so be we vsed euery day to do the like, then custome must nedes make it to be none offēce. But it may be said the horses were not deliuered to Antiphanes? and the day before Philotas was detected, this matter was betwene Antiphanes & me, for which cause if he wold make me to be suspected because I deliuered him not my horses that day. There shal rise a doubtfull plee betwene the denier & the demaūder, sauing that his cause is better that kepeth stil his owne, thē his that requireth another mans. I had ten horses, of y e which Antiphanes had distributed .viii to suche as had loste their owne, so there remained behind onely two, which whē he would proudly, & wrongfully haue taken away. I was enforced to kepe thē stil, except I would haue serued on fote. I can not denye but this cōmunicatiō was had betwene a man of a fre stomake, & a person of a vile nature, which could do no maner seruice, but take away mēs horses, & geue thē to other. What mischef is this, y t at one time I must purge my selfe both to Alexander and to Antiphanes. But to the other poynte that your mother did write to you of vs, as of your enemies. I would god she had more wisely bene careful of hir sonnes safegarde, thē doubtfully imagined such fained figures. Why doth she not also expresse y e cause of hir feare? Besides she sheweth not hir aucthour, nor yet signifieth one word wherby she was moued to write to you suche letters of feare. O wretched estate of mine, whiche standeth in lesse hasarde to howe my peace, thē to speake. Yet howsoeuer the matter shall passe. I had rather mine excuse shoulde displease you, then my cause. If you remembre when ye [Page 125] sente me to fetche newe souldiours out of Macedon, ye shewed me that in your mothers house there lurked many lusty yong gētlemen, wherfore ye cōmaūded me that in executing your cōmissiō I should spare none, but brynge with me perforce all suche as refused the warres. Whyche thynge I did, and fulfilled your will therin more largelye then was expedient for me. For I brought vnto you Gorgeas, Herateus, and Gorgata, whiche nowe minister vnto you right acceptable seruice. What creature therfore is more wretched thē I? which if I had not fulfilled your will, should rightfully haue suffered, and nowe peryshe because I obeyed you. For truely there was none other cause that moued your Mother to persecute vs, then that we preferred your vtilitie before a womans fauoure. I brought vnto you of Macedons .vi.M. footemen. & .viii. hūdred horsemen, of the which, the more part woulde not haue folowed me. If I hadde released suche as woulde not haue come. It is reason therefore, that in as muche as your mother is displeased wyth vs for your cause, that ye mitigate her, in whose displeasure ye haue put vs. Whiles Amyntas was thus pleadynge his cause, thei y t had pursued his brother Palemon (of whō we spake before) came leadyng him bounde into the place. Palemon. Then the rage of the people could scaresly be pacified, but as the maner was in such causes, thei would haue stoned Palemon to deathe. Yet he boldelye spake to theim and saied. I desire no fauoure for my selfe, so that my fliynge be not hurteful to the innocency of my brethrē, whom if ye can not thinke cleare, let the faulte be layed to me. For their matter appeareth the better, because I whyche fled awaye am suspected.
Assone as he had spokē these wordes, the whole assēble [Page] were inclined in his fauoure. and resolued to teares, beyng so sodainly cōtrary turned, that now they were al conuerted on his parte, whiche a litle before were al against him. He was in the prime stoure of his youth, & through other mens feare, fled away amōgest those horsemen, which were amased at Philotas tormentes. His cōpanye had left him behinde, & whiles he was in doubte whether he might turne againe, or fle further forwardes, was taken by theim whiche pursued after him. He thē began to wepe, and beate him selfe about the face, not so much lamentyng his owne chaūce, as y e case of his brethren beyng in daūger for his cause, with which his behauour he moued the kyng, and al the cō pany there present. Onely his brother Amintas coulde not be pacified, but behelde him with a fierce countenaunce, & saied: O madde creature, then oughtest thou to haue wept, when thou diddest put thy spores to thy horse, as a traitour to thy brethren, and a companion of traitours. Thou wretche, whether & from whence didest thou flye? Thou hast now brought to passe y t bothe I am thought worthy of death, & also must become an accuser of other. Palemon therupō confessed him selfe to haue offended in that pointe, but more greuously against his brethren, then towardes him selfe. Thē the multitude coulde not abstaine from weaping & showting, being tokens wherby men in an assēble are wont to declare their affections, and with one consent they cried all to the kyng with one voyce, y t he woulde spare innocentes, and men of seruice, his frendes also vpon that occasion did rise, and with wepyng eyes required the kynge of mercye.
Amyntas pardoned.Then he comman̄ded silence, & saied: By mine owne iudgemente I do pardon bothe you Amyntas, & your [Page 126] brethren, desirous that ye should be more myndfull of my benefite, then of your owne ieopardy. Come in fauour againe with me with that fidelitie I am reconsiled vnto you, except those thinges which were brought in euidence had bene debated and tried to the vttermoste, my dissimulacion might haue bene suspected in this matter, better it is therfore to be clered, then to remayne in Ielousy, and thinke that no man can be acquited except he be first detected. Thou Amintas pardon thy brother, & let that be a tokē of thy harte recōsiled vnto me. This done, the king dismissed the assēble, & sent for Poledamas, Poledamas whō of all mē Parmenio loued best, accustomed alwayes to stand next hym in battayll, and though the clerenes of his conscience did assure him to come boldly, yet after he was commaunded to bryng furth his brethren being but young & vnknowē to the kyng. his confidence was turned into feare, and began to doubte, imagening in his minde rather suche thinges as might hurte him, then by what meanes he was thus circūuented. In the meane seasō the guarde whiche had commaundemēt thereunto, brought furth his brethrē. When the kyng sawe Poledamas pale for feare, he called hym nere, and commaunding al men aparte, sayd vnto hym. Through Parmenios treason, Alexanders wordes to Poledamas we were all in daunger, but chiefly I and thou, whome vnder colour of frendship, he disceiued moste: In the pursuyng and punishement of whome, see howe much I trust thy fidelitie, for I am determined to vse the as a minister therein, and whiles thou goest about it, thy brethrē shalbe thy pledges. Thou shalt go into Media and beare my letters to my officers, writtē with mine owne hand. It is necessary haste be made, that the swiftnes of the fame may be preuented. I will that ye [Page] come thether in the night, and that the tenour of my writing be executed the day after, ye shall cary letters likewise to Parmenio, one from me, and an other written in the name of Philotas, I haue his signet in my custody. So that when Parmenio shall see both the, & the letter sealed with his sonnes ringe, he wilbe without any suspition. Polydamas being thus deliuered of his feare, promised his diligence a great deale more ernestly then he was required. When Alexāder sawe his promptnes in the matter, bothe commended his good will, and rewarded him accordingly. And Polidamas chaunged his owne apparell, and toke other after the Araby fashion with two men of the same countrey, to be his guide, for whose truth their wifes and children were pledges in the meane season. And so they passed on Camels through suche places as were desert for lacke of moysture, and within .xi. dayes came to their iourneys ende, before any knewe of their commyng. Polydamas then toke againe his Macedons apparell, and in the dead of the night, Cleander. came into Cleanders lodging, whiche had the chief auctoritie there, next vnto Parmenio. When Cleander by his letters vnderstode y e kinges pleasure, Polydamas hauing more letters to deliuer likewise to others, agreed by the spryng of the day to go al togethers vnto Parmenio. As they were going, tidīges came to Parmenio of Polydamas arriual, who reioysing both for the cōming of his frēd, and for the desire he had to knowe of the kinges estate (the rather because he had receiued no letter from him a long space) commaunded Polydamas to be sought out. The houses of that countrey haue large backsydes, and pleasaunt orchardes, full of trees beyng the chefe delight of princes, and greate lordes there. [Page 127] The capitaines whiche had receiued commaundemēt by the kynges letters to kyll hym, came to Parmenio, walkyng vnder the shadow of the trees, beyng agreed amonges them selues to execute the thyng, when he should begynne to rede his letters. So sone as Parmenio had spied Polydamas comming a farre of, with a semblaunt of ioye (as it appeared by his coūtenaūce) ranne to embrace hym, and after salutacion geuen eche to other, deliuered the kinges letter. As he was vnclosing it, he demaunded of Polidamas what the king intended to do: you shall knowe that (quod he) by the content of your letters. Whiche when he had redde. I perceiue (quod Parmenio) that the kyng purposeth a voyage againste the Arochosians, surely he is a painfull prince, and neuer in rest. But nowe after so much glory wonne, it were tyme for hym to take his ease, & haue consideracion of his health and sauegarde. And then he redde the other letter written in the name of Philotas, wherat he was ioyfull as appeared by his countenaunce. Parmenio slayne. With that Cleander stabbed him with his sworde into the side, & after striking him ouer the throte the residue thurst him in as he lay dyēg. But Parmenios men whiche stode nere at hād, and sawe the murder, wherof they knew not the cause, ran into the cāpe, & with their troublous tydinges, set all those souldiers in a rore. Whiche streight ran al to harneis, & clustring together about the place where the murder was done, made an exclamacion, that except Polydamas & the other doers of that dede, were deliuered to their hādes, they would ouerthrow the walle and make sacrifice to their dead capitayne, with their bloud. Cleander willed the chief of thē to be let in, & recited the kinges letters, wherin was cōteined the treasō of Parmenio intēded [Page] against him, with a request to them to see it reuenged. Then immediatly vpon the kynges pleasure knowen the sedicion was appeased, but the grudge was not rid out of their hartes. The moste part departed, sauing a fewe whiche required instantly that at the lest they might be suffred to bury the body. It was denied thē long by reason of Cleander, who dreaded the kynges displeasure, but because they beganne to waxe more earnest, intending to auoyde matter of sedicion, he cut of the head whiche he sent to the kyng, and lefte them the body to bury. This was the end of Parmenio, a noble man both in warre and peace, many thynges had he done valiaūtly without the kyng, but the kyng with out hym did euer any thyng worthy prayse. He serued and satisfied in all affaires, a kyng moste happy & fortunate, and being .lxx. yeares of age, executed thoffice of a capitaine, as liuely as though he had bene young in yeares, and pretermitted not oftentimes the partes of a common souldier. He was quicke in counsel, doubtie of dead, welbeloued of all princes, but moste dere to the common sorte of souldiers. yet whether those thynges did moue him to couer to be kyng, or els caused hym to be suspected therof, it is yet doubted. For whether the wordes that Philotas spake, whē he was ouercome with the paines in his last tormentes were true or false, or els that he sought and end of his paine, by accusing hym self falsely, it was muche doubtfull, seyng there was nothing proued at suche tyme as the matter was moste fresh in memory. Such as Alexander perceiued to grudge at the death of Philotas, were seperated from the rest of the army, and put into one Cohort vnder Leonidas their Capitaine, Leonidas. whiche in times past was of nere familiaritie with Parmenio, [Page 128] the kyng bare priuie displeasure against them, and therefore willing to proue the disposiciō of euery man, gaue warnyng throughout the army, that all suche as would write into Macedonia, and haue their letters surely conueyed, should bring them to be caried with such as he would send. Wherupō euery man did write frākely to their frendes, such thinges as were in their hartes. Some shewed thē selues to be offended with the long wa [...]res, and some semed to be well pleased. But all their letters were intercepted aswell of suche as commended the kyng, as of those that grudged at his doinges. Wherfore he willed suche as by their letters disclosed them selues to be wery of the trauaill of the warres, for their reproche to be put in a band apart from the rest. Wherby he both gaue them occasion to shewe their hardines, and besides remoued the libertie of their tongues, from the credulous eares of the rest. Whiche rashe deuise, as all other thinges, turned to the setting furth of the kinges felicitie. For in al extremities they shewed themselues the rediest and the moste forward, and whyles they coueted to redeame their reproche, their valiaunt doinges could not be hidden in so small a nombre separate by them selues. These thinges being ordred after this maner, he appointed a ruler ouer the Arians, Arians, and proclaymed his iourney against the Ariaspians, whiche by chaunging of their name, were called Euergitans, Euergitans since the tyme that they releued Cyrus army with lodging and vitel, beyng afflicted with colde and penury. It was the fift daye before he entred into their countrey, where he vnderstode that Satibarzanes whiche toke Bessus part was with a power of horsemen entered againe amonges the Arians. He sent against hym Caranus & Erigius, [Page] and in their ayde Artabasus, and Andromacus, with syx thousand Greke footemen, and syxe hundred horsemen. Alexander continued .lx. dayes in settyng ordre amonges the Euergitans, vpon whome he bestowed a greate somme of money, for the notable fidelitie they shewed towardes Cirus, & leuing Amydines to be their gouernour, Amydines Arachossiās (who was Darius secretary) He went to subdue the Arachosiās, which border vpon the sea of Ponte. The men of warre that were vnder Parmenios rule, came then to Alexander, beyng syxe thousand Macedons, with two hūdred of the nobilitie, v.M. Greke footemen, and two hundred horsemen, whiche were the chiefest porcion of all his power. To these Arachosians, Mennon. Mennon was appointed lieutenāt with .iiii. thousand footemen, and .vi.C. horsemen. Alexander from thence entred with his army into a coū trey not knowen to such as borderd vpō it. For thinhabitaūtes would not haue cōuersaciō with any other people. Thei were called Paramisadans, Paramisadans. being a rustical kynd of men, & moste rude amongest all the barbarous nacions. The hardnes of the countrey had so indurated their disposicions. They lye moste towardes the coold north pole, ioyning with the Bactrians vpō the west, and bend towardes the Indian sea vpon the south. They vse to build their houses of brick, and because the land is full of bareyne mountaynes & voyde of timbre, they make their whole houses of the same. Whiche beginning brode beneth, growing euermore narrowe towardes the toppe endeth like the keele of a shyp, wheras a hole is made aboue to receiue light. Such of their vynes and trees that bring furth frute, as they will preserue frō the violence of the cold, they couer thē with earth during the winter season, & when [Page 129] the snowe is vanished away, they restore them agayne to the ayer and to the sonne. The earth was there couered with such snow frosen so hard, that there remained no sygne of any birde or beste within the coūtrey. The ayer besides was so darck that litle light appeared, but the earth couered as it were with a dymme shadowe, men could scarsly deserue thinges very nere at hand. The armye brought into this countrey destitute of all cultiuacion of man, suffred all the discomodities and miseries that might be endured, both of hungre, colde, werynes, and dispayre. There were many of them that died for colde, and the snowe destroyed their feete, but specially it perysshed many mennes syght. When they were weried and not able to traueyll any further, they layd themselues downe vpon the frosen snowe. Whiche hauyng once left the mocion of their bodies, whiche stored in thē their naturall heate. They were streyght wayes so nummed for coolde, that they could not ryse agayne tyll they were lift vp by their cō panions. And remedy was there none in this matter but to compell them to go forwardes, for then by storyng of them selues their naturall heat was reuiued, and they recouered agayne some strength. Suche as recouered the Cotagies wherin the coūtreymen dwelled, were very well refresshed. But the darkenes was so greate, that the houses could not be otherwyse deserned then by the smoke. The inhabiters that had neuer sene straungers before amonges them, when they behelde the armed men come sodaynly vpon them, were amased for feare, and brought furth what soeuer they had, to saue their bodies frō violēce, Alexā der went on his fete amōges his men, raising such as [Page] were lieng, & releuing suche as he sawe afflicted with the cold, with his own clothes. He was sene, one while in the forward, another while in the middes, and some tyme in the rereward to the great trauaill of his body. At length they came to places better manured, where he refresshed his army with plenty of vittels, & there remained in campe till suche tyme as al that were left behinde, came vnto their fellowes. Then he went forwardes with his army to the mount Caucasus whiche deuideth all Asia into two partes. Caucasus. For on the one syde it stretcheth towardes the sea of Cilicia, and on the other side, to the Caspian sea, to the ryuer of Araxes, and the desertes of Scythia. To this mount Caucasus, there ioyneth another mountaine, called Taurus, Taurus. next vnto it in bignes, whiche riseth frō Capadochia & passing by Cilicia, closeth with the mountaines of Armeny. Out of these mountaines ioyning thus together as it were in one continuall rydge, all the ryuers of Asia do discende. Some of them ronning into the redde sea, some into the Caspian and Hircanian sea, & other into the Sea of Ponte. In .xvii. dayes Alexander with hys army passed the mounte Caucasus, wherin a rocke that is .x. furlonges in compasse, and foure in height, Prometheus. the antiquitie fayned that Prometheus laye bound. At the foote of this mountaine Alexāder chase out a place to build a cytie, wherin he placed .vii. thousand of the moste auncient Macedons, and such other besides, whose seruice he woulde not vse any more in the warres, and called thesame Alexandria. Alexandria But Bessus that was put in feare with Alexanders celecyte, made sacrifice vnto the Goddes of his countrey, and according to the custome of those nacions, consulted with his frendes and his capitaines, for the mayntenaunce [Page 130] of the warres beyng at meate. And when thei were wel charged with wine, thei extolled greatly their owne power, and despisyng the rashenes of their enemies, and their small numbre. But chiefelye Bessus was moste arrogant in his wordes, who puffed vp with pride by reason of the kingdome he had newely gotten by treason, Bessus wordes. and not master of his wyttes began to declare howe that Darius by his folye hadde encreased his enemies fame, who woulde nedes fight with them in the straightes of Celicia, when by retirynge backe he myght haue drawen them (before they shoulde haue ben ware) into desert places, and there haue put riuers and moūtaines betwene his enemies and him, and amonges the saine so enclosed them, that they coulde by no possibilitye haue fledde away, and much lesse make any resistaunce. Wherfore (he saied) he was become of opiniō to go backe amōges the Sogdians, wheras the riuer of Oxus shoulde be as a walle betwixte him and his enemies, tyll suche time as he myghte assemble a stronge power of the nacions therabout: knowing very well that the Chorasmyons, the Dahans, and Sacans, the Indians, and Scythyans inhabitynge beyonde the riuer of Tanais, woulde come to his assistaunce, of whō there was none so little, that any Macedon with the toppe of his heade coulde reache to his shoulders. They al in their dronkēnes assēted to him, affirming that onely to be the wisest waye. Wherupō Bessus caused the wine to be caried about plentifully to cōquere Alexander vpon drinke. There was at that feaste one Cobares a Median, whyche in the Arte Magick, (if it be an Arte, and not rather a disceyte of s [...]me vayne manne) was more notable by his profession then by his knoweledge, but otherwise a moderate [Page] and an honest man. He making a preamble before his tale: Cobarus wordes. sayd. He was not ignoraunt howe muche more better it was to be obedient to others counsell then to be a counsell geuer. For suche as be folowers of other mennes deuises, are sure to haue no worse fortune then the rest, but suche as be authours and persuaders of any matter, commonly prepare their owne perill, and therwith deliuered the cup he had in his hand, and proceded thus: The nature of man in this respect may be called peruers and euell, because euery one can se better in other mennes matters, then in their own. Their counsels must nedes be alwayes full of perturbacion, whiche take their own aduise. For feare is impediment to some, desire vnto other and to many, the self loue of the thyng that they haue deuised, I will not speake of pryde nor impute it vnto you. Ye haue sene experience howe euery man doth exteme that thyng only to be best, whiche he him self hath inuented. The diademe of a kyng that you were vpon your head is a great burden, whiche if it be not borne moderatly, the weight therof will oppresse the berer: It is not furye can auayle in this case, but wyse and prudent counsel. When he had spoken those wordes, he rehersed a prouerbe commonly vsed amonges the Bactrians which is, that the fearfull dogge dothe barcke more then he doth byte, and that the depest ryuers doth runne with lest noyse. Whiche thinges I haue rehersed, because suche prudence may appeare, as remayned amonges the Barbarous. As he talked after this maner suche as ha [...]de him, wondred to what ende his tale woulde come to. Then he began to shewe his aduise, whiche was more proffitable to bessus then gratefull. Alexanders [Page 131] celerity ( qd he) is suche that he is come in maner to the entrey of your court. He can remoue his armye before you can remoue this table. You say that you will drawe your assistaunce from the ryuer of Tanais, and that you will put ryuers betwixt you & your enemies. I would know if he be not able to folowe, whersoeuer you shall flee. If the way be indifferent, it must nedes be moste easy and assured to the victorer. And though you thinke feare wil make much spede, yet hope is more swifter. It were therfore me thinkes expediēt to procure the fauour of hym that is the mightiest, and yelde your self vnto the stronger. Howe soeuer he shal accept it, your fortune is more lyke to be better that way, then to remayne still an enemy. Consider that you possesse another mans kyngdome, and therfore ye may the better departe therwithall. For ye cannot be a iust kyng, till you receiue the kyngdome of hym that is able to gyue it, and toke it away. This is a faythfull counsell, wherfore it is not necessary to delay the execution therof. The horse that of noble courage is gouerned with the shadowe of a rodde. But the dulle beast is not pricked forward with the spoores. Bessus that was fierse of nature and well set forwardes with drynking, became in suche a fury with his wordes that he could scarsely be holden by his frendes, from the sleing of Cobares, for he pulled out his sworde to haue done the dede, and departed out of the feast in a greate rage. But Cobares in this store escaped away & came vnto Alexander. Bessus had .viii.M Bactriās armed attending vpon him. Which so lōg as they iudged y e by reasō of the intēperatnes of the ayre in those partes y t [Page] Macedons woulde rather haue gone into Inde then into Bactria, were verye obediente at his commaundemente. But when they vnderstode that Alexander was commynge towardes theim, euerye one shronke away, and forsoke Bessus. Then he with a band of his familie whiche were yet faiethfull vnto him, passed the riuer of Oxus, Oxus burnynge suche bo [...]es as caried him ouer, because that the same shoulde not serue his enemie in folowynge him, and assembled a newe power amonges the Sogdians. Alexander as it hath ben said before passed the mounte Caucasus, but for lacke of corne his army was brought in maner to the extremitie of hōger. In stede of oyle they were faine to noint them selues with iuse whiche they wringe out of Sesema, but euerie measure therof called Amphora, was solde for .ccxl. deners, euery like measure of honye for cccxc. and of wyne for .ccc. and yet of the same was verye little to be gotten. They haue in that countrey certaine vessels called Syri, which thinhabitaūtes vse to hide so priuely that they can not be foūd, except they be digged for within the earth. The coūtrey men bury their corne after that maner, for want wherof the souldiours were fayne to lyue with herbes, and suche fishe as thei caught in the Riuers. But that kynde of fode wantinge also, they were enforced to slea their beastes that caried their baggage, and with the fleshe of theim liued till thei came into Bactria. The description of Bactria. The nature of the soyle of whiche countrey is diuers and of sundrye kindes. Some place is plentifull of woode and vines, and aboundaunte of pleasaunte f [...]uite, the grounde fatte, well watered, and full of springes. Those partes which be most temperate are sowed with corne, and [Page 133] the rest be reserued for fedyng of beastes. But y e greater part of that countrey is couered ouer with baraine sandes, & withered vp for want of moisture, nourishing niether man, nor bringinge forth fruite. But with certaine windes that come from the sea of Ponte, the sād in the plaines is blowen together in heapes, whiche seme a farre of like great hilles, wherby the accustomed wayes be damned, so that no signe of them can appere. Therfore such as do passe those plaines, vse to obserue the starres in the night, as thei do that sayle the seas, & by the course of thē direct their iourney. The nightes for the more parte be brighter then the dayes, wherfore in the daye time the countrey is wild and vnpassable, when they can nether finde any tracte nor waye to go in, nor marke or signe whereby to passe, the starres beyng hidden by the miste. If the same wind chaunce to come duryng the time that mē be passyng, it ouerwhelmeth them with sande. Where the countrey is temperate, it bringeth forth great plenty both of men & horse So that the Bactrians may make .xxx.M. horsemen. Bactria whiche is the heade citie of that region, standeth vnder a mountaine called Parapanisus, Parapanysus. Bactras. the riuer called Bactras runneth by the walles, wherof both the citye and the countrey take their names. Alexander liyng there in campe, receiued aduertisemēt out of Grece, how the Lacedemonians, and the whole countrey of Peliponese had rebelled againste him. For thei had not lost the battail at such time as the messēgers were dispatched that brought the newes of their reuolt. In the necke of this euil tidinges, there came another presente terroure: whiche was that the Scythians inhabitynge beyonde the riuer of Tanays were comming to ayde Bessus. And at the same tyme tidynges was [Page] brought him of the battayle that Caranus and Erigius hadde fought amonges the Arians, Caranus, Erigius. where Satybarzanes that was newlye reuolted beynge chiefe of the countrey, seynge the battayle to stande equall on bothe sides ridde into the fore fronte, and plucked of his helmet, forbiddyng anye of his syde eyther to caste darte or strike anye stroke, and there make a chalenge to fight hande to hande, if any man durste come forthe and proue his strength. Erigius capitayne to the Macedons was a man striken in yeres. But yet not inferiour to any yong man, either in stowtnes of stomake, or strength of bodye, who could not beare the proud arrogancy of Satibarzanes, but stepped forwardes, and pluckyng of his helmet likewise, shewed his hoar heer. The daye is come (quod he) that I will shewe either by the victorye or by my honest death what kynde of men Alexandre hath to his frendes and his souldiours, and without more wordes made towardes his enemye. It coulde not be iudged but that bothe armies had stayed their handes by appoyntmēt. For they gaue backe immediatly on both sides to let thē haue fre scope ech party standyng in expectatiō what should become of y e chalengers, for thei could not but thinke them selues partakers of their aduēture. Satibarzanes first charged his staffe, whiche Erigius auoyded by bendynge hys heade aside but he in the middes of his race, strake [...]he other with his spere through the throte, so that it came forth againe at his necke. Satibarzanes vpon that stroke fell from hys horse, Satibarzanes slaine but yet made resistaunce, tyll suche tyme as Erigius plucked the speare oute of the wounde, and thruste it agayne into his mouth who to rydde him selfe oute payne, furthered his enemies [Page 133] stroke. Then the Arians seyng their capitayne slaine whom they hadde folowed rather of necessitye then of their owne free wylles, called to remembraunce Alexanders benefites and yelded them selues to Erigius. Alexander reioysed muche of the good successe of this matter, doubtynge greatelye the Lacedemonians, but he bare out the rebellion stoutelye, saiynge: that they durste neuer disclose their meanynge, tyll they knewe he was come to the confines of India. Alexander hauynge remoued his Campe, and goynge forwardes in the pursuite of Bessus. Erigius mette him, presentynge the spoyle of his Enemye, as a memorye of his victorye. Wherupon he committed the rule of Bactria to Artabasus. Where wyth a guarison he left his cariage, and wyth a power that was lyght to iourney, entered into the desertes of the Sufitanes, The Susirans, conueiynge his army by nyght. In the wante of water (that hath bene declared before) desperation moued theim to thiest before they had desire to drinke. For by the space of .iiii.C. furlonges, they founde no water at all. The vapoure of the Sunne beynge in the sommer season did so burne the sande, that whē it began to waxe hote it starched all thinges as it had bene with a continuall fire. And then the lyght somewhat obscured by a mist that rose out of thearth by the immoderate heate, caused the playnes to haue appearaunce of a maine Sea. Their iourney in the nyght seamed tollerable, because their bodyes were somewhat refreshed with the dewe and the coolde of the mornynge.
But when the daye came and the heate rose, then y e drought driyng vp al y e natural humoures both their [Page] mouthes and their bowels were enflamed for heate. Then their hartes failed, and their bodies fainted, beynge in case that thei could neither stand styl, nor passe forwardes. A few that were taught by suche as knew the countrey, had gotten water whiche refreshed them somewhat, but as the heate encreased, so their desire grewe againe to drinke. Then was there no remedye but to geue amonges the souldiours all the wine & oile that remained in store. For drinke was so swete vnto them, that it toke away the feare of any thirst to come. But suche as had gulled in gredely the water that thei gote, became so heauye, that they were neither able to beare their armoure, nor go forwardes, so that thei semed then moste happy that had gotten no water at all, for suche as had takē of it inordinately, were enforced by vomit to put vp the same againe. As Alexander carefull in this calamitie stode with his frendes that wer perswading of him to haue respect to him self, for that he onely, and the greatnes of his harte, should be reliefe of this aduersitie. There came two souldiours, whiche goynge before wyth suche as had taken vp the campe, had founde water, and were cariynge of it in bottelles vnto their sonnes whiche were sore afflicted for wante of drincke behynde in the armye. When they sawe the kynge, one of theim opened his bottell, and fillynge a cuppe that he had, presented water to the kynge, who receiuing it at his hande, demaū ded to whom they caried that water: they saied to their sōnes. Then he restored to him the cuppe again ful as it was geuen him, and saied: I wyl not drynke alone, for so lyttle can not be deuided amonges vs all. Make you haste therefore to carye to your Sonnes that you haue gotten wyth your trauayle.
[Page 134]But he trauayled so long that before night he came to the ryuer of Oxus, the more parte of the army, not able to folowe, for feblenes were left farre behind: to thintent therefore that suche as folowed after, might know where the campe was become. He caused a fier to be made in the toppe of an hille, and gaue ordre that when the voward had refresshed them selues with meate & drinke they should fill their bottels, with water and go back with thesame to releaue their fellowes. The breath of suche as dronke intemperatly closed vp, and they died immediatly, the nombre of whom was greater, then euer Alexander lost in any battayll. But he would neither put of harneys, refreshe hym self with meate or drinke, nor ease his body: but stode in the way where his army passed, not departing till the last man was come into the Campe. He watched all that night, and passed it ouer in great trouble of mynd. And the daye that ensued, brought no release of his care. For there were neither bootes to passe the ryuer with all, nor he coulde make any brydge seyng there was no wood growing nere at hand. But at length he found out a deuise whereunto only necessitie did dryue hym, they toke beastes skynnes & stuffed thē full of strawe, wherupon they layd them selues, and some swomme ouer the water. And suche as first recouered the further syde, stode in order of battaill till the rest were passed: by whiche meanes in syxe dayes he conuoyed ouer his hole armye. Hauing thus passed ouer the ryuer of Oxus, his purpose was to passe forwardes in the pursuit of Bessus, till he vnderstode suche thinges as had chaūsed amōges the Susians. Spytanicnes conspyred against Bessus. There was one Spitamenes, whome Bessus chiefly honored of al his frē des. But there be no benefites that can staye a man [Page] geuen to perfidie and falshode, whiche in him was the more tollerable because he iudged no mischief to great for him that hath slayne his prince. For the reueng of Darius was a faire colour to his offence, but it is to be thought that his present fortune was more enuied, then his doinges by past, hated. When it was knowen that Alexander had passed the ryuer of Oxus, Spitamenes did associate with hym in counsell of his enterprise Dataphernes. Dataphernes. Cathenes. and Catenes, whome Bessus specially trusted. They agreed to the matter more redely then he would desire them, and takyng to them .viii. young men that were strong of personage, vsed this kinde of polecy. Spitamenes repayred to Bessus, and getting hym alone, enformed hym that he had found out howe Dataphernes, and Catenes, had conspired to deliuer him aliue into Alexanders handes, wheras (he said) he had preuented thē, whiles they were about their purpose, hauing taken them both, & put them fast in prison. Bessus then thinking himself muche bound to him for so greate a good turne, gaue him many thā kes. And for the desire he had to be reuēged of his enemies, willed Spitamenes to bring thē to his presence. He caused their hādes to be bound behind their backes and to be brought by suche as were priuy to their coū sell, when they came in Bessus presence, he beheld thē with a fell countenaunce and rose vp to haue striken at them. But thē they left their coūterfeiting & streight wayes enclosing Bessus about, bound him fast whiche strugled in vayne and pulled the diademe frō his head, tearing his garment from his back, whiche was parte of the spoyle of his prince, whome he had slayne. When he sawe hym self thus vsed, he confessed that the gods had ryghtfully reuenged his treason, and perceyued [Page 135] by the plague they sent hym, that bothe they fauoured Darius, and were frendes to Alexander, whose enemies euermore preferred his victory. It is vncertain whether the multitude would haue assisted Bessus or no, but that spitamenes had deuysed the thyng to be done by Alexanders appointmēt, wherby he put them in feare being yet doubtfull of mynde, and set Bessus vpon an horse whereupon he brought hym vnto Alexander. He in the meane season had chosen out nyne hundred suche as for their age, were not mete any more for the warres, and gaue to euery one of them b [...]yng horsemen two talentes, and to euery footeman thre thousand deneres: whome he dispatched home, and gaue thankes vnto the reste, because they promised to continewe with hym tyll he had brought his warres to an ende. Bessus was presented vnto hym at a litle towne wherof the inhabiters be called Branchidans, Brāchidās, whiche in tymes paste by the commaundement of Xerxes when he came out of Grece, were brought from Miletum and placed there, because that in his fauour they had violated a temple that was called Dydyma. They had not all together forgotten their countrey customes, but had myxed their tongue that by little and little they were fallen from their owne language, and yet had not attayned the countrey speache. They receyued the kyng with great ioye, yealdyng them selues and their cytie vnto his wyll. Whereupon he called vnto hym the Mylesians that serued hym in his warres, Milesians (who bare an auncient hatred against the generacion of the Branchidans) & put it in their handes to determine where thei would saue thē for y e countrey sake, or els destroy thē for the iniury [Page] they had do it in times past. But when the Milesians could not agre in opinion, he said he would ordre the matter him self. The next day when the Branchidans came to mete him, he returned them all againe into the cytie, & cōmaunding his footemen to enclose the cytie about, entered with suche as he appointed for the purpose, and by a token geuen put all to the sworde, and spoyled the cytie as a receptacle of traytours. They whiche were without armour and vnprouided were slayne in euery place. For neither the affinitie of their tongue, nor any prayer or intercession could mitigate their enemies crueltie. Whiche after the destruction of the towne, did cast downe the walles to the foundaciō, so that no memory therof should remayne. That done they did not only cut downe the woodes wherin they vsed their sacrifice, but also plucked vp the trees by the rootes, that the ground might be left barayn as a desert. If the same thinges had bene done againste the very offenders, the reuenge might haue bene thought rightuous, but to lay the fault of the predecessours vpō the posteritie it might be thought a cruell acte, seing there was not any of them that had euer sene Myletum or done to Xexes any kynd of pleasure. As Alexā der remoued from thence towardes the ryuer of Tanays, Bessus was brought before him, Bessus presented vnto Alexander. not only bound as a captiue, but also spoyled of all his garmētes, whō Spitamenes led in a theme put about his neck: a plesaunt sight to beholde as well to the Barbarous, as to the Macedons. When Spitamenes was come with him in Alexanders presence, he sayd: I haue brought here vnto you the kyller of his owne maister, after the same maner that he him self gaue then sample, wherin I haue both reuenged Darius that was my king, and [Page 136] you also that nowe haue got the souereignty. Let Darius open his eyes, and ryse from death to beholde this sight, that was vnworthy of such an ende, and worthy to receiue such a cōfort as this is. After that Alexāder had geuen Spitamenes thankes, Alexander to Bessus. he turned hym self vnto Bessus and sayd: what beastly woodnes was in thy mynd, that durst first take thine owne prince prysoner, & afterwardes kill hym, that had so well deserued of y t, of whiche thy doinges thou hast receiued sufficiēt rewarde, by the coūterfeit name of a king whiche thou diddest vsurpe. He had no hart to make answere, nor excuse his offence: sauing that he sayd he toke vpon him to be kyng, because he might deliuer hym possession of the countrey. Whiche thing if he had omitted, some other would haue taken in hande. Then Alexander called for Oxatres Darius brother, whome he had placed about his persone, and committed Bessus to his keaping, to thintent he should cutte of his eares and his nose, and hang hym vpon a crosse, causing his owne men to shote him thorowe with arrowes, so preseruing his body that byrdes should not touche it. Oxatres promysed to perfourme all the rest, sauing the keapyng awaye of the byrdes, whiche for the desyre he had to set forth Cathenes conning, affirmed that none could so well keape them away as he, who did shote so assuredly, that he could strike the birdes flyeng in the ayer. And though it was a conning not so muche to be marueiled at, in a nacion so expert in shooting, yet was it greatly wondred at of suche as did beholde him, & was great honour vnto the doer. He gaue rewardes to all such as were the bryngers of Bessus, but he differred his punishmēt because he mynded to put him to death in the same place where he slewe Darius. The Macedons [Page] in the meane season going a forraging, without ordre were ouerthrowen by their enemies, that came ronnidg downe from the next mountaines they toke mo then they did kille, and driuing their prisoners before them returned againe into the moūtaines. There were of them to the nombre of .xx.M. whiche accustomed to liue by theft, vsed slinges and bowes in their fight, whome whiles Alexander did besiege, & in a skirmish pressed forth with the foremoste, he was stroiken with an arrowe in the middes of his legge, where the hed did stike still. The Macedons that were sorowfull and amased for their kinges hurt, caried him into his campe, of whose departure out of the field his enemies were not ignoraunt, for they might behold all thinges from the mountaine, Wherupon the next day they sent Embassadours vnto Alexander, whom he admitted to his presence, & vnfolding his woūd, wherby he thought to dissimule the greatnes therof, shewed his legge vnto them. When they were commaunded to sit downe, they said: that he ring of his hurte, they were as sorowfull for it as his owne subiectes whiche should welbe knowen, for if they could find out the persone, that did the dede, he shuld be deliuered vnto his hādes. Seing they could not iudge them but sacrileges that woulde fight with goddes, of whose vertue they supposed hym to be, and therfore were determined to yeld thē selues. Therupon he gaue them assuraunce & receiued againe his men that were takē prisoners, and admitted them as his subiectes. That done he remoued his campe & was caried in a foote litter, for the bearing wherof the horsemen and footemen cōtended together. The horsmen alledged it to be their office, because the king accustomed to fight amonges them. And the footemen [Page 137] argued for their parte, that in asmuche as they vsed to cary the hurt souldiers, that thought no reason their office should be taken from them, chiefly when the kyng should be caried. Alexander therfore in so great a contention of both partes, thought it a difficult matter to geue sentēce, because the iudgemēt should be greuous to them that should be put frō the office, & therfore ordred that they should cary him by course. Frō thence y e fourth day he came vnto a citie called Maracanda the walles wherof were .lxx. furlōges about, Maracanda but the castle was without any wall, he set a guarrison in the citie & then burned and destroied the countrey thereaboutes. Embassadours came vnto him, The Scythians there frō the Scythes called Auians, whiche had bene fre since the time that Cyrus was amonges them, but yet they shewed them selues then redy to be at his commaundement. They were knowen to be the moste rightuous people of all the barbarous naciō [...] that neuer vsed to make warre but when thei [...]e prouoked, whose moderaciō and temperaūce in vsing of their libertie, made the inferriours equall vnto the supperiours. Alexander receiued them gently, and sent Penidas a frend of his to those Scithes that inhabited within Europe, Penydas. to forbid thē to passe the riuer of Tanais without his appointment. Who had also a secrete commission to viewe the scituaciō of the coūtrey, & to visit those Scithiās that inhabited about Bosphorus, he willed him besides to choise out a place vpō the brinke of Tanais where as he might build a citie, to remain as a fortres for y e subduing of those people y t he entended to visite. The rebellion of the Sogdians But this deuise was delayed by the rebelliō of y e Sogdiās who had also drawen y e Bactriās to their part. There were of thē .vii. in horsmē, whose autoritie y e rest folowed, for the [Page] daunting of whome Alexander caused Spytamenes and Catenes (the betrayers of Bessus) to be sent for, thinking by their meanes to bring the countrey agayn to his obedience and to subdue suche as had made this sturre. But they whiche were iudged mete to stay the rebelliō, and were sent for to that intent, were the chief authours of all the reuolt, whiche caused it to be noysed abrode, that Alexander had sent for the Bactrian horsemen of purpose to kill them all. Whiche commission (they sayd) being appointed to them, they would not execute because they thought it ouer foull an act to commit against their countreymen. And for that cause could as il beare then Alexanders crueltie, as in times past Bessus treason. By this meanes when feare of death was put into their heades, they were easely sturred to armes whiche before were sufficiently enclyned of their owne myndes. When Alexander was aduertised of their doinges, he willed Craterus to besiege Cyropolis. Ciropolis. And he him self warme an other city of that countrey by an assault whiche he gaue to it on all partes at once, and by a signe geuen, caused all the chyldrē to be put to death, making the rest a pray for the souldiers. This done the cytie was rased to the ground, to thintent that others by their ensample might be kept in obedience. There was a valiaunt people called Memacenans, Memacenans. who were determined to abide the siege, not only for their honesties sake, but also for that they thought it moste for their suertie. For the mitigating of whose wilfulnes the kyng sent to them fifty horsemen to declare his clemency towardes suche as submitted them selues, and howe inexorable he was to suche as he wan by force. Their answere was to them, that they neither doubted of the kynges promis, nor of [Page] his power, but after their answere geuen, they lodged them without their walles, where as enterteining thē with great there till it was the depe of the nyght, they set vpon them, and slewe them all. Alexander was no lesse moued with this matter, then the case required, but made an assault vnto the cytie on all partes at once, whiche he found furnisshed in suche wyse, that he could not take it at the first attempt. Wherfore he appointed Meleager and Perdicas to the siege therof, whiche first were at the siege of Ciropolis, mynding to spare thesame, because it was builded by Cyrus. For he had not so great admiracion of any kyng that had reigned in those partes as of hym, and Semyramis, whose magnaminitie of mynde and fame of their actes, semed to hym to excede all the rest. But the obstinate wilfulnes of the inhabitauntes, sturred vp his wrath. For when he had taken the cytie, he willed the Macedons to spoyle it, whiche had great cause to be moued against them, and so returned agayne to Meleager and Perdicas. There was not one cytie that did more valiauntly abide the siege then the same did, for both the hardiest of the souldiers were slayne, and the kyng was brought in great daunger, being striken in the necke with a stone, so that he lost his sight, and was felled to the earth so that he lost his sence. The army lamēted, thinking he had bene dead: but he was inuincible against those thinges which put other men moste in feare. For without tarieng he dressed his wounde, and returned to the fyght, and after anger had sturred vp, the egernes he had of nature, he renued the assault againe more fiersely then before. At length a great peace of the wall was ouerthrowen by a myne at the whiche he brake in, and put the whole cytie to [Page] sacke and to ruyne. Menedemꝰ He sent from thēce Menedemus with .iii.M. footemen and .viii.C. horsemen to the citie of Maracanda, which Spitamenes had newly taken and put out from thēce the guarrison of the Macedons. Yet the cytesens were not of his opinion, but when they sawe they could not let him it was of necessitie for them to agree to his will. Alexander builded a newe cytie vpō Tanais Alexander in the meane season came to the riuer of Tanais, where he enclosed about with a wall so muche grounde as his Campe did conteine, extending in compasse .lx. furlonges, and named the same cytie Alexandria. This thing was done with suche expediciō that within .xvii. daies after the walles were v [...], the houses also were builded. And the whole was perfourmed in a very smale seasō, through the contencion amonges the souldiers who should perfourme his worke first, when thesame was deuided into partes amōges them. The prisoners thei had taken, whose raunsomes Alexāder paid to their takers, were appointed to inhabite this cytie. Whose posteritie after so lōg time, be not yet worne out, such fauour hath bene shewed to thē, in the memory of Alexā der. The king of Scythia whose Empire was thē beyond the ryuer of Tanais, iudging y t the fortifiēg vpō the ryuers side shuld be as a yoke to his neck, sent his brother Carcasis with a great power of horsemen to defeate the fortification, Carcasis. and to remoue away the Macedons from the waters syde. Which is the ryuer that deuideth the Bactriās from the Scithiās of Europe, and is the limite whiche parteth Asia and Europe a sondre. But the countreis that y e Scithes inhabite beginne not farre from Tracia, & lie betwixt the north & thest, ioyning with Sarmacia, & possessing part of it. the countrey also that lieth beyōd the ryuer of Ister is inhabited by thē, Ister. & their vttermoste boūdes stretche to [Page 139] Bactria, & to the further boūdes of Asia northwardes, wheras be wōderful great woods & wild desertes. But suche of thē as bounded nere vnto Tanais & Bactria lack not muche the ciuilitie of other nacions. This being the first time that Alexander had to do with these people, when he sawe that then he had to entre into a warre, for the which he was not prouided, his enemies riding vp & downe in his sight, and he diseased of his wound, specially not hauing thuse of his speach, which failed much by reason of this longe abstinence, Alexanders wordes to hys friendes and the paine in his necke, called his friendes to counsell, & declare vnto thē: that he was not troubled with any fear of his ennemies but with the iniquitye of the tyme, the Bactrians rebelling, & the Scithians prouokyng him, when neyther he was able to stande vpon the ground, or strōg enough to ryde on horsbacke, or in case to geue aduise or exhortacion to hys men. In consideracion therefore of the doubtful daūger he saw him self wrapt in he accused the gods, complayning that he was then enforsed to lye styll as a stocke, whose swiftnes before tyme, none was hable to escape. Aduersitie maketh men religious. The matters grue soo great that his owne men beleued he had counterfeited his sicknes for feare. And therefore he which since the ouerthrowe of Darius had lefte consultacion with the deuiners & prophetes turned himself againe to the vanitie & supersticion of man, willinge Aristander (to whō he was addicted in beliefe) that he shoulde trye out by Sacrifice what his successe shoulde be. The custome of them which were called Auruspices was to consider the intrayles of the beastes wythout the kynge, Auruspices and to make report to him of there significacion. In y e meane season whiles they were serching secretes that kind of way he willed Ephestiō, Craterus, Erigius & other his frends to draw nere about him, lest by streyning of his voice [Page] he might breake out his woūd again, & said thus vnto them: Alexanders wordes. The daunger I am in, hath caused the time to serue better for mine enemies, then for me, necessitie I see chiefly in the warres to go before reason. For it is seldome geuen to men, to choyse their owne tyme. The Bactrians be reuolted, vpō whose shoulders yet we stande, purposing to trie what courage we be of, by our behauour towardes the Scithians. If we leaue of with doubtful fortune, and meddle not with thē, which of their own mindes haue prouoked vs, we shal at our retourne be had in contempt of them whome we entend to visit. But if we shal passe the riuer of Tanais, and by the destruction of the Scythians & shedding of their bloud, shewe our selues inuincible euery where. Who will then doubt but that Europe will lye open & geue obedience to vs being victorers? he is deceiued that doth measure by any distaunce the boundes of our glory that we entende to passe. There is but one riuer that letteth vs nowe for bringing of our power ouer into Europe, whiche if we shall bring to passe what an estimaciō shal it be for vs: whiles we be subduing of Asia, to set vp the monumentes of our victories as it we [...]e in a newe world, ioyning so sone together with one victory, the thing that nature seme to haue deuided with so great distaūce? but if we shal stay neuer so little and geue ground, the Scythians will then come after vs, & pursue vs in taile. Be there no more but we y t haue passed riuers? there be many inuenciōs yet remaining amonges our selues, wherby we haue gotten victories. But fortune of the warre doth teache policy to suche as be ouercomme, we haue shewed a president of late, howe to swymme ouer ryuers vpon bottels. Whiche thyng if the Scythians can not doe, the Bactrians shall teache them. It is but the [Page 140] power of one nacion, that nowe come against you, all the other yet stande in a stay to vnderstande of our doinges. So that by eschewing battail we shal norysh warre, and be cōpelled to receyue those blowes, whiche it lieth in vs to geue to other. The reason of my aduise is manyfest. But whether the Macedons wyll suffre me to vse mine owne disposicion, I doubte, because that since I receiued this wound, I haue not ridden on horseback, nor gone on foote. If you will folowe me my frēdes I am whole. I haue then strength enough to endure these thynges, if thende of my lyfe be at hande wherin can I spend it better. These wordes that he spake were vttered with a broken and weake voice, so that they could scarsely be hard of such as were next hym. But when his meanyng was perceyued all that were present went about to fray hym from so rashe an enterprice. Erigius. But Erigius wrought chiefly in the matter, whiche perceiuing that his authoritie could not preuayle against the kynges obstinat mynde, attempted to worcke hym by religion, whiche was of greater force. For he declared to hym that the Goddes were against his determinacion, whiche had signified great perill to ensue, if he passed the ryuer. (He said) he had vnderstande that thyng by Aristaunder, who told hym at his comming into the pauilion what he had perceiued in the beastes intrailes. Alexā der vpon his wordes was wonderfully troubled both with anger and shame, when he sawe the secretes of the religion brought to light, which he thought to haue kept secrete to him self: and therfore caused Erigius to go aside, and Aristander to be called in vnto him. Whō he beheld in the face, & said: I seme to the rather a priuate man then a king. Seing I commaunded the to [Page] make sacrifice, and thou hast declared the significatiō therof to other & not to me. For Erigius by thy report knoweth the priuities pertaining to me. But sure I iudge that through his own feare he deuised an interpretacion of himselfe. Therfore let me heare of thyne own mouth what y u hast found in the intrailes, to thintent thou shalt not deny that thou hast spoken. Aristā der therupō was amased, & loked pale not able to answere one word for feare. But at length the same feare that made him holde his peace, pricked him forwardes to speake, lest the prolonging of the kinges expectacion might prouoke him to further wrath, answered: I said ( qd he) there was in the enterprise great daunger and difficultie, but yet y t your attēpt shuld not be in vaine. There is nothing that I haue perceiued by my sciēce trouble me so much, as the loue I beare towardes you, for I both cōsider your infirmitie, & what a momēt cō sisteth in your owne persone, fearing you shuld not be able to endure the thinges, that fortune is disposed to geue vnto you. When Alexander hard him speake after that maner, he willed him to haue confidence in his felicitie to whom fortune had graunted glory in greater thinges, & therupō dismissed him. Afterwardes as the king was debating with suche as he cōsulted with before, by what meanes he shuld passe the riuer. Aristā der came amonges them, affirming that he had found the intrailes contrary to y t he did before, with as likely signes of good successe as any y t euer he sawe, shewīg thē as great causes to reioyse, as he did before to feare. But immediatly hereupon he receiued newes y t muche appaired the continuall felicitie he was wont to haue, in all his procedinges. Menedemus being sent (as it hath bene said before) to besiege Spitamenes, the auctour [Page 141] of the Bactrians rebellion. When he vnderstode of his enemies cōming both in auoidīg to be enclosed within walles, & trusting besides to take some aduaū tage of the Macedōs, laid an imbushemēt to entrappe them. There was a wood through the which thei shuld passe very apt for y e purpose, where he laid the Dahās, whose custome was to cary two armed men vpon one horse, from whence they vsed to leape down by course. And by reason the swiftnes of the footemen was little inferior vnto the horsemē, they troubled greatly the ordre of the horsemans fight. Spitamenes gaue ordre to thē that whē their enemies shuld enter into the wood they should enuirone them about on all sides, whiche when they perfourmed according to their appointmēt, Menedemus seing him self enclosed on al parts, & not equall in nombre vnto his enemies, resisted a greate while, crieng out to the souldiers, that there remayned no hope to them being intrapt after that maner, but by making slaughter vpon their enemies, receiue the cō fort of an honest death. Menedemus rid vpon a strōg horse charging oft times vpon his enemies, wherby he brake their ordre, and made great slaughter, till such tyme, that he being laid at on all partes, Hispydes. receiued many woundes, and fainted for want of bloud. Then he exhorted Hispides that was one of his frendes to leape vpon his horse, and escape away, and with that worde he swounded & fel to the ground from his horse. Hispides might haue got away, but after he had lost his frēd determined there to die, taking no other care but how to spend his life, with the losse of his enemies. Wherfore he put his spoores to the horse, and ranne in amonges them, where he fought notably, and at lengthe was slayne. When the reste sawe thys [Page] ouerthrowe, and losse of their capitaine, they recouered an hill, where Spitamenes did besiege them, thinking to subdue them for want of vitaill. There were slaine in that battaill two .M. footemen, and .iii. hundred horsemen. Whiche misaduēture Alexander with great policy kept secret, commaunding them that parted from the field, vnder payne of death not publyshe this matter abrode. But when he could not beare out any lenger a countenaunce contrary to his harte, he went alone vnto his pauilion whiche he had set of purpose vpō the riuers side. There he waked all the night deuising with him selfe, what was best to doe. And diuers times he lifted vp his tent to behold the fires in his enemies campe, therby to coniecture their nombre, when the daye apeared he put on a corselet and came forth amonges the souldiers, beyng the first tyme they had sene him since he receiued his hurt. They bare suche a veneracion vnto their kyng that with his presence only, they put away the remēbraunce of the feare whiche caused them before to shrinke, and reioysed so hartely, that when they saluted him, the teares distilled from their eyes, and earnestly required the fight, which before they had refused. He toke ordre there amonges them that the horsemē, and such as were of the square battaill of footemen should be caried ouer in boates, & that the light armed shuld swimme vpon bottels. Neither the matter required any more to be spoken, nor the king could not say any more by reason of his infirmitie. For the souldiers went about the matter with suche good will & cherefulnes of mind that within thre daies thei had finished .xii.M. boates. Whē al thinges were prepared in redines for their passage there came xx. embassadours of y e Scithiās ridīg by y e cāpe, which [Page 142] required that it might be declared vnto the kinge that they hadde matter in commission to declare vnto him. When they were receiued into his pauilion, and commaunded to sit downe, thei fixed their loke cōtinually vpon the kinges countenaunce, whereby it was thought, that waiynge the greatenes of his courage by his personage that they sawe presente, it appeared to theim but small in respecte of the same they hearde of him. The wittes of the Scythians be not rude and w tout knowledge as other barbarous people be. For it is said that many of thē atteine to such learnyng as is possible for a nacion being alwayes in exercise of the warres. Whose wordes spoken vnto Alexāder be left in memorie, whiche thoughe thei differ from the maner of vs that haue happened in more ciuil times, and framed our selues to a more humanitie. Yet the fidelitie of the matter is not to be despised, thoughe the phrase of their speach be not alowed. And therfore I shall declare vncorruptlye the saiynges whiche the eldeste of those Embassadours did speake after this maner.
‘If the Goddes had geuen the a bodye accordyng to the vnsaciable desire of thi mind, The oracion of the Scithians vnto Alexander. the world should not be able to receiue the, but shouldest touche the Orient with y e one hand, & the occidēt w t the other, which once obteined, thy desire should be to knowe where [...]o place thy Personage, haboundinge with suche excellencye. Thus thou doest couet the thing thou arte not able to cōpasse. From Europe thou goest into Asia, and frō Asia passe into Europe. It muste come to passe that if thou ouercome all mankynde, thou muste kepe warre with woodes and snowes, with riuers & wilde beastes. What? art thou ignorant that trees do growe till they be great, and thē be plucked vp from the rote in a momente? [Page] He is a foole that doth couet the frute, and considereth not the height of the tree wheron it growith. Take hed lest whiles thou doost labour to attaine vnto the toppe, thou falleste wyth the boous which thou doest embrace. The Lion hath bene some tyme the foode of smalle byrds, and the ruste doth consume the Iron. There is nothing so sure, that is not in daungier of hys inferior. What haue we to do wyth the? we neuer touched thy countrey. Is it not lawfull for vs that liue in the wast woodes, to be ignoraunt what thou arte, and from whence thou commest? we can neither be subiect to any man, nor desire to rule ouer any creature. And bicause ye shal not be ignorant of thestate of our nacion we haue certayne giftes in proper vnto vs, the yoke of Oxen, the plough, the speare, the bowe, and the bowle: which be the thyngs that we vse both wyth our frendes and against our enemies. We do giue vnto our frendes of the frutes gotten wyth labour. With the bowle we sacrefice wyne vnto the godes. Wyth our bowe we strike our enemies afarre of, and with the speare nere at hand. After that sort we in tymes past ouercame the king of Scythia, and afterwardes the king of Perce and Media making the waye open to vs into Egipt. But thou which dost gloryfie, that art come to be a parsecuter of theues, arte a robber of all nacions, that thou comeste amonges. Thou haste taken Lydia, possessed Siria enioyed Perce, and haste the Bactrians vnder thy power. Thou dost visite the Indies, and now streachest furth thy rauenowes hands vnto our cattel. Why dost thou couet that riches that cause the to be pore. Thou art the first of al men which with haboundance hast prepared thy self honger and that with the more thou haste [Page 143] the more gredely thou doste couet y e things thou haste not. Dost thou not remēbre how lōge thou hast stiked about Bactria. And whiles thou goest about to subdue them, how the Sogdians begin to rebel. Thus warre doth growe vnto the of thy victorie. For be thou neuer so great, and of force aboue any other yet ther be none that can endure to be gouerned by straungers. Passe nowe Tanais, thou shalt parceyue what bredth it beareth, and yet thou shalt neuer ouertake the Scithiās whose pouertie is swyfter, then thy army, which cariing y e spoile of so many naciōs can attaine to. For whē thou shalt thinke vs to be farre of, thou shalt see vs within thy Campe. with like swiftnes, we folowe, and fle away. I heare that our desertes beskorned by the Greake prouerbes, we couet rather the desertes and places vnhabited, then cities and plentiful countres. Therefore hold thou thy fortune fast for, she is slipper and cannot be kept agaynst hir wyll. Folowe thou the counsell y t is good, and specially whilles the tyme doth serue. Put a bridle to thy felicitye, and thou shalt gouerne it the better. We saye that fortune is without feete, & that she hath only hands, & winges & whē she putteth furth her hand, she wil not suffre hir winges to be touched. If thou be a god then geue benefites vnto mortal men, and take not away the commodities they haue alredy. If thou be a man considre alwaye thine owne estate. It is folishe to remembre those thynges, which cause the to forget thy selfe. Suche as by warre: thou makest thy enemies, by peace thou maist make them thy veray frendes. The most firme frēdship is amōgest them that be equal, and they seme equall which haue not yet made any trial of ther force [Page] Take hede thou take them not for thy frendes, whom thou doest subdue and bring to subiectiō. There is no frendship betwene the Lorde & the slaue, and in peace the lawe of Armes is obserued. Thinke not that the Scythians do confirme their frendeshippe with anye othe. For thei thinke thei sweare in kepynge of their faieth. The custome of the Grekes is to iustifye their doynges by calling their Goddes to witnesse. But we acknowledge Religion to consiste in the faieth it selfe. Thei which do not their due reuerēce to men, deceiue the Gods. Thinke not those frendes to be necessary vnto the, of whose good will thou shalt nede to doubt. Thou maist vse vs as kepers bothe of Europe and Asia. For we shoulde ioyne with Bactria, but that Tanais dothe deuide vs, and beyonde Tanais out dominion stretche so farre as Tracia, and the fame is that Tracia cōfineth w t Macedon. Consider therfore whether it be necessarye for the or no to haue vs as frēdes or foes to bothe thine empires.’
These were the Scythians wordes, to whom the king made aunswere: that he woulde bothe vse his owne fortune and their counsaile whiche aduised him well. He woulde folowe his fortune because he had great cōfidence in it, and other mens counsaile, because he would do nothinge rashelye nor vpon a sodaine. Therupon he dismissed the Embassadours and enbarked his armie in the boates he hadde prepared. Alexander passed the riuer of Thanais against the Scithians. In the fore partes of the boates he set suche as had targettes, willyng theim to knele vpō their knees for their more safegarde againste the shote of arrowes. And they were placed behinde theim that hadde the charge of the Engines, who before, and on bothe sides were enclosed with armed men. The rest whiche stode beyonde the engines beyng armed theim [Page 144] selues, defended with targattes suche as rowed the same ordre was also obserued in those boates that caried ouer the horsmē. The more part drue their horses after thē by the reynes swimming at the boates tailes, and such as were caried vpō trusses filled with straw, were defended by the boates that rowed betwixt them and their enemies. Alexander with suche men as he had chosen to be about his persone, first lanched from the land, and directed his course towardes the further side. The Scythians came againste them with their horsemen in ordre of battaill, standing upon the brinck of the further shore to let their landing: whose shewe being a terrour to the Macedōs, thei had also an other cause of feare in their passing ouer, for the boatemaisters were not able to keape their course againste the force of the streame. And the souldiers swaying to and fro, for the doubte they had to fal in the water, troubled the mariners in doing of their office. By reason wher of the Macedons could not haue scoope to caste their dartes with any force, taking more care howe to place them selues out of perill, then for to auoyde their enemies. Their ingyns stode them in great steade, which seldome did shote in vaine against their enemies that stoode thicke before them, proffering to resiste their lā ding. When the Scithians sawe them nere the shore, they did shote an infinite nombre of arrowes into the boates, so that there was not in maner any target that had not many heades sticking in it. At length the boates arriued at the land, then the target men did ryse vpon their feete, and hauing more scope and sure footing, threw their dartes more certainly & with greater force: wherby when they perceiued their enemies to shrinke, and reane backe their horses, they then leaped [Page] cherefully vnto the land, one exhorting and encourging an other, and frely pursued the Scythians whō they sawe falle out of aray. By that tyme Alexanders horsemen which had assembled them selues in tropes, brake vpon their ennemies, and put them to great dysordre. In the meane season the rest being defended by them that were fighting landed and prepared them selues to the battell. Nor Alexander letted not wyth stowtnes of courage to supplye the impotency of hys bodye. Hys voyce could not be hard when he spake & exhorted his men (the scarre of his wound not yet closed) but all men might se him fighting. Wherefore euery one vsed the office of a captaine in giuing exhortacion vnto hys fellowes, and ran vpon their ennemies wythout respect of their owne liues. Then the Scythians could not endure any lenger the countenance, the force, nor the crye of ther enemies, but being all on horsback fled away vpon the spoores. Whom the king pursued .iiii. score furlonges, notwithstāding that with great payne he endured hys informitye. When his hart faynted he cōmaunded hys men that they should folowe still in the chace so long as the day lasted, and not hauing strength to sustaine any further trauaile returned into hys camp to rest hym selfe. The Macedons in their pursuite passed the boundes of Bacchus. In mounment of whom their were great stones set vp by equal distaunce, and highe trees, whose stocks were couered ouer with I vye. But no boūdes could be a stay to the Macedōs▪ being caried forwards in there fury for it was midde night before they returned againe to their campe who hauing killed many, and taken great nombre of prisoners. dyd driue before them .M.viii.c. horses Ther were slayne of the Macedons .lx. horsemen, of the fotemen to the poynt of [Page 145] one hundred, & a thousand of them were hurte. This enterprise w t the fame of the victory falling in so good a seasō, kept the more part of Asia in obedience, which was of the point to haue rebelled. For they beleued that the Scythians were inuincible. Who being veinqueshed they iudged no naciō hable to withstand y e powre of the Macedons. Sacans. The Sacans therefore after thys victory, sent ther Embassadours vnto Alexander offring them selues to come vnder his obedience. To y e doing whereof they were not so greatly moued with feare of his force, as they were w t report of y e clemency he vsed towardes y e Scythans after he had discōfited them. For he deliuered home all their prisoners w tout raunsome to witnes to the world that he made warre with those firste nacions, to shew his powre, & his vertue, & not for any malice, nor to shewe his wrath vpon them. That was the cause that he so gētly receiued the Embassadours of y e Sacās causing Excipinus to accompany them, Excipinus. who being a beutiful yong man in the first flowre of his youth, was in that respect in great fauour, and familarity with Alexander. In parsonage he was like to Ephestion, but inferior to him in pleasaūtnes of speach. After this Alexander giuing ordre to Craterus to folowe him by small iorneys, with the greater parte of hys armie, he him selfe came to the city of Maracāda from whence Spitamenes that hard of his cōmyng, was fled into Bactria. The king therfore making great iourneyes foure dayes continuially, came into the place, where as vnder the conduct of Megedemus he had lost two .M. fotemen & .iii.C. horsemē. Whose bōes he caused to be gathered togithers & buried, celebrating their funeralls after his contrey maner. By y t time Craterus w t the phalaux was come vnto y e king, & to thintēt he might pūishe w t the sword [Page] al suche as had rebelled, he deuided his powre into diuerse partes cōman̄ding them to burne in euery place where they went and to kyl al the children. The contrey of the Sogdiās is for the more parte wast, by reason of the great desertes that be there, wherof some be iiii. score, furlonges in bredth. The riuer called Bolytimetum passeth in maner throught the length of the countrey, which ronneth violently in a narowe chanel, and then is receyued into an hole of the earth from whence it goeth vnderneth the ground whose course is manifest by the noise of the water that may be hard. And yet in all grounde vnder the which suche a riuer doth ronne, ther do not apeare any moisture put forth. Of the captiues that were taken amōgs the Sagdians, there were .xxx. of the most noblest brought vnto Alexander. Which vnderstanding by an interpreter, that by the kinges commaundement they shoulde be put to execution. They beganne as men in myrth to sing and daunce, and by a certaine lasiuious mocion of ther bodies expressed a great ioyfulnes of the mind Alexander merueling that they toke their death wyth such s [...]owtnes and magnanmitye of harte, called them vnto him, enquering why they shewed so great a gladnes, when they had death before therface. They aunswerrd that if they had bene put to death by any, savinge by such one as he was, that they should haue takē their death sorofully. But now seing they should be restored to their predecessors by a kyng that was a conqerour of all nacions, they reioysed in their honest death, as the thing that all men should wyshe & desyre. The king then meruayling at there magnauymitye: I enquere of you ( qd he) if you can be content to liue, & become frendes to him, by whose benifite you shal receiue [Page 146] your life. They said that as they neuer were his enemies, but as they were prouoked by occasion to the warres, euen so if he would make an experiment of them rather by a benefite then an iniury. They would labour not to be ouercome in good will, nor in doyng the thing that pertained to their dutie. Thei were axed what pledge they would laye of their promyse. They said their liues they had receiued, shuld be their pledge redy to be yelded againe, when it were required, wherin they brake no promise, for suche of them as were returned home into their coūtrey kept the people in good obedience, & foure of them that were appointed to be of the kinges guard, gaue place to none of the Macedons in loue or affection towardes their prince. When he had ordred all thinges amonges the Sogdians, he left Pencolaus there with .iii.M. men of warre, Pencolaus. and remoued into Bactria. From whence he cōmaunded Bessus to be caried to Echatan, there to suffre death for the killing of Darius. About the same time Ptololomeus and Menidas brought .iii.M. footemen and a thousand horsemen of mercenary souldiers, and one Alexander came to him out of Licia with .iii.M. foote men and .v.C. horsemen. Asclexeodorus had leuied the like nombre out of Siria, and Antipater sent .viii.M. Grekes emonges whome there were .v.C. horsemen. When he had thus encreased his armye with the supply of his newe power, he went about in euery place to quiet those slures that bene raised vp by the rebellion. And hauing slayne them that were the authours and beginners therof, the fourth day came to the ryuer of Oxus, which being a water vnholsom to be drōke, because it is euer troubled & full of mudde. The Macedons fell to digging of welles, & whē by digging deape [Page] they could fynd no water, there was a spring sodeinly found vnder the kinges tent, which because it was not found at the first, they fained that it came by miracle. Wherewith the king was pleased, and content, men shuld beleue that thesame was sent by the gift of god. When he passed the ryuer of Ochus and Oxus, they came vnto a cytie called Marginia, Marginia. nere vnto y t which he chose out places for the buildyng of syxe townes: wherof he planted two towardes the south, and foure towardes the east. Euery one distāt a smalle space frō an other, to thintent, that their mutuall assistaunce in tyme of nede should not be farre to seke. They were all scituate vpon high hilles, as bridels to keape vnder those wild nacions. But now they haue forgottē their originall, A rock kept against Alexander by Arimazes. & be subiect to those they were wont to rule. The king hauing subdued all the rest, one rock only remained whiche Arimazes a Sogdian had taken with xxx.M. armed men, & furnyshed thesame of vitels for two yeres. Thesame rock was, xxx. furlōges in height &, Cl, about, being in all partes steape & broken, hauing one streight path only to passe vp vnto it. In the midde way to the toppe it had a caue which was narowe and darck in the entrey, but by littell and litell it waxed wyder, and had large lodginges within for a great multitude, and was besides so ful of springes, that whē they met together they ranne downe the rock like a greate ryuer. Alexander beholding the strēgth of this place, & the difficultie to wynne it: Determined to depart frō thence. But there entred sodēly into his hart a desire to wery nature, and worcke against her power. Yet be fore that he would attempt the fortune of any siege, he sent Cophes the sonne of Artabasus, Cophes. to persuade them to geue it ouer, Arimazes vpon trust of the strength of [Page 147] the place aunswered in all thinges arrogauntly, but specially in that he axed whether Alexander could flie. Whiche wordes reported to the kyng, did put in suche an heate, that streightwayes he called for suche as he vsed to consult with all, declaryng the pride and presumption of Arymazes, and after what maner he had skorned him. But shortly (he said) he would deuise such waye, that he would make hym thynke the Macedons had wynges. He required them therfore that out of the whole armye, they woulde chyse out and bryng to hym thre hundred of the moste lightest young men, whiche had bene accustomed to driue beastes amonges the rockes and streight pathes of the mountaynes. Whereupon they brought suche to the kyng, as bothe for lyghtnes of body, and hardines of harte were moste mete for suche a purpose. Vnto whome he sayd: The exhortacion that Alexander made to thē whome he had appointed to clime the rocke. my fellowes that be of myne owne age, with you I haue wonne Cyties that were counted inexpugnable, and haue passed the toppes of mountaynes, couered continually with snowe. With you I haue gone through the streyghtes of Cylicia, and haue without werynes sustayned the violence of the colde, whereby I haue experience of you, and you of me. The rocke whiche you see haue but one entrey, whiche our enemies do obserue, the rest they neglect. They keape no watche but towardes our campe. If you diligently serche, you shall fynde some waye to bryng you to the toppe. Nature hath made nothing so hyghe, but that it may be attayned to, by the industry of man. In puttyng thynges in proufe, wherof other haue dispayred, we haue gotten Asia into our possession.
Deuise you the meanes to get vp into the top, which when you haue takē, you shal geue a tokē to me by setting vp of some white cloth, you shall se me then come [Page] forwardes with my power, and turne the enemies frō you towardes me. He shall haue ten talentes for a reward that doth recouer the toppe first, & he that getteth vp next, shall haue one lesse, & the like ordre shalbe obserued with ten of the first. I am assured that you regarde not so much my liberalitie as my fauour. When they had heard the king speake after that maner, they imagined the thing won, and departing out of his presence, prepared strong ropes and yron hokes, whiche they might asten to the rockes, and so clyme vp. The king brought them about the rock, where as it semed lest stepe and moste plaine to mounte vpon, and in the second watche willed them to passe forwardes with good speade. They being furnisshed with two dayes vitell, and arme only with swordes and speares, at the first wēt forwardes without any great difficulty. But when they came to the steapnes of the rock, some toke hold of the broken cragges to lift vp thēselues, & some fastening their hokes on y e rockes, clame vp by the ropes. They were compelled to rest & stay diuers tymes, and so consumed the day in trauaill & in feare. When they had passed many difficult places, further difficulties alwayes appeared, the height of the rock seming to to growe more & more. When they failed either of their hold or of their footing, it was a miserable thing to see howe they fell downe hedlong, shewing to the other by their misfortune, an ensāple what was likely to becōe of thē. Notwithstāding at length through al these difficulties thei got vp into the top, where thei al weried w t the trauail of their cōtinual labour, & some with y e hurtes & maines they had receiued, slept there all y t night, amonges the wilde and rough rockes, vnmyndfull of the perill they were in. Whē it was day they wakened [Page 148] out of their deape sleape, and beholding the valeis vnderneath them, were ignoraunt in what parte of the rocke so great a multitude of their enemies should lye, but at length thei perceiued by the smoke in what place they were. Then vpon the pointes of two speares they set vp the signe that was appointed them, and founde that in their coming vp, they had lost of their nombre two and thirty. The kyng being carefull not so muche for the desire he had to winne the rocke, as for to saue those whom he had sent to so manifest a daūger, stode all daye beholding the toppe of the mountayne. And when darckenes of the night toke away the prospecte of the eyes, he departed to refreshe his body. The next day before it was ful light, he perceiued the white cloth set vp in the toppe of the rocke, but the varietie of the ayer, and the sonne beginning to apeare and yet hiddē, caused him to doubte a while whether his sighte had fayled him or no. But when it was full and open daye, it appeared manifestly, and all doubte was takē away. Then he called Cophes, by whome he had attempted their myndes before, willing him ones agayne to exhorte them to be better aduised. And if so be that in trust of their strength, they would not submit them selues, that then he should shewe to thē the men that had taken the rocke ouer their heades. Whē Cophes came thether, he beganne to persuade Arimazes to geue vp his strength, therby to winne the kinges fauour, and not enforce him to stay in the siege of a rock, hauing so many weighty affaires in hād: But he foūd him more obstinat and proude then he did before, and willed Cophes to depart and moue him no more in the matter. Then he toke Arimazes by the hād, and required him to go with him out of the caue. When they were come [Page] where as they might loke about, he shewed him those that were gotten to the top of the cragge, and skorning thē his pride: axed of him whether Alexāders souldiers had gottē winges or no? but y t time the trōpettes were blowen in the Macedons campe, & thei might here the alarome that was made in the armye. Whiche matter as many and vaine and trifling thinges are wont in the warres to growe to greate effect, so that was the cause why they yelded them selues. For feare so troubled them, that they could not consider the smalle nombre that were ouer their heades, but called Cophen againe in great hast, who was departed away, and sent with him Alexander .xxx. of the chief men, authorised to yelde vp the rocke with composition for to depart in sauegard. But Alexander not withstanding that he doubted, lest his enemies discouering the fewnes of his men, might put them to distresse: yet trusting in the felicitie of his owne fortune, and offended with the pride of Arimazes, would agre to no cōdicion, but that they should yelde simply. Arimazes therupon dispayring more of his estate, then he had cause. Descended downe to the campe with the chiefest of the nacion, that were of kinne to him. All the whiche Alexander caused to be scourged with roddes, and be crucified at the foote of the rocke. The multitude that yelded with the money that there was taken, were geuen in gifte to thinhabiters of the newe cities. And the rule of the sayd rocke was committed to Artabasus, with the charge of the countrey there about.
The eigth boke of Quintus Curtius of the actes of the great Alexander Kyng of Macedon.
ALexander hauing wonne this rock, with greater fame then glory, because his enemies remained in no place certaine, it was necessary for him to seperate his power, & so deuided his army in thre partes. He gaue the charge of the one part to Ephestion, to Cenon the other, & toke the third part vnto him self. His enemies were not all of one opinion, for some of them seing their defence could not auaill, yelded them selues before the fight, to whome he gaue the cyties and the landes of those that continued still his enemies. Messagetes Atynas. But the outlawes of Bactria with .viii.C. horsemen wasted the villages of the Messagetes. For the redresse wherof, Attynas gouernour of that countrey, went against them with .iii.C. horsemen, not knowing that his enemies lay in wayte for him, whiche had layd their imbushement in a wood ioyning to a great playne, wheras they had appointed a certaine to driue cattel, therby to drawe their enemies with the gredines of the praye, within daunger of the bushemen. When Attinas men sawe the driuers of the cattell, they pursued them without ordre, and whē they were passed the wood where thimbushement lay, their enemies brake out vpon them casting no suche perils, and slewe them euery one. The fame of this ouerthrowe, came immediatly vnto Craterus, whiche drue thether with the horsemē. But the Massagetes being fled before his comming, he slewe .M. Dahans. of the Dahans that toke their parte, wherby the whole rebellion of the [Page] whole countrey cessed. Thus Alexander hauing subdued the Sogdians, returned to Maracanda. Whether (Berdes whom he had sent to the Scythians inhabiting about Bosphrous) came to him with Embassadours of that coūtrey. Phrataphernes. Phrataphernes also that had the chief rule of the Masagetes and Dahans, (whiche nacions were ioyned by affinitie togethers) sent certaine messengers to Alexander offring to be at his cō maundemēt. The Scythian Embassadours made request that Alexander would mary their kinges doughter, & if the affinitie pleased him, that he would suffre the princes of the Macedons to enter in mariage likewise, with the noble mens doughters of their coūtrey: promising that the king should come in person to visite him. He hard gently both the Embassades, and styll continued in that place, till Ephestion and Artabasus came vnto him, and then ioyning his power againe together, came into the countrey that is called Basaria. Basaria. There is nothing more estemed in that nacion, then to haue great herdes of wild beastes enclosed in parkes, whiche be very plesaunt, and full of springes. Those parkes be enclosed with walles, and towers builded within them to be lodges for the hunters. There was one parke in that countrey that had remained vnhunted, during the tyme of foure mens ages. Wherinto Alexander entred with his whole army, chasing the wilde beastes in euery quarter. Amōges the rest there was a liō of a rare bignes that came rōning towardes Alexander. Lysimachus. Whiche thing when Lysimachus (that afterwardes was king, perceiued standing by chaunce then next to Alexāder) perceiued, he stepped before him, to receiue the lyon with his hūting speare. But Alexā der plucked him back, and willed him to auoyde, sayēg: [Page 150] that he was able to kyll a lyon so well as Lysimachus. This Lysimacus on a time hūting in Siria killed by himself alone an huge lyon. But he was torne to y e bones vnder his left shoulder, & put in great daunger of his life. Which being y e matter that Alexāder ment, he performed w t that worde, no lesse then he promised for he did not only receiue y e lyon, but killed hym with one stroke. Wherupon the fable rise howe Alexander shuld haue cast Lysimachus to a lyon. But though Alexanders chaunce was good herein, yet the Macedōs knewe that by the custome of his countrey, he shoulde not haue hunted on foote without the chiefest of his nobilitie and frendes about him. He killed within that parke .iiii.M. wilde beastes, and there did banket his army, returning afterwardes to Macicanda. Actabasus excusing himself there by his age, that he was vnapt for the rule of that countrey, Alexāder committed the same to Clitus, Clytus. whiche was he that defended him with his target when he was fighting bareheaded at the ryuer of Granick, & there cut of with his sworde Rosaceris hand, that was in a redines to stryke the kyng. He was an old souldier of Philippes his father, & notable in many feates of warre that he had done. Hellanice his suster was Alexanders nurse, Hellanice. whome he loued no lesse then his owne mother. For these causes he committed the strongest part of his Empire to his fidelititie. The kyng that purposed to set forward in his iourney the next day, Alexander offended his frēdes with ouermuche aduaunting of himself. made that night a solempne banket, wherin (being ouergreat an aduaunter of him self) when he was chafed with drinking, began to set furth the actes that he had done, in suche sort that his wordes offended the eares of suche as knewe them to be trewe. The auncient men kept silence till such time [Page] as he began to deface the doynges of Philippe his father, aduauntynge the notable victorye at Cheronese to be his dede. The glorye wherof (he saide) was taken from him by the malice and enuy of his father. For he alledged howe in the mutine whiche rose betwene the Macedons and the Greke souldiours, when Philippe lay hurt of a wounde whiche he receiued at that fraye. thought him selfe sure no otherwise then to counterfaite to be dead: When he defended his body wyth his buckeler, & slewe them with his owne hand that ranne vpon Philip to haue killed him. Which act (he saied) his father would neuer gladly cōfesse, nor neuer could abide to acknowlege his safegard to come by his sōne. He also declared how after the iourney he made by him self into Illiria, in writyng vnto his father he ascribed the victorye vnto him selfe, whiche ouerthrew his enemies & put them to flight, when Philip was awaye. He said that in his opiniō it deserued but small cōmendation to make a iourney into Samothracia, when Asia ought to haue bene spoyled & brente. Nor he thought no man worthy praise in dede but suche as do so great actes, that thei excede all mens credite. The yong men that were present were glad to heare these wordes and such other like, but thei were vngrateful vnto the auncientes specially for Philips cause, vnder whō they had long serued. Then Clitus which in like case was not very sober, turned to such as sate beneth him, rehearsinge verses of Euripides, wherof the kyng myght rather heare the sounde then the wordes. The effect of thē was, that the Grekes did euil, which in the monumētes of their victories, did subscribe only the names of their kyngꝭ, which vsurped y e glory to thē selfes y e other [Page 151] men did wynne by sheding of ther bloud. Alexander therefore which iudged his wordes to bene worse then they were, enquered of such as sat next him what Clitus said. But whē they keapt silence: Clitus w t a lowder voyce rehersed philips doinges, & warres he made in Greace one after an other, prefarring them before any actes done since that time. Wherupon ther did rise a contencion betwene the yong men and the old. But the king enforcing a paciens in him self, when he hard Clitus deface his prayse, cōceiued a wōderfull wrath in his mind. Yet it semed y t he wold haue bridled his affection, if Clitus wold haue made ane and of his presumptuous talk. But whē he would not ceasse, he gaue occasion to Alexander to be further moued. Then Clitus did procede so fareforth, that he durst defend Parmenio case and prefarred the victory that Philip wāne of the Athenyens, before the distruccion of Thebes, & going further & further, not only through dronkenship but euen of a forwardnes of a contencious minde, at length said: If we must dye through the, Clitus wordes. Clitus is the first. For they receyue greatest rewards of thy victory that can most shamefully deface thy fathers memory. The coūtrey of Sogdiā is giuen vnto me, that hath so often rebelled, and now not onely vnsubdued, but such one as by no meanes can be brought to subiectiō I am placed amōgs those wild beastes, that be of such an vnciuil disposicion. But I could passe ouer things parteyning to my self: if the souldiers of Philip were not dispised, forgetting y t if y e old Atharias had not turned againe y e yong men▪ that gaue ouer y e fight, we had yet styked about Alycarnasus. How is it then that Asia is cōquered w t thes yong mē? But I se it is true y t [Page] your vncle said in Italy he chaunsed vpon men & you vpō womē. Ther was nothing that Clitus speak or did in his rashnes, y t moued more y e king, then y e honorable mencion made of Parmenio yet for al y t he kept in his greif & was cōtented to cōmaund hym only to depart out of y e festnor speake eny euil words against Clitus, Sauing that he said: if he should talke a little lenger he would brayde me with the sauing of his life: wherof in very dede he wold oftentymes proudly aduaūce him selfe. But notwithstandinge that the king had willed hym to departe, yet he taried stil and would not rise. And therefore such as sat next him toke him by the armes to leade him away blaming and giuing him exhortacion, for his better vsage. When Clitus sawe him selfe drawn forth against his wyll. Ire was added to his dronknes, and declared then alowde: howe that he with his breste defended the kinges backe, but now when the good turne was past, the very memory of his benefit was hated. And therwyth layd to his charge the death of Attalus, and fynally mocked the Oracle of Iupiter whom Alexander claymed to be his father and said, that he told him better truth, then his father did. At those wordes the king was sturred to suche wrath, as he could scarsly haue borne being sobre. But hauing then his sences ouercome wyth drink leped sodeinly from the table. His frendes were amased wyth throwing down the cups for hast, risse to wayt the end of the thing, they sawe hym go about in such a fury. He toke a speare out of a squires hand and would haue striken Clitus that was yet raging with thintemperaunce of his toung. But he was stopped by Ptolomeus and Perdicas who tooke him in theyr armes & stayed him for all hys striuing. And Lysimachus and [Page 152] Leonatus toke away the speare. Then he called to hys souldiers for ayde, crying out that he was taken by his next frēdes as Darius was of late, & willed the trumpet to be blowen, that y e armed men might assēble vnto the court. Then Perdicas and Ptolomeus fell downe vpon their knees, requiring him that he would not perseuer in his wrath, whiche he so sodaynely had conceyued, but rather respite his displeasure, seynge that he might the next day much more better order the matter But his wrath preuayled so much, that his eares were shutte vp, and he ranne in a fury amonges the watchmen, pluckyng a speare from one of them, which once gotten, he stode in the entrye, throughe the whiche they that supped with him must nedes passe. When all the the rest were come forth, Clitus came last without light And because Alexander could not discerne him, he asked what he was, but that was done so terribly, that the cruelty of the acte he went about apeared in his voice. But Clitus which seyng the king in a fury, had no respect howe much he had offended him before, aunswered that he was Clitus, whiche was commynge from the kinges banquet. With y e worde he strake him throughe the body so that he fel downe starke dead, & was al besprinckeled w t his bloud. Go now (quod he) to Philip, Parmenio, & Attalus. Herein it may be sene that nature prouided euill in the disposition of man, which for the more part can not consider so well thinges to come as those that be past. For after that Alexanders ire was asswaged, and his dronkennes past, weying aduisedlye the foulenes of the acte he had done: considered then that thoughe Clitus hadde vsed ouermuch libertie in his talke, that yet he ought not to haue slayne so noble a manne of warre: yea, and the sauer of his owne life, [Page] though he were ashamed to confesse it. He sawe that he beyng a kyng hadde vsed the detestable office of an hangman, in reuengyng with wicked slaughter the libertye of wordes, whiche might haue bene imputed to wyne. When he behelde the bloude of hym whiche a litle before he had bydden to his banquet runne ouer all the entrey, and that the watchemen were so astonied and amased that they stode a farre of, and durste not come nere, his solitarines caused hys repentaunce to be the greater. Then he plucked the speare out of the dead corse, and would haue thruste it through his owne bodye, if the watchemen had not come runnynge, and with great striuynge wronge the same out of his handes. That done they toke hym vp, and caried him into hys lodgynge. Wheras he fell downe flatte vpon the grounde, fillyng full all the courte wyth the miserable noyse of hys howlynge and lamentation. He tare hys face wyth his nayles, & required suche as stode aboute hym, that they woulde not suffer hym to lyue in suche a shame and dishonoure. In these requestes he consumed the whole nyght, and caused diligente searche to be made whether it were the ire of the Goddes or no, that had caused him to commit so haynous an acte. At length it was founde y t the yerelye sacrifice due vnto Bacchus was not done in due tyme. And therfore it appeared manifestlye that it shoulde be the wrathe of the Goddes, that hadde moued him to committe murther vpon eatynge and drynckyng. But the greateste thyng that encreased his sorowe, was the amasement of hys frendes, when he sawe thē shrinke from hym, & that none of them after that dede done, woulde gladly vse suche familiar communication as they dyd before. [Page 148] Then he parceyued that he should liue as a wild beast in a desart both fearing others, and also afrayed hym selfe. The next morning he commaunded the body blody as it was, to be brought into his chambre, which when he saw lyeng before him fell in weping and sayd Shal I after this sort requit my norse whose .ii. Alexanders lamentacyō for the deal of Clitus. sōnes slaine for my glory at milatun. I haue nowe killed her brother that was her only Ioy at myne owne bourd? What refuge shal that wretched woman haue. I was al the cōfort that did remaine to her, and now she shal neuer be gladde to be hold me. Shall I the wicked killer of my preseruers, returne into my coūtrey, whē I shal not be able to presente my hand vnto my nurse wythout the remembraunce of her misery? When he could put no end to these kind of bewailinges & complayntes, y e body was taken awaye by the apoyntmēt of his frēdes. After he had laien thre daies shut vp in his chambre, sorowing after this manner, the squiers & such as had the keaping of his persone seing him geuen obstinatly to death, brake all into his lodging, and with great payne brought hym (though he long withstode their prayers) at lenght to take some reliefe and sustenaunce And to the intent he should be the lesse ashamed of Clitus death the Macedones decreed that he was lawfully killed and would not suffre him to be buried, but that the king commaunded it. Hauinge consumed ten dayes at Maracanda specially to confyrme the shame he had cōceyued of Clitus death, sent Ephestion w t parte of his army into bactria to prouide vitells againste wynter. And commytted the same prouience vnto Amintas which before he had giuen to Clytus.
[Page] zenippa.From thence he went into a countrey called zenyppa that confyneth with the Scythians: which being well inhabited and full of villages, doth with the plentyfulnes thereof not only detayne theinhabiters to dwell their still but also inuite straungers to come amonges them. The same was a refuge to the outlaws of Bactria that styll rebelled, but after Alexanders comming was knowne they were driuen furth by the countreye men and two .M. and two hondred of them assembled to gither which were horsemen accustumed to lyue by theft and spoyle in tyme of peace. And then not onely the warre but also dyspayre of forgeuenes, had made ther cruel and wild disposicions worse. They gaue an onset sodeynly vpon Amyntas, Amyntas. that was Darius lieutenant. The battel was long doubtful betwixt them. But fynally they lost .vii.C. of there nombre whereof iii.c. were taken presoners, and turned ther backes to the victorers not without a reueng for they slewe of them .iiii. score besides .iii.C.L. that they wounded. And yet notwithstanding after this second rebellion they obteyned pardon. When Alexander had brought them to obedience, He came with his hole Army into a coūtrey called Naura the lord wherof was called Sysymithers, Naura. Sysymythres. who had gotten two sonnes by hys owne mother, it being lawfull there for the parentes to vse ther children. The same Sysimythres with two thousande armed men fortefyed and kepte the streight at the entreye of the countreye where as it was moste narawe. The passage was defended bothe with a riuer and w t a rock, through y t which rock the way was made by force of hand. The light is receyued in at the entrey but further inward ther is non, but such as mē bryng wyth them. Frō thys rock there goeth a vawte [...]
[Page 154]From this rocke there goeth a vaure vnderneth the grounde that hath issues into the playnes, whyche be not knowen but to suche as be of the same countrey. Though this straight was naturally strong, and defē ded besides by a strong power, that letted not Alexander to attempt it, but brought engynes which they call Arietes, to beate downe such fortificatiō as was made with hande, and with slinges and shote of arrowes, did beate his enemyes from the places of their defence. When he had driuen them awaye, he passed throughe the fortificatiōs he had wonne, and made approche vnto the rocke. But the streame that grewe of the assemble of waters falling from the mountayne was an impedimente to him therin. And it semed a wonderfull worke to fil the chanel of the riuer, yet he caused trees and stones to be brought to the place, and set the thing in hande. When his enemyes that neuer had sene any suche worke before, sawe the worke rise sodaynlye lyke a mountayne, were put in a marueylous feare, wherby the kynge supposyng they might haue bene brought to render it vp: sent one Oxatres of the same nacion to persuade Sisymythres to render vp the rocke. And in the meane season to put them in the more terrour, he caused towers of woode to be brought forwardes, and did shote wyth engynes so oute of the same, that the enemies forsakynge all other strengthes, retired into the toppe of the rocke. Oxatres finding Sisymythres in this feare, perswaded hym rather to proue Alexanders beneuolence then his force, seynge that all creatures submitted theim selues vnto him, & that he onely should not be his let, goynge with his victorious army into India, wherby he should turne other mens plage vpon his owne necke. Sisymythres would haue [Page] bene contented to folowe his aduise, but that she whiche was both his mother and his wyfe affyrmed howe she woulde rather dye then commit hir selfe into anye mans handes. And therfore beynge ashamed that the loue of libertye shoulde remayne more in a womanne then in him, altered his purpose, takinge that way whiche was more honest then sure, and dismissed him that was the meane for peace, determinyng vtterly to abide the extremitye of the siege. Yet when he had weyghed well his enemies power and hys owne togethers, began againe to repent him of his wiues counsail, which was more rashe then necessarie, & made sute that Oxatres woulde returne, proferinge then to commit hym selfe to the kinges will, onely requirynge of Oxatres that he would not vtter hys wyues mynde and opinion, for feare least she should not obteyne hir Pardon.
He sente therfore Oxatres before, and he came after wyth his wyfe his children, & all his kynsfolke wythout tariynge for any assuraunce promised to hym by Oxatres. Alexander hearynge of their commyng, sent hys horsemen before to cause theim to staye and tarye for hys cōmyng. And when he was come to the place wher they were, he offered Sacrifice to Minerua and Victoria, restorynge to Sysymythres his former rule and aucthoritie, and put him in hope of a greater countrey, if he would faythfully cōtinue his frendship, and toke his two sonnes presented to him by the father, to serue in his warres. Alexander lefte his fotemenne to subdue suche as were yet vnyelden, and wente forwardes with hys horsemen into other partes. The way was craggye and difficulte, whyche at the firste they endured indifferentlye, but afterwardes when their horse houes were torne asunder, and they vtterly forweried, [Page 155] manye were not able to folowe, but rydde disperkled, and out of order, the werines of their trauaile so much ouercame shame. The kyng notwithstandyng chaunged often horse, and pursued wythout ceassyng his enemies that fledde before hym. By reason wherof all the noble young men that were wonte to accompanye him were lefte behynde, sauynge onelye Philippe Lysimachus brother, Philip who then beynge in the floure of his youthe, and of great likelihode to become an excellent manne, folowed on fote the kynge that did ride on horsebacke by the space of fifty furlōges, Lisymachus diuers times profring to him his horse. But in no wise he would depart from the kyng, notwithstandyng that he had on his corselet and all his armoure. When the kinge passed through a woode where his enemies laye in embushement, he fought notablye, and rescued the kynge fightynge wyth hys enemyes. But after they were [...]ite to flyght and driuen out of the woodes, the greatnes of his courage which hadde susteyned him in the heate of the fight, faynted wyth his bodye, and beyng all on a swette, leaned him selfe to a tree, whyche did not so staye him, but that he fel to the earth, and beynge taken vp againe by the Kinges handes, shronke downe from hym and dyed. The kynge beyng sorowfull for his deathe, receiued an other tidynges, no lesse to be lamented. For before he came to his campe, he was aduertised of the deathe of Erigius, one of hys moste notable Capitaynes, whose funerals were bothe celebrated wyth greate pompe and ceremonies of honoure.
From thence he determined to goo vnto the Dahans, where he vnderstode that Spitamenes was. But Fortune that neuer ceased to fauoure hym, [Page] finished y e iourney of his, spitamenes. as she did many other. Spytamenes was enflamed wyth the ouermuche loue of his wife, whom he caried wyth hym in al his hasardes and aduentures. But she that coulde not well endure fliynge, nor to chaunge places like an outlawe, became so wery of trauayl, that by flattery and fayre meanes, she entised her husbande to leaue his fliyng, and go about (seyng he sawe no waye to escape) to procure Alexanders fauoure, of whose clemencye (she saied) he had sene so great experience. And to moue him the more in the matter, she brought before him their childrē begottē betwixt them, makyng request, that at the least wayes he would take pity on thē, wherin she thought her praier would be the more effectual bicause Alexander was so nere at hand. But Spitamenes iudging her not to do this by way of coūsail, but of purpose to betray him, and y t she desiered to submit her selfe vnto Alexander in confidence of hir beuty, drew out his swerde to haue strikē her, if he had not bene letted by his brethrē. Whē they would not suffer him otherwise to hurt her, he cō maunded hir to auoyde hys syght, threatenynge to kyll hir, if she profered to come agayne to his presence. And to mitigate his loue towardes hir, he spente the nyght amonges hys concubynes. But his loue that was so deapelye grounded thereby ceassed not, but rather kyndeled the more towardes his wyfe. Wherfore he reconciled him selfe agayne vnto hir, makyng his continuall request, that she would not counsayl nor moue hym anye more in the matter, but be content wyth suche chaunces as Fortune woulde sende hym, for he estemed, death lyghter then to yeld him selfe. She purged her selfe of her former perswasion, which appered [Page] to her she saied to haue bene good, and though it were after a womans maner, yet it proceaded of a faithfull meanynge. But from thence forth she was contented to do as it shoulde please him. Spitamenes ouercome with her counterfait affection, made a great feast, and after much eatyng and drinkyng became drowsie, and was caried into his chambre. Whē his wife perceiued him to be in a depe slepe, she pulled out a swerde which she had kept secretely for that purpose, and cut of hys head, deliueryng the same being sprinkeled with bloud vnto her seruaunte that was priuye to the facte, and with hym onely as she was enbrued with bloude came vnto the Macedons campe, willynge it to be signified to Alexander that there was one come, that hadde to speake with hym. He by and by gaue commaundemēt that she shoulde enter, but when he perceyued her defiled wyth bloude, thinkynge that she had come to lament some iniurie done vnto her, willed her to declare what she woulde haue. She desiered that her seruaūt myght come in, from vnderneth whose garmente she toke Spitamenes heade, and presented it vnto Alexander. The palenes of the face wantynge bloude had taken awaye the knowledge whose it was. But when the kynge perceiued it to be a mans heade he departed forth of the tente, and by enquery vnderstode the matter. The case brought him in greate perplexitie, and was dryuen by diuers imaginations into sundrye opinions. He iudged the kyllynge of suche one beynge a fugityue and a rebell to be greate benefite vnto him, which liuynge myght haue bene a greate let and impediment to his proceadynges.
But one the other syde, considerynge the horriblenes of the dede, that she shoulde kyll hym by treason [Page] dede, that she should kyll him by treason which loued her so entirely, and by whom she had had children, the violences of the actes, ouercame the thank of her benefite. & she was commaunded to departe the Campe, lest the ensample of such lycencyousnes might corrupt the manners and ciuill dysposion of the Greakes. When the Dahans vnderstod of Spitamenes death they brought Dataphernes bound that was partener with him in his conspiracy, Dahans. & yelded them selues vnto Alexander. Who being delyuered from the greateste part of his precent care, determined to reuenge the iniuries of them whiche had bene mysused by the pride and couetousnes of his deputyes & officers. Therfore he committed Hircania with the Mardons and Tapirious to Phrataphernes, to whom he gaue in commission to send Phradates his predeeessour to him as a prisoner. Stasamer. Stasamer was substituted ruler of Caria in y e place of Arsamus. Arsaces was sent into Media to thintēt y t Oxidates should remoue frō thence. Arsaces. Babylon vpon the death of Maseus was committed to diditamenes. Dydytmens When he had ordeyned these thinges the third moneth, he drue hys Armye out of ther winter lodgines to go vnto a Countrey that was called Gabasa. Gabasa. The firste dayes iourney was quiet, and the next not very tempestuous, but yet darker then had bene accustumed, and not wythout some signyfycatyon of ther calamites that were cōming. The third daie the element was ful of lightning & whē the lightning cessed, A tempaste. it was very darke. The beholding wherof amased y e souldiers & put them in great feare. It thū dred in maner cōtinually, & the lightning fel in straūg symile [...]udes, So that the Army stode astonyed, and durst neither go forwardes nor remaine styll in a place
[Page 157]Then there came sodaynely a shower of hayle dryuynge lyke a streame, whyche at the firste they defended by couerture of their harneys. But shortelye after their handes were so colde and wette, that they could not holde their weapons, nor yet deuise whiche waye to turne them selues, findynge alwayes where they turned their faces, more violence of the tempeste then before. Euerye manne therefore brake his araye, wanderynge aboute the woodes, and manye that were weried, by feare rather then by trauayle, laye downe vpon the ground, notwithstandyng that the force of the cold hadde conuerted the shower into a froste. The trees agaynst whiche they leaned, was a great refuge & helpe to manye. And yet they were not ignoraunte when they rested, that thei chose them selues a place of death, for when they lefte to moue their bodyes, the naturall heate left theim. But ease was so pleasaunt to such as were weried that they refused not to dye in resting of them selues. Their affliction was not onely vehemēt for the tyme, but also continued verye longe to the encrease wherof the lyghte whyche is a naturall dilectation vnto menne, through the darknes of the shower, and the shadowe of the woode was so taken awaye, that it appeared as it hadde bene nyght. The Kynge onelye was able to endure this mischiefe, whiche ceassed not to go aboute the armye, drawynge the souldioures together when they were disperkled, liftynge theim vp that laye on the grounde, and to encourage theim, he shewed theim the smoke that rose afarre of from the Cotages, whether he exhorted them to drawe for succour. There was not any thinge more effectual to their saufeguarde, then that whiles they were ashamed to leaue their Prynce, whome they sawe▪ endure [Page] this mischiefe, they chafed theim selues with their labour and trauaile. But necessity which in aduers fortune is of more force then any reason, founde out a remedye for this colde. They fell to cuttynge downe the woode making euery where heapes and stackes therof, and set them on fyre. Then a man would haue iudged that the whole woode had bene on a flambe. For there was scarcely space left betwixt the fires for men to stande. Then their nummed members began to be moued with the heate, and their sprites which were oppressed by force of the colde, began to haue their free recours. Some recouered the cotagies whyche necessitie caused them to seke out in the furthermost part of the woode, & the cest recouered the campe, whiche was plonted in a moyste ground. But by that time y e shower was ceassed. The same tempest consumed a thousand souldiours, veriets and slaues. It is saide that diuers were found frosen to death leaning against trees, and yet semed as thoughe they had bene liuynge and speakyng together. It chaunsed that a common souldiour of the Macedons which had much payne to go and carye his armour, came at the last into the campe where the kyng was, who notwithstandyng that he was chafyng of hys owne bodye agaynst he fyre, yet he did rise out of hys chyre, and pullyng of the nummed souldiers armoure that was paste his remembraunce, sette him downe therin. He a greate whyle knewe not where he sate, or who had receiued him. But at length when his naturall heate came to hym, and perceiued it to be his kynges seate, and the kynge to be there presente, was afrayed, and starte vp agayne.
But Alexander behelde hym in the face, and sayed: [Page 158] Perceiuest thou not now my souldier with how much better condicion thou liuest then the Percians do vnder their king? For it is death for thē to sit in y e kinges seate, and the same hath bene the saueguarde of thy lyfe. The next day he called his frendes, and the captaines of the armye togethers promysing to restore to them whatsoeuer they had lost. Wherin he perfourmed his promis. For Sysimithres bringing vnto him many beastes of burden with two .M. Camels and great nombre of shepe and oxen, he distributed all amonges the souldiers, wherin he bothe restored to them their losse, and also deliuered them of their honger. The kyng gaue great thankes vnto Sysimithres, and cō maunded his souldiers to cary syx dayes vitels ready dressed, went to the Sacans, Sacans. where he destroyed all their countrey, and of the botie there taken gaue .xxx. thousand shepe in gift to Sysimythres. From thence he came vnto a countrey belonging to a noble prince called Cohortanus, Cohortanꝰ whiche submitted him selfe vnto the kyng. And he againe restored his countrey vnto hym, exacting nothing of his, but that of his thre sonnes, he should sende two with hym to serue in his warres. But Cohortanus offred to hym all three and made a feaste vnto Alexander with all suche sumptuousnes as belonged to the maner of the countrey. Wherein all the pleasures beyng shewed that coulde be deuised, thyrty virgines of the noble mens chyldren were brought in before Alexander, amonges whome, there was Cohortanus doughter called Roxane, Roxane. which in beuty, excellens of personage, and in comlynes of apparell (rare amonges those nacions) excelled all the reste. And notwithstandyng that they were all electe with whome she was accompanied, yet she drewe [Page] all mens eyes towardes her and specially the kynges, that coulde not well nowe gouerne his affections in suche prosperitie of fortune, whiche is the thyng that the fraylenes of man seldome can auoyde. So that he whiche behelde the wyfe of Darius and her two doughters (to whome Roxane was nothyng comparable) with no other entent then he myght haue done his mother, was then so farre ouercome with the loue of a young virgine, being but of a base stock, if she should be compared to kynges bloud, that he affirmed it to be a thyng necessary for the establyshement of the Empire, for the Percians and Macedons to mary togethers: by whiche only meanes shame myght be taken from the vanquyshed, and pryde from the victorers. He also for his purpose alledged a president howe Achilles (of whome he was descended) ioyned hym selfe with a captiue. And lest his doynges should be thought iniury, he would couple hym selfe by waye of mariage.
The father ioyfull of these newes that he loked not for, gladly confirmed the kynges wordes. Who in the heate of his desire, A ceremony of mariage amōges the Macedons. caused bread to be brought furth accordyng to the custome of his countrey, the same beyng the moste religious ceremony of mariage amonges the Macedons. Whiche bread was cut a sonder with a sworde, and eche of them made of it a sacrifice. It is to be thought that suche as establyshed the customes of that nacion, coueted by a moderate and a scarse diet, to shewe to them that were the gatherers of great ryches with howe small a thyng they ought to content them selues. Thus he that was both kyng of Asia and Europe, ioyned him selfe in mariage with a mayde brought in at a maske, to beget vpon a captiue, [Page 159] that shoulde reigne ouer the victorious Macedons. His frendes were ashamed that he should chose vpon drinke a father in lawe, of them that he had lately subdued. But after the death of Clitus all libertie and franckenes of speache being taken away, they semed to agre with their countenaunces, the moste apt instrument to declare the consent of the mynde. After this was done, he prepared his iourney towardes India, purposing to visite the Occian Sea. And because he would leaue nothyng behynde his backe that myght be impediment to his expedition: toke ordre for thyrty thousand young men to be leuied out of all the prouinces, and to be brought vnto hym armed, myndyng to vse them both as pledges and souldiers. He sent Craterus, to pursue Haustenes, and Cathenes, of whome the one was taken and the other slayne. Polycarpon also subdued the countrey that was called Bubacen. Bubacen. And so hauing set all his thinges in ordre, he sette his whole imagination vpon the warre of Inde, whiche was counted to be a very ryche countrey, and to habound bothe with gold, perles, and precious stones, thynges more appertenent to voluptuousnes, then to magnificence, and it was sayde that the Souldiers there had their targettes made of Iuery, and of gold. And therfore lest he whiche thought hym selfe to excell the rest, should be passed in any poynt, caused his souldiers to set their targettes with plates of syluer, the horsemen to make their brydels of gold, and their corseletes to be bewtefied, some with gold, and some with syluer. There a were hūdred & .xx. thousād armed men that folowed Alexander to that warre. When all thinges were in redines, for the purpose he long before [Page] conceyued in his euell disposed mynd, Alexander coueteth to be honored as a god. thought it tyme to compasse how he might vsurpe the name and honor of a god, and so willed him selfe not only to be called, but also beleaued to be the sonne of Iuppiter: asthough his powre had bene aswell to restranie mens thoughtes as their tonges. His entent was that the Macedons shoulde fall grouelinges vpon the groūde and worship him after the like maner the Parcians did their kinges. And to such his desire, there wanted not Parnicious flatterye: the parpetuall poyson of princes▪ whose estat hath had more often ouerthroues by flattery, then by any force of enemies. The Macedōs were not in blame of this, for non of them suffred gladly ther countrey custumes to be subuerted. But it was the fault of the Greakes, whiche with ther naughty condicions, corrupted the profession of honeste sciences. Hagys. Chyrillus. Cleo. There was one Hagys of Argiue as euell a poet as was since Chirillus daies and another called Cleo a Ciciliā geuē to flatterie both of nature and by the cus [...]ūe of his countrey. They with other the dredge and refuse of their countreys (whō Alexāder reputed more then any of his captaines or his kinsemen) wold haue made it apere to the world, that heauen had layen open for Alexāder, and stiked not openly to pronownce that both Herculus, and Bacchus Chaster, and Pos [...]ux shoulde all giue place to his newe godhed. For the bringing of this thing to passe the kyng commaunded vpon a lolempne day a feast to be prepared with great pompe, inuiting ther vnto al the great lords, and gentlemen bosh of the Macedons and the Greakes with whom whē he had sitten and eatyng a whyle he departed from them out of the feast. Then Cleo (as was before determined) set furth his talk w t great praise & [Page 160] wonder of the kings vertues rehersing his exceding benefites towardes them al which to requite (he saied) ther was but one waye, and that was: if they woulde acknowleg him a god whō they knew to be one. For it is a smal thing (qd he) to recōpence such great benefites towards you al w t the cost of alitel frākinsence. He shewed the Percians custume to be both religious and wyse in worshipping there kinges as gods, thinking ther defence & saueguard to consiste in y e maiestie of ther prince. He said, y t Hercules & bacchus wer defied whē they had once ouercome the enuie of such as liued [...] ther time. And mē y t come after do easely beleue such thinges, as haue bene confyrmed by there predecessours. And if any of you (qd he) will sticke at this matter, ye shal se me the fyrste that at the kinges comming in, shall fall downe gr [...]ueling on the earth and worship him. Which president others ought to folow, & spicially men of moste wysdome, that should alwayes be ensample to others in doing their duities towards their Prince. His tale tended direcly agaist Calistenes whose grauitye and prompte libertye of speaking was hatefull vnto the Kinge, for he thoutht him the man. which only had stayed the Macedones, that ells would redely haue done to hym that honor. Herupon euery manes eies were inurned towardes Calistenes, The worde of Calis [...]enes. which [...]ter silence made, said in this wise: If the king were present, Cleo, to heare thes thy words, yt shuld not be nedeful then to aūswer the, for he him self wold make request that he might not thus swarue out of his kind, into the custumes of straungiers. Nor he would not suffre y t thou shouldest deface & bring in the obloquie & enuye of men, with such thy parnicious flattery, hys noble actes brought to passe with suche f [...]icety [...] and [Page] good fortune. But because he is away, I for hym will thus aunswere the. There is no frute sone rype that will continew long. This I meane by the deuine honours, whiche whiles thou goest about to geue vnto the kyng, thou takest his honour from hym. There is a time required that men shoulde beleue hym to be a god, for that gift hath alwayes bene geuē to great mē. When they are once dead, by suche as came after thē. I wyshe vnto the kyng immortalitie after his death, & that his life may be long and his estate continual. But sanctifieng is a thing that sometime doth followe [...] man, but it doth neuer accompany him. Thou diddest reherse ensamples of the defyeng of Hercules, and Bacchus. Thinkest thou that thei were madde goddes vpō drinke, and by the decre of one dynner? the nature of Alexanders manhode must be remoued from our mortall eyes, before the fame can bring hym into heauen. Are not they goodly goddes (Cleo) that thou and I can make? Would the kyng (trowest thou) be content to receiue of vs the aucthoritie of his godhedde. I haue great desire to proue thy power. If thou canst make a good, first make a kynge. It is muche more easy to geue a worldly kingdome, then the possession of heauen. Thinkest thou (Cleo) that the immortall goddes will heare the without disdayne, or suffre these thy wicked deuises to take effecte? they would we shou [...] holde vs cōtent with the customes of our fore fathers and for my part I am not ashamed of my coūtrey, nor I requi [...]e not to learne after what maner I should honour my prince. For in mine opinion, we acknowledge him sufficiently to be king and victorer, of whome we receiue lawes to liue vnder. Calistenes was fauourably hard of all men, as the persone whom they counted [Page 161] the recouerer of their vniuersall libertie. He did not only in his tale paynte out suche flatterers, but also liuely expressed the opinion of the Macedons, specially of suche as were auncient men, to whome the exchaunge of their olde vsages were greuous. The kyng was nothyng ignoraunt of the wordes that had passed betwyxt them, for he stode behynde a particion of the hall and heard all the matter. He sent word therfore to Hages, and Cleo, that at his comming in, they should moue the straungers only to fall downe and worship hym after their countrey custome. And after a whyle the kyng as though he had bene about some matters of importaunce, returned agayne into the feaste, then the Percians fell downe and worshypped him after suche sorte as was deuised. But Policarpon that sat aboue the kyng at the bo [...]de, Polycarpon. asked one in skorne that touched the grounde with his chyrine, why he kyssed no harder. With whiche wordes he moued Alexander to yre, wherof he was euer vnpacient. So that, he sayd vnto Polycarpon: It is thou that disdaynest to honour me? shall I be mocked of the alone? He aunswered that it was not seamely that a kynge should be skorned, nor yet a subiect be dispysed. With whiche worde the kyng plucked hym from the table, and threwe him downe, to whome he sayd, failyng grouelynges vpon the earth: Loo hast thou not done thy self, that before thou diddest skorne in an other man, & therupon he commaunded him toward, & so brake vp the feast. Polycarpon being thus punished, was afterwardes pardoned. But Calistenes whose contempt & stobburnes the kyng had long grudged at, grounded his displeasure then more deaper, vpon whome, there chaunsed shortly after an apt occasion, to be reuenged. [Page] It was a custome (as it hath bene sayd before) amonges the noble men of Macedon to put their sonnes when they were past their childhode in seruice to the king, as pages to doe necessary busines about his persone. Their vsage was to watche nightly by course at the chambre dore where the kyng lay. The concubines were brought in by them, by an other way then where the guarde watched. Thei likewise receiued the horses of the gromes of the stable, and brought them to the king when he leped on. They alwayes were about the kyng both in hunting and in battail, and were brought vp in the study of liberall sciences. The chiefest honour was geuen vnto them, because they might sitte and eate with the kyng, none had power to correct thē with stripes but only the king himself. This company was like a masse or store, from whēce al the capitaines and gouernours of the Macedons did come. From thence came their latter kynges whose lynage the power of the Romaynes long after did extinct. A treason conspired against Alexander. Harmalaus one of that nombre, because he had striken a hore whome the kyng had thought to haue striken him self, was by his commaundement beaten, and scourged with roddes, whiche rebuke he toke greuously, and cō playned to Sostrates his frende that was one of the same company. Sostrates. Whiche seing the body torne, wherunto he had so great affeccion, and peraduenture offē ded also with the kyng before for some other cause. Stirred so Harmolaus (whiche was prouoked sufficiently alredy) y t eche gaue faith to other to find a way to destroye the kyng. Whiche they executed not with any chyldishe proceding, but wysely agreed to bring Nycostratus, Antipater, Asclepiodorus, and Philotas, into the felowship of their cōspiracie. And afteawards [Page 162] they ioyned vnto them more Anticles, Elaptonius & Phimanes. But y e meane how to perfourme this purpose semed very difficult. It behoued al the to watche togethers, the vsage being, y e according to their course some watched one night, and some another. For if any should happen amonges thē that were not priuy to the matter, might be a let to y e whole enterprise. Therfore about chaunging the course of their watche, & in other preparaciō for thexecutiō of their purpose; there passed xxxii. daies. At lēgth the night came when y e whole nō bre of the cōpiratours shuld watche togethers, who rē ioysed greatly amonges thē selues, that eche had kept faith to other, wherof so many daies silence had geuen good proufe, during which time neither feare, nor hope, had altered any of their mindes: so great was the displeasure they had conceiued against the king or els the fidelitie thei bare eche to other. Thei were standing at the dore where the king did eate, to thintent that at his rising frō the banquet, thei might bring him to his chā ber. But Alexanders fortune, & the plesaūtnes of such as were in his company, moued him to drinke largely, wherby & with other pastimes & deuises, y e time was so prolōged, y t the cōspiratours stode in a marueilous perplexitie, one while glad because thei trusted to find him dronke when they shuld go about their enterprise, & an other while in great agony lest he shuld sit til daylight for then the custome was to releue y e watche. & other to succede in their places, and since their course shuld not come againe till the .vii. night after, they could not be assured that euery one of thē wold keape the thing secrete during thesame time. But whē the day began to appeare, & Alexander was rysen from the banquet thei were so glad to execute their malice, that thei were ioyfull [Page] to receyue the kyng. There was a woman accustomed to haunt the court (whiche being extraught of her minde and seming by some inspiraciō to shew thinges to come) mette Alexander, and would in no wise suffer him to passe, but persuaded him by al meanes she could deuise to returne and sit downe agayne. He sayde to her in sporte that the goddes gaue hym good aduyse, and therupō called backe againe his familiers and sat drinkyng tyll it was two owres after daye lyght. By which time an other company had releued the watche, and were standing before the kynges chambre dore: notwithstandyng whose commyng the conspiratoures remayned still after the time of their watche exspired. So vehement is the hope whiche mens myndes conceiue, when they be drowned in the desire of greate thinges. The king spake more gently to them then he was accustomed, and willed thē to go to their rest, forsomuche as they had watched al the night before, & gaue vnto euery one of thē in reward .50. sestercies, with cō mendacion of their diligence that thei continued their watche lenger then their tyme. Beyng thus deceyued of the great hope they were in, they departed to their lodginges, in expectaciō of the night when their course should come againe. Ephimanes disclosed the conspiracie. But Ephimanes whiche either by the genlenes the kynge shewed him amonges the rest, or els that he thought the prouidence of God had withstande their purpose, sodainly chan̄ged his minde, and opened the matter they had gone about to his brother Eurilochus, Eurilochus that was not priuy to the matter before. The punishement of Philotas was so freshe in euery mans memory, y t Eurilochus layd straightways handes vpon his brother, and broughth him into the court. He called to the watche and shewed them, that [Page 163] he brought [...]ewes pertayning to the kynges saueguarde. Whiche thing well apeared, al [...] by their cōming at suche a time as also by their sadnes, which was a testimony of their rebubled mindes. The watch men called vp Ptolomens & Leonatus that lay within the kinges chambre, which streightway brought them into the king, & wakened him whiche by reason of his muche drinking lay in a dead sleape. It was long or he awoke, but by litle & litle he came to himself, and asked what the matter was. Then said Eurilothus, thanked be the goddes y • haue not vtterly determined the ruyne of our [...]amely. For though my brother purposed an heynous act, yet is he come to repētaūce, & by him the matter is brought to light. This same very hight treason was cōspired against you, the authours therof be such as you would scarsely thinke. And therupon Ephimanes declared al thinges in ordre, with the names of the conspiratours. Calistenes. It is certaine that Calestines was not named as one priuy to that treason out it was cōfessed that he gladly gaue care to others take, when they blamed & spake euil of the kinges procedinges. Some do adde therunto, that when Harmoleus did cōplayne to Calis [...]enes howe the king had beaten him, he had him remembre how he was a man. But whether he spoke it to cause him to take the thing in paciēce, or els to sturre him to further malice, it remaineth in doubte. Whē the king was fully awaked, & called to his memory y e peril he was in, gaue Eurilochus fifty talentes, with the forfeit of a riche mās goodes called Tyridates, & forgaue his brother before his pardō was required. He cōmauded the principall of this treasō to be kept boūd, & amō ges them Calistenes which being takē & brought into the courte, the kyng slept all that daye and the nyght [Page] ensuyng he was so [...] with drin [...]ng and watchyng. The next day he called a great counsail, wherat the fathers and kinsfolkes of the conspiratours were present, not very well assured of their owne sauegarde, because that by the lawe of the Macedons all ought to dye, that were any thyng a kynne to traytours. All the conspiratours excepte Calisiynes by the kynges commaundement were brought furth. Who immediatly confessed the whole treason they had deuised. Then euery man present reuiled them, and the kyng enquired what he had done to them, why they should conspire his death. When all the other stode styll and held their peace, The wordes of Harmolaus to the kyng. Harmolaus aunswered thus. Thou doest demaunde this thyng of vs as though thou knowest not the matter. We went about to kyll the, because thou beganne to reigne ouer vs, as slaues and not free borne. As he was speakyng those wordes his father Persepolys first of all called hym traytour and murtherer of his parentes, stoppyng his mouthe with his hande, that he should speake no further. Then the kyng plucked his father backe, and wylled Harmolaus to speake, such thynges as he had learned of his maister Calistenes. Then Harmolaus proceded: I will vse thy benefite, and declare those thynges whiche I haue learned to the greate myschief of vs all. Howe smalle is the nombre of the Macedons remayning, that haue escaped thy crueltye? Attalus, Philotas, Parmenio, Lyncestes Alexander, and Clytus, be nowe deade, but to our ennemyes behoue alyue. They stode in the fyghte, and defended the with their swordes, receyuing woundes for thy glory and victory, whome thou haste very well rewarded. The one be sprynckled thy table [Page 164] with his bloud, and the other coulde not be suffred to dye a simple death. Thus the capitaines of thy people be tormented and put to death: a plesaunt spectacle to the Percians, of whome they were victorers, Parmenio by whome thou diddest sie thine enemy Attalus, was put to death without iudgement. Thus thou vsest thy handes of vs wretches, as instrumentes one to kill another, and whom thou diddest make thy tormentours, alitle before, straightwayes thou commaundest them to be tormented of others. At those wordes the multitude began to shout against Harmolaus, and his father drewe his sworde of purpose to haue slaine him, if he had not bene letted by the kyng, whiche cōmaunded Harmolaus to speake, & required the rest to heare him paciently, whiche (he said) enforced the cause of his own punishemēt. At lēgth with great labour thei held their peace, & then Harmolaus began again: how liberall is he to suffre rude children to speake? When the voice of Calistenes is shut vp in prison, because he alone is able to tell his tale, and why? because thou fearest the frespeche of an innocent, & because thou canst not endure to behold his face, & yet I will iustifie he is not priuy to this matter. But other there be here that purposed with me a noble enterprise, of whom there is not any that can accuse Calistenes of consent, and yet thou that art our pacient and rightuous king hast determined here his death. These be the rewardes of the Macedons, whose bloud thou doest misuse as vile and of no valeur. Thou hast .xxx.M. mules carieng spoyle and treasure, and yet the poore souldiers cary nothing with them but vnrewarded woundes and skarres. All which thinges we did easely suffre before thou diddest betray vs to the barbarous, and after a newe trade, of [Page] victourers make vs slaues. Thou allowest the apparell and disciplyne of the Percians, and despysest the maners of thine own coūtrey. And therfore we determined to kil the, not king of Macedō but kyng of Perce, and as a fugitiue we persecuted the by the lawe of armes. Thou wouldest haue the Macedōs knele to the and worship the as a god. Thou doest refuse Philip for thy father, & if any God had bene before Iupiter, thou wouldest haue refused him likewyse. Doest thou maruaille if free men can not beare this thy pryde? what can we hope for at thy handes? seyng we muste either dye as innocentes, or els that is worse then death, lyue and remayne in boundage as slaues. Thou arte greatly in my debte, if by this thou couldest amende, for thou haste begunne to learne of me, the thyng that free hartes cannot endure. Spare them whose age shalbe sufficiently tormented with the losse of their chyldren, but vpon vs cause execution to be done, to thintent we maye obtayne by our owne death the thynge we sought for by thyne. When Harmolaus had spoken these wordes, the kynge then aunswered after this maner: The oraciō of Alexāder
Howe false these thynges be whiche he hath learned of his instructour, my pacience doth declare.For notwithstanding he before confessed this treason. Yet my mynde was ye should heare what he could saye. Knowyng very well that when I gaue lybertie to this thief to speake, that he woulde vse thesame rage and fury in his talke, which before moued him to haue kylled me, whome he ought to haue loued as his father. Of late when that in huntyng he vsed a great presumption. I commaunded hym to be chastised after the custome of our countrey vsed by the kynges of Macedon. Whiche chastisement [Page 165] we must graunt nedefull to be done, lyke as the people bee accustomed of their tutors, the wyfes of their husbandes, and seruauntes of their maisters.
This was all the crueltie I vsed towardes hym, which he would haue reuenged with murther and treason. But howe gentle I am to all persones, that suffre me to vse myne owne disposicion, synce you your selfe doe knowe, it were superfluous for me to reherse. I can not maruayll at all, though the punyshement of traytours be displesaunt to Harmelaus, since he hym selfe is in thesame case, for when he commendeth Parmenio and Philotas, it maketh for his owne purpose. I pardoned Lyncestes Alexandre, whiche was accused by two witnesses, that he twise cōspired treason against me. And againe conuicted, yet deferred I his punishment twoo yeares, tyll you your selues required he might haue his deseruing. Towching Attalus ye remembre very well howe he wrought treason agaynste me before I was kyng. And for Clytus I would God he had not moued me to yre, whose rashe tounge speaking rebuke and shame both of me and you, I suffred lenger then he would haue done me, speaking the like. The clemency of kynges and rulers, cōsisteth not only in their owne disposicions, but in theres, that be vnder their subiection. For the rigor of suche as be rulers, is mitigated with humilitie. But when mens mindes be voyd of reuerence, & high & lowe be confounded as a like, thē force is necessary to repulce violēce. But why maruel I, y t he did lay cruelty against me, y t durst obiect towardes me couetousnes. I wil not cal you to witnes one by one, lest I shuld braide you w t liberalitie, by making declaraciō what I haue bestowed vpon you. Behold y e whole multitude, which a litle while ago, had nothing [Page] els but their bare armour, doe they not lye in syluer beddes? be not their tables charged with plate, and possesse they not whole flockes of slaues? They are not able to susteyne the spoyles of their enemies. But it is sayd the Percians be honoured of me whom we haue conquered. Truly they be so, & yet, what greater proufcan there be of my moderaciō, [...] thē that I do not reigne proudely ouer suche as I haue subdued. I came into Asia not vtterly to subuert the naciōs, nor to make the one half of the worlde desert, but to geue the cōquered cause, not to repent them of our victory. This is the occasion they gladly fight for you, and for your kyngdome they spend their bloud: which if they were proudly vsed, would streight rebell against you. The possession is not durable whiche is possessed by violence, but the thankes of gentlenes receiued, endureth euerlastingly. If we purpose to enioye Asia, and not to make a progresse through it, we muste make them partakers of our clemency and then their fidelitie shal make our empire stable and perpetuall. And truly we haue nowe more then we can well wyshe or desire. Couetousnes is an vnsaciable thyng, specially when men desire to fill the vessell that ronneth ouer. But ye will saye that I myxe and brynge their customes amonges ours: It is so, and whie? because I see in diuers nacions right many thynges whiche we nede not be ashamed to folowe. And so greate an Empire as we haue gotten, cannot otherwise be aptly gouerned, except we deliuer some thynges to thē, and receiue likewise some again. One thing is to be laught at, that I should refuse Iupiter for my father, being so acknowledged by his oracle, as who saith, the answere of the gods were in my power, he proffered y e name of his sōne vnto me which [Page 166] was not vnmete for y e thinges we purposed. I woulde wishe y t the Indians beleued me to be a god, for y e successe in warre stand much by fame, and that which is faulsely beleued somtyme worketh theffect of thinges true. Do you me geue too excesse and prodigalyte, bicause I garnished your armor with gold and siluer, my purpose was to shewe to men accustumed with it, nothing to be more vile then such kynd of mettell, and to declare that the Macedōs inuincible in other thinges could not be ouercome with gold it self. After this maner I shall blynd the eyes of the barbarous, which are wont at the first sight to wonder at things be they neuer so base and wile. And in that we shewe to make no estimacion of it. We shal declare to euery one that we are not com for desire of gold nor siluer but to subdue the hole world. From which glory, thou traitour, woldest haue bereued me, and betraied the Macedons (I being slaine) to the barbarous nacions Thou doest exhorte me, to spare your Parentes, It is nedefull I should make him priuie what I haue determyned vpon them? no and to that intent he might die wyth the greater dolour, if he hath any care or memory of them. It is long ago sins I did fordo the custume of putting thinnocent parentes and kinsfolkes of traytours to death with them. And I now professe to pardon, and haue them al in the same estymacion I had before. I knowe whie thou wouldest haue thy Maister Calistenes brought furth whiche only estemeth the being of his sorte bicause thou desirest to he re pronoūced of his mouth, those rayling wordes, which euen nowe thou diddest spyt out agaynst me. If he had bene a Macedon borne I had brought hym in wyth the a worthye mayster for such a desiple. But being borne in another [Page] countrey, he is subiect to an other lawe.
When he had spoken these wordes, he dismissed the counsail, & commaunded all suche as were condempned, to be deliuered to the souldioures of their owne bandes, who bicause they woulde declare by some crueltye, the loue they bare towardes their prince, flew theim all by tormentes. Calistenes also died vpon the racke, innocent of the conspiracye against the kinges person, but a mā not pliable to the custome of the courte, and abhorring from the disposition of flatterers. There was neuer thynge that brought the Grekes in greater indignation againste Alexander, then that he not onelye kylled, but caused to be tormented to death, and that wythout iudgement, a man endued with Godly maners & good sciences, by whom he was perswaded to liue, when he purposed to haue died for sorowe that he hadde slayne Clitus with his cruelty, repentaūce folowed that came to late. But least he myght nourishe idlenes, apte for sowynge of sedicious rumours, he marched towarde India, alwayes more glorious in warre then after his victorye. The discriptiō of India The whole countrey of India lieth chiefely towardes the East, conteyning more in length, then it doth in breadth. The North partes be full of mountaines and hilles, but all the rest of the lande is plaine, hauynge manye faire riuers, whiche runninge out of mounte Caucasus, do passe pleasauntlye throughe the countrey. Indus Indus is more colde thē any of the other riuers, whose water is not vnlike the coler of y e sea. But of al the riuers in the orient Ganges is most excellent, Ganges. which running frō the south passeth directly throughe many great moūtaines, vntil that by the encountring of rockes, his course is turned towarde the east, where it is receiued into the red sea, the violence of y e streame [Page 167] breaketh downe his bakes, swalowing in trees, & much of the grounde. In many places the streme is kept in with rockes, wherupō it beateth. But where the groūd is more softe, there the riuer becommeth more larger, & maketh many Ilandes. The greatnes of Ganges is much encreased by Acesines, Acesynes. wherunto Acesines doth enter into y e sea, where these two riuers mete, the water is violētly troubled, whiles the one resisteth the others enter, neither of them seme to geue place? Diardenes is a riuer of the lesse fame, Diardenes. bicause it runneth in y e vttermost bondes of India, but yet it bryngeth forth Crocadiles as Nylus dothe, & also Dolphines, with other monsters vnknowen to other nations. Erimāthus Croked Erymanthus with his many turnynges and reflexiōs is consumed by the inhabitours with wateryng their grounde which is the cause that when it draweth nere the sea, it becommeth very little, and beareth no nāme There be many other riuers that do deuide the countrey but none of theim be so famous as these, because they do not runne so farre. The northe wynde dothe blast and harme most those partes that be nexte vnto the sea. But those wyndes be so broken wyth the toppes of the mountaynes, that they can not endomage the inwarde partes of the countrey, wherfore fruites be very plentifull there and perfite. But that region doth differ so much for thordinary course of time in other partes of the world, y t when other coūtries be burned most w t the sunne, India is couered ouer w t snow. And when other places be frosē, the heat is there most intollerable, & yet there appeare not any natural cause why it should be so.
The couler of the Indian sea not differing much frō the water of other seas, did take his name of king Erithrus, wherof the ignoraunte toke opinion y t the water [Page] of those Seas was redde. The land is very haboū dant of flaxe whereof the more part of their garments be made. The twygges of the trees be so tender, that they receyue the prynt of letrs lyke waxe. The byrdes by teaching counterfeit mens voyce. There be manye beastes that are not bred, amonges other nacions. Rinocerities, be there brought furth, but not bredde. The Elyphantes of that countrey be stronger then those y t be made tame in Affrike, and thre bignes do aunswer vnto there strenght The water of the Riuers do cary downe gold, and ronne mildly without any great fall. The Sea doth cast vpon the Shore both parles and precious stones: Wherof proceded the cause of there great riches after ther Marchandise was once knowē to other nacions? the purgings of the seas being then estemed as mans fansy would make the price. The dissposysiōs of the men (as in all other places) be according to the scytuacion of the countreys they dwell in. They make there garmentes of lynnyn cloth whych couer their bodyes downe to there fete. They bynde soules vnder there fete of beastes skynnes, & wrappe roules of linnine aboute there heades. Such as be in any degre either of nobilitie, or riches, haue precious stones hanging at there eares, and couer all there armes wyth braslettes and ornamentes of gould. They vse greate curiositye in kymminge of there heades, which they rounde very sildome. They shaue without anye forme of grauitie, all partes of there face sauinge their chinne. The voluptuousnes and excesse in the kings of India. But thexcesse in voluptuousnes (which they cal magnificence) vsed by the kynges ther do excede the vices of all nacions. When there will is to be sene abrode there seruamite cary about them parfuming pannes of siluer, & fyll al the wayes where [Page 168] they go [...] fine are sauoures, and they theim selues be borne in litters of golds hangynge full of pearles, and the garmentes they were be of golde and purple enpaled together. The armed men folow their litter, & such as be of their garde, emong whō there be birdes borne vpon boughes, whyche they haue taught alwayes to synge, when they be occupied in earnest matters.
In the kynges palayce there be pillers of golde carued aboute wyth Vynes of golde, wherin the images of those byrdes they delight moste in, be artificiallye wrought. The court is open to all commers, when the Kynges do kembe and dresse their heades, then they vse to gaue aunswere to the imbassadoures, and to do iustice vnto their people. When their soles be taken of their fete be anoynted wyth swete odours. The greatest trauayle they take, is when they hunt wilde beastꝭ enclosed in Parkes, whyche they stryke whiles their concubynes be syngynge and daliynge wyth them. The arrowes that they shote be of two cubites long, whyche doo not the effecte of the force they be shotte wythall, by reason of ther weyght, which is an impedimente to their swiftenes, wherin the propertye of the arowe chiefely consisteth. In small iourneys they vse to ryde on horsebacke, but when they haue to trauayle further, they be caried vpon Elephantes, the huge bodies be couered all ouer with golde. And because no vice shoulde wante amonges their corrupte maners, great rowtes of concubines do folowe them in golden litters. The Quenes haue their bandes seperate by thē selues, which in all excesse of voluptuousnes be nothing inferior vnto y e kinges. It belongeth to the womē there to dresse meat, & they also serue men of wine, wherof there is great plentye amonges the Indians. [Page] When the kyng hath largelye dronke, and is fallen in a sleape, hys concubynnes vse to carye hym into hys chamber, callyng vpon their Goddes, with a songe after their countrey maner. Who woulde thinke that amonges all these vices, there were any regarde had of uertue. The wise men of India. There is amonges them a rude and an vnciuill kynde of people, whom they call wise men, whyche count it the most glorious thyng to preuent their owne deathes, and they vse to burne them selfes whiles thei be a liue. It is imputed for a great shanie to such as ether can not wel stere for age, or haue not their perfite health if they prolong their life till their natural death approche. Nor there is no honoure geuen to those bodies that dye for age. They thinke the Fiers be defiled if the bodyes be not alyue that be burned in them. Suche as liue in cityes after a ciuill maner, attayne to the most apt knowledge of the starres mo [...]yng, and to the propheciyng of thynges to come. Nor they can not thinke that anye man dothe shorten his life, that loketh for death without feare. They esteme those for Goddes that they begynne once to worshippe, and specially trees, the violatyng of the whiche, they forbidde vnder paine of death. They count after fiftye dayes to the moneth, & notwithstandynge limitte their yeres as they do in other places. They note not their tymes by such course of the moune as is cōmunely vsed, that is from the ful moūe, but frō the first quarter whē she beginneth firste horned, & by coūtynge of thē after the same maner, make thē y e shorter. There be many other thinges reported of thē, w t the which I thought not necessary to interrupt y e order of this story. As Alexander entred into India, the Princes of the countrey came vnto him submitting thē selues, declaring that he was [Page 169] the thirde man that euer came amonges them beynge begotten of Iupiter. They said that Hercules & Bacchus was not knowen to them, but onely by fame, but they reioysed that they mighte beholde him presentlye with their eyes. Alexander receiued thē wyth all gentlenes he coulde deuise, & willed them to accōpany him, because he woulde vse them as guides in his iourney. But when he sawe that the whole numbre came not, he sent Ephestion & Perdicas with part of his armye before, to subdue suche as would not submit them seluee, and willed them to go forwardes tyll they came to the riuer of Indus, and there to make boates, wherby he myght transport his armye. And bycause they had to passe many riuers the boates were so deuised that thei myght be taken a sunder to be caried in cartes, and afterwardes ioyned agayne together. He appointed Craterus to folow him with the phalanx, and he wyth such horsemen and fotemen that were lightarmed went before, and beynge encountred in his waye, foughte a small battayle, and did driue his enemies into the next [...]itye. When Craterus was come, to thintent he might strike terrour amonges those people that had not yet proued the Macedons force, commaunded that when they wanne the citye, they shoulde kyll both man, woman, and child, and burne the same to the hard groūd. But whiles he ridde about the walles, he was striken with an arowe. Notwithstanding the city was wonne, and al put to the swerd: the verye houses not escaping the victorers cruelty. After this he subdued an obscure nacion and came to a citye called Nysa. The citye of Nisa. It chaunsed y e whiles ther encamped in a woode before the citye, there fell a cold in the nyght y t more afflicted the Macedons then euer it had done before in any other place. [Page] Against the whiche thei prepared the remedy that was next at hande, and cutte doune the woode to make thē great fires. The flame wherof caught the sepulchres belonging to the citye, which by reasō they were made of Cedre, were sone set on fire, and neuer left burning till they were all consumed. That fire made both a [...]arum to the Citye, and to the campe: for therby the citizens iudged that their enemies woulde make some attempt against them, and the Macedōs perceiued by the barkyng of the dogges and noyse of men, that the Indians would salye out vpon them. Wherfore Alexander issuyng out of his campe in order of battel, slew such of them as attempted the fight.
Wherupon they within the Citie became of diuers opinions, some were minded to yelde, and other thought good to aduenture the extremitie. When Alexander vnderstode of their diuison, he caused his men to abstayne from slaughter, & only to maintaine the siege. At length they were so weried wyth the discommodities of the warre, that they yelded them selues. They affirmed their original to come of Bacchꝰ, who in dede builded their city at the fote of a moūtaine called Meroe. The moūte Meroe. The qualitie of whiche mountaine being reported to Alexander by thinhabiters he sent vittels before, & passed thether with his whole armye, ascendyng vp to the toppe. The mountayne grew ful of vynes & Iuie, aboundyng with sprynges y t flowed out in euery place. The same was also plētiful of many kindes of Apples of most pleasaunt taste, the ground also brought forthe corne without any cultiuation. There grew also plēty of Laurell trees, w t many kind of wild frute. I cā not impute it to any m [...]cion of religiō, but rather to plēty and wantonnes, y t caused thē to repaire thither, wherof [Page 170] the Iuye and the vyne leaues they made them selfes garlandes and ran vp and downe after a dissolute maner, all the holowes and valeyes there about rebounding with y e voice of so many thousandes, calling vpō Bacchus, to whom that place was dedicate. Which licence and libertie begonne a fewe, was spredde sosodeinly through out the hole armye, that the souldiers scatered abrode wythout ordre, lay heare and there reposing them selues vpon the grasse and leaues they had gathered togither, as it had bene in a time of quiet and moste assured peace. Whiche lycensiousnes of the souldiers rising by chaunce, Alexander dyd not withstand, but ten daies togither made feastes to Bacchus during which tyme he plentyfully banketed hys hole armye. Who can therefore denye but that greatnes of fame and glory, is oftentymes a benefite rather of fortune then of vertue? for ther enemies had no harte to set vpon them whiles they were drowned in thys excesse of banketting, dronkenship, and drowsenes but were as much afrayed of there dronken noyse, as if they had hard there cry encountring with them in battell whiche felicitie preseruing them here, did afterwardes defend them after the same maner in the middes of their enemies retorning as it were in triumphe from the Ocean Sea, when they were giuen all to festing, and to dronkenes. When Alexander descended from the mountaine he went to a countrey called Dedala which thinhabiters forsoke & fledde to the woods and the wyld mountaines, Dedala. and therfore passed from thence into Achadera, Achadera. which he found both burned and habandoned likewise of thinhabiters, wherby of necessitye he was compelled to vse the warre after an other maner. For he deuided hys armye into diuers partes [Page] & shewed his powre in many places at ones. By which meanes he oppressed them before they coulde prouide, and subdued them to their vtter ruyne. Ptolomeus toke most Cities but Alexander wanne the greateste, and afterwardes ioyned agayne his armye togither, which he had thus deuided. Coaspe. That done he went forwards and passed a riuer called Coaspe where he left Cenon to besiege a riche Cytie called Bezira, Bezira. Amazaga. and he him selfe went to Amazaga where Assacanns beinge deade had lefte the dominion both of the countrey and the Citie to his mother Cleophes. Quene Cleophes. There were .xxx. thousand fotemen to defend that Cytie whiche bothe was well fortified and stronge of scituacion▪ being enclosed vpon the este with a swift riuer that hath s [...]epe bankes defendyng the cytie▪ that it cānot be approched on that side, vpon the South and the weste partes nature as it were for the nonce, had planted high rockes betwyxt the which there laye depe holowes and pittes made of old antyquitie, wheras the rockes cessed, ther began a dike of a woūderfull depth and widenes. The wall wherwith the citie was enclosed was .xxxv. furlonges in compasse, whereof the nether partes were builded of stonne, and the vpper partes of Claye. Yet stones were mixed with the clay, to the intent that the fraille substance clinging to the hardre, the one should bynd the other. And left the earth wasshed vpon with the raine might fal altogether, there were stanchinges of Tymbre put betwixt to stay the holle worck: Which couered ouer wyth bordes was a waye for men to go vpon.
Alexander beholding this kynde of fortificacion was vncertayne what to do, For he sawe he could not approche to the walles but by fylling of those dikes and [Page 170] holowe places. And that he could not otherwise fil thē, then by making of a mounte, which was the only way he had to bryng his engines to the walles. But whiles he was viewing the towne after that maner, he was striken from the wall with an arrowe in the thieghe. Which he pulled out and without wrappinge of his wound called for his horse, and letted not for hys hurt to giue order for such thinges as he though expedient But at length when by hanging of hys legge, the blod drue from the wounde and waxed colde, wherby hys hurte beganne to payne hym, he then sayde: That he was called the Sonne of Iuppiter but he felt in hym self the passions of a deseased bodye. Yet notwithstandyng he would not returne into the campe before he had viewed all thinges that were necessary, and apoynted all thinges he would haue done. After that the souldiers had receyued there apointment, by plu [...] kyng downe of houses without the towne, they gotte great plenty of stuf to make the mount withal. And by casting stockes of trees on heapes into the dykes and holowe places, the mount within nyne dayes was raised vp to the top of the wales, and the towres were planted vpon the same: such was the labour and dilygence the souldiers vsed in the matier.
The kynge before hys wounde was closed vp went to see howe the workes went forwarde and, when he parceyued them in such case, commended the souldiers for there dilygence, & caused thyngynes to be brought to the walles out of the whych they that defended the walles were sore afflicted wyth shotte. And by reason they had not sene any such kynd of worke, were wonderfully amased, spesially when they beheld the towres of suche bignes come forwardes, and yet coulde [Page] not perceiue b [...] what meanes they were moued iudged those things to be done by y e powre of y e Gods. And besides they could not think it a mateir of mans inuencion that so great dartes and speares as came amonges them, should be shot by engynes, disperyng therefore of the defence of there Citye, they retired into the Castle. And bicause they could not be satisfied any maner of waie til they had yealded thē selfes▪ they sent Embasseadors to the king to ask pardon. Which thing obtained at his hands, the Quene with a great trayne of noble women came furth bearing in there handes cuppes of gold ful of wyne. Who presenting her little sonne before the kinges feete, not onely obtayned pardonne but also restorement of her former dignytie. Wherefore some thought that her beuty procured hir more fauore, then his mercie. But this is certaine that the child which afterwardes she brought furth, who soeuer did beget it. was called Alexāder. Frō this place Polycarpon was sent with a powre vnto a City called Ora, Ora. where he ouerthrewe in battel thinhabiters that encountred with him, whereby he got the Citye into hys possession. Ther were many other Cities obscure of fame, that came into Alexanders handes by thabā doning of thinhabiters, which assembled them selfes togither in armes and kept a rock called Aorun. The rocke called Aorun. The fame was that Hercules had besieged the same before tyme in vaine, and by reason of an earthquake enforced to departe.
When Alexander viewed thys rocke, and sawe howe stepe it was and vnpassable, became voyde of counsell tyl such tyme as an old man that knewe wel the place came to hym with hys two sonnes, offring for a reward to guyde hys men awaye vp to toppe.
[Page 171]Alexander promised them .iiii. score talentes, and keapinge one of his sonnes as pledge, sente him to parfourme that he had promysed. Mulinus the kynges Secretary was apoynted with certayne souldiers lighte armed to folowe the guyde, whose purpose was to receiue the Indians by fetching a compasse about the rock. But the same rock was not as the more parte be, whiche lieng aslope hath wayes vp vnto the toppe by degrees. For it stode bolte vpright after the fashion of a but, brode benethe and euer as it groweth vpward lesse and lesse, tyll it becometh sharpe in the [...]oppe. And it is enclosed on y t on syde w t the Riuer of Indus that hath highe & stepe banckes & vpon the otheirwith depe dikes & holowe places, ful of water and mudde. Wherefore there could be deuised no way to wynne it except those dikes were firste fylled. There was a woode at hand which the king commaunded to be cut downe, and causyng the bowes to be shred of for the cariage, filled the holowes with the bare stockes. Alexander bare the fyrst tree, and all the souldiers folowed after with a couragious showt, for there was no man that would refuce to do that they sawe the kynge begynne: So that within .vii. dayes the dikes and hollowe places were fylled vp. Then the king apoynted y e Agrians and the archers to go to the assaulte of the rocke, and did chose .xxx. yonge men of such as he iudged most apt for y e purpose out of hys owne bande, Charus and Alexander. to leading of whō he apointed Charus and Alexander whom he put in remembraunce of his name that was in comen to them bothe. At the fyrst bicause the hasard was so manifest, the kyng was not determyned to aduenture his own parson. But when the trompet blewe to thassault, he was of such a redy courag that he could [Page] not obstaine, but making a signe to his guard that thei shoulde folowe him, was the fyrste that set fote vpon the rock. Then there were fewe of the Macedons that would gladly haue taried behind, but many lefte their array where as they stode in ordre of battell, and folowed the king. The cause of many was miserable whom the riuer that ran by swalowed in, when they fell downe from the rocke. Which sight was sorowfull to such as were out of daungeir being admonished by the perel of other, what they ought to feare them selfs So that their cumpassion being turned into feare, lamented aswell them selues, as those whome they sawe slayne after that maner. At length they went so farre [...]urth, that without the getting of the rocke they coulde not returne back againe without there greate destruccion. For there enemies rowled downe great stones vpon them wherwith they were easely beaten downe, the rocke hauing so slippar and vnstable standing. Yet for all that Charus and Alexander whiche were apointed the leading of the .xxx. chosen souldiers, had gotten to y e toppe, and beganne to fight hand to hand. But there were so many dartes cast at them from afarre, that they receiued mo woūdes then they could gyue. Wherefore Alexander bothe myndfull of his name, and of his promise, whiles he fought more egerly then warely, was enclosed aboute and slayne. Whom when Charus sawe deade, he ranne vpon his enemies, and vnmyndefull of all thynges sauing of reueng, slewe many wyth hys pike and dyuers wyth hys sworde. But beinge layed at by so manye at onse, he fell downe deade vpon the bodye of hys frende. The death of thes two so hardy yonge men▪ and of the reste moued Alexander greatly, yet [Page 173] parceyuing no remedy in y e matter, caused the retracte to be sowned. It was gretly for their salfgard▪ that they retired by lettle and little without aperaunce of anye feare and the Indians contented to haue repulsed their enemies, pursued not after them. Alexander herupon was determined to leaue of his purpoce, seing he sawe no hope howe to wynne the rock, yet he made a countenaunce as though he ment to cōtinewe the sieg styll. For both he caused the wayes to be closed vp. And made an approche with towers of woode, alwayes putting freshe men in place of them that were weried. When the Indians parceiued Alexanders abstinacy, two dayes and two night they banketed contiunially, and played vpon timbrels after there maner, to cause there enemies thinke that they had no doubte in the siege, but trusted suerly to preuaill. The thirde nighte the noyse of there [...]imbreles ceased, and many torches were sene burning, which the Indians had lighted to se which way they might escape downe the rocke in the darke night. Alexander sent Balacrus to descouer the matter, Balacrus. who found that the Indians were fledde, and that the rock was habandoned. Then asigne was geuen that the holle Armye should giue a showte at once, wherbye they dyd strycke suche feare amongys their enemyes that fledde wythout ordre. That many of them thynkynge their enemies had bene at there backes, leaped downe the rockes and slewe them selues, and some mayned in there falling were left behind by there felowes that fled awaie, Thus the kynge being victorer of the place, rathere then of the man testyfied natwithstāding w t solempne sacrifyces vnto the gods a greatnes of victory, and set vp aulters vpon the rock to Minarua and Victoria. [Page] And though y e guides that he apoynted to his light armed men, parfourmed not so much as they promised, yet there reward was truely giuen them. And the rule of the rock with the countrey thereaboutes was cōmitted to Sysocostus. S [...]socostus. And he him self went forwardes wyth his army from thence to Echolyma. Echolyma. But vnderstanding that certayne streightes through the whych he should passe were kept by one Erix with, Erix. xx. thousand armed men. He committed that parte of hys army that were heuie armed to Cenon to be brought on by soft iorneyes, and going before in parson with the slyngers and Archers, put his enemies to flight, making the way clere for hys army to passe that folowed after. The Indians whither it were for the hatred they bare vnto their capteine, or els for to get y e fauour of the victorer, kylled Eryx as he fled awaye, and brought hys head, and hys armour vnto Alexander. Who considering the fowlenes of the act woulde n [...]t honor the doers, for then sample sake, nor punishe them bicause they serued his purpose. From thence by .xvi. remouinges he came to that parte of the Riuer of Indus, where Ephestion had prepared al thynges in such sort as he had commission. One Omphis was king of that countrey, Omphis on of the kinges of Iuda which before had persuaded his father to submyt him selfe vnto Alexāder. Who in meadiatly vpon his fathers death sent Embassadours vnto hym to know his pleasure, whither he shoulde take vpon hym as a kynge before his comming or els liue priuately in the meane season? And although it was permitted him to gouerne as a king, yet he would not vse the auctoritie that was graunted him. He had caused Ephestion to be receiued in the beaste sort he could deuise, but notwythstandyng had not visited him, by [Page 173] cause he would not commit his parsone to any mans fidelitie but to the kinges. But when he vnder stode of Alexanders comming, he wente against him wyth his holle power. whose Eliphantes by small distaūce myxed in battell amonges his fotemen, shewed afarre of, like castelles. At the fyrste Alexander did not take him as a frend, but as an enemye, and therefore set his men in ordre of battell, and hys horsemen in winges in redynes for to fight. When Omphis vnderstode the errour of the Macedons, he commaūded his men to staye, and puttinge his spores to his horse ridde forwardes alone. Alexāder did the like making no doubt whither he were afrend or an enemie but thought him selfe sure, eyther through his owne manhode, or the others fidelity. Theyr me [...]ing as it apered by their coū tenaunces was very frendely, but for want, of an interpretor they could not speake togithers. Therefore after they had called one vnto them: the Indian king declared vnto Alexander, that the cause he met him w t an army. was to put in mediatly his hole powre into his handes, nor that he had not taried to treate for any assuraunce by messengers, but vpō trust only had committed both his parson and his kingdome to hym whom he knewe to make warre for the wynning of of glory and fame, and therfore could not feare in him any parfidye. Alexander reioysed to se hys simplicitie, and prouffred hym his righthand as pledg of hys promise, and restoring to him agayne his kyngdome, he presented vnto Alexāder .lvi. Elephantes with many other beastes of exceding greatnes and .iii, thousande bulles, which is a cattell of great value in those countreys, and much estemed of kinges. Alexander enquited of hym whither he had vnder hys dominion more [Page] souldiers or tyllers of the grounde. He aunswered that he was driuen of necessity to haue more souldiers bicause he was at warre with two kinges whose kingdoms lay beyond the riuer of Hidaspis. There names were Abyassares and Porus, but the auctoritie remayned in Porus. And sayed that he was prepared and resolued to aduenture the hasard of the battell wyth such of them as should inuade him fyrst. Hereupon Alexander graunted vnto Omphis both to take vpon him the Diadeame and the name of hys father that was called Taxiles: the custome of the countrey being such that the name euer folowed the kingdome whosoeuer enioyed it. When he had receyued Alexander honorablye in hospitalitie thre dayes, the fourth daye declaring howe much corne he had deliuered to Ephestion and to his army, presented to the kyng and to all his frendes Crownes af gold, and besides of coyned siluer .lxxx. talentes. Alexander reioysed so much in hys good will that he bothe returned agayne to hym hys giftes, and gaue him besydes a thousands talentes of the pray he brought with him, with much plate of gold and siluer, many garments after the Parcian maner, and .xxx. of his owne horses with the same furnymentes they warre, when he did ride vpon them. Which lyberalytie as it bound Omphis, so it greatlye offended the mynds of the Macedones. For Meleager at supper when he had well dronk: saied he was verie glad that Alexander had yet found one in India whome he iudged worthy to receiue the gyfte of a thousand talentes The kyng bearing in mynd, howe much he had repented the s [...]eaing of Clitus for the rashenes of his tounge, refrayned his anger but yet [...]old him: That inuious men, were euer tormenters [Page 174] to themselfes. The next day the Imbasseadours of king Abyasares came, King Abyasares. vnto Alexāder, who according to there commission offred all thinges vnto hys wyll. Whervpon promise and assuraunce being confirmed, Kynge Porus. they retorned againe to their Master. Alexander therfore thinking that through the greatnes of hys name Porus might be brought to do y e like, sent Cleochares to him for to demaunde tribute, and to somone him to come and make his homage, when he should entre the boundes of hys kingdome. Porus made aunswer that of those two requests he would parforme on, which was to mete him at y e entrey of his kingdome, but y t should be in armes & with a powre. Alexander therfore being determined to passe the riuer of Hidaspes. Barzentes. Barzentes that had bene author of the rebellion amonges the Arachosias was taken & brought to him bound with .xxx. Elephantes which was an apt assistance againste the Indiās, y t were wont to put more trust in those beasts then in the force of there own nacion. Gamaxus. Gamaxus king of a smale porcion of India, which had cōfederat with Barzentes, was brought likewise bounde vnto him. Wherfore cōmitting thē bothe to prison, & the Elephā tes to Omphs, came vnto the riuer of Hidaspes. But Porus lay in camp on the further side to let his passag hauing .iiii. score, v. Elephātes of huge strength of body, CCC. wagōs of war, & .xxx.M. fotemen, amōges whō there were many archers whose shaftes (as hath bene said before) were more heuie then they could wel weld. Porus him self did ride vpō an Elephāt greater then all the rest, who also being of a big stature, apeared notable in his armour that was garnyshed wyth golde and syluer, hauinge also a courage equall to the strength of his body, and so great a wysedome as was possible to be found amonges such rude nacions.
[Page]The Macedons were not so muche afrayed wyth the sight of ther enemies. The Riuer of Hyda [...]is as they were w t the greatnes of the riuer that they had to passe, which beinge .iiii. thousand furlonges in bredth and so depe that no ford could be found, apeared to them lyke a great Sea. And yet the largenes thereof mitigated nothing the violence of the streame, but ranne wyth no lesse furye then if it had bene narowe, apering by the reparcussiō of the water in many places to be ful of great stones in in the bottome. This riuer being sufficient to feare them of it self, y e sight of the further banck ful of horse and men was an encrease of there terror. Where the Elephantes that had bodies of vnreasonable greatenes stode in there sight being prouoked to bray of purpose, to thintent that with their terrible noyse, they should fill their eares ful of feare. Though the Macedons were couragious and had there hartes full of good hope, as they which often tymes had had expeyience of there owne actes. Yet there enemies and the Riuer bothe togither made them wonderfully amased For they could not think how to keape a stedfast course to the further shore, in so weake, and tottring boates. nor when they were there, coulde see howe to arriue wyth surety. There were many Ilands in the middes of the Riuer, into the which both the Indians and the Macedons did swyme holding there weapons aboue there heddes. And there skyrmished together in the syght of both the kinges, which by experymente of such smale thinges, made triall of the successe of the holle. Symachus Nycanor. But amonges al the Macedones ther were two noble yong mē called Symachus and Nycanor excelling in bouldnes & in desperat attemptes and through there continuall good fortune had goten a courage to [Page 175] despice all perill. Other yong men of the moste hardiest toke them for there captaynes, and without any other armour sauing there pikes swome ouer into an Iland that was full of their enemies, where through bouldnes only they slewe many of them, and so myght haue returned with glory, if rashnes where it findeth prosperous successe could euer be content with measure. But whiles with skorne and pride they taried for ther enemies, they were sodeinly enclosed of such as pryuely swome ouer the riuer and were killed with dartes which they caste at them from afarre. Such as in thys case escaped there enemies, were either drowned with the violence, or the Eddyes of the streame. Thys fight put Porus in great courage, that sawe all theyr doinges from the further shore. And though Alexander was longe vncertayne what waye to take, yet at length he deceyued his enemye by thys policy. The policie Alexander vsed in passing of Hydaspys. There was an Iland in the riuer greater then y e rest, & apte to hide his deuise, by reason it was full of woode, and had a great rampire cast vpō that banck that was towards hys enemies. Where both his fotemen and horsemen might stand couered from the sight of the Indians. And the rather to turne there eies a nother way from the spying out of y e oportunitye, he caused Ptolomeus with a great nombre of hys horsemen, to shewe them selues against there enemies farre of from the Iland and to put the Indians in feare of there crye, making euer a shewe as though they would swyme ouer the riuer. Which thing Ptolomens dyd many dayes continially together, to the intent that Porus should be enforced to remoue hys powre to that part to withstād him, and by that meanes brought them out of the sight of the Ilande. Alexander also caused hys owne [Page] Pauilyon to be set vpon the riuers side ouer agaynste hys enemies, and all the pompe that partayned to the state of a kyng, to be set furth within there viewe, with the same band standing in sight, whych was wonte to remayne about hys parson. Furthermore Attalus that was equall wyth Alexander in yeares, and lyke to him of face and parsonage, stode there openly aparayled lyke a kynge that it might appere to Porus, that Alexander was styll remayning there, and went not about to passe the riuer. Thexecucion of this deuise was first letted by a tempeste, whereby afterwardes it was furthered, & brought to good effect: fortune euer vsed to turne her dyscommodities into good successe towardes hym. For when the enemies were thus attent to obserue Ptolomeus, that lay beneth vpon the riuer agaynst them, and Alexander with the rest of tharmye busie about the passing of his men into the Iland before mencioned. There fell sodeinly a great storme scarsely tollerable to such as lay within there cabbens, which so much afflicted the souldiers abrode, that they forsoke the boates and fled agayne to land. And yet for all this ther clamor and there noise was not harde of theyr enemies through the vehemency of y e showre. As this tempast begāne sodeynly, so it sodeinly cessed. But the clowdes remayned darke, that there appered not so much light, as the souldiers myght knowe one an other by the face when they spake togethers.
Whyche darknes myght haue feared some other man, considerynge they had to rowe in a Ryuer that they knewe not, their enemies paraduenture wayting for them at ther landynge, whither they went as blind men, that for glory, sought for parill.
But Alexander vsed that thing that put other men in [Page 176] teror to serue for his purpose and willed that euery mā vpō a signe giuen should enter into there boates wi [...]h silence. His boat was the first that launched from the shore towardes the further syde that was voyd of hys enemies, Porus only keping hys wache agaynst Ptolomeus. There was but one boate y t sticked by the way vpon a rocke, and all the other recouered the lande. Alexander then commaunded the souldiers to prepare there armour, The batteil betwixt Porus and Alexander. and fal into aray and whiles he was deuidyng hys men to put them in ordre of battayll▪ and marching towardes hys enemies, it was reported to Porus, that a great nombre of men of warre were come ouer the riuer and landed, whych would streyght wayes giue him the battell. But he at the fyrste according to the fault that is in mans nature, through the ouermuch confidence he had in hym self, beleued not the matter, but thought that Abyasares whych was confederat with him, had come in his assistaunce. But when the daye appeared, and the matter was manyfest, Porus then put furth .C. armed wagons and foure thousand horsemen vnder the leading of Hages his brother, to keape Alexander doyng. Hages Poras brother They counted those wagons there pryncypall force, for euerye one of them caryed .vi. men, two archers, two wyth targets, and two that ruled the horses, which were not vnarmed, but when it came to the fyght, they let there reaynes loose, and bestowed there dartes amonges there enemies.
But the use of those wagons serued that daye to smal purpose, for the shoure that had fallen more violently then was accustumed, had made the feldes so wete & slabbye, that the wagons coulde not sturre but sticked in the mire & becāe immouable.
[Page]Wheras Alexander being without baggage or anye other thing that might be impediment vnto him firesely inuaded his enemies. The Scythians and the Dahans were the first that gaue the onset and Pardicas was apoynted with the horsemen to charge vpon the right hand battell of the Indians. Then the battells beginning to ioyne in al partes, they that had the charge of the wagons counting them the laste refuge slacked there raynes, and rushed forwardes into the middes of the fight. The comming of thes wagons apeared to be a matter daungerous, and doubtfull to both parties. For at the fyrst brunt both the Macedōs were borne ouer, and ouer thrown by them, and when the wagons came in any roughe or myrye places, the Indians were thrown out of them. For when the horses that drewe were ones galled, and put in feare, they caried y e wagons without gouernment, and tombled parte in the myre, and parte in the riuer. A fewe trauarsed y e felds & fled for succour vnto Porus: who seinge hys wagons scatered ouer all the feldes. and wāder aboute w tout there rulers distributed y e charge of hys Elephantes amonges hys frendes and placed hys fotemen and archers behind them.
He had many y e soundyd vpon Timbrells, beinge instrumentes that y e Indians vse in stede of trōpettes wherwith there eares were so filled that the noyse of there enemies little moued them. They bare also the Image of Hercules in the frunt of there fote battell, whiche was done for an encouragement for them to fight wel, and for a note of a reprouf & offence to them that should flee from that there standard. For it was losse of lyfe to them that left it in the feld. So that [Page 177] So that the feare whiche they conceiued of Hercules that sometyme had bene their enemye, was then turned into a veneration and a religion. The sight bothe of the Elephantes and Porus him selfe, astonied the Macedons, and caused them a while to staye. For the beastes beyng set in order amonges armed men, shewed a farre of, lyke highe towers, and Porus him selfe exceadynge in maner the stature of manne: the Elephant wherupon he did ryde, was a settyng forth vnto hys bygnes, whiche excelled so muche all the other Elephantes as he him selfe excelled the rest of menne. So that Alexander beholdynge both Porus and hys power, saied that at lengthe he had founde a perell equall vnto hys harte. For we haue to do ( [...] he) both with terrible beastes, and wyth notable men of warre. And therupon loked towardes Cenō, & said vnto him: When I with Ptolomeus, Perditas, and Ephestion, shal set vpon the left battaile of our enemies, and shalt see vs in the heate of the fyghte, doo you then set forwardes my ryght battayle, and freshlye assayle theim, when you see them begynne to fall out of order. Antigonus, Leonatus, and Tauron, do you bende agaynst their maine battayle, and set vpon their fronte. Our pikes be longe and stronge, and can not serue to anye better vse, then againste the Elephantes and suche as they cary ouerthrow them, & thrust the beastes through. The Elephantes be but an vncertayne force, whyche vse to do moste harme to their owne parte.
For as they vse to goo agaynste their Enemies so longe as they be at commaundemente: so when they be once putte in feare, they tourne agaynste theyr owne syde, and shewe mooste rage towardes theim. He hadde not so sone spoken those wordes but [Page] he put spores to his horse, passyng against his enemies, and when accordynge to hys appoyntment he hadde geuen the charge, Cenus with a great force brake vpō the left battell. And the Phalanx at the same instant brake in amonges the middes of their enemies. When Porus saw the horsemē geue y e charge, he put forwardꝭ his Elephantes to encoūter thē. But they beyng slow beastes & not apt sodaynly to moue, were preuented by the swiftnes of the horses, and their bowes were not to them of any great effect.
For by reason their arowes were so long and heauy that they could not nock thē within their bowes, except they staied first their bowes vpon the ground, and the groūd being so slippery that thei could haue no perfite foting: The confusion that [...]ell amōges Porus men. whiles thei were preparing thē selues to shote, their enemies were come amonges them. Then euery man fell from thorder that Porus had geuē, as it chaū seth oftētimes amonges troubled mindes, where fear beareth more rule thē the capitaines appointment. For in so many partes as their army was deuided, so many generals there became amonges thē, Some would ioyne all their battels in one, other would haue them deuided. Some willed to staie, & other to go forwardes, and enclose their enemies about. There was no generall consultation amonges them. Porus notwithstandinge accompanied with a fewe, with whom shame preuailed more thē feare, assembled such together as were disperkled abroade, and went forwardes against his enemies, settinge his Elephantes in the fronte of the battaile. They put the Macedōs in terrour, troublyng with their vnwonted crye not onely the horse; that naturally do feare them, but also amased the men, and disturbed their order. In so muche that thei whiche a little [Page 178] before thought them selues victorers, loked aboute whiche waye to flee, and saue theim selues. Whiche thinge when Alexander perceiued, he sente against the Elephantes, [...]he Agrians, and Tharians that were men light armed, and apter to skyrmish a farre of, then to fight hande to hand. They gaue the Elephantes and their gouernours muche a doo, and sore afflicted them wyth the multitude of their dartes and arrowes, that they bestowed amonges them. And the Phalanx came constantly forwardes againste them that were in feare. But suche as pressed ouer forwarde in fyghtynge wyth the Elephantes, procured their manifest destruction, who beynge trampeled to death wyth their fete, were an example to other, not to be ouer hastye in aduenturynge them selues. The moste terrible sight was when the Elephantes wyth their longe trunkes, (whiche they called probostides) toke menne in their armoure from the grounde, and deliuered them vp to their gouernours. The battaile was prolonged doubtfully tyll the daye was farre spente. The Souldiours sometime fliyng from the Elephantes, and sometime pursuing after them, vntil that with a certaine kynde of weapons called Copida (whyche croked lyke sithes, and prepared for the purpose) they cut the Elephantes vpon the legges. Those the Macedons had right aptly deuised, for not onely the feare of death, but also the feare of a newe kinde of torment in death, caused them to leaue nothynge vnproued. Finally the Elephantes weried with Woundes, with their violente struglynge did raste their gouernoures to the Earth, and tare them in pieces, for they were put in such fear, that they were no more hurtfull to their enemies but driuē out of the battayle like shepe.
[Page]Porus beynge forsaken of the more parte of hys men, ceassed not to caste Dartes (wherof he had plentye prepared vpon hys Elephant) amonges them that flocked aboute hym, wherby he woundyng manye, by reason he laye open to euerye mannes blowe, was layed at on all partes, tyll he hadde receiued nine woundes behynde and before, throughe the whiche he bledde so muche, that he had no power to cast any more, but for feblenes they fell out of hys handes.
The Elephante also whyche he didde ryde vpon, pricked forwardes wyth furye, made a great disturbaunce amonges the Macedons, vntyll that hys gouernoure seynge the Kynge so faynte, that he let fall hys Dartes, and to be almost past hys remembraunce, sturred the beast to flee awaye, whom Alexander folowed in all that he myght, but his horse that was thrust in wyth manye woundes, fel downe deade vnder him. Wherfore whiles he was aboute to chaunge and take an other, was caste farre behinde. In the meane season Taxiles brother, that was sent by Alexander vnto Porus, began to exhorte him that he should not be so abstinate to proue the extremitye, but rather yelde him selfe vnto the victorer. But he notwithstandyng that his strength was nere past, and his bloude fayled, yet sturred vp at a knowen voyce, saied▪ that he knewe him to be the brother of Taxiles, A traytoure to hys king and his countrey, and with that word toke a dart whiche by chaunce was not fallen awaye, and threwe it so at Taxyles brother, that it passed throughe the middes of hys breste vnto hys backe. And hauynge shewed this last profe of his manhode, he fled agayne more faster then before.
[Page 179]But when the Elephant through many woundes that he had receiued fainted in like sort, then he stayed and turned his fotemen towards his enemies that folowed. By that time alexāder was come nere him, who vnderstandyng the wilfulnes of Porus, willed none to be spared that made resistaunce. Wherupon euery man threw dartes against Porus, & suche fotemen as stode in his defēce, wherwith at length he was so oppressed that he began to fal from his Elephant. Then the Indian wyiche was his gouernoure thinkyng that Porus desiered to haue lighted, caused the beast after hys accustomed maner to bende towarde the earth, whyche submittynge him selfe, all the rest as they were taught bowed downe their bodies likewise, which was y e cause of Porus takynge and of the reste. When Alexander sawe Porus bodye vpon the grounde, caused him to be spoyled, thinkyhg he had bene dead, and diuers ranne about him to pull of his harnays and his vesture, whiche thyng when the Elephant saw, He began to defēd his master, runnyng vpō his spoylers and went about to lift him agayne vpon his backe. Wherupon they all settyng vpon the Elephant, slewe hym, and layed Porus in a carte. Whom when Alexander did beholde lyftyng vp his eyes, moued with no hatred but with compassion, saied vnto him. What mischiefe and madnes was in thy mynde, hearyng of the fame of my actes, Alexanders wordes to Porus. to hasard the battayle with me and my power, seyng Tapyles was so neare an example of the clemency that I vse to suche as submit them selues? To whom he made answere. Forsomuch (quod he) as I am demaunded a question: I wyl aunswere as frely as I am spokē vnto, knowing mine owne strength, Porus answere. & not hauing yet proued thine, thought no mā of greater power thē mi selfe [Page] But nowe the successe of this battel hath declared the to be mightier. And yet therin I do impute to my selfe not a little felicitie, that I haue gotten the second place and am next vnto the.
He was asked more ouer his opiniō, after what maner he thought good the victorye shoulde be vsed. Vse it (quod he) after such sort, as this dayes fortune shal put in thy mind, wherin ther hath ben sufficiēt profe shewed you, how trāsitory y e felicity of mā is. This admonishment aduailed him more, then if he had submitted him selfe or made any sute. For when Alexander sawe the greatnes of his courage, and his hart so voide of feare that it coulde not be broken with any aduersitye, was moued not onely to geue him his life, but also honorablye to entertayne hym. For so long as he laye diseased of his woundꝭ, toke no lesse care of his curing thē if he had fought in his quarel. And when he was once healed contrary to that which all men loked for he receiued him amonges the numbre of his frendes, and enlarged his kingdome greater thē before. There was nothing in Alexāders nature more perfite or more cō stante, then that he woulde euer haue vertue in admiration when it was suche, that it deserued true praise and glory. And specially when he saw the same in hys enemy. For when it chaunsed in any of his owne men, it was somwhat terrible vnto him, thinking that their fame might be a destructiō to his owne greatnes, whiche he euer thought to growe more greater, as they were of greatnes that he subdued.
The ninth boke of Quintus Curtius of the actes of the great Alexander Kyng of Macedon.
ALexander reioysinge in so notable a victorye, wherby he sawe the confines of y e Orient opened vnto hym, offred vp sacrifice vnto the Sunne, & to cause his souldiours to be more willyng to goo forwardes in finishynge the rest of the warres, assembled thē togethers, & after he had commended their doynges: declared how in that latter battayle, they hadde defeated & broken the force of all the Indians, and shoulde fynde frome thenceforthe nothynge but a plentifull praye. For (he sayed) that in the countrey wherunto he was goynge, the riches chiefelye remayned, that was so muche spoken of throughout the whole worlde. In respect wherof, the spoyles of the Percians were but vyle and baggage, and that occasion nowe was geuen theim, not onelye to fill their owne houses, but also all Macedonia and Greace with pearles. wyth precious stones, wyth gold, and wyth Iuorye. The Souldiours beynge desierous bothe of riches and of glorye, because they hadde neuer fownde his wordes vayne, promised him to do whatsoeuer he woulde haue them. Wherupon he dismissed them full of good hope, and set theim about the makyng of shyppes, to the intente that hauynge ouerrunne all Asia▪ he myght visite the Occean Sea, that was in the ende of the worlde.
The Mountaynes nexte at hande were plentifull of Tymber, to make Shippes withall, in cuttynge [Page] downe wherof the Macedons founde Serpentes of such bignes, as they hadde not sene before, & also Rhynocerites, Rinocerites beastes that be seldome founde in any other place, whiche name was geuen to theim by the Grekes, for in the Indian language they be otherwise called. Alexander builded a Citye vpon either side of the Riuer of Hidaspys, whyche once perfourmed, he gaue to euerye one of his capitaynes a crowne of golde, and a thousand pieces of golde besides, preferryng and rewardynge euery other accordynge to their qualitie, degree, and deseruyng. Abyazares whyche had sent Embassadours vnto Alexdnder before the battayle fought wyth Porus, sent then Embassadours to him agayne, offeryng to do all thynges that he woulde appoynt, so that he kepe his bodye at libertye. For he desiered not to lyue, except he myght remayne a kyng, and he thought hym self vnmete to raygne after he had bene once a captiue. He signified bi them to Abyazares, that if his commyng should be greuous, he woulde not stycke to visite him in parson. Hauyng thus vainquished Porus, and passed the riuer of Hidaspis, he wente forwardes into the inwarde partes of India, whyche was a countrey full of great woodes, and high trees, the ayre very holesome & temperate, the shadowe of the trees mitigatynge the heate of the sunne, and the plentye of sprynges kepynge the grounde moyste. There were also manye Serpentes sene, whose scales glistered lyke golde. There was nothynge more daungerous then the poyson that proceaded from theim, for immediatlye vpon the stingynge, Death folowed, tyll suche tyme as the inhabitours of the Countrey shewed a remedye. Frome thence throughe Desertes they came vnto the great Ryuer of Hyraotys, Hyraotys. wherevnto [Page 181] there ioyned a great wood. Whiche hauing such trees as are not wont to be sene in other places, was also full of wilde pecokes. Alexander remouing his campe from thēce wan a towne by assault, and taking pledges, appointed them to pay tribute. After that he came to a great cytie (after the maner of that coūtrey) which was both wel walled, and also enuyroned about with a marisse. The inhabitaunce came furth against Alexander, and ioyning their cartes together in a frōt (wherin their custome was to fight) thei proffered him the battaill. Some occupied dartes, some speares, and other axes, and with greate agilitie leaped to and fro their cartes, when either they woulde relieue their fellowes that were wery of fighting, or els succour or rescue such as were in distresse. This vnwonted kind of fighting put the Macedons at the first in feare, specially beyng hurt a farre of by their enemies, and not able to come to hande stripes with thē. But after they had cōsidered their disordred maner, they esteamed not their force, but enclosed their enemies about & thurst thē in with pikes, & the soner to defeate them they cut the bandes wherwith the cartes were tied to seperate them asonder. When they had after that maner lost eight hundred of their men, they fled again into the cytie, whiche the next day the Macedons did wynne by assault: Certayne there were that saued them selues by flieng, whiche seing the cytie lost, swomme ouer the water, and filled al the townes thereabout with feare. They declared of what inuincible force their enemies were of, iudging them in respecte of their power rather goddes then men. When Alexander had gotten that cytie, he sent Perdicas with a parte of his army to destroy the countrey, and committing another parte to [Page] Emnenes for the subduing of suche as would not become obedient, Emnenes. he with the rest of his power came vnto a strong cytie whiche was the refuge of all the countrey thereabout. Notwithstanding that the inhabitaū tes sent to Alexander for peace, yet they prepared neuertheles for the warre, by reason of a sedicion which rose amonges them, that made them to be of diuers opinions. Some wold rather haue endured any extremitie then to yelde, and other thought they were not able to make resistaunce, and whiles they differred so in opinions, and made no commen consultacion amō ges them. Suche as helde opinion to yelde vp the cytie▪ opened the gates, and receyued in their enemies. And notwithstanding that Alexander had iuste cause of displeasure against the countrey faccion, yet he pardoned them all, and receyuing their pledges, remoued towardes the next cytie. When the Indians that stoode vpon the walles, sawe the pledges that were brought before the army, whome they perceyued to be of the same nacion, desyred communicacion with thē, who declaring bothe the kynges clemencye, and his force dyd moue them to rendre vp their cytie: whose ensample the rest of the cytie dyd folowe. Sophytes. From thence he came into the cytie of Sophites whiche is a nacion (as the Indians thynke) moste excellyng in wisdome, best gouerned, and that haue the best customes amonges them. The chyldren that be there gotten, are not norysshed and brought vp, accordyng to the wyll of their parentes, but by the ordre of suche as haue the charge committed vnto them to viewe the state of the infantes. If they perceyue any not apt to be come actiue, or els wantyng any of their lymmes, they cause them streyght wayes to be killed. They [Page 182] vse to mary without any respect of the kyndred they come of, or the greatnes of pa [...]entage, makyng no chose, but in the shape of the body, whiche is the shyng that is only estemed amonges them. The kyng hym self was within y e chief citie of the countrey, against the which Alexander brought his power. The gates were shut, and no man appeared in armes vpon the walles to make any defence, wherefore he stode in doubte a great while, whether the cytie was abandoned, or els that the inhabiters had kepte them selues secrete for some policy. Whiles he remained in that expectacion, sodainly y e gate was opened, & the king (which in good lines of personage excelled al the rest) came furth with his two sonnes, he ware a garmēt of gold and purple enpaled, that couered the caulf of his legge, & the soles he ware on his feete were set with pricious stones. All his armes were garnyshed with pearles, and had hangyng at his eares two precious stones whiche were excellēt, both for bignes, and brightnes, & there he had a scepter of gold set with precious stones called Berillis, which he after his salutacion made, with hū ble submission deliuered vnto Alexander: yelding both him selfe his chyldren, and his kyngdome into hys handes. There were in that countrey very notable dogges for the huntyng of wylde beastes, whiche specially were geuen to be egre vpon the lyon. The kyng therfore to shewe their force and propertie vnto Alexā der, put foure of them vnto a great lyon, which steight wayes caught hym faste. Then one whiche was accustomed to that office, toke one of those dogges by the legge to plucke hym of the lyon, and because he woulde not loose hys holde cut of his legge wi [...]h a sworde. But when the dogge sticked neuer thelesse [Page] vnto his game, he was cut a sondre in peace meale, till suche tyme as he died: hauing his teath stil fastened in the lyons fleshe. Suche a feruentnes nature had wrought in those beastes, as we vnderstode by the reporte. Some tyme I am enforced to write thynges that I can scarsely beleue. For I neither dare affirme the thinges wherof I doubt, nor counceale suche thinges as I haue receiued for truthe. Alexander leuing this kyng within his owne kingdome, came vnto the ryuer of Hipasis, Hyspasis. kyng Phegelas. and there ioyned with Ephestion, whiche had subdued the countrey thereabout. One Phegelas was kyng of the next nacion, whiche commaunding his subiectes to continue in tilling of the ground as thei were wont to do, mette Alexander with riche presentes, refusing nothing that was commaunded him. When he had taried with him two dayes, and was determined the third daye to haue passed the ryuer, he found therin great difficultie by reason that the streame was so large, and full of great stones. He staied therfore a while, to be more fully aduertised of y e estate of those coūtreis, & of all suche thinges as were necessary for him to knowe. He vnderstode by Phegelas howe beyonde that ryuer the [...]e lay a desert of ten dayes iourney, & next to that desert, the ryuer of Ganges, which was the greatest ryuer in al the Orient. He shewed that beionde Ganges there inhabited two nacions called Gangaridans, Gangaridans. Pharrasiās Agramenes and Pharrasians, whose kyng was called Agramenes, whiche vsed to come to the field with .xx. thousand horsemē, & .CC. thousand footemen, two thousand armed wagons, and thre .M. Elephantes, whiche were coūted the greatest terrour. Those thinges semed incredible vnto Alexander, and therfore enquired of Porus, if the thinges were true [Page 183] that had bene told him. He cōfirmed Phegelas reporte concernyng the force of the nacion▪ But he sayde their king was come of no noble bloud, but of the basest sorte of men, whose father being a Barbour and with great payne getting his daily liuyng, came in fauour with the quene, by reason of his personage, who brought him to haue al the doinges about the king her husband, which was afterwardes s [...]ayn by their treason, and vnder colour to be come tutor vnto the chyldren, vsurped the kyngdome to him selfe, and puttyng the childrē to death, did beget him that was now king, whiche was in hatred and disgrace of the people folowyng more the maners of his fathers former estate, thē such as did beseme y e dignitie he was come to. whē Alexander harde Porus affirme this matter he became in great trouble of minde, not that he regarded the multitude of his enemies, nor the force of their Elephantes. But he feared the greatnes of the riuers and the scituacion of the coūtrey, so difficult, to entre vpō. He thought it a hard enterprise to seke out nacions so farre inhabityng in the vttermoste boundes of the worlde. Yet on the other syde the gredines of glory, & the vnsaciable desire of fame, made no place to s [...]me to far, nor no aduenture to be ouerharde. He doubted also that the Macedons whiche had passed so many countreys, and were waxed daged with warres, would not be content to folow hym ouer so many ryuers and against so many difficulties of nature lyeng in their way. For he iudged, that since they habounded, & were so laden with spoyle, they would rather seke to enioye suche thynges as they had gotten then to trauaill any further in getting of more. He could not thinke y e same appetite to be in his souldiers that was in himselfe. [Page] For he cōpassed in his mynd how to get the Empire of the hole worlde, into which matter he had but made his entre: where as they weried with trauail and thinking to haue past all perill, loked now to enioy with spede, y e frute of all their labour: yet for all that, his assertion ouercame reason. For he assembled his army together & spake vnto them after this maner. Alexanders Oracion to his souldiers.
‘I am not ignorant (my souldiers) howe y t there be now many rumores sowed amonges you by the Indians, of purpose to put you in feare. But the vanitie of their lieng is not so newe a thing, that it is able nowe to decei [...]e you. The Perciās after that maner would haue made both the streytes of Cili [...]ia, and the plaines of Mesopotamy terrible vnto you, yea & put you in feare of the ryuers of Tigre & Euphrates, & yet we wadyd ouer thone of thē, and passed the other by a brydge. The fame neuer reporte thinges truly, but maketh al thinges greater thē thei be in dede. Euen our glory, though it be growen to certain perfectiō, yet it is more in fame, then in effect. Whiche of you of late did thinke, that you should haue bene able to endure the Elephātes, shewing afarre of like castels. Who thought I could haue passed the ryuer of Hydaspis, when I hard it reported to be muche greather then it was? We should long ago (my souldiers) haue fled out of Asia, if tales could haue caused vs to turne our backes. Thinke you that the nōbre of the Elephantes be greater, then you haue sene herdes of beastes in other places? seing thei be so rare in y e world and being hard to be taken, are muche harder to be tamed. Thesame vanitie that hath reported them to you to be of suche nombre, haue nombred also their horsemen and their footemen. Concernyng the ryuers, the more broder they be, the more gently they must runne. [Page 184] For suche as be narowe and of smalle brede, runne alwayes with moste vehement streme. Where as contrariwise the brode ryuer passe their course more mildly. But you will peraduenture saye that all the perill is at the shore, where youre enemies shall wayte for your arriuall. Whatsoeuer the ryuer be the hasard is all one at the landing. But ymagen that al those thinges were true. Whether is it the greatnes of the beastes, or the multitude of the men that put you in feare? As concerning the Elephantes we haue had experiēce of them of late, howe muche more vigorously the rage against their owne party then against vs. What should we esteme thē, but only abate the greatnes of their bodies, with suche weapons as we haue prepared for the purpose. What matter is it whether they be of the like nōbre that Porus had, or whether thei be .iii.M. seing that we perceiue, that when two or thre be once wounded, the rest bende them selues to [...]le away? And forasmuche as thei cannot well be gouerned when they be but fewe, when there be so many thousandes together they must then nedes be an impedimēt one to another, and brede a confusion amonges them selues, they be so vnweldy by reason of their huge bodies, that they be neither apt to passe forwardes, nor yet to fle. I haue alwayes so litle estemed thē, that when I haue had plēty of y t kynd, I wold neuer vse thē: knowing very well y t they be more daūgerous to such as occupie thē, thē thei be to their enemies. But peraduenture it is y e multitude of their horsemē & fotemē that do moue you? haue you bene accustomed to fight, against smalle nombres, or is it the first tyme that you haue encountred with disordred multitudes? The ryuers of Granick is a witnes howe inuincible the power of the Macedons [Page] is against any multitude. And so is Cilicia y e flowed with the Percians bloud, and Arbella whose playnes be strewed with their bones. It is ouer late to counte the nombre of your enemies, after that with your victory ye haue made Asia desert. When ye passed ouer Hellespont, you should then haue considered your smalle nombre. Nowe the Scythians do folowe vs, we haue ayde at hande from the Bactrians, & we supply our power with the Sogdians. Yet for all that it is not in them I put my confidence. I haue a regarde vnto your force, I reserue your manhode about me, as a pledge and assuraunce of my actes and doinges. So long as I may stande in the field amonges you, I wil neither way my self nor myne enemies. Doe you but shewe an apparaunce that there is hope in you & cherefulnes. We are not nowe newly entred into our trauailes, but haue passed all our labours, being come to the rising of the sonne, and to the Occean sea, except our owne slougthe be our impediment. From thence hauing subdued the worlde, we shall returne as victorers into our countrey. Doe not you as these negligēt husbandmen, that lose their frute after it is once rype. The rewardes of our iourney be greater then our perill. The countrey that we go vnto, is ryche and of no force, thether I purpose to bryng you bothe to wynne glory, & to get you spoile, for worthy you are to cary such riches in to your coūtrey, whiche be so plentifull there, that the sea doth cast them vp against the shore. You be men of that vertue, that ye ought to leaue not [...]yng vnproued, nor nothing vndone for feare. I desire and praye you by the glory ye haue gotten in whiche ye excede the state of men, and by all that I haue deserued of you, and you of me, wherewith ye remaine as inuincible: [Page 185] that ye wil not forsake me, purposing to visite the end of the worlde, me I say, that haue bene brought vp as a chyld amonges you, I will make no menciō howe I am your kyng: In the rest of thinges I haue commaunded you, let me nowe entreate you in this one point. It is I that make this request vnto you, whiche neuer commaunded you any thing, but I put my selfe formost in thaduenture & daunger, and the which oftē times in mine own persone, haue bene the formoste in defence of the battaill, take not the victory out of my handes, with the whiche (if enuy be not the let) I shall become equal in glory, both to Hercules and Bacchus. Geue your assent to myne intercession, and at length breake your obstinate silence. Where is your showting become that was wont to be a declaratiō of your cherefulnes? Where be the countenaunces of my coū trey men? I know you not my souldiers, and it semeth that I am not knowen of you? Me thinkes I crye to your defe eares in vayne, and go about in waste to sturre vp your vnwilling and vnmoueable myndes. Notwithstanding all these wordes, they hong downe their heades towardes the earth, and perseuered stil in silence. Then he proceded: I know not (quod he) wherin I haue vnwitting offended you, that you will not once vouchesaue to loke me in the face. I seme to be solitary and in a desert. Is there none of you that I speake vnto will aunswere me? Is there none at the lest wayes will deny my requeste? What is the thyng that I require? euen your owne glory, and your owne greatnes. Where be they nowe, whome I sawe not long ago contending, who should first take their kyng when he was wounded, and nowe ye leaue me alone▪ ye forsake me, ye betraye me to myne enemies. But I [Page] will not leaue mine enterprise though I go alone. Put me forwardes to those ryuers, to those beastes, & to those nacions, the very names of whome ye feare so muche. The Scythians and Bactrians shall go with me, whiche of late were myne enemies, and now be my souldiers. I had rather dye then be a king, to be ruled, and at other mens appointment. Departe you home, go I say, and triumphe of the habandoninge of your kyng. For I will either obteine here the victory, wherof you haue dispayred, or els dye a death that shal be honorable. Notwithstanding all that he had sayde, there was not one souldier that would open his mouth to speake, but stode wayting that some of the princes, and great capitaynes, shoulde declare vnto the kynge their estates, and howe that there remayned not in them any obstinat refusall of the warres, but that they were so exhausted with woundes, and weried with continuall trauaill that they were not able to endure any lenger.’
As they stode thus astonied and afrayed, keping silence and lookyng vpon the grounde, there beganne firste a whisperyng and a rumor, and afterwardes a lamentacion amonges them, and by lyttle and little thei beganne more manifestly to shewe their dolour, the teares fallyng frō their eyes. The kynges anger was then so turned into compassion, that he was not able to keape hym selfe from weapyng. At length the whole assemble brast out into an excessiue wepyng. And when all the rest were at a stay to speake Cenus toke vpon hym to presse forwarde towardes the iudgement seate where Alexander stoode, signifieng that he had somewhat to saye. When the souldiers sawe he pulled his helmet from his head (for so it was the custome to speake vnto the kyng) they began [Page 186] to require hym that he woulde vtter the cause of the whole army. Then Cenus beganne in this wyse▪ Cenus wordes in the name of the whole army▪ The Goddes defende our myndes from all wicked thoughtes (as I doubt not but they wyll) there is none of your souldiers but be of the same mynde towardes you that they haue bene in tymes past. Whether it be your pleasure to commaunde them to go forwardes, to fyght, to hasarde them selues, or with their bloud commend your name vnto the posteritie. And if you will nedes perseuer in your opinion, though we be vnarmed, naked, and without bloud, we will either come after you, or go before, as you shall thynke expedient. But if you wyll be content to heare the griefes and complayntes of your souldiers that be not fayned, but expressed by force of very necessitie, I humblie beseche you then that ye woulde vouchesaue fauourably to heare them, that constantly haue folowed your authoritie and fortune, and are yet redy to folow wheresoeuer you wil appoynte. O Alexander with the greatnes of your actes, ye haue not ouercome only your enemies, but also your owne souldiers. Whatsoeuer mans mortalitie is able to fulfyll, that is perfourmed by vs, hauing passed ouer so manye Seas, and countreys, better knowen to vs then to the very inhabiters, nowe remayning in maner in the vttermoste ende of the worlde. And yet for all this, your purpose is to passe into an other worlde and seke out an Inde vnknowen to the Indians. Ye couet to plucke out the wilde beastes, and serpentes out of their dennes & lurking places, minding to serche further with your victory, then the sonne hath visited w t her beames, which truly is an imaginaciō mete for [Page] your harte, but farre exceding our capacitie and power. Your manhode and courage is alwayes an encrease, but our force groweth in declinacion. Behold our bodies destitute of bloud perced with so many woundes, and rotted with so many scarres. Our weapons nowe be dulled, and our armour is wasted & consumed, we weare our apparell after the Perciās maner, because our countrey garmentes do faill vs. We are degenerate out of our own fasshion, & growen into a straūge habite. What is he that hath his corselet, or horse particuler to himselfe? Cause it to be enquired how many seruaūtes, do folowe their maisters, and what remaineth to euery mā of the spoyle. Being the victorers of al mē, of all men we are the poorest. It is not hadoundaunce or excesse that trouble vs, but the very warre it selfe. Our municion is consumed, and yet your will put furth this goodly army of yours naked vnto those beastes. The multitude of whom though the Indians purposely do encrease, yet of their lieng we maye perceyue the nombre to be greate. But if ye be vtterly determined to passe yet further into Inde, the coūtrey that lyeth southward is not so desert, whiche beyng subdued you may passe to that Sea, whiche nature hath appointed to bound in the worlde. Why doe you seke that glory afarre of, whiche remayneth to you redy at your hande? Here the Occean sea doth mete vs, and except your mynde be to wonder, we are come to a place whether your fortune hath brought vs.
I had rather speake these thynges before you, then behynde your backe, for I seke not to wynne fauour amonges the men of warre that stande here about me, but desire you should rather heare their mindes expressed in playne woordes, then to heare their [Page 187] grief and their grudge, vttered in muttering & in murmour. When Cenus had made an ende of his tale, thē rose a crie, and a lamentacion, whiche with confused voyces euery where called Alexandre their king, their father, and their lord. Then the other captaines & specially thelders, whiche by reason of their age had the more honest excuse, and greater aucthoritie, made the like request. So that the king was not able to chastise them being in that obstinacie, nor mitigate them being so moued. Therfore vncertayne what to do, he lept frō the iudgement place, and commaunding his lodging to be shut in, admitted no man but suche as were accustomed about his persone. Two dayes he consumed in his anger, and the third he came furth amonges his men, causing .xii. aulters of square stone there to be set vp as a monument of his expedicion, & willed the trenches of his campe to be made greater, and the places of mens lieng, to be enlarged bigger, then serued for their bodies. For he thought by the encreasyng, of the fourme and shape of thynges to leaue a disceitful wō dre vnto his posteritie. From thence he returned again by the way he had passed before, & encamped vpon the riuer of Acesines. Cenus chaunsed there to die, whose death the king lamented, but yet he said: that for a few daies he had made a long oracion, as though he alone shuld haue returned into Macedon. By that time the nauy of shippes which he had apoīted to be made, stode in redines aflote. Memnō in y e meane season brought him out of Thrace a supply of .vi.M. horsemen, Wemnon. & besides from Harpalas .vii.M. fotemen, with .xxv.M. armours that were wrought with siluer & gold, which he distributed amonges his men, & cōmaunded the olde to be burned, purposing to passe vnto y e Occeā sea w t .M. [Page] ships. But before his departure he recōciled together by affinitie Porus & Taxiles, betwixt whō there was a new discord risen, vpō the old hatreds that had bene betwixt thē. He had of thē great aide both in y e making and furnishing of his nauy. During the tyme he was about that busines, he builded there two cyties wherof he called thone Nycea, Nycea. Bucephalō. & the other Buchephalon, dedicating the latter by the name of his horse y t was dead. He gaue order that his Elephantes and cariage shuld passe by lande, and he sayled downe the ryuer, procedyng euery daye about .xl. furlonges, so that he might euer land his power in suche places as he thought conueniēt. At length he came into a coūtrey where as the ryuer of Hidaspis and Acesynes do ioyne togethers & ronne from thence into the boundes of a nacion called Sobyons. The Sobians. They declared that their predecessours came of Hercules army, whiche beyng left there sicke, did inhabite the countrey. They were clothed in beastes skinnes, vsyng clubbes for their weapons, and though they had left the customes of the Grekes, yet there appeared many thinges amonges them, that declared from whence they were descended. Here the kyng landed and merched .CCx. furlonges within the countrey, whiche he wasted, and toke the chiefest cytie in the same. There were .xl.M. men that stode in defence against hym vpon a ryuer syde, but he passed the water, puttyng them to flyght, and after they fledde into the cytie, he wanne it by force. The chyldren were slayne, and the rest solde as slaues. He assaulted an other cytie where he was repulced, with the great force of the defendauntes, and lost many of his men. But when the inhabitauntes sawe, that he continued still the siege, dispayring of their saulfeguarde, they set fire [Page 188] on their houses, & burned them selues, their wifes and their children. Which fire when the Macedons quenched, they kyndled agayne, it seamed a straunge contencion. The Cytesins destroyed their owne cytie, their enemies laboured to saue it: the warres so contrariously chaunged the lawes wrought in man by nature. The castle was saued, wherin a guarrison was left. Alexander went about this castle by water which was inuironed with thre of the greatest ryuers in all India, Ganges except. Indus passing vpon the north syde, and Acesynes ronnyng into Hidaspis vpon the south. Where these ryuers met, the waues rose, lyke as they do in the sea. They be full of mudde and [...]oes, whiche by the course of the water dryuen vnto the sydes, for all that the ryuers he broade, yet the chanelles be but narowe the shyppes must passe in. The waues dyd ryse so hygh and thicke breaking somtyme vpon the puppes of the shippes, and somtime vpō the sydes, that the shipmen beganne to vale their sayles. But they were so troubled through feare, and the violent swiftnes of the streame, that they could not ordre their tackling, so that two of their greatest shyppes were drowned within syght. And the smaller vessels which they were as vnable to gouerne, were driuen vpon the shore without any harme. The kyng chaunsed vpon the place where the waues went hyghest, wherwith his shyppe was so tossed and trauersed, that the helme could not direct his course. Wherfore the kyng doubtyng of drownyng, pulled of his garment redy to caste hym selfe into the water, and his frendes dyd swymme nere there about redy to receyue hym. It appearīg to him doubtful, which peril was greatest, either to swimme, or to cōtinew still aborde. But y e mariners [Page] laboured wōderfully with their [...]ers, adding all y e force that lay in mans power, to cut through the waues. By whose importunate trauaill, the water semed to deuide a sondre, and to geue place. So that at length they haled out of the surges, and yet not able to bring the ship to the shore, dashed vpon the next flat, it appearyng that the shyppes, and the streame had fought a battaill togethers. Alexander hauing escaped this perill, sette vp to euery ryuer an aultar, whereupon he offred due sacrifice, and that done, past forwardes thirty furlonges. From thence he came into the countrey of the Sudrychans and Mallians, [...]drichāe [...]allians. whiche accustomed to be at warre amonges them selues, then for their owne defence ioyned in societie. They assembled in armes to the nombre of .ix. thousand footemē .x.M. horsemē, and .ix.C. armed wagons. Wherof when the Macedons were aduertised, whiche beleued that they had passed all perils, seing a freshe warre arise, with a new fierse nacion, were amased with a sodayne feare, and began agayne with sedicious wordes to reproue their kyng. The [...]uty [...]s words of the souldiers. They alledged that he would lately haue compelled them to passe the ryuer of Ganges, for to make warre vpon those nacions lyeng beyonde the same. Which enterpryse though it were left, they had not for all y t ended the warre neuer the more, but rather made an exchaunge of a newe labour, beyng put furthe amonges these wylde nacions, to make the Occean sea open to hym with their bloud and to be drawen beyonde the sonne and sterres. They were compelled (they sayde) to vysite those places whiche nature coueted to remoue from mans knowledge. They grudged that to their newe armour, th [...] were nowe enemies raysed vp, whom if they should van [...]ishe and put to [Page 189] flyght, they coulde not see what benefite they shoulde receiue therby, but onely darkenes and obscuritie of the ayre, whiche alwayes couered the depe sea, whyche sea was replenished wyth multitude of monsters, wallowynge in those immoueable waters, where as Nature decayinge, fayled of her force. The kynge little moued in his owne respecte, was greatly troubled with those passions of his souldiours. Alexander perswaded his souldiours. Wherfore he assembled theim altogether, declaring of howe feable a force those nacions were, whom they feared so muche, which only remayned, and were impediment vnto them (hauyng passed ouer so manye countreys) to atteine both to the ende of their trauayle, & to the ende of the world. He shewed howe that in respect of their former feare, he had lefte his enterprice ouer Ganges, with the conquest of the Nacions, inhabitynge beyonde the same, and had directed his iourney this waye, where as their glorye should be as great, and their peryll muche lesse, and wherin they had not farre to trauayle, seynge the Occean was in maner within sighte, the ayre wherof he felt blowyng in his face. He required them therfore that they woulde not enuye the glorye that he sought, by passyng the boundes of Hercules, and Bacchus, seyng that with so little payne they myght geue vnto their kynge perpetuall fame and immortalitye. In doynge wherof they shoulde departe out of India as victorers, where as otherwise they shoulde seme to flye from thence. It is the propertye of euerye multitude, and specially of men of warre, to be drawen w t euery lyttle mocion, amonges whom, as sedition dothe sone rise, so it is sone pacefied. There was neuer a more cherefull crye made of any armye before, thē the Souldiours then made vnto Alexander, whiche willed [Page] him to leade them whether soeuer he would, and make him selfe equall in glorye to them, whose actes he dyd counterfeite. Alexander reioysinge in the willyngnes that appeared in them, remoued straightwayes towardes hys enemyes that were the stowtest people of all the Indians. They prepared theim selues boldely for the warres, and chose for their capitayne one of the Oxidracans that was of an approued manhode, who encamped at the fote of a mountayne, made fiers all abroade, to cause his numbre appeare the greater, and wente aboute in vayne to feare the Macedons when they were at reste, by makynge of ala [...]oms, with their cryes and maner of howlynge. When the daye appeared, Alexander hauynge an assured truste to winne the victorye, commaunded the Souldiours to put on their armoure, & cherefully to fall in order of battayle. But the Indians whether it were for feare, or by reason of some sedition risen amonges them, sodainelye fledde into the deserte mountaynes, whom Alexander folowed in vaine, and not able to ouertake them, toke their cariage. After this he came vnto a citye of the Oxidracans wherunto great numbre were fled, The Oxidracans. aswell in trust of the strength of the place, as of their owne power. As Alexander was about to make the approch, Demophon his deuiner admonished him, Demophon. y t he should eiher deferre the matter, or els not meddle with it at all, for y t there appered signes that his life should be in perill. When Alexander had hearde his wordes, he behelde him and saide. If any man should interrupt the, when thou art busie about thy science, or consideryng of the intrailes, shoulde not he seme vnto the troublous, and his cōmyng vngratefull? Yes truely quod [Page 190] he. So art thou nowe vnto me (quod Alexander.) For hauynge so greate matters in hande, whiche passe the intrailes of Beastes, I fynde no greater impedimente, then a supersticious diuiner.
And as sone as he hadde spoken the worde, he caused them to rere, vp ladders, and whiles other menne sticked and stayed at the matter, he mounted vp the walle. The same was verye narrowe in the toppe, not deuided wyth lopes (as is communely vsed,) but enclosed with one whole and continuall battilment rounde aboute, which caused it to be the more hard to scale.
Alexander therfore hauyng no conuenient rowme to stande at his defence, stayed vpon the walle, receyuyng vpon his target the dartes whyche were caste at him from all partes. His souldiours could not get vnto him, they were so beaten from the walles by castyng of Dartes, and multitude of shotte that came from aboue. Yet at length when by their stayinge thei sawe their kyng geuen vp into their enemies hands, shame ouercame their immaculate daunger. But their ouermuche haste was ouer great a lette, and the cause why they coulde not come to the rescue of their king. For whyles euery manne coueted vp the ladders, they were so sore laden that they brake asunder, and suche as were mounted vpon theim fell downe agayne, deceyuynge Alexander of hys onelye hope. So that in the syght of all the armye, he stode destitute as in a deserte wythout anye ayde or succoure, and hadde weried hys lefte arme (wyth the whyche he helde his Target) in receiuynge the blowes. His frendes cried vnto hym that he shoulde leape downe vnto theim, who stode in readines to receyue hym. But he geuynge no eare vnto theim, vndertoke an incredible enterprice, [Page] and such one as hath not bene hearde of before, deseruynge rather fame of rashenes, then of any commendation that might sounde to his glorye. For with a ful leape he did caste him selfe into the citye that was full of his enemies, wheras he coulde s [...]arselye haue anye hope to fyght for his life, or in diynge to be reuenged vpon his enemyes. For before he coulde recouer hys fete agayne, it was likelye either he shoulde haue bene slayne, or taken aliue. But he by chaunce so conueied his bodye, that he fell vpon his fete, and standinge, encountred with such as came againste him, Fortune so prouidyng y t he coulde not be enclosed about by reasō of an olde tree, which (as it had bene of purpose) stode neare vnto the wall, whose broade boughes full of leaues couered him from aboue, and the greatnes of the stocke kept his enemies from comming on his backe, and vpon the fore front he receiued the dartes y t were cast against him with his target. For though there were neuer so many that contented with him a farre of, yet durst there no man come neare vnto him, and the boughes kept of the arrowes and the dartes so well as his target did. In this extremitie the greatnes of Alexanders fame chiefly fought for him, and next desperatiō, a great encouragement for a man to dye honestlye. At length through the multitude of his enemies that continually flocked about him, both his target was laden with shotte, his helmet was broken wyth stones, and his legges fainted and fayled vnder him, by reason of his continuall trauaile. Whiche thing when his enemies perceiued, they toke lesse regarde to them selues, and drue more neare him, of whome he receiued two with his swerde in such sort, that thei fell downe dead at his fete. And from that time forwardes none was [Page] so bolde to approche againe so neare him, but threwe dartes and shotte arowes at him a farre of. He laye open to euery mans blowe, and yet though it were with great payne defended him selfe vpon his knees, vntil suche time as an Indian shotte an arowe at hym that was two cubites long, whyche a little aboue his right thighe passed throughe his corselet. By reason of that wounde he shedde so muche bloude, that he lette his swerde fall, as one at the pointe of death, and therwith so faynte, that he hadde not strengthe to plucke oute the arrowe. Then the Indian whiche hadde hurte him, came with great ioye to spoyle hys bodye. But when Alexander felte his enemies hande vpon hym (moued as it is to be thought) with despite, to receyue an infamie to that extremitie, called againe his sprites that were passynge awaye, and with his swerde thrust his enemye (beynge vnarmed) throughe the bodye. When he had thus slayne two of his enemies whyche laye dead before him, all the reste stode amased a farre of. Then Alexander desieryng before his last breathe shoulde fayle hym, to be kylled fightyng, began to raise vp his bodye vpon his target, but his strength woulde not serue him therunto, & therfore reiched at a bough that honge ouer his heade, couetynge therby to haue raysed vp hym selfe, but his strength not suffisynge therunto, he fell downe agayne vpon his knees, and by a signe made with his hande, chalenged his enemies, if any of them durste come and matche with him. At the last Pencestes repulcinge his enemies vpon an other parte of the citye, gotte into the towne, Pencestes and coastyng along the walles, came vnto the place where the kynge was. When Alexander espied hym, thoughe he had no hope to liue, yet he toke his comming for a comforte [Page] to hys deathe, and for all his feablenes beganne to reare vp him selfe. Timeus. Leonatus. Aristonus. Then came Timeus, and within a while Leonatus▪ and after them Aristanus. When it was once published amonges the Indians, that Alexander was entred within the walles, they left their defence in other places, and came flockynge thither, where as they fiercely assailed such as stode in defence of the Kynges person. Tymeus after that he hadde fought notablye, and receiued manye woundes, was there slayne. Pencestes also notwithstandynge that he was stricken and wounded wyth their Dartes, yet with his Target he defended the kynges person, without anie reguarde of him selfe. And Leonatus whiles he resisted the Indians, that egerlye pressed vpon Alexander, receyued so sore a stripe vpon the necke, that he fell downe in a swowne at the kinges fete. By that time Pencestes became so feable of his woundes, that he was not able to defende him anye more. The laste hope and refuge remayned in Aristonus, who also was so greuouslye wounded, that he coulde not endure anye lenger the force of the Indians.
In the meane season the fame was spredde amonges the Macedons, that their kynge was slayne, whiche beinge a matter that shoulde haue putte others in feare, sturred vp their ha [...]res, and made theim the hardier. For from that time forwardes, there was none that hadde respect of his owne peryll, but aduentured to the wall, and breakynge downe the same with pikeaxes, entred at the breache makinge slaughter of their enemies, of whom fewe stode at defence, but fledde awaye. There was neuer man nor woman spared, olde nor yonge. For they mette none but they iudged him to be the person that hadde hurte their kynge, and so at [Page 192] length with the murder of the multitude, their iuste ire was satisfied. Clitarchus Timagenes Clitarchus and Tymagenes do write that Ptolomeus whiche afterwardes became king of Egipte was presente in this encountre. But he him selfe that vsed not to denye any thynge that stode with his owne glorye, did put in memorie howe that he was then absent, and sent about an other enterprice. Such a negligence was in theim that did write the antiquities of thinges, or elles an ouermuche credulitie, whiche is a faulte, no lesse then the other. When Alexander was brought into his lodgyng, the Surgians cut of the stale of that shaft in suche wise, that they moued not the heade that was wythin the fleshe. And when they sawe the wounde bare, they perceaued hokes to be within the arrowe heade, so that wythoute the destruction of his bodye it could not be pulled out, except by incision they made the wounde greater. And yet in that poynte they feared, least aboundaunce of bloud shoulde be impediment vnto them. For the heade was verye great, and it seamed to be entered farre wythin his bodye.
There was one Critobolus that was verye cunnynge and moste excellente amonges all the Phisitions and surgions, Crytobol [...]. and yet in so daungerous a matter as this, he was fearful and in doubte to set to his handes, least if any thing shoulde chaunce to the kynge otherwise then well, whiles he remayned in hys cure, the blame myght lyght vpon his heade. Therfore whē Alexander perceiued by his weping the fea [...] he was in, and that through trouble of mynd he loked pale in the face, sayde vnto hym: What is it that thou lokest for, or whye doest thou staye in riddyng me quickelye [Page] out of this payne, at the leaste wayes by death, if thou canst not otherwise bringe it to passe? For seinge my wounde is vncurable, why doest thou feare that anye thing shoulde be laied vnto thy charge. When Critobolus hearde his wordes, he either ceassed, or dissimuled his feare, and exhorted Alexander that he woulde suffer him selfe to be holden whiles they pulled out the arrowes heade that was within his fleshe, for the least mocion (he saied) might be hurtefull vnto him. The kynge woulde not be holden, but helde his bodye at a staye without mouyng in such sorte as they appoynted him. When they had cut the wounde wider, and pulled out the heade, there issued suche aboundaunce of bloude, that the kinge fell in a sownde, & dimnes came ouer his sight, he stretching out him selfe as one in the pointe of death. Then they wrought all the meanes they coulde to staunche the bloulde, but when they perceiued it would not auaile, his frendes beganne to cry out and lamente, thinkyng verely that there had bene no waye but death. Notwithstanding at length he ceased his bleadynge, and recouering againe his spirites, began to knowe theim that stode about him. All that daye and the nyght ensuynge, the men of warre stode in armes aboute the kinges lodgynge, confessing that al their liues depended vpon his breath and would not remoue from thence, before they vnderstode that he toke some rest. But when they knewe that he was fallen a sleape, they returned into the campe, bringynge vnto the rest more certayne hope of his recouerye. Alexander about the curynge of his wounde, remayned there seuen dayes, and vnderstandynge that a constante fame of his death was spreade abroade amonges the Indians, he caused two Shyppes to be fastened [Page 193] togither, and a lodgynge to be made for him in the middes. So that remayninge vpon the water, he myght be sene from bothe sides of the lande, of theim that thought he hadde bene deade. When the countrey menne by the viewe of hym, perceiued he was on liue they toke awaye the hope that some hadde conceiued vpon the false reporte. Frō thence he passed downe the streame, leauynge a distaunce betwene his shippe, and the reste of the nauye, to the entente that wyth the beatynge of the oores, they shoulde not disturbe hym of his reste, whiche was necessarye for his weake bodye. The fourth daye after his enbarkynge, he came into a countrey habandoned of the inhabitours, but yet plentifull bothe of corne and cattell, in which place he thought expediente bothe to reste him selfe and hys souldiours. It was a custome amonges the Macedons, that when their Kynge was diseased, the chiefe Princes, and the greate men, watched aboute his lodgynge. Whiche maner beynge then obserued, they entred all together into the chamber where Alexander laye, at whose sodoine comminge he was some what amased, speciallye bicause they came all together. He thought thei had brought him some straunge tidinges and enquered of them if they vnderstode of any new assemble of his enemies. Then Craterus which was appoynted to speake in the behalfe of them all, sayed to him after this maner.
Do you thynke that the commynge of any enemies coulde make vs so carefull, Craterus wordes to Alexander. thoughe they were entered within your campe, as we be of your health and saufeguarde, for all that it is a thinge whiche you reguarde least. Though all nacions conspire: againste vs wyth their power, thoughe the whole worlde were filled full [Page] of men of warre, the Seas ouerspreade with shippes and neuer so manye straunge beastes brought against vs, it confisteth in the moment of your person to make vs victorers. But howe can anye God promise that you whiche be lyght and starre of Macedon, can be of anye continuaunce▪ seynge that you be so desierous to put your persone in suche manifest peryls, not remembrynge that with your death you drawe wyth you into ruine, the liues of so many of your countreymen? What is he that either can or dothe desire to lyue after you? We are come so farre forthe folowynge your fortune and aucthoritye, that without you, none of vs is able toreturne home againe.
If ye were yet contendynge with Darius for the kingdome of Perce, thoughe we all woulde wishe that you woulde not aduenture your person so per [...]louslye yet in that case we coulde not maruayle so muche of your prompt audaritie. For where the daunger and the benefite that ensueth therof is equall, then the fruite is the greater when the matter succeadeth wel, and the comforte is the more, when the thinge chaunseth euill. There is no man, not onelye of vs that be your souldiours, but euen of suche as were your enemyes, hauynge anye vnderstandinge of your greatnes, that can suffer so base a towne and of so little fame, be bought with the price of your life, my harte shrinkes at the remembraunce of the thinge, whiche we but late did see wyth our eyes. I am amased to rehearse howe those vile handes were in readines to haue caried the spoyles of your inuincible person, if Fortune of her mercye hadde not preserued and deliuered you from their crueltye. So manye of vs as were notable to folowe you, were all traytours and forsakers of [Page 194] our Prince, and though it were a matter that laye not in our power, yet if it please you to note vs all with reproche, there is none that will refuse anye punishment in the purgation of the matter. Notwithstandyng we woulde require that you woulde space vs for some other purpose▪ We will gladly go whether soeuer ye will haue vs, we require warre be it neuer so obscure, and couet the battaile, thoughe our fightynge shall wante fame. So that you will reserue your selfe to those hasardes whiche be mete for the greatnes of your estate. Howe sone doth glorye vanishe awaye, and become of no prayse, amonges suche enemies as be of no reputation? And what thing is there more vnworthye, then to consume the glorie ye haue gotten els where amonges them, where as your glorye can not appeare. Whē Craterus hadde tolde his tale, Ptolome and the other spake to hym in like effecte. And required him all at once with weapynge eyes, that he woulde not frome thence forth be any more so thirsty to winne prayse, but seynge he hadde gotte sufficient all readye, he shoulde content him selfe therwithall, and regarde his health and safegarde wherupon their vniuersall estate did depende. The kynge toke so gratefullye their louynge affection, that he familiarlye embraced euerye one of them, and after he had wylled them to sitte, repetynge more depelye their former communicasion, he saied thus vnto them.
My faiethfull louinge frendes and countreymen, Alexander vnto his frendes. I geue and render to you my hartye thankes, not onely for that ye prefer my safegard before your owne, but also for that sence the beginnyng of y e warres, ye haue not pretermitted any thinge, wherin your loue & beneuolence might be shewed towardes me. So y t I must [Page] confesse that my lyfe was neuer so [...]eare as it is now, because I desire longe to enioye you. You be desierous to offer your selues to death in my quarell, because you iudge that I haue deserued that beneuolēce at your handes. But your imagination and myne is not after one sorte. You peraduenture do [...]oue [...] continuallye to enioye me, & to take of me continuall fruite. And I measure not my selfe by the cōtinuaūce of my time, but by the greatnes of my glorye. I myght haue bene contente wyth the riches my father lefte me, and with rest of my bodye haue loked for with the boundes of Macedon, an age obscure and without any fame. And yet I can not see that they whiche liue in slougth and idlenes can assure them selfe of their owne destenye. For euen suche as esteme felicitie in long life, be oftentimes preuented with bitter death. But I whiche number not my yeres but my victories, haue liued longe, if I will weye the giftes of Fortune. For beginnynge mine Empire in Macedonia, I haue Greace in mine owne handes, I haue subdued Thrace and the Illirians, I raigne ouer the Triballes and the Medeans, possessynge an Asia that lye betwixt Hellespont and the redde Sea, and nowe am not farre from the ende of the worlde, the whiche I determined to visite, and to make open to men a newe nature, and a newe worlde. I passed out of Asia into Europe in the moment of an houre, and beynge but .xxviii. yeres olde, & hauyng raigned but nine, am become victorer of both regions.
Do you thinke it then mete y t I should nowe ceasse from winning of that glorye, wherunto I haue onelye addict my selfe? No I wil neuer ceasse, but whersoeuer [Page 195] I shall haue occasion to fyght, I shall thinke my selfe to be in the Theatre, where the whole worlde dothe beholde me. I will geue nobilitye and fame to places that be obscure. And will laye open to all Nacions those countreys, that nature hath remoued furdest frō them. In doynge wherof it shall be gratefull for me to ende my lyfe, if Fortune will haue it so. I am come of that stocke that I ought to desire many thinges before longe lyfe. I praye you to remembre that we be come into those countreys where the name of a woman is muche celebrated for hir vertues. What cityes did Semiramis builde? what nacions did she subdue? and what great workes did she accomplishe? We are not yet become equal to a woman in glory, and yet you woulde haue me to be satisfied of laude.. The Gods be fauourable vnto our purpose, for there remaine for vs yet greater thinges to do. And it is the next way to make those countreys we haue not yet touched to become ours, if we esteme nothing to be of small valure, where as there is anye occasion to winne glorye. Let it be your care onelye to preserue me from ciuill conspiracie and treason of mine owne people, & then there be no aduentures of the warre shall put me in feare, Philippe was more sure in the front of the battaile abroade, then in quiet tarians at home. He oftentimes auoyded the force of his enemies, but he coulde not eschue the violēce of his owne subiectes. And if you cō sider the ende of other Kynges, you shall count more that haue bene slayne by their owne menne, then by anye forayne power. But bicause there is an occasion nowe offered me to vtter the thing I haue longe conceaued in my minde. It shall be the greatest fruite I can receyue of my actes, and of my trauayles, if my [Page] trauailes, if my Mother Olympiades when she departeth this lyfe, might be consecrated to immortalitie. If she departe in my tyme, I wil do the thing my selfe. But if I shall be preuented by Death, remember you to perfourme that I haue determined. And therupon he dismissed his frendes from him, and continued manye dayes in the same place. Whiles these thinges were a doynge in India, the Greake souldiours that hadde lande and habitacion appoynted them at Catabactra, throughe a sedicion that chaunsed amonges them, A rebellion of the Grekes whiche Alexander had planted at Catabact [...]s. rebelled againste Alexander. Notsomuche for anye hatred they bare hym, as for feare of punishemente. For they kylled diuers of their chiefe rulers, and assemblynge in force togethers, toke the castle of Bactria, that was negligentlye kepte, and procured the Bactrians to rebell with them.
Athenod [...] rus.Athenodorus was the chiefe amonges theim, who toke vpon hym the name of a kynge, not so muche for the desire of the kyngdome, as by aucthoritye to make him selfe of power to conueye hym selfe and others home into his countrey. Bycon. But one Bycon of his owne nacion became his enemye, and conspirynge agaynste him, did bidde hym to a banquet, where he was slayne by one Boxus Macerianus. The nexte daye folowynge Bicon assembled the Greakes together, perswadinge theim that he slewe Athenodorus but in hys owne defence, whose purpose was to haue destroyed him. But there were some that perceiued his policye, and suspicion was spreade amonges the rest. So that the Greakes fell to armes of purpose to slea Bycon. But suche as were chiefe mitigated the wrathe of the multitude, and contrary to his expectation was deliuered from that presente peryll. Yet he coulde not be [Page 196] so contented, but wythin a while after, conspired againste them that saued his lyfe. whose falsehode knowen, they toke bothe hym and Boxus, determinynge that Boxus shoulde be put to death out of hande, and that Bycon shoulde ende hys lyfe by tormentes. As they were tormentinge of him, the Greake souldiours sodainelye in a furye (for what cause it is vncertayne) ranne to Armes, the noyse of whom beynge hearde wyth them that had the charge of Bycon, did let him at libertye, fearynge that the rumoure hadde bene made for his deliuerye. He as he was naked came runninge amonges the Grekes, where as they were assembled, whose miserable estate so sodainelye chaunged their minds, y t thei willed him immediatly to be set at liberty.
By thys meanes Bicon beynge twise deliuered from death, returned into his countrey with the Grekes, leauynge the Colonye wherunto he was appointed by Alexander. These thinges were done in the cō fynes of Bactria and Scythia. In the meane season the kynge of the two nacions whyche we spake of before, sent an hundred Embassadours vnto Alexander, whiche beynge men of goodly personages, ridde in wagons semely appaireled, hauing garmentes of linnen clothe embroydred with golde, and empaled with purple. They declared that the cause of their commynge was to yeld them selues, their citye, their countrey, and their libertye, whiche thei had kepte inuiolatelye by so many ages to his wil & appointmēt. Of which their submission the Gods (thei said) were aucthours, & not any fear, for thei were cōtēted to yeld thē selues, before thei had proued their power with him.
The kynge called a counsayle, & receiued thē vnder his protection, appointing to thē to pay such tribute as they before paied to the Arachosiās. And besides to sēd [Page] two thousand fiue hundred horsemen to serue hym in his warres, all whiche thinges they perfourmed obedientlye. This done he made a great feast, wherunto he inuited those Embassadours and his Lordes. He vsed therin sumptuous preparation, ordeinynge .C. beddes of golde to eate vpon, which beyng set a small distaunce one from another, were drawen about with curteynes garnished with golde and purple. In that feast there was shewed and sette forthe all the excesse and voluptuousnes, which either by long custome was vsed among the Perciās, or by corruption of their old vsages taken vp amonges the Macedons, the vyces of both those nacions beynge there mingled & myxed togethers. Dioxippus, There was at that feast one Dioxippus of Athens, a notable champion, by reason of his excellent force well knowen vnto the Kynge, whome certayne enuiousse and malicious Persones betwyxte earnest and pastyme dyd reproue that he was geuen to farre hys bodye as an vnprofitable beaste. And when other went to the battaile, he would anoynt his body w t oyle, and prepare him selfe to eate. Emonges other that vsed wordes of despyte agaynste hym, there was at the same feast, [...]rratus. one Horratus a Macedon who in his dronkennes chalenged Dio [...]ippus, that if he were a man he shoulde fight the campe with him the nexte daye vpon llife and death, A combate. where as the kynge shoulde iudge either him to be to rashe, or the other to much a dastar [...]. Dioxippus then laughyng to scorne the pride and arrogancie of the souldiour, accepted his profer. The next day they were more earnest to go to the combate, then they were before in makynge of the chalenge, therfore when the kyng sawe them so bente, and that they would not leaue their purpose, he cōsented to their will. [Page] There were greate nombre of men assembled at the combate, amonges whom there were many Grecians whiche fauoured Dioxippus parte. The Macedon came into the Lystes armed at all peaces, holdyng in his left hande an yron buckler and a speare, and in his right hande a casting launce, hauing his sworde besydes girte to his syde, was furnysshed as though he should haue fought with many men at once. Dioxippus came furth anoynted with oyle, with a garlande vpon his head, and hauing a read cloke wrapt about his left arme, held in his right hande a great knottiye cudgell. The diuersitie of their furnishement brought euery man in a wonderfull expectaciō. For they could not thinke it only a rashenes but a madnes, for Dioxippus that was naked, to matche with the other that was armed: The Macedon thinking to kil his aduersary before they should come to hand strippes, threwe at him his launce, whiche Dioxippus auoided with bē ding of his body, & before that he could charge his pike, he leaped to him and with his cudgell brake thesame asondre. When the Macedon had lost both his weapōs, he beganne to drawe his sworde, but Dioxippus preuented him wit a close, and taking both his feete from vnder him▪ threwe him to the earth and there plucking his sworde from him, set his foote vpon his necke, and held vp his cudgell to haue striken out his braynes, if the kyng had not caused him to staye his hand. This triumphe ended with displeasure both vnto the Macedons, and vnto vnto Alexāder himselfe, specially because this thing was done in the Indians presence. he feared lest the valiauntnes of the Macedōs famed so muche in the worlde, might therby come into contēpt. Hereupon Alexāder grudging at Dioxippus bare his [Page] eares open to the accusacion of the enuyous. They within a fewe dayes after had caused a golden cuppe to be purposely conueyed out of the waye, whiche the ministers hauing imbesealed them selues, made complaynt vnto Alexander of the losse thereof. Oftymes men shewe lesse constauncy, then in the offence it selfe. For in their complaynt Dioxippus perceyued by their lokes that they noted hym as the thefe, whiche he coulde not endure, but partyng out of the feaste after he had wrytten a letter to the kyng, he kylled hymselfe. Alexander was very sory for his death whiche he tooke for no token of repentaunce, but rather of indignacion. For afterwardes it appeared through the ouermuche reioysing of hys enemies, that he had bene falsely accused. The Embassadours of the Indians that were dismissed home, within a fewe dayes after returned agayne, presenting vnto Alexander thre .C. horses .M. and .xxx. wagons euery one drawen with foure horses, certain vestures of linnen cloth .M. Indian targetes, & an hundred talentes of white Iren, both lyons of a rare bygnes, and Tigres that were made [...]ame, the skinnes of great Lyzardes, and the shelles of certain fisshes. The kyng then commaunded Craterus to conduct his army along the ryuer wherupon he sayled, and he enbarking suche as were wont to accompany him, with the streame passed into the boundes of the Mallians, and from thence came vnto the Sabracans, Sabracans. whiche was a nacion of great power, not ruled by kynges, but by a gouernement of the people. They had gathered together .vi.M. footemen and .vi.M. horsemen, and .v.C. armed wagons, and had chosen thre capitaines that were approued men of warre. But when suche as inhabited [Page 198] next vnto the ryuer (the bankes being full of villages) sawe all the ryuer so farre as they coulde view strowed with shippes, and the armour glistering of so many men of warre, they were amased with the straungenes of the sight, and thought that some army of the Goddes, or els Bacchus (whose name was famous amonges those nacions) had become amonges them. The crye of the men of warre with the classing of the oers, and the straunge noyse of the mariners exhortyng one another, fylled full their fearefull eares. They ranne therfore amonges their countrey men whiche had assembled their force, declaring their madnes if they woulde contende with Goddes. For they sayde the shippes coulde not be nombred, that caried those inuicible people. With whiche wordes they put suche feare amonges the men of warre of their owne nacion, that they sent immediatly Embassadours to yelde them selues. When he had receyued assuraunce of them, he came the fourth day into an other nacion, whiche durste no more withstande then the reste dyd, and there he buylded a cytie whiche he named Alexandria, and from thence entred into a coū trey the inhabiters whereof be called Musycans. Musycans. Caracanusidans. There he vnderstode by the accusacion of the Caramisidans that Destirioldes (whom Alexander had appointed lieutenant amōges them) had ruled in excessiue pride and couetousnes, & therfore cōmaunded him to be put to death. And Oxarres lieutenaūt of the Bactrians being also accused, was not only acquited, but also had a greater rule cōmitted vnto him. Whē he had subdued y e vtter partes of the Musicās he put a guarrison in their cytie, Porticanus kyng of the Prestyans. and went from thence to another nacion of the Indians called Prestians of whome [Page] Porticanus was kyng whiche with a great powre got him selfe into a strong citie whiche Alexander wanne the thirde daye after he beganne his siege. Vpon the taking of the towne Porticanus fled into the castle and sent Embassadours to treate of peace. But before they were come to Alexanders presence, twoo towres of the Castle fell with a greate crashe, by the ruynes wherof the Macedons got into the castle, where Porticanus whiche with a fewe standing at defence, was slayne. The castle being rased and all that were with in sould as slaues, Alexander came into the boundes of Saba, Python. where besydes many cyties that yelded vnto hym, he toke the strongest cytie of that countrey by force of a myne. It semed a monstrous thyng vnto the Indians, being ignoraunt of suche policies of warre, for armed men to come furthe of the grounde in the myddes of their cytie, there appearyng before, no signe of any way vnder the earth. Clitar [...]us doth write that there were foure score thousand Indians slayne in that countrey, besydes many prisoners solde as slaues. The Musicanes in the meane tyme rebelled, Saba. for the oppression of whome Python was sent thether, who toke the prince of the nacion prisoner, and brought hym to Alexander, whom he caused to be hanged on a crosse as the aucthour of the reuolt, and that done returned agayne to the ryuer where as he had willed his nauy to tary for hym. The fourth daye after passing downe the streme, he came to a towne at the entrey of the kyngdome of Samus. Samus The kynge whereof had newely yelded hymselfe, but the cytezens dyd shutte their gates, and woulde not be at commaundement. Whose smalle nombre Alexander regarded [Page 199] so little that he sent fyue hundred Agrians vnto their gates to proffer them the skirmyshe, to the intent by retiryng little and little they myght drawe them out of their strength, whiche were thought would folowe in the chase, when they should see their enemies flyeng. The Agrians did as it was appoynted them, for when they had once prouoked their enemies, they turned their backes, and the Indians folowed them, till they came to the embushement where the kyng lay. Then the Agrians turned and the fight was renued agayne, so that of thre thousand Indians there were fyue hundred slaine and a thousand taken, the rest recouered agayne the cytie. But the ende of the victory was not so pleasaunt as it appeared in the begynnyng, for the Indians had so inuenemed their swordes, that suche as were hurte dyed of their woundes. And the Phisicio [...]s could not deuyse the cause of so straunge a death, for euen the very lyght hurtes were vncurable. The Indians trusted that Alexander through his rashenes myght haue come within that daunger, whiche by chaunse fyghting amonges the thyckest, escaped vnhurte. Ptolomeus Ptolomeus was fyghtly wounded vpon his lefte shoulder, who beyng in greater daunger, then the greatnes of his wounde shewed, caused the kynge to be carefull of hym. For he was nere of his kynne, and as some thought Philippe was his father. But it is certayne that his mother was Philippes concubyne, he was one that had the charge of the kynges persone, a valiaunt man of warre, and yet more famous in the faculties of peace. He was moderate both in his apparell and lyuing, lyberall, easye to be spoken to, and without any suche [Page] height of mynde, as is wont to be in men discended of bloud royall, by reason of whiche qualities it is vncertaine whether he was better beloued with the kyng, or with the rest of men. That was the first occasion he had to proue how the mindes of men were affectionat towardes him, for euen in that daunger he was in, the Macedons beganne to deuyne of his fortune, wherunto afterwardes he ascended. They had no lesse care of Ptolomeus, then of the kyng him selfe, who vsed hym so familierly that when he was weried either with trauayll, or care of mynde, woulde sit for his solace with Ptolomeus, and at that time caused his bedd to be brought into his owne chambre. When Ptolomeus was layde there, he fell sodeinly into a profounde sleape, in the whiche it appeared vnto hym that a dragonne offred to hym a herbe out of his mouthe of the healing of his wounde, and takyng away of the venyme. When he awaked he declared his dreame and shewed both the colour and fashion of the herbe, affirmyng that he coulde knowe it, if any man could fynde it out. The same was sought by so many, that at length it was founde, and being put vpon the wounde, the paine streight wayes cessed, and the skarre within short space was closed. When the Indians were disappointed of the hope they had conceyued that waye, they yelded them selues and their Cytie. From thence Alexander went into the next countrey called Pathalia, Meres king of Pathalia the kyng wherof called Meres lefte the Cytie and fledde into the Mountaynes, so that Alexander toke the same and destroyed all the countrey, fyndyng bothe a wonderfull praye of Sheape, of Cattell, and of Corne.
There he toke Pilotes that knewe that Ryuer, and [Page 200] came vnto an Iland whiche stode in the middes of the streame, he was compelled to remayne there the lenger, because the Pilotes beyng negligentlye keapt were escaped awaye▪ [...]e sent therfore to seke out other, but when he coulde fynde none, there entred a vehement desyre into his head to visite the Occean Sea, and the ende of the worlde without any guyde, and so committed his owne lyfe, and the lyues of so many thousandes, to a ryuer that none of them dyd knowe. They sayled as men ignoraunt of all the places they came vnto, either howe farre the Sea was distaunt frō what nacions did inhabite the countreys there aboutes, whether the mouthe of the ryuer were nauigable for Galeis or no.
In all these thynges they were ledde by a blynde and doubtfull imaginacion, hauyng no comfort in their rasshe enterprise, but only their continuall felicitie. When they had gone forwardes foure hundred furlonges, the shyppemaisters tolde the kynge that they felt the ayre of the Sea, wherby they knewe that the Occean was at hande. Thereat he reioysed greatly and exhorted the mariners, that they woulde in all that they myght make waye with the [...]ers to bryng hym to the syght of the ende of the worlde, which he had so long desired. Nowe (quod he) our glory is perfite, when our manhode is suche that nothyng can geue impediment vnto vs, nowe the worlde is come into our hādes without any further hasard of warre, or sheding of bloud. Nowe since the b [...]undes that nature hath wrought be so nere at hande, we shall shortly se thinges vnknowē sauing to the immortal gods. Yet notwithstanding he set certain a land to take foure of [Page] the countrey men, by whome he trusted to haue knowen more certaintie of the truthe. When they serched out their cotagies at length founde out some that were hydden. Whiche beyng demaunded howe farre the sea was from them, they made aunswere that they neuer harde it named, but they sayde that within thre dayes saylyng they shoulde come vnto a place, where as a brakishe water did corrupt the freshe. By whiche wordes the mariners vnderstode that they ment the Sea, of the nature whereof the people were ignoraunt. Then the mariners rowed cherefully, their desire growing euer the greater as they approched nere vnto the place, whiche they hoped to be the ende of their trauaill. The third daye they came where the sea and the ryuer ioyned together, mixing with a smale floud, their waters that were of a contrary nature. Then because the tyde was somwhat againste them, they haled towardes an other Iland standing in the myddes of the ryuer, whiche beyng an easy place to lande at, the Macedons, ran about to seke vit [...]lles, in suretie (as they thought) being ignoraunt of the chaunce that came vpon them. The thirde houre accordyng to the ordinary course the floud came from the Sea, and with his force, did dryue the streame backeward, whiche at the first beyng but stayed, was afterwardes so vehemently repulced, that it caused the water to returne backwarde with greater fury then any swifte streame is wont to ronne. The commen sort that knewe not the nature of the Occeā, The nature of the occeā was vnknowen to the Macedons. thought the s [...]me to be a wō derfull matter and that it had bene a token sent to them of the goddes wrath, and whiles they were in that imaginacion, the Sea swellyng more and more, ouerflowed the lande whiche they sawe before drye, [Page 201] and as the water rosse the shipps mounted, and al the nauy was disperkled here and there. Such as were vpō land were amased with the sodeinnes of the thing and ran frō al partes in great feare vnto their ships. But in a tumulte haste doth hurte, & gyue the impediment. Some there were that went about to set ther shipes forwardes, other forbad rowyng and remoued not at all. Other whiles they made haste awaye, and would not tary to take in ther companye, moued vnaptly, and could make no waie. Some when they sawe them presse a shipbord in such thronges, for feare of takyng into many, woulde receyue none at all. So that both multitude and smal numbre, was a let vnto y e hast they made. The crye that some made in bidding men tary, and the noise that other made willing them to go forwardes, and there voyses that differed, and agred not in one effect, toke away the vse both of their sight and hearing. The mariners could not help the matter, whose wordes in the tumult coulde not be harde, nor their commaundementes obserued amonges men in feare and out of order. The shyppes therfore dashed one agaynst an other, the Ores crasshed a sonder, and euery shippe either thurst forwards, or put backe an other. No man would haue iudged it to be one nauye but rather two sondrey fighting a battell togither vpon the Sea. The poores did strycke agaynst the puppes, such as went before troubled them that came after, and the wordes of men in their wrath, came vnto strypes.
By that tyme the fludde had ouer flowne al the playnes there about, so that nothyng appeared aboue the water sauinge the hilles whyche seamed lyke lyttle [Page] Ilands, wherunto many did swyme and left ther shippes for feare. Whyles the nauye thus disperkled abrode, partlye stode a flote when they hapned in anye valey, and pacte stycked vpon the grounde if they dyd hit vpon the flattes, according as the ground was that the water couered: sodeinly there came an other terror greatter then the first. For when then the Sea began to ebbe, the water fell backe agayne into hys wonted course with so greate violence as it came forwardes, and restored and sight of the lande, whiche before was drowned as in a depe Sea.
The shippes then forsaken of the water fel vpon their sides, and the feldes were strowen with broken bordes and wyth peares of Ores. The souldiers durst not go furth to land, and yet were in feare to tarye a shipbord lokynge euer for some greater mischiefe to come, then that they sawe present or paste.
They could scarsly beleue that they sawe and suffred, which was shipwarck vpon the land, and the Sea within a riuer. And they thought no eand could come of hys myschiefe. For they knewe not that the fludde should shortly returne agayne and set their shippes aflote. And therefore they Imagyned to them selfes famyne and all extremities. The monsters also of the Sea that after the water was paste were left on drye land put them in great feare.
The nyght approached, and despayre brought the kynge into a great agonye.
Yet no care could ouercome his hart that was inuincible, but that he watched all night, and sent horsemen to the mouth of the riuer, to bryng him word when the tyde came. He caused the shippes that were broken to [Page 202] be amended, and suche as were ouerwhelmed to be hoised vp agayne, warning al men to laye awayte and be in redines agaynst the water should rise. When he had consumed all that night in watchinge and gyuing exhortacion to his men, streightwaies the horsemen returned amayne gallop, and the fludde folowed them, which mildly encreasing begane to raise againe their shyppes, and when it had ones ouerflowne the bankes the holle nauye beganne to moue. Then al the coost rebounded with the vnmeasurable reio [...]sing that the souldiers and mariners made for there saulfgarde whereof they were before in despaire. When they sawe the daungier pas [...]e they enquered with wonder one of an other, by what reason y e sea could so sone after that maner go and come, and debated the nature of that element, whych one while disagred, and an otherwhile was obedient and subiect to the time. The kyng coniecturing by the signes he had sene before, that after y e sonne risyng the tyde would serue hys purpose, to preuent the matier, at midnight wyth a fewe shippes he fleted downe the streame, and passing out at the mouth of the riuer, entred foure hūdred furlongs into the sea where attayning the thing that he desired, made sacrifice to the goddes of the Sea which were worshipped in those countreyes, and returned agayne into hys nauye.
From thence the next day he returned backwardes agaynst the streame, and arriued at a salt lake, the nature wherof beynge vnknowne disceyued many that rashely entered into the water, for ther bodies by and by became ful of scabbes, which discease takē by some, the contagyon therof infected many other. But they [Page] founde that oyle was a remedye for the same. Alexander lyeng still wyth hys armye waiting for the spring time of y e yeare, sent Leonatus before by y e land which waie he thought to passe, for to digge welles bicause the countrey was verye drye and destitute of water. In the meane season he builded many Cytyes, and commaunded Nearchus and Onesicritus, Nearchus. Onesicritus that were most expert of naual thinges, with his strongest shippes to passe into the Occeane and to go so farre forwards as they myght w t suretye for to vnderstand the nature of the sea, and willed them at theyr returne to land either w t that riuer, or ells within Euphrates. When the winter was well passed, he burned those shyppes whych he occupied not, and conueyed hys armye by land. After ix. encampinges he came into the coūtrey of y e Arabitans, Arabytans. Gedrosians. and from thence in nine dayes came amonges the Gedrosians, which being a fre nacion by a general counseill had amonges them, yealded them selfes, of whom their was not any thynge demaunded sauinge only vittelles.
Arabon.The fift day he came vnto a riuer whych the coūtrey men cal Arabon beyond the which there laye a barein countrey greatly destitute of water through the which he passed, and entred amonges the Horitans. Horitans. There he betoke the greater parte of hys armye to Emphestion and parted hys souldiers that were light armed wyth Ptolomeus and Leonatus and so wasted the countrey w t thre armies at once & toke great praies Ptolomeus burned towardes the Sea, Leonatus vpon the other hand, and Alexander him self in the mides. In that countrey he builded also a cytie, and brought men out of Arrachosia to enhabite the same. From thence he came amonges the Indians, which lieng vpō the Sea [Page 2003] coost do inhabite a great countrey, that is wast and desert. They vse no traffick, enter course▪ nor cōuersaciō with any of their neighboures, but y e desertnes of their countrey haue made them sauage, being wild of there owne nature. They ware long nailes that be neuer cut, and longe here that is neuer clipped. They make there howses of the Shelles of fisshes, and of other thinges that the Sea caste vp. And being clad wyth the skynnes of wilde beastes, eate fishe dryed with the Sonne, and feade vpon such monsters as the Sea cast vp on the lande. The famine that fell amonges the Macedons. Heare the Macedons consumed ther vitelles & first endured scarscitie, and afterwards extreame honger, serching out in euery place the rootes of palmes whiche is the only tree that groweth in that countrey. But when that kind of norishemente sayled them, they killed there cariage beastes, and abstained not from there horses: whereby lacked beastes to beare there bagage, they were enforced to consume with fire, the spoyles of there enemyes, whyche had caused them to trauayll into the vttermoste boundes of the Orient. After their famine folowed a pestilence, for the vnaccustumed norishmente of the vnholsome meates they did eate with the trauayle of ther Iorney and the care of mynd, spreade diseases amōges them, in such sort that they could neither continue in a place nor yet go forwardes without great distruction.
Honger oppressed them when they taried, and the pestilence was more vehement euer as they went forwardes. The fildes therefore were strowen ful of mē that were half dead, and half aliue. And such as were but smally sick, where not hable to folowe tharmye, it marched wyth such speade. For euery man thought to further so much his owne saufguard, as by makynge [Page] hast he could get before his felowes. Such as fainted and could not folowe, desired both such as they knewe and knewe not, to helpe them forwardes. But they had no beastes wherupō to set them, and the souldiers could scarsly bare their owne armour, which had the imminent myschiefe that fell vpon other men, represented before there own eies. Wherfore whē they were often called vpon, they would not vouchsaue ones to loke backe, feare had so taken awaye all compassion from them.
Then they which were lefte behind, cryed vpon the goddes, and their king for helpe, alledgyng their relygion that was in comen to them, with such as had forsaken them. But when they had cried long in vayne vnto their deaf eares through desperation they began to rage, and wisshed the like eand to ther frendes and companions, that they thē selfes had. The king troubled bothe with sorowe & w t shame, did write to Phratap hernes ruler of the Parthinyans to send to hym vpon Camelles, vittelles in redines to be eaten, and certifyed the prynces of the countres therabout of hys necessitye, whych did not slack the tyme, but made prouision according to hys wyll. Thus hys army deliuered only from famyne was brought wythin the boundes of the Godrosyans. Godorsyans And forasmuch as y e same was a countrey fertyl of all thynges, he thought good to stay there awhyle, wyth rest to recouer agayne hys feble souldiers.
Ther he receyued letteres frō Leonatus howe he had wonne the victorye of the Horitans, which encountred him with .viii. thousand fotemen and .v. .C. horsemen, Ozynes. Zariaspes. and was aduertised also from Craterus howe he had taken and put in hold Ozynes and zariaspes [Page 204] noble men of Per [...]e that went about to rebell. Alexander also vnderstandynge that Memnon was deade, gaue the charge of the countrey wherof he had the rule vnto Sibur [...]ius and afterwardes went into Carmania. Syburcius. Carmania. Astaspes. Astaspes was gouernour of that nacion, who being suspected of innouacion whiles Alexander was in India, met [...] hym on hys waye, who dissimulynge his Ire enterteined him gentlie, and did to him his accustumed honor, tyll such tyme as he had better proufe of the matter that was layed agaynst him.
When the princes of India had according to hys apointment, sent out of al countreis vnder his Impire great plentye of horse and other beastes, bothe of cariage and of draught, he gaue cariage againe to all men that wanted, and restored there armour to the former beutyfulnes, and excellency.
For they were come into a countrey ioyning vpon Perce, whych bothe was haboundant of all thynges, and also brought quietly vnder hys subieccion. He thought it then a tyme to counterfeit Bacchus in hys glorye and fame, whych the gotte amonges those nacions. Whither it were a trumphe y t Bacchus first instituted, or a pastyme of him vsed in dronkennes, Alexander was determyned to counterfeit it, hauynge hys mynde puffed vp aboue mans estate.
He commaunded therefore all the villagies, The Tryumphe that Alexander made in hys retor [...]e o [...]t of Inde. throughe the which he should passe to be strowne with flowres and garlandes, and cuppes wyth other great vesselles to be set full of wyne at the entreye of euerye house.
He caused Wagons also to be made of suche la [...] genes, that they might be hable to cary manisouldiers, atons and decking the same with precious furnim [...]ees
[Page]The kynge went fyrste in order wyth hys frendes, and next to them the kings guard, wearyng vpon ther heddes garlādes of flowers, some plaing vpon flutes and some vpon harpes. Euery one generally throughe tharmy decked his Chariot according to hys habilitye and substaunce, where as they geuen to bankettynge, did hang ther riche armour about them. Alexander with such as he called to hys companye, was caried in a Chariot laden wyth Cuppes of gold and other goldē vessell. He wyth his dronken armye, marched after this maner .vii. daies togither in ostentacion of the praye they had gotten. Wherein they shewed such dissolutenes, that if one thousand of the subdued people, durst duringe the space of those .vii. daies haue geuen them the onset, they might haue taken them prisoners and led them away in triumphe. But fortune whiche hath apoynted both fame and estymacion to thinges, turned all this disordre of warre vnto his glorye. For both the age that was then, and the posterity that came after, meruailed and toke it for a wonder▪ that he durst go so dissolutely amonges those nacions, not yet establisshed vnder hys Impire, the harberous people reputing hys rashenes, for an assured confidnce. But sheding of blood ensued after this tryumphe. For prince Aspastes (that hath bene spoken of before) was commaunded to be put to death so that his excesse in voluptuousnes was no let vnto his crueltye, nor o [...]ueltye impediment to his voluptuousnes.
The tenth boke of Quintus Curtius of the actes of Alexander the great Kyng of Macedon.
ABout the same time, Cleandre, Scytalces, Agathon, & Eracion which by the kinges apoyntment had put Parmenio to deathe returned to hym, brynging wyth them .v. thousand fotemen, and a thousand horsemen. There were many accusers that folowed them out of the prouince whereof they had the gouernaunce. Whose behauor there was such, that the acceptable seruice they had done to Alexander in killing of Parmento, coulde be no satisfaccion for the multitude of the offence they had committed. They vsed such an vniuersall spoyle not abstayning from the Temples, nor from sacred thinges. The virgins also and great Ladies of the countrey, whom they had rauished complained of thē lamentyng the shame they had susteined. They vsed so ther couetousnes and inordinat lust in there authoritye, that it caused the name of the Macedons to be hated amonges those nacions. And yet amonges al the reste Cleanders offence was moste horrible, which rauishing a virgyn of noble bloode, gaue hyr to hys slaue to vse as his Concubine. The more part of Alexanders frendes were not so much offended with ther crueltye and fowle actes whereof they were accused, as wyth the remembraunce of Parmenios deathe, whiche they kept in silence leste the rehersall thereof myght haue procured them fauour with the Kynge [Page] reioysing that the kinges wrath was fallen vpon the minysters of hys Ire, & that no powre nor auctorytye gotten by euell meanes, could haue any longe contynuans. Alexander hearing the cause, sayd that thatcusers ouerslipt y e geatest offence, which was y e dispaire of hys saueguard. For if they had eyther hoped or beleaued, that he should euer haue returned out of India, A notable Iustice. they durste neuer haue committed any suche offences. He commaunded therefore them to pryson, and put .vi. .C. souldiers to death, that had bene the mynisters of there crueltye, and they also were executed the same daye which Craterus had brought for auctors of the rebellion out of Perci. Within a while after Nearchus and Onesiccitus which had bene commaunded by the king to serche the Occean Sea, returned vnto him declaring some thinges by reporte. They shewed of an Ilande not farre from the mouth of Indus whyche habounded with golde, and had no breed of horses amonges them, wherefore the inhabytors would giue a talēt of gold for euery horse brought from the mayne land. They also told of great monsterous fysshes (wherof those Seas were full) whyche caried downe with the tide, would shewe there bodies aboue the water, as bigge as a great ship, and folowe ther nauye wyth a terrible noise. And when they diued vnderneth the water, they troubled the Seas as it had bene in a shypw [...]ack. Thes were thinges they had sene, the rest they had receyued by reporte of thinhabiters: as howe that the redde Sea toke hys name of kinge Erithrus, and not of the couler of the water. They shewed also of an other Iland, not fare from the mayne lande growing full of palme trees Wher was a great wood, in the middes whereof stode a piller where as king Erithrus was buried, with inscripciō [Page 206] of such lettres as be vsed in y e countrey. They added besids y t such mariners as caried y e marchantes & the durdges of tharmie, through couetousnes of the gold which had ben reported vnto them, lāded in y t Iland and were neuer sene after. There wordes moued Alexander much, and put in hym a great desire, to get more certayne knowlege of those partyes & therefore he cōmaūded them againe to tha Sea, willing y t they should cost the land, tyll they come w tin y e riuer of Euphrates, & frō thence to come vp to Babilō against the streame. The thinges were infinite y t he compassed in his head. The enterprises that Alexander determined. For he determined after he had brought the Sea coost of y e Orient vnder his subieccion to go out of Siria into Affrick, for y e euytie he bare to the Carthagens. His purpose was frō thence to passe ouer the desertes of Numidia towardes Gades, wher he vnderstode by the fame that Hercules had plāted his pillers, & so directing his iourney through Spaine (the which y e Greakes of the riuer Iberus call Iberia) to go ouer y e Alpes & so into Italie tyll he should come to that part therof were the next passage was into Epyrus. For thys intent he gaue commaundement to hys officers in Mesopotamia that they should cut downe tymber in the mount Lybanus, Tapsagas. and conuey the same to Tapsagas a Cytye in Syria. And ther to make galeis of such greatnes, that euerye one of them myght be hable to carye .vi. Ores vpon abanke, and from thence he wylled them to be conuayed vnto Babylone. He sent commaundement to the kynges of Cipres, to furnishe them of Iren, hempe, and sayles. Whyles thes thinges were in doing he receyued letteres from Porus and Taxiles, signifieng that Abyasares was deade of a disease, and that Phelix hys lieutenaunt in those parties was slayne, and they put to death that [Page] were the doers therof. Alexandr therefore in the place of Phelix apointed Endemon that was captaine of the Thracians, Eudemon. and gaue Abyasares kingdome vnto hys sonne. Pasargadas From thence he came to Pasargadas beyng a countrey of the Percians, the Prynce wherof was called Orsines which both in nobilytie and ryches, Orsynes. exceded all other men in those parties, and conueyed hys pedigre frō Cirus that sometime was king of Perce. The riches his predecessours left him was greate, and he by a long continuaūce in his enheritaunce and auctorytie, had much encreased the same. He mett Alexā der comming thitherwardes and presented bothe hym and his freendes with gyftes of sondery fortes: which were a multitude of horses redye to be ridden vpon, Charyotes wrought with golde and siluer, precious stuf, excellent pearles, and precious stones, weighti vessel of gold, robes of purple, and foure thousand talents of coyned siluer. But that his liberalitie was occasion of hys death. For when he had presented al the kinges frendes with giftes aboue there desire, he honoured not with anye giftes at all Bagoas the Enuke, Bagone ther Enuke. whom Alexāder specially fauoured of y e vsage he had of him. There were therefore that gaue him admonition how much Alexander estemed Bagoas. But he aunsewred them: that hys custume was to honour the kynges freendes, and no harlottes. Nor that it was not the Percians maner to haue any in estimacion, which did effeminate them selfes with so shamefull an abuse.
When hys wordes were reported to the Enuke he vsed the powre whiche he had gotten with dishoneste meanes, to the distruction of that noble and innocent man. For he did subornat certayne leud parsones of Orcynes countrey, to brynge in false accusacons againste [Page 207] him, whiche he willed them to present at suche tyme as he should apoynt vnto them. In the meane season whensoeuer Bagoas got the kyng alone, he would fil his credulous eares wyth tales agaynst Orcynes euer dessimulinge the cause of hys displeasure, lest therby he might lose the credite of his false report. The king had not Orcynes yet in suspect of such mater as afterwardes was laid against him, but began to growe wyth him out of estimacion. Hys accusacion was euer so secret, that he could neuer get knowledge of y e peril that was preuily wrought against him. That importunat harlot in hys vile conuersacion had with the king, was myndfull euer of the malice he bare to Oreynes, whom he would not cease to bring in suspicion of couetousnes or of rebellion so ofte as he sawe Alexander bent to vse him familierly. By that time the false accusacions were in redynes, which he had prepared to the distruccion of the innocent, whose fatall destynie y t did approch, could not be auoyded. Cyrus Tombe was opened by Alexander. It chaū sed y t Alexāder caused Cyrus tombe wherin his body was buried to be opened, pretēding to vse certaine [...]eremonies for y e dead. But thinking in very dede y t his tombe had bene full of golde and siluer, wherof ther was a constant fame amonges the Percians.
But when it was vyewed there was not thyng [...] found but a [...]otten target, two Scythian bowes and asword. Alexander therefore caused the Coffyn wherein Cyrus body was laid, to be couered wyth the garment he was accustomed to weare, and set therupon a crowne of golde, meruailinge that ther was no more sumptuousnes vsed in buryall of such a kyng, endued wyth so great riches, that laie there, What an occacion Bagoas toke to accuse Orsynes. but after the commen sort of men. When this thing was done Bagoas stode next vnto Alexander, who behyld him in the face [Page] and sayed: what maruail is it though the sepulchres of kinges be emptie, when lordes houses be not hable to receyue the goulde they haue taken out from thence. For my parte I neuer sawe this tombe before, but I haue hard Darius reporte, that there were .iii.M. talentes buried with Eirus. (Therof (qd he) proceded Orcynes liberalitie, in wynning your fauour by y e gift of the thinges, which he knewe he could not keape. When he had thus sturred vp Alexanders wrathe against Orcynes, he presented them whō he had suborned to accuse him. By whose reporte and by Bagoas surmised tales, Alexander was so encensed againste Orcynes, that he was put in pryson, before he coulde suspect that he was accused. The Enuke was not contented with the destruccion of this Innocent man, but at his death, laied violent hands vpon him. Vnto whō Orcines saide: I haue hard that women in times past haue reigned, & borne great rule in Asia, but it is nowe a more straung thing, y e agelding should haue thimpire in hys handes. This was the ende of the moste noble man amonges the Percians, who was not onely an innocent in the matter, but such one as bare singuler affectiō vnto Alexander, and had shewed great liberalitie to him & his. At the same time Phradrates whiche was suspected to haue gone about to make hym selfe king, Alexander began to be enclined to the shedyng of blood. was put to death. Alexander beganne then to be much enclyned to the sheding of bloode, and to be credulous in hearing of euil report. Prosperitie is of such a force to chaunge a mans nature. Wherein fewe men haue consederacion of vertue. Thus he which a lyttle before would not condempne Lincestes Alexander when he was accused by two witnesses, that suffred dyuers of more meane estate to be acquited, though it [Page 208] grudged hys mynde, bycause they seamed not gilty to other men. And he whiche bestowed kingdomes vpon his ennemies, whome he had subdued: was in the ende soo muche altered from his former enclinacion that agaynste his owne appetite, at the wyll of an harlot he would gyue kyngedomes to some, and take awaye the lyues from other. About the same time he receiued letters of thynges done in Europe, whereby he vnderstode that whiles he was in India, zophirus hys Lieutenaunte in Thrace, had made iourney againste the Getes, The Getes. where by stormes and tempestes that sodeinly risse vpon hym, he was destroyed and all hys armye. Senthes. When Senthes vnderstode the defeate of that armye he procured the Odrisians that were hys countrey mē to reuolt. So that al Thrace was in maner loste therby and Greace stode in no great sure [...]ye.
The writers of the actes of great Alexander make menciō in this place of Calanus an Indian that was verie famour in philosophye, Calanus. which by the persuasion of kyng Taxiles folowed Alexander, and ended hys life after a straunge sort. When he had liued .lxxiii. yeares without any disease, at hys comming into Percia he felt a payne in hys bely, wherefore co [...]iecturynge that the ende of hys life was come, leste suche a perpe [...]uall felicitie as he had liued in▪ should be spotted wyth anie longe disease, or tormented wyth the multitude of medicines that phisicions vse to minister, requyred Alexander that he myghte cause a fyer to be made, and to burne hym selfe in the same. The kyng began to dissuade him frō his purpose, thinkyng to haue brought him frō the doinge of so horryble an act, but when he perceiued with what stedfastnes and cōstancy he stode in his intent, and that there was no way to keape hym any lenger in lyfe. He suffred a fyre to be made accordyng [Page] to his will, where into Calanus did ryde on horsback, makyng first his prayer to the goddes of his coū trey, and takyng the Macedons by the handes, required them that they would spende that daye pleasantly in banketting with their kyng, whom within a while, he should see at Babylon. When he had spoken those wordes he went merely into the fyre, where as plieng his body comly, kept still thesame gesture & coūtenaūce at his death, which he was wont to vse. When the fire flamed the trumpettes blewe, the men of warre making such a shout as they accustomed going to the battaill, whiche rebounded vp to the skye, & the Elephātes also made a terrible noyse. These be the thinges that sage writers do testifie of Calanus, whiche was a notable ensample of an inuincible mynde, cōstantly bent to suffer any aduersitie. From thence Alexander went vnto Susa, Alexander maried Satyra Darius doughter. wheras he toke to wife & laufully maried Satyra Darius eldest doughter. Whose yonger suster called Dripetis he gaue to wife vnto Ephestion. And bestowed to the nōbre of .ixxx. virgins of the noblest of all the nacions he had conquered, Drypetis. to the principal Macedons & to the chiefest of his frēdes, because he wold not seme alone to begin so straūge a custome. These mariages were celebrate after the Percian maner, & a princely feast prepared at the espowsels. Wherat there were .ix.M. gestes, to euery one of whome, Alexander gaue a cuppe of gold to sacrifice w t al. At the same time the rulers of cities which Alexander had subdued and builded, sent vnto him .xxx.M. yong souldiers y t were all of one age, & furnisshed with faire armour, apt to do any enterprise of the warre which he called Epigoni: that is to saie his successours. The Macedōs at theyr comming semed to be somwhat apalled, whych weried [Page] with long warre, vsed often in assembles to murmur & speake mutinous wordes against the king. For y e cause he had prepared these souldiers to restraine y e arrogā cy of other, & gaue to them great benefites. Harpalus. Harpalus to whome the king had cōmitted the charge of the treasure and reuenewes at Babilon, hearing of the actes that Alexāder had done in subduing the more part of y e kynges of India, & his successe to be so prosperous y t nothing could withstand him. Knowing the insaciable desire y t was in Alexander to visite farre coūtreis, & to encrease his glory, though it shold be a hard matter for him to returned to Babilō again. wherfore he gaue him self to delight & to lust, misusing many that were noble & f [...]e women, wallowing in al kind of voluptuousnes. Insomuch that he sent vnto Athēs for a famous harlot called Patonice, Patonice to whom he both gaue many great and princely giftes while she was aliue, and also after her death spent .xxx. talentes vpon her tombe. Hauing in these & suche other like voluptuous vanities consumed a great part of the treasure. When he vnderstode Alexāder to be come out of India, & to vse extreme iustice vpon his officers that misused them of whō they had rule, by reason he was priuy to his own fowle conscience feared the like might tome to himself. And therfore gathering together .v.M. talentes & .vi.M. mercenary souldiers, toke y e way towardes Athens no mā willing to receiue him by the way. Tenaron. When he came to Tena [...]on (where as a great nombre of the mercenary Grekes which had bene discharged out of Asia were assembled) he left his souldiers there & went to Athens with his money: when he was come thether nō bre of the citezens flocked about him, more for loue of his money then for his own sake, but specially the oratours, [Page] & suche as vsed to make their gaine by oraciōs and persuading of the people, whō by small rewardes he easely corrupted to defēd his cause with the people. But afterwardes at a generall assemble vpō the matter, he was commaunded to depart the cytie, and so returned againe amonges the Greke souldiers by whō he was slayne.
Sunium.Therfore with .xxx. shippes thei passed ouer to Suniū whiche is a pointe of the land in the territory of Athēs, from whence they determined to haue entred into Athens hauen. These thinges being knowen, Alexāder that was sore moued aswell againste the Athenians as against Harpalus, prepared a nauy to make warre in persone immediatly against thē. And as he was busied about y e matter, he vnderstode by secret letters both y e Harpalus had bene in Athens, & corrupted with money the chief of the cytie: And also that afterwardes by a counsel of the people, he was cōmaunded to depart frō thence, & as he returned amōges the Greke souldiers he was slayne by one of thē by treason. The death of Harpalꝰ. These newes greatly reioysed Alexander, wherby he had occasion to leaue of his iourney into Europe, but he sent cōmaūdement to all the cities of Grece, that they shuld receyue againe all their banisshed men, except such only as had committed any murther vpon their owne countrey men. Although the Grekes knewe the same to be the breache of their liberties & their lawes, & the beginnīg of their bondage, yet as men that durst not disobey his will, they called home their banished men, & restored to thē such of their goodes as did remaine. Only the Athenians, which euer defended obstinatly y e liberties of their comē wealth, & which had not bene accustomed to liue vnder y e obediēce of any king, but vnder y e lawes & customes of their coūtrey, wold not agre, y t such dredge [Page 210] of men shuld liue amonges them, but did driue thē out of their boūdes, redy to suffre any thing, rather thē to receiue such againe as sometime were the rascall of al their citie, & then the refuse of al the outlawes. The time was come that Alexander minded to dismisse his olde souldiers, & sende them into their countrey, but he willed first .xiii.M. fotemē & .ii.M. horsemē to be chosen out to remaine still in Asia, which he iudged might be kept with a small army, because he thought the guarrisons he had plāted in many places, & the cities which he had newly builded & filled with inhabiters, shuld be able to stay such as wold attēpt any rebellion. Alexander paide al his souldiers debtes. But before he would make any deuision of such as should depart, & remaine. He caused a proclamaciō to be made y t all souldiers should declare their debtes, wherwith he perceiued many of them sore burdened, & though their debte did rise through their own disordre & excesse, yet he was determined to discharge euery man. But the souldiers thinking it had bene but a deuise, to find out the prodigall frō the rest delaied the time & brought not in their declaracions. The king perceiued shame to be the let therof & no disobediēce, or self wil. And therfore caused tables to be set vp throughout his cāpe, & .x.M talentes to be brought fu [...]th. Of all whiche treasure when their debtes were payd accordyng to the iust declaracion, there remayned no more but .Cxxx. talētes. Wherby it appeared that thei whiche were the conquerours of so many riche nacions, A mutine amonges the souldiers. brought out of Asia more glory then spoyle. But after it was once knowen that some should be dispached, and some remayne still, they thought the kynge would haue establyshed his kingdome perpetually in Asia. Wherfore like madde men, and vnmyndfull of all disciplyne of warre, fylled the campe full of sedicious wordes, and came to the [Page] kyng more arrogantly, and with greater rygour then euer they did before, al with one voyce requiring to be discharged, shewyng furth the hortnes of their heete, and their faces disformed with scarres, and herein thei could not be staied eith [...] by chastisement of their officers or by any r [...]uerence of their kynge, but when he would haue spoken vnto them, they would not suffre hym to be heard, but disturbed his tale with their tumultuous crye, & violent thronge: protesting opēly that they would neuer moue one foote forwardes to any place, except it were towardes their owne countrey. After a great space because they thought that Alexander would enclyne to their purpose, they kept silence, & stode in expectacion what he would do. Alexanders wordes vnto his souldiers. Then Alexander spake vnto them: what meaneth this sodain trouble of mynde, this so malypart and vnlaufull libertie? I am afraied to speake vnto you, you haue so manifestly broken your obedience towardes me, I am now become a kyng at the appointmēt of my people, you haue neither lefte me the libertie, to knowe you, to exhorte you, nor to behold you. Beyng determined to sende some into their countrey before, and to bryng the reste with me, shortly after, I see them aswell that shall go, crying and mutining, as those that I appoint to come with me. What a matter is this? Their crie is al a like, notwithstanding that their cause is diuers. I woulde fayne knowe whether they complaine that departe, or they that tary still? When he had spoken those wordes, they cried all as it had bene with one mouth, that they complayned euery man. Then he said: truly it cannot be so, nor I cannot be persuaded, that you should all be greued for the cause ye declare seing the case towcheth not the moste parte of you, for I haue appointed more [Page 211] to departe, then to remaine still. There must nedes be some greater mischief then apeareth, that shuld turne you al from me. When was it euer sene that an whole army hath forsaken their kyng. The slaues ronne not from their maisters all at once, but there is alwayes a shame in some to leaue thē whō the rest forsakes. But why do I forget that you be madde in your myndes? or why go I about to cure you that be vncurable? I condempne from hencefurth all the good hope that euer I conceiued of you, & am determined to worke no more with you as w t my souldiers, seing ye wil not be mine, but with men vngrateful and vnmindfull of my goodnes. The cause of this your madnes, is euē the haboū daunce of your prosperitie, wherby you forget your old estate, frō the which ye be deliuered through my benefite. You are men worthy to haue spent your lyues in your former beggerie, seing you cā better beare aduersitie, then prosperous fortune behold you, which a while ago were tributaries to the Illicians, & the Percians, do now disdaine Asia, & the spoiles of so many naciōs. You whiche vnder Philip went haulf naked, now cō tepne robes of purple. Your eyes cannot endure any lenger to behold the sight of gold & siluer. You desire againe your wodden disshes, your targettes made of wikers, & your swordes couered with rust. I receiued you in this simple estate, with .v.C. talentes in debte, when all my furnymētes exceded not in valure .lx. talentes. This was the foūdaciō of my actes, wherwith (without enuie be it spoken) I haue subdued the greatest part of the world. Are you wery of Asia, which haue ministred vnto you occasion of such glory, that by the greatnes of your actes ye be made equal vnto y e gods? do you al make such haste into Europe, to forsake me y t [Page] am your kyng? the more parte of you should haue lacked money to beare your charges there, if I of my beneuolens had not payde your debtes? Are you not ashamed that haue robbed all Asia, to beare the spoyles of so many nacions within your belies, and now to returne home to your wyfes & childrē, vnto whom there be but few of you that are able to shewe any rewardes of your victory. For many of you shalbe compelled to gage your armour, if ye forsake this good hope, ye might receiue at my handes. These be the good men of warre that I shall want, which of all their riches haue nothing left them but only their cōcubines. The waye lieth open for your departure, get you hence quickly out of my syght. I with the Percians shall defende your backes when ye be gone. I will hold none of you, deliuer myne eyes ye vngratefull countremē, of the sight I see of you. Shal your parētes & children receiue you with ioye, whē they shal see you returne without your king? Shall they couet to mete suche as be fugitiues, & forsakers of ther prince? I truly shal triūphe vpō your departure, & whersoeuer you shall be, I shall desire to be reuēged, honoring alwaies & preferring before you. those whiche ye haue left here with me. Now you shall knowe of what force an army is, that lacketh a kyng, and what moment doth consiste in me alone. When he had spoken those wordes he leped in a fury from the iudgement seate, and ranne into the throng of the armed men, whereas he toke with his owne handes suche as had mutined moste against him. Of whome there were none that durst make resistaunce, deliuered xiii. to his guarde for to be saufly kept. Who woulde thinke that an assembly whiche a little before had spoken vnto their prince with suche fiersenes and rigour, [Page] could haue bene so sodenly appalled for feare? Which seing there companions ledde to execution, durst not moue, nor make any attempt.
But the inordinate libertie they vsed before, & their sedicious violence was then so stayed, that neuer one of them durst resiste, the king ronning amōges them, but were al astonied for feare, and stode like men amased, with doubtfull imaginaciōs loking what he would determine of the offenders.
Whether it were the reuerēce they bare to his name, because the naciōs that liue vnder kinges, are wōt to honour thē as gods; or were it the maiestie of his persone, or els his own assured cōstancy executing his auctoritie with suche violence, that put them in feare: thei shewed a notable ensample of paciēce. For they remained not only without slurre or mociō at the executing of their companions, whō they knew to be put to death in the night time, but also were more diligent in doing their duties then euer they were before, pretermitting nothing pertaining to obedience, & naturall affeccion towardes their prince. For the next day whē thei came to the courte, and were not suffred to entre, but all shotte out sauing the souldiers of Asia, they made a sorowfull crye and lamentacion whiche spred ouer al the campe, protesting that they would not liue, if the kyng continued still in his wrath. But he that was obstinat in all thinges that he had once conceiued in his head, commaunded all the Macedons to keape still their cā pe, and assembled the souldiers straungers together, to whome by an Interpretour he made this Oracion. Alexanders Oracion to the straūge souldiers. At suche tyme as I came firste out of Europe into Asia, my truste was to brynge vnder myne Empyre manye noble Nacions, and greate power of men, [Page] wherin I was not deceaued. For besides that the fame reported you to be men of value, I haue founde in you one thinge more, whiche is an incomperable obediēce, fidelitie, and affection towardes your prince. I thought voluptuousnes had ouerflowen all vertue amonges you, and y t through your great filicitie, ye had bene drowned in pleasures. But I finde it otherwise, and perceyue that none obserue the discipline and order of the warres better then you do, nor execute the same with more actiuitie nor stoutenes. And beynge manfull and valeaunt menne, ye embrace fidelitie, no lesse then you do the rest. This thinge I do but nowe acknowledge, but I knewe it longe ago. Whiche was the cause that I chose you out of the youth of your nacions to be my souldiours, and did incorporate you amonges mine owne people, causinge you to vse the same habite, and the same armoure. But your obedience and pacience towardes the aucthoritie, appeareth muche better in you then in them. Therfore I haue ioyned to my selfe in mariage the daughter of Oxatres that is a Percian, not disdayninge to beget children vpon a captiue. And afterwardes desiringe more aboundauntlye to encrease the issue of my bodye, I toke to wife the daughter of Darius, and was the aucthour that my neare frendes, likewise shoulde beget children vpon captiues: mindynge by this holye couenāte to exclude the difference betwene the victorers, and the vainquished. Wherfore you must now thinke that you be not souldiours vnto me adopted but more naturall. And that Asia and Europe is one kyngdome without any difference. I haue geuen vnto you armoure after the maner of the Macedons. I haue brought all straungnes and noueltie into a custome, [Page] and nowe ye be both my countreymen and my souldiours, all thinges take vpon them one fourme and fashion. I haue not thought it vnsemely for the Persians to shadowe the customes of the Macedons, nor for the Macedons to counterfeit y e Percians, seynge thei ought to be vnder one lawe & custome that should liue vnder one kynge.
When he had made this oration, he committed the custody of his person vnto the Persians, he made them of his guarde and his officers of iustice, bi whom when the Macedons whiche had geuen occasion of this sedicion were ledde bound vnto execution, one of them that was more auncient and of greater estimacion thē the rest, spake after this maner.
Howe longe will you thus geue place vnto your wil, in executynge vs after the straungers maner? Your souldiours and countreymen be drawen to execusion by their owne prisoners before their cause be hearde. If you haue iudged vs worthye of death, at leastwayes chaung the ministers of your wrath. This was a good admonishmente, if he hadde bene pacient to heare the trueth. But his wrath was growē into a woodnes, so that when he sawe theim whiche hadde the charge of the prisoners staye a little at the matter, he caused the prisoners to be tumbled into the riuer, and there drowned. Notwithstandynge the crueltye of this punishement, the souldiours were not s [...]urred to any sedition, but repayred by rowtes vnto their capitaines, and vnto suche as were neare aboute the kynge, requirynge that if there yet remained anye infected with the same offence, that he shoulde commaunde theim to be putte to death, proferynge their bodyes to be punished and executed at his owne will.
[Page]After it was knowen that Liuetenaunteships were geuen vnto the Perciās, and that they were distributed into diuers orders, and suche names geuen vnto them as were vnto the Macedons, and that they were reiected wyth reproche, they coulde not then any lenger conteine theim selues, nor suffer the doloure they had conceyued in their hertes, but with a great throng pressed to the courte, wearyng onely their nethermost garmentes, and leauynge their weapons without the gate in token of repentaunce. There wyth weapynge and all tokens of humilitie, they made request to be admitted to the kynges presence, & that he would vouchsafe to pardon their offence, pacifiynge his wrath with the deathe of so manye of theim as he shoulde thinke good, rather thē to suffer them to liue in such reproch: whiche excepte he woulde release, Alexander was reconsiled to his souldiours. they protested they woulde neuer departe out of the place. When those thynges were declared vnto Alexander, he caused the courte gates to be opened, and came forthe amonges them. Wheras beholdynge their lamentation and repentaunce, their miserable behauour and affliction, he coulde not abstayne to weape longe tyme wyth theim, and in cōsideration of their modestie, forgaue thē their former offēces. And after he had temperately told thē their faultes, and againe comforted them with gentle words, he discharged many frō y e seruice of the warres, & sent thē home liberally rewarded: writing to Antipater his liuetenant in Macedon, y t he should assigne thē the chiefe places in the Threatres, at triumphes, and open playes, wheras they shoulde sit with garlādes on their heades, & he willed that their children after their deathes should enioye their fathers wages.
He appointed Craterus to be their ruler, to whō in the place of Antipater he had committed the gouernement [Page 214] of Macedon, Tessalie, and Thrace, sendynge for Antipater to repaire vnto him with a supplie of yong souldiers. Alexander had receiued letters before both frō hym, and Olympias his mother, Olymyias Alexāders mother. wherby dissension appeared to be betwixt them. For his mother acused Antipater that he wente aboute to make him selfe kyng. And Antipater did write howe Olympias did manye thinges otherwise then it did become her. Antipater did take his callynge awaye so greuouslye in his hart, that he conspired therupon to poyson Alexander, who hauynge accomplished the matters that before be mē cioned, went to Echatan that standeth in Media, to set order in the necessarie affaires of his Empire, and there ordeyned solempne triumphes and feasting. It chaunsed Ephestion whom the kynge specially loued, The death of Ephestiō and vsed in place of a brother, about the same time to dye of a feuer. Whose death Alexander toke more sorowfullye then can well be credited, committynge in his doloure manie thinges that were vnseaminge for the maiestye of a Prince. He commaunded Ephestions phisition to be hanged, as though he had died through his negligence. He laye embracynge of the dead bodye and coulde hardlye be taken awaye by his frendes, but continued his sorowe night and daye. There be many other thinges written in that behalfe, which be scarsely credible. But it is certayne that he commaunded sacrifice to be made vnto him as vnto a God, and consumed in his buriall and making of his tombe aboue .xii.M. talentes. As he was returninge to Babilon, the Caldian Prophetes met him on the waye, exhortynge him that he shoulde not enter into the citye. For that it was signified, that if he wente thether at that time, he should be in great peryll of his life. Notwithstanding [Page] he regarded not their admonishmentes, but went forwardes in his iourney accordynge as he hadde appoynted. For he vnderstode that Embassadours were come thither from all Regions tariynge for his comming. The terrour of his name was so spredde throughe the worlde, that all nacions shewed an obsequiousnes towardes him, as though he had bene appoynted to be their kynge. That caused him to make haste towardes Babylon, to kepe there as it were a Parliamente of the whole worlde. When he was come thither, he receiued the Embassadours gentlye, and afterwardes dispatched them home agayne. There was aboute the same tyme a banquet prepared at one Tessalus Medius house. Thessalus Medius wherunto the kynge beinge bidden, came thither wyth such as were appoynted to kepe him companye. But he had not so sone dronke of Hercules cuppe, Alexander was poysoned but that he gaue a grunte as thoughe he had bene striken to the harte. And beynge caried out of the feast halfe dead, was so tormented wyth payne that he required a swerde to haue killed him selfe. His frendes did publyshe abroade dronkennes to be the cause of his disease, but in verye dede it was prepensed treason the infamye wherof the power of his successours did oppresse. The poyson prepared longe before was deliuered by Antipater vnto Cassander his sōne, whiche wyth his brethren Phillippe, and Iolla, were wonte to serue the kynge at meate. He was warned that he shoulde not committe the same poyson to anye person, except it were to Thessalus or to his brethren. Philippe therfore and Iollas, whiche were wonte to take the saye of the kynge cuppes, hauyng the poyson readye in colde water, mixed it with the wine, after they had tasted it. When the fourth daye was come [Page 215] the souldiours partly for that they suspected he hadde bene dead, and partlye because they coulde not endure to wante longe his syght, came sorowfullye vnto the courte, desirynge to see the kynge, whiche by his commaundemēt were admitted vnto his presence, by such as had the charge of his person.
When they behelde him liynge in that case, they made great sorowe and lamentacion, for he semed not to them to be the same their kynge, whom they were wont to see, but rather a deade corse. If their griefe were great, the sorowe of theim that stode nexte to the bedde appeared muche more, whom when Alexander behelde lamentyng after that sorte, he saied vnto thē. When I shall departe, you shall finde a kynge worthye for suche men as you be. It is a thynge incredible howe that he durynge the tyme, the souldiours of his whole armye came to viset hym, he neuer altered countenaunce nor gesture, but continued in that kind of presence he gaue vnto the firste, vnto the laste man. When he hadde dismissed the multitude, as though he had bene discharged of al the debt of life, he laye downe againe to rest his weake body, & his voyce beginnyng to fayle him, cōmaunded his frendes to come neare aboute him, and then takinge his rynge from his finger, deliuered it to Perdicas, and gaue therwith a commaundemente that his bodye shoulde be conueyed to Hammon. They demaunded to whom he would leaue his kingdome. He saide: to the worthiest. By whiche wordes it appeared that he forsawe the contention that was like to ensue vpon his death. Perdicas more ouer demaunded of him when he woulde haue diuine honours done vnto him. At such time (quod he) as you [Page] shall finde your selfes in felicitie. These were the laste wordes Alexander spake, and shortelye after he died. Immediatlye after his death, the courte was full of howlynge, The sorow that was made vpon Alexāders death. lamentynge, and sorowe makynge, and by and by as it hadde bene in a deserte, or a place solitary, all thynges were whiste, and a sorowfull silence was spredde ouer all, euerye man beynge conuerted into imagination, what shoulde become of the matter. The yonge menne of the nobilitye that were accustomed aboute Alexanders person, coulde not beare the greatnes of their doloure, nor kepe them selfes within compasse of the courte, but ranne aboute as menne out of their wyttes, wherby the citye was filled with heauines and complainte, and no kinde of lamentation pretermitted, that sorow is wont to minister in such a case Suche therfore as were without the courte, vnderstandynge this matter, as well Macedones as other came runnynge thither, wheras the Conquerours from the conquered, nor the Victorers from the vainquished coulde not be discerned, the sorowe was so indifferent to thē al. The Percians called vpō their iust and mercifull Lorde, and the Macedons made inuocation to him, that was so valeaunte and gracious a kynge, and thus there was a certaine contencion of sorow amōges thē. Men did not vse their only wordes of griefe and heauines, but also of grudge and indignation, that so yonge a prince beynge in the flower of his age, and of his fortunate successe, shoulde by the enuy of the Goddes, be so taken out of this worlde. They called to remembraūce what a cherefulnes they had alwaies sene in his countenaunce, ether when he led them to the battel, when he besieged, or assaulted any citie, or when he would geue any commendacion to [Page 216] the worthye in anye assemble. Then the Macedons repented that euer they hadde denied him deuine honours, confessyng them selues bothe wicked and vngratefull for depriuynge him of anye name wherof he was worthye. And when they had continued long in the veneration and desire of him that was dead, then they began to pitye their owne case, whiche commyng out of Macedon were passed the riuer of Euphrates, amonges the middes of their enemies, y t vnwillinglye receiued their new gouernement. They saw them selues left destitute, & the Empire without any certaine heyre, for wāt of whō, euery one wold go about to draw the power of the state vnto his priuate behofe. And thē they began to conceiue and forsee in their mindes, the ciuill warres that did ensue, & that they shoulde be enforced to shede their bloude againe, not for the cōquest of Asia, but for the title of some such one y t would go about to make him selfe king: wherby their old scarres should breake out againe into new woūdes, & that such as by reason of their age had bene discharged from the warres by their noble & righteous king, should now be enforced to spend their liues in y e quarell of some such one as was but his souldier. Whiles thei were in these imaginaciōs, the night came on, & encreased their terroure. The men of warre watched in harnayes & the Babilonians loked ouer y e walles; pepyng out frō the toppes of their houses to spye some certaintye how the matter wēt. There was none y t durst kyndle any light. And bicause y e vse of y e eie did fail, thei laied their eares to heare the rumours & wordes that were spoken. And many times thei wer afraied whē no cause was, & whē thei met together in the narow stretes or darke lanes, thei would be amased, & suspect eche other as enemies [Page] The Percians after their accustumed maner clipped there heare and with ther wiues and children lamented the death of Alexander in mourning garmentes, with vnfained affeccion, not as a conqueror and one that lately had bene there enemye; but as there rightwise and naturall kyng. For they being accustumed to liue vnder a king, could think no man more worthy then he, to rule ouer them. Thys sorowe was not only conteined within the walles of the citie, but streightwayes spred ouer all the countrey ther aboutes. And the fame of so great a mischiefe flyenge through oute Asia, brought some tydinges therof vnto Darius mother. She at the fyrste reporte tare a sonder the garment she ware and put on morning appareill, she pulled her heare, and fel downe groueling vpon the earth One of her neces sat by her morning the death of Ephestion whom she had maried, and in an vniuersall heuines, bewayled the cause of hir owne sorowe. But Sysigambis alone susteyned all there miseries, The behauour of Darius mother vpon the death of Alexander. and bewayled bothe hir owne case and her nefes, her freshe sorowe causing her to call to mynde thinges paste. A man would haue iudged by her behauour that Darius had bene newly slayne, and that she had celebrated the funeralles of bothe her sonnes togither. She did not only lament the deade, but sorowed also for the lyuing. Who shall nowe (qd she) take care of this yong woman? or who can be like vnto Alexander nowe we be taken prisoners againe, nowe we be newly fallen from our dignitie and estate.
After Darius death we found one to defend vs. But nowe since Alexander is gone, who wyll haue respect of vs? Amongs she called to mind, how Occhus the cruell kinge had slayne her father and foure score [Page 217] of her brethren on one daye, and that of seuen children borne of hir bodye, there was but one of theim lefte aliue. She sawe that fortune had aduaunced Darius and caused him to floryshe for a tyme, to the entente he myght ende his life by greater crueltye. Finallye she was so ouercome wyth sorowe, that she couered her head, turning her selfe from her nese and nephew that sate at her fete, and abstayninge both frō meate & frō beholdynge of the light, ended hir life the fift daye after she was determined to dye. This hir death was a great argument of the clemencye Alexander hadde shewed towardes her, and of the iustice towardes all the captyues, seyng that after Darius death she could abide to liue, but after Alexanders departure, she was ashamed to continue any lenger.
Considerynge Alexander rightwiselye, A discourse of Alexanders vices and his vertues. we must impute all his vertues to his owne nature, and his vices either to hys youth, or to the greatnes of his fortune. There was in him an incredible force of courage, and an exceadynge sufferaunce of trauaile. He was endued with manhode excellinge, not onely amonges kynges, but also amonges such as had neither vertue nor qualitye. He was of that liberalitye that oftentymes he gaue greater thinges then the reciuers could haue asked of God. The multitude of kyngdomes that he gaue in gift, and restored to such from whom he had taken theim by force, was a token of his clemencye towardes them that he subdued. He shewed a perpetuall contempte of deathe, the feare wherof doth amase other men. And as there was in him a greater desire of glorye and worldely prayse then reason woulde beare: so was it intollerable in so yong a man enterprisynge so great actes. The reuerence and affection he bare [Page] towardes his parentes, appeared in that he purposed to consecrate his mother Olimpias to immortalitie, and that he so sore reuenged Philips death. How gentle and familiar was he towardes his frēdes, and how beniuolence towarde his souldiours. He had a wisedome equall to the greatnes of his harte, and suche a policie and forecast, as so yong yeres were scarsely able to receiue. A measure in immoderate plesures. And the vse of his lust lesse then nature desiered, vsing no pleasure but that was lawefull: these were wonderfull greate giftes and vertues.
But in that he compared him selfe to the Gods, coueted diuine honours, and beleued the Oracles that perswaded such thinges, that he was offended w t thē that woulde not worship him, and geuen more vehementlye to wrath then was expedient. That he altered his habite and apparell into the fashion of straungers, & coū terfaited the custome of them he had subdued, and despised before his victorye: were vices to be attributed to the greatnes of fortune. As the heate of youthe stirred him to anger, and to the desyre of drinkyng: so age might haue mitigated againe those faultes. Notwithstandynge it muste nedes be confessed, that though he preuailed muche by his vertue, yet ought he to impute more vnto his fortune, which only of al mortal men, he had in his owne power. Howe oftē did she deliuer him from the poynte of death? Howe often did she defende him wyth perpetuall felicitie, when he hadde rashelye brought him selfe in peryll? And when she poynted an ende to his glorye, she euen then was contente to finyshe his life, stayinge his fatall destenye tyll he had subdued the Orient, visited the Occean Sea, and fulfilled all that mans mortalitie was able to performe.
To this so greate a kynge and noble conqueroure, [Page] a successour was loked for: But the matter was of ouermuch importaūce for any one mā to take vpō him. Alexanders name and renowne was so great amonges all Nacions, and they were counted moste noble that might be partakers of his prosperous fortune, thoughe the porcion was neuer so small. But to returne agayne to Babilon from whence this digression hath bene made: The assēble after the death of Alexander. They whiche had the guarde and custodie of Alexanders persone▪ called into the courte suche as hadde bene his chiefe frendes and captaines of the men of warre, after whom there folowed a great multitude of Souldioures, desierynge to knowe who shoulde be successoure vnto Alexander. The thronge of the souldiours was suche, that manye of the capitaynes were excluded, and coulde not enter into the courte. A Proclamation therfore was made wherby all men were forbidden to enter, except suche as were called by name. But because their commaundement semed to want aucthoritie, it was little regarded, & the multitude at the first began to make a greuous sorow & lamentation. But straightwaies the desire they had to vnderstande the successe of the matter, stopped their lamētatiō, & made silēce. Thē Perditas brought forth in sight of al the people y e kinges chayre of estate, wherin Alexanders Diademe, his vestures regall, & hys armor was laide. Emōges y t which ornamētes, Perdicas also laide downe y e kinges signet, deliuered to him the day before, at the sight wherof they began to wepe, and to renue againe their sorowe.
Then saied Perdicas: Perdicas wordes. Lo here is the rynge wherwith he was wōt to seale such thinges as perteined to the force of his Empire, & as he deliuered the same to me, I so do restore it agayne to you. And although no aduersitye can be deuised by the Goddes (were they [Page] neuer so muche offended) comperable to this. Yet considering y e greatnes of the actes whych he hath done, we muste thinke that the Goddes sent suche a man as he was to raigne in the worlde, whose tyme beyng expired that was appointed, they haue called him againe to the place from whence he came. Forsomuche therefore as none other thinge remaine of hym amonges vs, but onely that whiche is alwayes wont to be remoued from immortalitie: let vs perfourme the due pertayninge bothe to his bodye, and to his name, remembringe in what citye we be, amonges what kynde of people, and what a kynge, and what maner of gouernoure we haue loste. We must debate and deuise how to maintaine our conquest amonges theim of whom it is gotten. For the doynge wherof, it is nedefull for vs to haue an heade. But whether the same shall be one, or manye, that consisteth in you. You are not ignorant that a multitude of men of warre wythout an heade, is a body without any life. Sixe monethes be now passed sence Roxane was cōceiued wyth chylde, we desire of God that she maye bringe forthe a male, whiche maye enioye this kyngdome, when he cometh to age. In the meane season appoynte you, of whom ye wyll be gouerned. Nearchus wordes. When Perdicas had spokē these wordes, Nearchus risse vp and saied: There is no man can denye but that it were mete for Alexanders succession to cō tinue in the bloude royall, but to loke for a kynge that is not yet borne & to passe ouer one that is in his being already, is nether expedient for such men as the Macedons be, nor yet dothe serue the necessitie of the time.
BarsynesThere is a sonne whiche Alexander begot by Barsines, what should let why y e diademe may not be set on his heade? Nearchus tale was acceptable to no man. [Page 219] therfore the souldiers accordyng to their custome classhed the speares against the targets, & continued makinge of a noyse. And when he woulde not forsake his opinion, but obstinately maintened the same, the matter had almost bredde a sedition, which thing perceiued by Ptolomeus, he spake after this maner.
Neither the sonne of Roxane nor Barsines, Ptolomeus wordes is an issue mete to raigne ouer the Macedons, whose names we shold be ashamed to rehearse within Europe, their mothers beinge captiue. Haue we subdued the Percians to that ende to become subiect to suche as be descended of them? That was the thinge which Darius and zerxes beynge Kynges of Perce wrought for in vain, with so mani mileons of men of warre, and with so many nauies. This therfore is my opinion, that Alexanders chaire of estate be set in the middes of the court, and that all such as were wont to be of counsail with him, shal assemble together, so often as any matter require to be cōsulted vpon. And that the captaines and rulers of the armye shalbe obedient to that order, wherunto the greater number do assent. There were some agreed wyth Ptolomeus, but fewe with Perdicas. Then Aristonus spake in this wise. Aristonus wordes. When Alexander was consulted withall, to whom he would leaue his kingdome, he willed the worthiest to be chosē. Whō iudged he worthiest but Perdicas, to whom he deliuered his rynge?. This was not done at such time as Alexander was alone, but when al his frendes were presente, he did caste his eyes amonges them, and at length chose out one to whom he deliuered it. Wherfore I thinke it ryght that the kingdome be committed vnto Perdicas.
[Page]There were many that agreed to his opinion, so that the assemble cried to Perdicas that he shoulde come forthe amonges them, and take vp the kynges signet. But he stayed betwene ambition and shamefastnes, thinkynge that the more modestye he vsed in gettynge the thinge whiche he coueted, they woulde be so muche the more earnest to profer it hym. When he had stande a good while at a staye, doubtyng what to do, at length he drewe backe, and stode behind them which sate next vnto hym.
Weleagers wordes.When Meleager that was one of the capitaynes, sawe the staye that Perdicas made, toke courage therupon, and saide: Neither the Goddes will permit, nor men wil suffer, that Alexanders estate, and the weight of so great an empire should rest vpon his shoulders. I will not rehearse how there be many men more noble thē he is, and of greater worthines, against whose wyll no suche thinge may be suffred to be done. There is no difference whether ye make Perdicas kynge, or the sonne of Roxane, whēsoeuer he shalbe borne. Seynge Pedicas goeth aboute to make him selfe Kynge, vnder pretence to be gouernoure to the other. That is the cause why no kinge can please him, but such one as is not yet borne. And in suche an haste as all we make to haue a kynge, whyche haste is bothe mete and necessary for the preseruation of our estate. He onelye doth waite for the expirynge of tymes, and monethes, imaginynge that she shoulde brynge forthe a manne chylde, whiche I thinke ye doubte not but he is readye to counterfayte and exchaunge, if nede be. If it were so in very dede that Alexāder had appointed him to be our king, I am of opinion that the same thing onely of all the thinges he hath commaunded, oughte not to be [Page 220] perfourmed and kepte. Why do not you runne therfore to spoyle the treasure? seyng that this kynde of riches, the people ought to enherite. When he hadde spoken those wordes, he brake through the prease of the armed men, and they whiche gaue him waye, folowed him to the spoyle, wherof he had made mencion. The gredines of the treasure caused a greate bande of armed men to flocke about Meleager, and the assemble began to fall to discorde and sedicion, whiche had growen to greater incōuenience, if a meane souldier whō verye fewe did knowe, had not stepped forthe, The words of a souldiour in the assemble. and spoken to the multitude. What nede we (quod he) to fall to force or ciuill warre seynge we haue a kynge alredye whiche you seke to finde. The same is Aridens Philips sonne, Aridens brother to Alexander that latelye was our kynge, borne and brought vp in the same religion, and ceremonies that we do vse, who beyng the onelye heyre, I maruayle by what deseruynge of his he is ouerslipped or what he hath done, why he shoulde not enioye his ryght, descended vnto hym by the vniuersall lawe of the worlde. If you seke one to be comparable to Alexander, you shall neuer fynde hym. If you will haue suche one as shall approche nexte vnto him, this is onelye he. When these wordes were hearde amonges the multitude, they kept silence at the firste, as if they had bene commaūded so to do, but afterwardes they cryed with one voyce, that Aridens should be called, and that they were worthy deathe whiche made any assemble wythout him. Pythons wordes. Then Python all besprinkeled wyth teares, began to speake. Nowe I perceyue (quod he) Alexanders case to be moste miserable, seyng he is defrauded of y e frute wyth such as wer his souldiers & subiects shold bringforth at such a time as this is [Page] For you hauynge respect onelye to the name and memory of your kynge, ye be vtterly blinde in the rest of thynges. His wordes tended directlye to the reprofe of Aridens that was elected kynge, but the tale procured more hatred to the speaker, then contempte to hym against whom they were mente. For the compassion they had of Aridens, caused them the more to fauoure his cause, and therfore declarred by an obstinate crye, that they woulde not suffer any to reigne ouer them, but him onely which was borne to that possibilitie, and still called for Aridens to come forthe amonges them. Wherupon Meleager for the malice and enuy he bare vnto Perdicas, toke an occasion boldlye to bring him into the assemble, whō the multitude saluted as kinge, and called him Philippe. This was the voyce of the people, Aridens was chosen kyng. but the nobilitie was of an other mind, of whō Pithon toke vpon him to put Perdicas deuise in execution, and appoynted Perdicas and Leonatus (whiche were descended of the bloude royall) to be gouernours of the sonne whiche shoulde be borne of Roxane: addinge moreouer that Craterus and Antipater shoulde haue the rule within Europe. And vpon this they sware men to be obedient to Alexanders issue, Meleager then doubting notwithout cause, that some euill might come to him, departed with suche as were of his faction, but he returned immediatly againe, and brought Philip w t him into the court, criyng out to the multitude for the assistyng of the cōmune welth, in aydynge of the newe Kynge, whiche a little before they had elected: and wylled them to make an experimente of his actiuitie, persuadinge that he was the metest to rule ouer thē, that was y e issue of Philip, that had bothe a king to his father, and a king to his brother.
[Page 221]There is no profoūd sea, so stormy nor tēpestuous, The inconstancy of a multitude. that raiseth vp so many sourges & waues, as a multitude doth mocions and alteracions, when they haue gotten the bridle of a newe libertie, not likely long to cōtinue. There wanted not some that gaue their consent to Perdicas, but more agreed to make Philip king. They could neither agre nor disagre, to any thyng long time together. One while repenting them of that they had determined, and streightwaies forthought thē of that repentaunce. Yet finally they were enclyned to preferre the kinges bloud. Aridens was put in such feare with the aucthoritie of the nobilite, that he departed out of the assemble, after whose departure, the fauour of the souldiers was rather silent, then cessed towardes him. So that at length he was called agayne, and put vpon him his brothers vesture regal, whiche laye in the chayre. And Meleager put on his armour folowing as a guarde to the persone of the newe king. The souldiers of the Phalanx classhed their speares to their targettes, threatening to shed their bloud, whiche coueted the kingdome that pertained not to them. They reioysed that the force of the Empire should still continue in the same familie, the right of whose enheritaunce comming of the bloud royall they shewed themselues redy alwayes to defende. For by reason they were accustomed to honour the name of their kyng, and to haue it in veneracion: they thought no man worthy for it, but suche one as came therunto by discent of bloud. Perdicas therfore was afraied, and with .vi. hundred men that were of an approued manhode, kept the lodging wheras the body of Alexander lay. Ptolomeus ioyned him selfe vnto hym, and the bande of the younge men that were about the kynges persone. But so many [Page] thousand of armed men as were vpon the other side, did easely breake in vpon them. Amonges whome the king was present, with a great bande for the guard about his persone, wherof Meleager was chief. Perdicas therfore in a greate furye, called them to his parte which would defende Alexāders body, but they which brake in vpon thē shrew dartes at him afarre of, wherby many were hurt. At the last the auncient men plucked of their head peces the better to be knowen, & desired them whiche were with perdicas to abstayne from ciuill warre, & geue place to the kyng & to the greater parte. Wherupon Perdicas was the firste that layde downe his weapon, & the rest did in like maner. Meleager then persuaded thē that they should not depart, but remayne still about the dead corse, but he iudging that to be a deceite and a meane to entrap hym, fled to the further side of Euphrates lieng ouer against the court. Then the horsemen whiche consisted chiefly of the nobilitie, flocked about Perdicas, and Leonatus, whiche thought good to departe out of the cytie, and take the fieldes, but because Perdicas was not without hope, that the footemen woulde haue taken his parte, remained stil within the cytie, lest he myght seme to be the cause that the horsemen should deuide them selues from the rest of the armye. Meleager ceassed not to beate in the kynges head, that he could not establyshe himselfe surely in his estate, but by the death of Perdicas, whose ambicious mynde desirous of innouation, was (he sayde) to be preuented in time. Willyng the kyng to remembre what Perdicas had deserued at his hādes, and that no man could be faithfull to him, whom he feared. The kyng suffring the thing, rather then geuing his cōsent to the matter, Meleager toke [Page 222] his silence for a commaundement, and sent for Perdicas in the kynges name, and they whiche were sent had commission to kyll hym, if he made any sticking to come with them. Perdicas hearing of their comming, accompanied only with .xvi. yonge men that were of Alexanders guarde, mette them at the entrey of the house, and callyng them Meleagers slaues, rebuked them with suche a constancy both of mynde and countenaunce, that they returned back agayne as men amased. Perdicas wylled suche as were in his company to leape on horsebacke, and so with a fewe of hys frendes came vnto Leonatus, mynding if any violence were moued againste hym, to repulce it with a greater force. The next daye the Macedons grudged and thought it a matter vnworthy, that Perdicas after this maner should be brought in daunger of death, and therfore determined with force to reuenge the rashenes of Meleagers doynges.
But he vnderstanding the mutyne that was amonges the souldiers gaue place, and they repayred vnto the kyng demaundyng of hym if he had cōmaunded Perdicas to be taken. He cōfessed he had so done, but that was by Meleagers mocion, whiche was no cause (he sayde) for them to make any storre, seing that Perdicas was alyue. The assemble hereupon brake vp and Meleager became greatly afrayed, specially by the parting of the horsemen, so y t he wiste not what to do, for he sawe the mischief whiche he a little before had wrought against his enemy, lyke to light vpō him selfe, and whyles he deuysed this and that, three dayes were consumed. The wonted fourme and fa [...]on of the courte dyd remayne in the meane season.
[Page]For the Embassadours of diuers nacions made repaire vnto the kyng, the captaines of the army did assemble about him, and the guard wayted in armour as they were accustomed. But the great sadnes that was there without any apparant cause, signified some extreame dispaire. There was suche a suspicion amonges them selues, that men durst not company togethers, nor speake one to another, but stode imagening secretly with them selues, and by comparing the time present with the tyme past, and the new kyng with the olde, they began to desire hym that was gone. Then one enquired of another where he was become, whose fortune and authoritie they had folowed? Then they founde themselues abandoned, amōges so many wyld nacions which were desirous vpon any occasion that might fall, to be reuenged of the iniuryes they had receyued. Whyles they were troubled in these imaginacions, worde was brought that the horsemen whiche were vnder Perdicas, kept the fieldes about Babylō, and stayed the vitels, that was commyng to the cytie. Whereupon first beganne a scarsitie, and afterwardes a famyne. Therfore suche as were within the cytie thought good either to make a reconciliacion with Perdicas, or els to fight out the matter. It chaunsed that they which dwelled abrode in the coūtrey fearyng the spoyle of the villages, repayred into the cytie. And they within the cytie for lacke of vitelles, departed into the countrey. So that euery one thought them selues surer any where, then in their owne habitacions. Then the Macedons doubting some greate inconuenience that myght come of this feare, [...]mbassadours were sent about a reconciliacion. assembled together in the courte, and shewed furth their opinions. It was agreed amonges them that Embassadours shuld [Page 223] be sent to the horsemen, for the successing of all strife, & deuision. Pasus a Tessalion, Amissas a Megapolitan and Perelaus were sent from the kyng. Whiche declaring their commission, receiued answere, that the horsemen wold not feuer their power, till the auctours of the sediciō were deliuered into their handes. When they were returned and their aunswere knowen, the souldiers without any appointment put on their armour, and made suche a tumult, that the kyng was enforced to come furth of the court, and saide vnto them: If we shalbe at strife amōges our selues, The kinges wordes vnto the souldiers. our enemies that be quiet, shall enioye the frute of our contencion. Remembre you that the quarell is with your own coū treymen, with whome if ye rashly breake the hope of reconcilemēt, ye shalbe the beginners of a ciuil warre. Let vs proue if the matter may be mitigated by an other Embassade. I am of opinion, that forasmuche as Alexāders body remayne yet vnburied, they will gladly come together, to perfourme the due vnto the dead. And for my parte, I had rather surrendre vp againe this dignitie, then any bloud should be shedde amōges my countrey men. For if no other hope of concorde do remayne I desire and pray you to choise this, as the better of both. And with that worde he wepte, and pulled the diademe frō his head, holding thesame furth with his hande, redy to haue deliuered it to any man, that would haue claymed to be more worthy then he. The moderacion that he vsed both in his wordes, and his behauour, caused them all to cōceiue a great good hope of his noble nature, whiche til that time was obscured with the greatnes of his brothers fame. Thei therfore required and encouraged him to go forwardes in the matter as he had deuised. Wherupon he sent agayne [Page] the same for Embassadours that went before, whiche had commission to require, that Meleager might be the thirde capitayne. Whiche matter was not muche sticked at. For Perdicas was desirous to remoue Meleager from the kyng, and thought that he alone shold not be able to matche with Leonatus and hym. Vpon this Meleager marched out of the cytie with the fotemen: and Perdicas met him in the fieldes, ryding before the bandes of the horsemen. Where bothe battailles saluting one an other, concorde, peace and amitie, was cōfirmed betwixt thē, for euer as it was thought. But it was decreed by destiny that ciuil warres shuld ryse amonges the Macedons. For gouernement is vnpacient of parteners, and the kingdome was couered by many. Which as it first grewe in force, so afterwardes it was dispersed againe. And when the body was burdened more then it coulde beare, the other membres began to faill. A degressiō to the praise of themperour that was in the auctours tyme. So thempire of the Macedons whiche vnder one head might well haue stande, when it was deuided into partes, fell to ruyne. For whiche cause the people of Rome iustly must confesse them selues bound vnto their prince, for the felicitie they haue founde. Whiche as a starre in the nyght appeared vnto them, that were nere loste. And as the sunne gaue light to the worlde being in darkenes, when without suche a head, the membres that were at variaunce, muste nedes haue quayled. Howe many fyre brandes did he quenche? howe many swordes ready drawen dyd he put vp agayne? Howe great a tempest did he pacifye with the sodayne caulme of his presence? The Empire now therfore doth waxe grene and floryshe: Let me desire without enuye, that his house may continewe many ages, and his posteritie remaine [Page 224] for euermore. But to returne againe to the ordre of history, from whence I was brought through the contemplacion of our vniuersal felicitie. Perdicas deuised the death of Meleager. Perdicas iudged the only hope of his owne sauegarde, to consiste in the death of Meleager, thinking it necessary to preuēt him whiche was a man both variable, vnfaithful, geuen to innouacion, and besides his mortall enemy. But with deape dissimulaciō he kept his purpose secrete to thintent that with y e lesse difficultie, he might oppresse him vnbewares. He did subornate therfore priuely certain of the bandes that were vnder his rule, to complayne opēly (as though it were without his knowledge) that Meleager shuld be made equal with him, which wordes of the souldiers, whē they were reported vnto Meleager, be came in a great rage, & declared their sayenges to Perdicas. Who semed to wonder at the matter, blaming their doing, as though he had bene sory for the thing, and finally they agreed that the auctours of such sedicious wordes should be taken. When Meleager perceiued Perdicas so confirmable, he embraced hym and gaue him thankes for his fidelitie & beneuolence. Thereby a consultacion had betwixt them both, they deuised how to destroy them that wrought this deuisiō betwixt them. For the bringing of that to passe they agreed, that tharmy shuld be purged according to their countrey custome. For the doing wherof, they semed to haue a sufficient occasion, by reason of the late discord that was amōges thē. A ceremony that was vsed in the purifiyng of tharmy after any offē ce made. The kinges of Macedon in purifiyng of their souldiers, were wonte to vse a kind of ceremony, in deuiding the bowelles of a dogge in two partes, & cast the same in the vttermoste boūdes of the field, wheron they purposed to bring furth the army. [Page] Betwixt whiche space the men of warre, accustomed to stande armed, the horsemē, the mercenary souldiers and the phalanx euery one aparte. The same daye that this ceremony was put in execution, the kyng stoode with the horsemen & the Elephantes against the footemen of whome Meleager had the rule. When the battell of horsemen began to moue, the footemē were stroken sodainly with feare, and by reason of the late discorde, conceiued a suspicion that the horsemen ment them no good. Wherfore they stode a while in a doubt, whether they should retire into the cytie or no, by reason that the fieldes serued best for the horsemen. But left without cause they myght condempne the fidelity of their companions, they stode still with a determinate mynde to fight, if any would proffer them violence. When the battailles were almoste mette together, and only a smalle distaunce left betwixt them, wherby the one parte was deuided from the other, the kyng by the prouocation of Perdicas with one bande of horsemen did ride along the footemen, requiring the deliuery of those to be executed, which wer the aucthors of the discorde (whome in very dede he ought to haue defended) whiche if thei refused to deliuer, he threatened to bring against them, both the horsemen and the Elephantes. The footemen were amased with the sodeines of the mischief whiche they loked not for, and there was no more counsell nor courage in Meleager then in the rest, but they all iudged it moste expedient for them, rather to abyde the aduēture of that matter, then further to hasard fortune. When Perdicas sawe them astonied and in feare, he seuered out to the nombre of three hundred of such as folowed Meleager, when he brake out of the assemble, that was first made, after Alexanders [Page 225] death, whiche in the sight of all the armye were caste to the Elephantes and there trampled to death with their feete. Of which matter Philippe was neither the author, nor the forbidder, but thought to claime that for his owne doing, whiche should appeare best in the ende. This was a signification and a beginning, vnto the Macedons of ciuill warre that ensued. Meleager vnderstanding ouerl [...]te the sleyght of that deuise, because there was no violence offred to his persone, stode at the firste quietly within the square: but shortly after, when he sawe his enemies abusing the name of him, whome he had made king to his destruccion, he dispaired of his own saueguarde, & fled into a temple. But the religion of the place could not defend him, but that he was there slayne. The deuisiō of Thēpire. Perdicas hereupon brought againe the army into the citie, and called counsell of all the principall personages, wherin it was agreed so to deuide thempire, that the kyng should remayne as chief of the whole. Ptolomeus to be lieutenaunt in Egipt and Affricke, and to haue the rule of the nacions there, that were vnder the Macedons dominion. Siria and Phenices were appointed to Laomedon. Cylicia to Philotas. Licia with Pamphilia, & the greater Phrigia, were assigned to Antigonus. Cassander was sent into Caria, and Menander into Lydia. The lesser Phrigia that ioyned vnto Hellespont, was Leonatus prouince. Emmenes had Cappadotia and Paphlagonia, who was commaunded to defende that countrey so farre as Trapezunt, and make warre to Arbates whiche only remained enemy to the Empire. Arbates. Media was apointed to Python, and Thrace to Lysmachus with other nacions there about borderyng vpon the sea of Ponte. It was ordeined also [Page] that suche as should be presidentes amonges the Indians, Bactrians, Sogdians, and other naciōs lieng vpon the Occean, and read seas, should in matters of iustice vse regall iurisdictiō. It was decceed that Perdicas should remaine with the kyng, and haue the gouernaunce of the men of warre that folowed him. Some beleue that these prouinces were distributed, by Alexāders testament, but we haue found that same to be false, though some authors do witnes the same. The Empire being deuided into partes, euerye one might well haue defended his portion, if any boundes could conteine mens immoderate desires. Or if they whiche being but ministers vnto a kyng, when vnder the colour of the administracion of an others dominiō had encroched into great kingdomes, could haue auoyded the occasions of warre, seing they were all of one nacion, and had their coūtreis by limittes. But it was hard for them to be contented with that they had in possession, when occasion was proffered them of more. For the first thynges alwayes appeare of no valure, when men be in hope of greater thynges to come. So that euery one of them thought it an easier matter to encrease his kyngdome, then it was to come by it at the firste. Alexanders body had layen seuen dayes vnburied, for whyles euery man had care vpon the establyshing of the state, their myndes were drawen from doing of that solempne office.
There is no countrey that haue more feruent heat then Mesopotamia. For the sonne there burneth so hote that it killeth the beastes that be without couert, and burne vp all thynges, as it were with the fyer. And to the encrease therof there be fewe springes of water, and the inhabiters vse suche policy in hiding of [Page 226] those they haue, that straūgers can haue no vse of thē. This notwithstandinge, when Alexanders frendes had gotten leasure to take care of the deade corse, and came to visite the same, they founde it wythout infeccion, corruption, or chaunge of coloure, the same cherefulnes whiche consisteth of the spirite, not beynge yet departed out of his countenaunce. Then the Egipcians and the Caldeis were commaunded to dresse hys bodye after their maner, who at the firste (as though he had bene aliue) durst not put their handes to him. But afterwardes makyng their prayers that it might be lawfull for mortall men to touche him, they purged his bodye, and filled it wyth swete odours. And afterwardes layed him vpon a hearse of golde, and set a diademe vpon his heade.
Many thought that he dyed of poyson, & that Iolla Antipaters sōne beyng one of his ministers, had geuē him the same. Alexander oftentimes woulde saye, that Antipater coueted the estate of a kinge, affecting more greatnes, then parteined to a Liuetenaūt, and through glorie of the victory he had gotten of the Lacedemonians, was become so proude, that he claymed al thinges committed vnto him as his owne. It is thought also that Craterus was sente to kyll him with those olde souldiours that were dismissed. It is certayne that there is a poyson in Macedon founde in a water called Stiges, Stiges. of suche force, that it consumeth yron, and will not be conteined in any thinge, sauing in the houe of an horse or mule, which poison was brought by Cassander, and deliuered to his brother Iolle, whiche presented it in the drinke that the kinge last dronke. Howsoeuer these thinges be reported, the power of them of whō the rumour wēt, shortly after oppressed y e infamy.
[Page]For Antipater betame Kynge bothe of Macedon and of Greace, and his chyldren after him, that did cut to death all suche as were anye thynge neare of kinne vnto Alexander. Ptolomeus whiche had the rule of Egipte conueyed Alexanders bodye to Memphis, whiche within fewe yeares after was remoued to Alexandria, where as all honoure is geuen to the memorye of him, and to his name.
❧IMPRYNTED at London by Richarde Tottell, dwellynge in Fletestrete at the signe of the hande and starre, within Temple barre. Anno domini. 1553.
¶Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum. per septennium.