THe 14. day of March, 1607. 1607. wée came into the Downes, and there ancored against Deale, a­bout 3. miles from Sandwich, where we staied vntill the 25. day of the same moneth, being by computation the first day of the yéere, 1608. 1608. vpon which day, about foure of the clock in the morning, we waighed ancor and past by Douer, be­twéene thrée and foure of the clocke in the afternoone, without any staying, but giuing them notice with 3. peeces of Ordinance of our passing by, and so passed forwards some thrée leagues, and then by a contrary winde we were driuen backe againe into Douer roade where we ancored and staied till fiue of the clocke in the morning, being the twenty sixe day of March. and then weighing ancor, we sailed some thrée leagues, when the winde contrarying constrained vs againe to cast ancor vntill the 27. day in the morning about se­uen [Page 2] or eight of the clocke, and then hauing a faire gale of winde, we sailed to Plimouth, where we arriued the 29. day between tenne and eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone, where we staied till the thirtie one day of March. And then hauing a faire gale of winde, wee waighed ancor and sailed vntill wee came in sight of an Iland called the Saluages, on Sunday being the tenth day of Aprill, being about fiue hundred leagues from Plimouth, and still sailed forwards vntill the next morning, that we came within sight of the grand Canaries, which belong to the Spaniard. And vpon the twelfth day of Aprill, about eight or nine of the clocke in the night we ancored, and discharged a peece of Ordinance, for a boat to come aboard, but to no ef­fect: For before our ariuall in the road, there was a rumor of twelue saile of Flemmings that were cōming that way, to no good intent (as the Spaniards after­ward told vs) to be some of those Flemmings that had ouerrunne the rest, where upon they sent vp into the Countrey for one hundred and fifty horse and foot or more, for their defence and safegard (if néede should be) nor would they be peswaded to the contrarie, vn­till two of our Factors went on shore, and fully satis­fied them in any thing they demanded or doubted, and that our intent was only to make prouision for such things as we wanted, and the next morning, (as the manner there is) we discharged another péece of Or­dinance. And then the Gouernour of the Towne sent a boat to know what we craued, whereupon we certi­fied them of our wants, and they told vs they would giue the Gouernour intelligence, and returne vs an answere, which was, that vnlesse wee came into the road, it was beyond his Commission to releeue vs, yet hauing first sworne and examined our Factors, and so knowing the truth of our intended voiage, they gaue them a warrant to take a boat, to come aboard at their pleasures with licence to supply our wants, if [Page 3] they had any thing that might content vs. Yet one thing aboue the rest made vs much to maruell, which was, two English ships (which wee perceiued and knew by their flagges) being in the road, who had not so much kindnesse in them as to giue vs notice, of the custome or manners of these subtill and currish peo­ple. And of this doubt, wee were also resolued, that no man whatsoeuer, being once within their Do­minions, may come aboard any ship, that shall arriue there, and lie out of the roade, although they be of their owne Nation, without their Gouernors and Coun­cels permittance or licence. At our being there some of them came aboard of vs euery day for the space of fiue daies that wee staied there, and eat and dranke with vs, after an vnsatiable manner, and very grée­dily. Also we sent the Gouernor a present of two chée­ses, a Gammon of bakon, and fiue or sixe harrels of pickle Oisters, which he accepted very thankefully and returned vs in requital therof, two or thrée Goats and a Shéepe or two, and good store of Unions. And there we tooke in fresh water, Canarie wine, Mar­malad of Quinces at twelue pence the pound, little barrels of Suckets at three shillings the barrell, O­ranges, Limmons, Ponicitrions and excellent faire white bread made with Anniséeds, and is by them cal­led Nunnes bread.

The eightéenth day of Aprill about seuen of the clocke in the morning, we waighed Ancor and set saile hauing a faire gale of wind for some thrée houres and being then becalmed, we houered too & fro till the 21. day, and hauing then againe a faire gale of winde, we sailed vntill the 27. day about two or three of the clock in the afternoone, that we ariued & ancored at Mayo, being about thrée hundred leagues from the Canaries, and comming from thence, wee were determined to take in fresh water at a place called Bonauista, but ha­uing ancored we found the water to bee two or three [Page 4] miles, vp in the land, neither was it cleare water, so that we tooke the smaller quantity. But thero were o­ther good commodities. For at our first comming we were told by two Negroes, that there wee might haue as many Goats as we would, gratis, and I well remember, we had to the number of two hundred, or there abouts in both our ships. Also-they told vs that there were but twelu men in the Iland, and that there was verie great store of Salt growing out of the ground so that (if we pleased) we might lade both our ships therewith, it is excellent good white salt, and as cleare as euer I saw any in England.

Ouer against the Ile of Mayo, some eight leagues distance, is an Iland called S. Deago; wee staied at Mayo from the twenty seuenth of Aprill in the after­noone vntill the fourth day of May at sixe of the clocke in the morning, when we set saile and sailed vntill the twentieth day of May, that we were past the Equino­ctiall line, about 4. or 6. of the clocke in the morning, being distant frō the Ile of Mayo about thrée hundred fourty eight leag [...]es or there abouts, as our master Philip de Grone noted it downe in his owne Booke of the description of the whole Uoiage. And thence we still sailed forwards vntill the fourth of Iuly, that wee ca [...]e to a part of Souldania with al our men in health, Gods name be praised, but two which were touched a little with the scuruy, which [...]one after recouered themselues on shore to their former health.

Also the same day we espied Land which is called, Cape bona Speranse being some fifteene or sixteene leagues of Souldania and standeth in some thirty fiue Degrées or thereabouts.

At Souldania wee refreshed our selues excellently well so long as we were there, and had, and tooke in for our prouision about foure hundred head of Cattel, as Oxen, Stéeres, Sheepe and Lambes, and foules, and fish of sundry sorts very plentifull, and fresh wa­ter, [Page 5] great store. Also in that place is an Iland called Pengwin, some fiue or sixe leagues from the maine Land, where are great store of fowles called also Pen­gwins, infinite number of Sealles: And to fetch some of those Seales, we went twice thither and filled our boat each time, and made tranie Oile thereof for Lampes. Also in this Iland we found 20. fat shéepe, being left there by the Hollanders, for a Pinnis which we met some two hundred leagues from Cape bona Speranse, which shéepe we tooke with vs and left sixe beasts or bullocks in their steads.

At our [...]irst comming to Souldania, wee began to build or set vp our Pinnis, and launched her the fifth day of September next following, and in seuen or eight daies after, she was rigged and ready in all points to haue gone away, if any such necessity had béene.

Souldania is within the Kingdome of Ethiopia, Now the Ethiopians are by nature very brutish or beastly people, especially in their feeding. For I haue séene them eate the guts & garbedge, yea euen the very panch where the dung & [...]ilth lieth. Also when we haue cast off those Seale fishes into the riuer neere adioi­ning where they haue lyen the space of fourtéen daies, and that they haue béene putri [...]ied and stuncke so veh [...] ­mently, that it could almost haue stifled one of vs to come by them, these people haue taken them vp and [...]aten them when they haue [...]warmed with cranling maggots.

Also in this Countrey are sundry sorts of wilde beasts, which my selfe and others of our Company (going on shore of purpose) haue seene, and perceiued some of them to [...]e very fierce and cruell: so that afterwards when we found their dens, we durst not en­ter them, nor come very neere them, lest they should be in them.

The Ethiopians brought downe to the shore side to [Page 6] sell Estridgs egges and some empty shels, with a small hole in one end, with Estridges feathers and Porpentines quils, and for all their Traffique and Commodities, they chiefly desire Iron, estéeming it more then either gold or siluer. For with our old iron, we bought all our Cattell and any thing else that we had of them.

In this Countrey wee remained from the foure­téenth day of Iuly vntil the twentieth day of Septem­ber then next following.

The 20. day of September earely in the morning we waighed ancor, and that night we lost the good ship called the Vnion, and our Pinnis called by the name of the Good hope, the night being very darke and windy, now, the euening before we lost them, the V­nion (about fiue of the Clocke) put out her Ensigne, but to what intent we knew not, nor could imagine, but all that night we lay at hull.

The next day being the 21. day hauing a faire and strong gale of winde, and afterwards sundry contra­ry windes and many calmes, yet at length wee attai­ned to the height of S. Laurence on the 27. day of Octo­ber standing in the height of 26. degrees, from whence we sailed with many crosse and contrary winds, and calmes. Yet at length on the 22. day of Nouember in the morning wee descried two or thrée small Ilands, and in the afternoone we espied an Iland called Go­mora a very high Land: and on the 24. day we sent our boat to the shore side, and there came to the shore side fiue or sixe men of that Countrey, and sold vs Plantains, and nothing else at that time.

The next day we sent our boat againe, but a little before they came to the shore they espied a Cannooe and two men in it a fishing, we went betweene them and the shore but would not violently take them, then we shewed them a knife o [...] two, and they came both into our Boat, and we brought them aboard our Ship [Page 7] and vsed them very kindly, and gaue one of them a Turbant to put on his head and to the other a little glasse of a quarter of a pinte full of Aquauitae, and sent them ashore. From the 22. day that wee espied the I­land Gomora, and came amongst the Ilands wee could haue no stéedy gale of wind to carry vs forward, vntill the 25. day that with the wind and aid of our Pinnis, which towed our ship betweene the two I­lands adioining to the shore, we came to an ancor that night betwéene foure and fiue of the Clocke in some 17. or 20. fathome water.

The [...]6. day wee sent our boat to the shore with a present to the King, by master Iordan who went him­selfe alone with the present, leauing onely a pledge or two in the boate till his returne: The present was a paire of Kniues, a Shash or Turbant, and a loo­king glasse with a combe in it, to the value of some 15. shillings in all, which the King receiued somewhat scornefully, not scarse looking on it, or at the least thinking it to be but of small value, and gaue it to one of his Noble men, and told master Iordan our Factor, that if our Generall would come on shore, hee should haue any thing that they had, and with this answer he departed, and at his comming from the King, the King bowed himselfe towards him in very courteous manner and after his departure (as it may seeme) hee better perused the present. For in the afternoone he sent our Generall in requitall, a very fat yongue Bul [...]locke, which wee receiued, and gratified the messeng­ers with a couple of peny kniues, wherewith they thought themselues verie royally contented. The 27. day our Generall went on shore and some 12. with him, and carried with him a small banquet: as, a box of Marmaled, a barrell of Suckets, and Wine, which they did eat before the King, but he would nei­ther eat nor drinke, but his Nobles did both eat and drinke. And after the banket hauing some conference [Page 8] with the King by his Interpreter concerning our wants, by whom wee vnderstood that they had, some dealings with the Portugals, of which language he could speake a little, which was sufficient to satis­fie vs with what they had.

The 28. day the King had determined to come a­board our ship, but his Interpretor told vs, that his Councel and the common people would not suffer him so to doe. Also that day towards night I went a shore where our people were cutting downe woode, and came aboard againe with the boat.

The 29. day I went ashore againe, with our Ma­ster, master Tindall, master Iordan, and our whole noise of Trumpeters, and at the shore side were very kindly entertained by the Interpretor, who brought vs to the King, being then by his Pallace side, who at our approch bowed himselfe vnto vs very courteous­lie. He hath for his gard when he walketh abroad sixe or eight men with kniues of a foot long, and as broad as hatchets and very sharpe, which goe next to his person, and more goe before him, and many behinde him, to keepe and defend him, from what iniurie or wrong soeuer may come or happen.

These people seeme to bee ciuill, kinde, and true hearted to strangers, for in going too and fro, a shore and aboard, one of our men carelesly left his sword behinde him at night when he came aboard, which be­ing found by one of the people of Gomora, he brought it to the King, who perceiuing it to bee some of ours, demanded how hee came by it, who answered, hee found it, and the King againe told him, that if he pro­ued the contrary it should cost his best blood, the next day at our comming on shore, the Kings Interpretor brought vs the sword and told vs the Kings pleasure therein.

Also they séeme to haue a very ciuill gouernment amongst them, for at their meeting in the morning, [Page 9] they will shake hands each with other, and speake one to another, which to vs séemed to bee their kinde and friendly salutations one to another. They are verie modest, streight, big limmed, and very comely in ge­sture both men and women. Their Religion Maho­meticall, and goe almost naked, onely their priuities are couered with linnen cloth, and Turbants on their heads.

The women haue a linnen cloth, that couereth their breasts before and reacheth to the middle, and from the middle to the knee and somewhat lower, they are couered round about with linnen, next to their skin, and sedges tied round about them like a rowle at their waste, and hung down, which doth become them very well.

They goe all barefoot except the King, who hath a paire of soles on his féet: and for his apparell when I saw him, he had a white wrought networke Cap, a Scarlet wastcote loose about him, and open before, with sleeues and a linnen cloth about his middle, and another which hanged downe from his shoulders to his féet.

Also at our being there at the Town, they brought vs Coquo nuts to sell, as bigge as a mans head, and round, and some bigger and some lesser, with water in them according to the proportion or bignesse of the shell, and as much meat in one shell as would suffice for a wans dinner.

Also they brought vs Goats, Hens, Chickens, Li­mons, Rice, Milke, Fish, and such like, which wee bought for Commodities, as two hens for a penny knife, Limmons, and Coquonuts for old Iron, as nailes, broken pickes, and such like. But for fresh water there is small store, and that they haue is gotten out of the sands, viz. First, they make a hole in the sands and when the water commeth into the hole, they lade it out into their Coquo shels, and so drinke [Page 10] it. They brought vs of that water but none of our company would drinke thereof it looked so thicke and muddy.

In this Iland of Gomora wee staied from the 25. day of Nouember vntill the 29. of the same, and then we waighed Ancor and departed.

The tenth day of December about two or three of the Clocke in the morning, and the Moone shining, we espied on a sudden a low land with high trees gro­wing by the shore side, we being not a league from the shore, so that if we had not espied the trees, we should haue thought the land to haue béene but the shadow of the Moone and so might haue run our selues on shore, and cast our selues away with ship and goods: but it was Gods good prouidence thus to defend vs from so great and imminent danger, whose name be blessed and praised now and euermore.

This was the Iland of Pemba, which we tooke to be Zinzabar, vntill by one of the people of the Coun­trie we found it to be Pemba. At the sight of this low Iland, after we plainely perceiued it, wee presently tackt about and set from the shore till day, and then we tackt about againe to the shore side, and neering alongst the shore side for a harbour to ancor in, wee sent our Pinnis in the meane time, to the shore with the Gang onlie and master Elmore to seeke for a con­uenient watering place, wee kéeping our course till our Pinnis came to the shore side. Then two or three of the people of the Iland demanded in the Portugall language what we were, and one of our men made an­swer, that we were Englishmen. Then they deman­ded againe what we had to doe there, in regard the King of Portugall was King of that Iland: wee replied, that wee knew not so much, neither came we thither for any euill intent whatsoeuer, but only to water, and would giue them satisfaction, for any o­ther thing that we should haue of them. Then it drew [Page 11] towards night, and our men came aboard and ac­quainted the whole Company with this their parly on shore.

The 11. day our boat went ashore to the same place, but found it void of people and returned, and presently we came to an ancor, about fiue or sixe of the Clocke in the afternoone néere vnto two or three bro­ken Ilands there, adioyning néere to the maine Iland of Pemba. This place of our then ancoring standeth in the height of fiue Degrées and 20. minutes.

The 12. day our Pinnis went on shore to the same place, with master Iordan, one of our Merchants. At whose comming on shore, after some conference with some that could speake Portugall, but not with those (as it seemed) with whom we spake the day before, for these told master Iordan the King was a Mallaibar, and after some other conference, master Iordan told them, that although our ship were an English ship, yet he was a Portugall Merchant, and the goods in the ship were Portugals goods. Then they told vs wee should not want for any thing they had, and hereupon they sent a Moore into our boat to make search for a conuenient watering [...]lace, who after some small search, brought vs to a little hole at the bottome of a hill, being hemmed in with the hill on the one side and a dich on the other side, there we filled our Barrée­coes, and being ready to goe aboard, wee desired the Moore to goe aboard with vs, who will [...]gly agreed thereto, and we vsed him very kindly, till the next morning that we went to water againe, and carried him on shore with vs, by whose report of his kinde v­sage aboard, there came downe with him, another that could speake a little Portugal [...], who (as hee said) was one of the Kings Gentlemen, him wee also brought aboard and vsed him very kindly, and set him a shore the next day. Who promised at his de­parture to bring vs Hennes▪ Coqu [...]nuts, and Oren­ges, [Page 12] which he did accordingly, and then our Master, with master Reuet and my selfe went a shore with some others of the Company, where wee dined, and after dinner came two Cauelliers, and a Moore being one of their flaues to the watering place, where our men were filling of the Caske, and asked whether there were any of the chiefe of our ship, or Company there, to whō Edward Churchman one of our Compa­ny made answer, & said there was our Master, and one of the Merchants, whom (if it pleased them) he would bring to parlee with them: and at their méeting, they saluted each other after the Portugall maner. And after some Conference, demanding what wee were, we told them we were Englishmen, and they replied that we were very welcome, and all that they had, or the Iland could afford, was at our command and dis­posing; to whom we gaue harty thanks.

But those sugred words of theirs, was only in out­ward shew, to cloake their treacherous practises, as afterward we found it true.

Then we demanded what they were, and it was answered, that one of them was the Kings brother, who instantly shewed vs a siluer ring, whereon was ingrauen the number of villages, and houses, or cotta­ges in the Iland, and said he was Ruler and Gouer­nor of all those places. Then we asked them, if there were any Portugals in the Iland, they said no, for they had banished them all because they would haue reliefe there perforce, and would make slaues of the people of the Iland, (which being not able to indure) they made continuall warres with them at their comming thither.

In the meane time, our Pinnis came on shore, which had béene at an other place of the Iland for Cat­tell, according to appointment, but were deferred of, till they might get fitter opportunity for their inten­ded treacherie.

[Page 13]Then our men told vs that they had heard of that side of the Iland where they were for Cattell that 15. saile of Hollanders had lately taken Mosemb [...]ge, and put all the Portugals to the sword, which newes they had heard from Zinzibar to be true, whereat these Ca­uelliers séemed outwardly to reioice, which was also another subtill traine to bring vs within compasse of their intended treachery. And when night drew on, we intreated them to goe aboard with vs, which then, they refused to doe, but promised to come aboard the next day being the seuenteenth day of December, which the Kings brother (as he named himselfe) did with two others, but before they came aboard, they craued pledges, which they had, viz. Thomas Caue, Gabriel Brooke, and Laurence Pigot our Surgeon. The other thrée being then aboard, we vsed them ve­rie kindly vntill they went on shore, on the eightéenth day in the morning: And our General gaue the chiefe of them two Goats, a paper Cartridge of Gunpow­der and some other small trifles to the other two, and so went on shore, and master Reuet, master Iordan, M. Glascot & my selfe went with them for our pledges, & at our comming on shore and fearing no treacherie, we went sixe or eight vnaduisedly vp to the houses for our pledges, whom we found garded with fifty or sixty men armed with seuerall weapon, as Bowes and Arrowes, Swords and Bucklers, Darts, and Cu [...]ltleaxes, yet at our comming thither, wee re­ceiued our pledges and without longer stay, depar­ted to the Sea side, accompanied with the Kings brother, and immediatly most of those Moores came also after vs, and sixe or eight of them came to our Pinnis side and viewed her and so departed againe to the rest of their fellowes.

And we instantly entered our boat, and intreated the Kings brother to go aboard with vs, which he willing­ly did, & we entertained him with all kindnes that we [Page 14] could, vntill towards night that he was to depart, when our Master offered him a knife, with some other odde trifles, which he scornfully refused, and presently went a­shoare in our boat. Upon this, we mistrusted some tre­chery, intended against vs, and therefore thought to bee better armed at our next comming ashoare.

The 19. day our Long-boat went a shore in the mor­ning verie early, to fill our Caske with water, and ha­uing filled the same, within a litle, they espied our sailes out, being let downe to dry; but they imagined we were going away: where vpon the companion to the Kings bro­ther came to our boatswaine, and asked him if wee were going away; The boat-swaine, as well as he could, both by signes and otherwise, told him, it was only to dry our sailes. And as they were thus talking, they espied our Pinnace comming, being then very well armed, and left off making any further inquirie; which Pinnace had they not then espied, it was likely they had intended to haue cut off our men, and taken our boat; for there was two of these Rogues at the least lying in ambush about the wa­tering place, readie to haue giuen the onset, if the watch­word had been giuen. By this time our Pinnace was come to the shore, and our men standing on their gard vpon the sands, not farre from her, then our Master sent Nicholas White, one of our gang, to tell them of the Iland that our Merchants were come on shoare, who passing by one of their houses, might perceiue the same to be full of people, & amongst the rest, six Portugales, in long bran­ched damaske Coats, lined with blew taffata, and vnder the same, white callico bréeches. This Nichol [...]s White, at his returne, told vs, and presently came downe the com­panion to the Kings brother, and told Master Reuet, the Marchants were weary, and intreated them to go vp to thē to see the Cattell, which was only one bullock which Nicholas White saw at his going vp, and no more. But Master Reuet craued pardon, des [...]ring him to send downe the Bullocke, and their was commodities in the boat to [Page 15] make satisfaction for the same. With this answer, and see­ing vs better armed then we were wont to bee, he went away. The Kings brother being then on the sands, com­manded a Negro to gather Coquonuts to send to our General, and made choise of Edward Churchman one of our men, to fetch the same, whom we neuer saw after, nor could euer know what became of him; But when they saw that none of vs would come a shore, but stood vpon our gard, they gaue the watchword and sounded a horne, and presently set vpon our men at the watering place and slew Iohn Har [...]ington, the boat-swaines man, and wounded Robert Buckler, Master Ellanors man very sore, with 8. or 10. seuerall wounds, and had killed him, but that we discharged a Musket or two, which (as it see­med) hurt some of them; for then they retired and cried out: and so (though weake and faint) he did at length re­couer our boat. Also two or thrée more of our men by crée­ping, and lying close in the ditch, vntill they espied our boat, got also safe aboard; and then counting our men, we only missed Edward Churchman, and Iohn Harrington, that was slaine: and so comming aboard, we certified the company of all our procéedings on shoare; and our Sur­geon dressed Robert Buckler, and after, did his best for his cure and recouery of his health.

The twentieth day in the morning we went on shoare with our Pinnace and Long-boat, very wel armed to fetch in our Dauid, (which is a piece of wood or timber wherewith we hale vp our Ancor) and a little beyond the same, we found Iohn Harrington dead, and starke naked, whom we buried at another Iland, hard by the maine Iland.

The naturall people of the Iland P [...]mba, séeme to bee louing and kind: for they made signes to me and others, at our first comming, to beware of our throats cutting: which then we tooke no heede or notice of, vntill this their treachery put vs in minde thereof againe.

The same day (being the 20. day) we waighed Ancor, [Page 16] and about 12. of the clocke at night, our ship was on ground, on the shoulds of Meluidee, or Pemba, which we certainely knew not: Yet God of his mercy, (as formerly in the late pretended treacherie, so in that extreamity) did mightily defend and preserue vs, whose name bee praised and glorified now and euer­more.

The 21. day in the morning, wee espied thrée saile being small boats, sleightly wrought together, called Paugaias which we made after and tooke, which they on shore espying, they sent out an Aduisor being also a Paugaia, which perceiued that wee had taken the o­ther and returned to the shore.

Now of those which we had taken there were some 6. or 8. of the chiefest that were thought by our com­pany to be Portugals, the rest being certainely known to be Moores, and were in all some fourty and odde persons, and those sixe or eight were pale and white, much differing from the colour of the Moores, Yet being asked, what they were, they said, they were Moores, and shewed vs their backes all written with Characters; and when we affirmed them to be Portu­gals, they then told vs the Portugals were not circum­cised.

But to conclude; our Company would not be per­swaded but that they were Portugals: then some of our Cōpany told them of al the intended treacheries with the losse of two of our men, and wounding of the the third, which made them fearefull of our reuenge, (as it seemed) and then they talked together in th [...]r owne language, which made vs also suspect, some vil­lanous and desperat attempt to be pretended by them, and therefore, I kept my selfe still vpon the poope, and looked carefully to the swords which stood naked­ly in the Masters Cabbin, which they also knew and noted, and marked Master Glaskock, and my selfe where we set our swords still expecting to haue the [Page 17] place voided, which I perceiuing, kept good watch, lest greater hurt should ensue thereby, and being thus alone on the poope they beckoned me thrée or four seue­rall times to come to them vpon the spare D [...]ck, which I denied, lest they should so recouer the swords, where­by far more harme might haue béene done, then after­wards was done.

Then our Master came vpon the spare decke and demanded, which was their Pilot, whom hee tooke downe into his Cabbin, and shewed him his plat, which he at his comming downe did very earnestly behold.

But at his going from the rest with our Master, he spake in the Moores language, warning them (as we thought) to looke to themselues and doe their best a­mongst vs, and to giue eare when he gaue the watch­word, and then to giue the Onset.

Also there were speaches vsed that the Pilot had a knife about him, and being searched for it, he nimblie conueied the same from the one side to the other, and therwith suddenly stabbed the Master into the belly, & then cried out, which (belike) was the Watchword: For then they began the onset on the spare decke, where Master Glascocke, Master Tindall, our Gene­rall, and one or two more with them chanched to kill foure or fiue of the white Roagues, and made such ha­uocke among the rest, that at length they had slaine al­most fourty of them, and brought the rest in subie­ction.

Now, a little before our Master thus called the Pi­lot, he entreated our Generall, that if they had any garuances or peason (being their Country food) they would let vs haue some, which they should be paid for, & what was taken from them should be redeliuered, with frée liberty to go where they would, whereto the General consented, & heereupon our Master called the Pilot, to see if he had any skil in the Plat, and so to let [Page 18] him depart, and all the rest. But when thus treache­rously they offered vs the first abuse, we could doe no lesse then we did, being in our owne defence, and for the safegard of our liues.

Yet did some fiue or sixe of these villaines, recouer a Pangaia by their excellent swiftnesse in swimming, and escaped to the shore, they swimming to windward, faster then our Pinnis could rowe.

In this skirmish were hurt but thrée of our Com­pany, namely, Master Glascocke, with two wounds, whereof one was a deepe wound in his backe, Master Tindals was aimed at his breast, he hauing nothing in his hand to defend himselfe, yet by the assistance of the Almighty he turned himselfe about and receiued the stabbe in his arme, and our Masters was in his belly, as is formerly said, which (God be thanked) they all recouered and were well cured.

The 19. day of Ianuary wée espied many Ilands, which the Portugals call by the name of Almaisant, be­ing to the number of nine Ilands, al vnpeopled as the Portugals write and affirme.

The 20. day we sent our Pinnis in the morning to one of those Ilands to séeke fresh water, but could finde none: yet they found there great store of Land Tur­tles, and brought some sixe aboard, then wee sailed [...]o an other Iland, which seemed more likely for fresh water then the first, where we cast Ancor.

The 21. day about ten of the Clock in the forenoone Riding there at twelue or thirtéene fathome water, and a reasonable good harbour, we staied there vntill the first day of February, and then waighed Ancor, and departed. Here we refreshed our selues very well with fresh water, Coquonuts, fish, Palmitoes, and Doues, great plenty.

The first day of February, we set saile, and sailed with a faire winde vntill the 19. day, that wée passed the Equinoctiall line, and on the fiftéenth day in the [Page 19] morning betime, we came within ken of land, which was the coast of Melueidey vpon the maine.

The 16. day we came to an Ancor, about nine of the Clocke in the morning, at 12. fathome water, and some two leagues from the shore, and presently wee sent our Pinnis to the shore to séeke some refreshing, but they could by no meanes get on shore; nor would the people of the Countrey (being fearefull) come within parly, which at their returne they certified our Master of, and so in the afternoone we set saile againe, and departed.

Now about this time it pleased God, (by the con­fession of William Acton, one of our ship boies) to re­ueale a foule and detestable sinne committed amongst vs; which being approued against him by a Iury, hée was condemned to die, and was executed for the same on the third day of March (being Friday) in the morning.

The 21. day betimes in the morning, we espied an Iland standing in the height of 12. Degrées and 17. minutes, being barren and vnpeopled, ouer against which Iland, some thrée leagues distant, stood foure hillocks or rocks, & for this Iland we bore vp a whole day, and a night, and finding it to be barren and vn­peopled, by sending our skiffe on shore, wée passed by it, and the same day wée espied thrée Ilands more a­bout sunne setting standing in the height of 12. De­grées and 29. minutes, to which Ilands we came the 29. day of March, 1609. two of which Ilands were within a league one of another, and the third we found to be Sacatora, and standeth in 12. Degrées and 24. minutes where we Ancored in a fine Bay the 30. day, in the morning about ten of the Clocke.

At sight of vs, the Ilanders made a fire, and wée sent our skiffe an shore, but the people fled with great feare and trembling, hauing (as it séemed) beene for­merly iniured by some that had passed [...] [Page 20] our men looking about, found no likelie-hood of any re­léefe there, and so came aboard and certified the Gene­rall thereof: so that about fiue of the clock in the after­noone, wée waighed ancor, and sailed along to find out the chiefe harbor.

The 31. day we stood of into the main Sea, wher we met with a Guzarat ship, laden with Cotton woolls, Callicoes, and Pentathoes, béeing bound for Adden, whether wée kept her company, in regard they told vs it was a Towne of great trading, but wée found it quite contrary: for it was onely a Towne of garison, and many Souldiers in it: and at the very entring in­to the Towne, is a Castle cut out of the maine, and incompassed round with the Sea, wherein are thirty two péeces of Ordinance, and fiftie péeces in the towne.

The 10. day of Aprill wee arriued there, and the Guzarat ship went into the Towne, and told the Go­uernour, there was an English Ship come to trade there. Who presently sent his Admirall to vs, and our Generall vnaduisedly went on shore, where hée, and his fellowes were receiued with 4. great Horses, and were caried before the Gouernour, in as great pomp and state, as the Towne could yéeld. But the Gouernor finding him to be a plaine and simple man, put him in a house with a Chowse or kéeper, with ma­ny Ianyzaries or Souldiers to gard him, and so kept him prisoner sixe wéekes, my selfe being prisoner with him.

And then the Gouernor caused him to send aboard for Iron, Tinne, and Cloath, to the value of 2500. Dollars, with promise to buy the same, which when he had on shore, hée claimed and made stay thereof, for the Custome of the ship onely: and when hee saw hee had gotten as much as hée could, hee sent him aboard the 27. day of May, and kept 2. of our Merchants for 2000. Dollars, which he said was for ancorage: but the ge­nerall [Page 21] voice of the company was, that hee should haue none: whereupon hee sent the Merchants vp into the Countrey some 8. daies iourney, to a place called Sia­ny where the Bashaw then lay.

The 28. day, our Pinnace came to vs, who told vs their Master was dead, The master of the Pin­nace mur­dered. and inquiring where, and how, the company told vs, he was knockt in the head with a Mallet hammer, by one Thomas Clarke, with the consent of Francis Driuer his mate, Andrew Euans, and Edward Hilles, beeing foure murderous and bad minded men, who beeing asked why, and vpon what occasion they did it, they could make no excuse, nor al­ledge any cause, saue onely, that hee had some small quantity of Aquauitae and Rosa solis, for his owne store, and for the good of them, or any one aboard, that should stand in néede thereof, and was prouident to kéepe and preserue the same, till great need should be, and therefore out of méere malice, and chieflie by the instigation of Francis Driuer his mate, they thus mur­dred an innocent man, who thought them no harme, nor suspected any such danger.

The 31. day of May, a Iury was called, and vpon iust and due proofe, according to our English lawes, they were conuicted, and Francis Driuer and Thomas Clarke were condemned and iudged to die, and were hanged in the Pinnace, where they did the fact: and on the other two, God shewed his iust iudgement after­wards. For Edward Hilles was eaten with Caribs or Man-eaters, and the other died and rotted where hée lay.

The third day of Iune, wée waighed ancor and sai­led into the Red-sea, thorow the straights of Mockoo; which are some league ouer from shore to shore, and 18 fathome water, close aboard the Iland shore, and a­bout 3. leagues in length.

When you are within the Straits, there lieth a great shole, some two leagues of into the Sea, and to [Page 22] shunne it you must take a good breadth off, and so you shal come in no danger, and then you haue to Mockoo, some 6. leagues, Moha sixe leagues wihin the Straits where is a good Road to ancor in, and faire ground, and you may ride at 14. fathome water. It is a place that is neuer without shipping, for it is a Towne of great trade of merchandize, and hath Car­rauans or Conuoies that come from Seena, from Me­cha, from grand Cairo, and Alexandria, and all those places.

It is a City of great trading for our Commodities: as Tynne, Iron, Lead, Cloth, Sword blades, and all English commodities. It hath a great Bussart or Market euery day in the wéeke. There is great store of fruit, as Apricocks, Quinces, Dates, Grapes a­bundance, Peaches, Limmons, and Plantins great store, which I much maruelled at, in regard rhe peo­ple of the Countrey told vs, they had no raine in seuen yéeres before, and yet there was very good Corne and good store, for eightéene pence a bushell.

There are Oxen, Shéepe, and Goats abundance: as an Oxe, for 3. Dollars, a Goat for halfe a Dollar, and a Shéepe for halfe a Dollar: as much Fish for thrée pence, as will suffise ten men to a meale. As Dol­phines, More-fish, Basse, Mullets, and other good Fish.

The Town is Arabian, and gouerned by the Turk, and if an Arabian offend, hée is seuerely punished by their Law. For they haue Gallies and Chaines of purpose, which offenders are put into, else were they not able to keepe them in awe and subiection.

At Mockoo, wée [...]aied from the 13. of Iune till the 18. of Iulie, Their abod at Moha. and then waighed ancor, and went out to the mouth of Mockoo, where wée lost two ancors, and from thence wée set saile to Sacatora: and about the 5. of August, wée cast ancor ouer against the Towe [...] [...] Saiob, where the King lieth and one of our Merch [...] went on shore and gaue the King a present, and [...] [Page 23] that we might buy Water, Goats, and other prouisi­on, which hée would not grant, because the women of the Country were much afraid: yet hée told him, if hée would goe to a Road some fiue leagues of, wée should haue any thing his Countrey would afford: where we bought Goats, Water, aloes Socotrina, Dragons bloud, and what else the Countrey would afford.

Héere at Sawb, wée remaine from the 5. day of Au­gust, till the 18. day, and set saile with an ancor and a ha [...]fe, for Cambaia. And on the 28. day of August, we came to Moa, where one of the Countrey people told vs that for the value of 20. Dollars, wée might haue a Pilot to bring vs to the bar of Surot. But our wilfull Master refused it, and said he would haue none.

The 29. day wée set saile from thence, thinking to hit the Channell to goe to the bar, but wée came out of 10. fathome water into 7. fathome, and into sixe fa­thome and a halfe. Then we tackt about to the West­ward, and came into 15. fathome, and then wée tackt about againe to the Eastward, and came into 5. fa­thome water. Then some of the companie asked whe­ther the Master would goe, who answered let her go o­uer the height, and presently the ship strooke, which I presently went vp and told him of: who turning about asked who durst say shée strooke, then presently shee strooke againe, and strooke off her Rudder, and lost it in the Sea: then wée came to an ancor, and rode there two daies, then our Skiffe split in péeces, and we had no more but our long boat to helpe our selues withall: yet wée made such shift, that wée got the péeces of our skiffe into the ship, and the Carpenter went so round [...]ly to worke, that they had bound her vp together with woldings, so that when our greatest néed was, shee brought 16. men one shore.

The second day of September about six of the clock [...] night, The ship foundere [...] ▪ our ship strooke and began to founder, and [...]uing [...]ke twise, we had presently 24. inches of [Page 24] water in the Well, then we plied the pumpe, some foure houres, viz. from seuen of the Clocke to ele­uen of the Clocke at night, then the water encreased so fast that we were able to kéepe her no longer, but were forced to take our boats.

The Merchants had some 10000. l. lying betwéene the maine Maste and the Stearidge, whereof the Ge­nerall bid the Company take what they would, and I thinke they tooke amongst them some 3000. pounds some hauing 100. pounds, some 50. pounds, some 40. pounds, some more, and some lesse, and so we left the ship, and tooke neither meat nor drinke with vs. And betwéene twelue and one of the Clocke, wée set saile to come ashore, which was at the least 20. leagues to the Eastward, and so we sailed all that night, and the next day, without any sustenance at all, till fiue or six of the Clocke at night, being the third day of Sep­tember, that we made the Land being a little Iland, standing vpon the bar, and then a gust came down vp­on vs, and brok the midship thought of our long boat, wherein were 55. persons, yet it pleased God that we recouered our Maste, and (the gust ceasing) we went ouer the barre, [...]andeuee Riuer. and got into the Riuer of Gandeuee.

But when the Country people saw so many men in two boats, they strooke vp their drums and were in Armes, taking vs to be Portugales, and that wée came to take some of their Townes, which wee perceiuing, and hauing by chance a Guzarat, aboard wee sent him ashore to tell them truly what wee were: and when they knew we were Englishmen, they directed vs to the City of Gandeuee, where was a great Gouer­nour, who at our comming thither (and vnderstan­ding we were Englishmen) séemed to be very sory for our misfortunes, and welcome vs very kindly. And there ended our trauels by Sea for that time.

16 [...]9.The fourth day of September, 1609. we came to the City of Gandeuee, which is a very fa [...]re hauen, [Page 25] and great store of shipping built there, whereof some are of foure or fiue hundreth Tun, it standeth in a good Soile, and is gouerned by the Gentiles.

The 25. day of September, we tooke our iourney towards Surrot, to a Towne called Sabay, which is a Towne, only consisting of Spinners and Weauers, and there is much Calico made, and from thence wée came to Surrate, where we found one William Finch an English Merchant, and seruant to Master Iohnson in Cheapside, who very curteously went to the Go­uernour, and acquainted him with our distresse, who (as hereafter we found it to be true) was bribed by the Portugals, which told him we were a kinde of turbulēt people that would make mutinies, and sow ciuill di­scention in the Towne, and so aduenture to surprise the Towne, whereupon we were put into a Monaste­ry, where we liued thrée daies, nor could this suff [...]ce, but we were remooued to a great house, being a Gen­tiles house, where we lay 14. daies; in which time, (by the good aduise of the said William Finch) we made pro­uision of Coaches, Horses, and other things to trauell to the great Mogol, & certifie him of our great distresse and misfortunes. This is a City of great fame & Anti­quity, being walled about with frée stone, and a strong Garrison lying therin, and a City of great trading for Merchandize, and great store of shipping, wherof some are of 500. Tun, which they cannot lade at the Town but carry them ouer the bar with their ballance only, & there lade thē, but for their smaller shipping they lade them at the Town, and so goe ouer the bar, where at a high water, they haue 16. foot water.

The 22. of September, The taruell to Agra. we tooke our iourney from Sur [...]at to Agra, with our Generall and 52. men, with 21. Coaches of our owne, and some others being hi­red, and 19. Horses to a great City called Brampoit, and the first two nights we lay in the fields.

The 26. day wee came to Nawbon where Sugar groweth in abundance, with Cotten and all maner [Page 26] of graine, as Rice, Wheat, Beanes, Pease, Chéecore Lanteechoes, Motte, &c. For the Countrey is so plen­tifull, that you may haue a gallon of milke for a halfe penny, a Hen for thrée halfpence, & 16. Egs for a penny.

From Gandeuee to Sabay is 12. course, & from Sabay to Surrot is 12▪ course and euery two course is three English miles.

The 27. day, we trauelled 12. course and came to a City of the Bannions called Daytaotote, and there Master Reuet one of our Merchants died.

This City could neuer be conquored by the great Mogol, but yéelded vpon composition, and still holdeth his title of King of the Bannians, and at this City we stai [...]d two daies.

This City yéeldes great store of Drugs, fine Pen­tathose and Calico Lawnes.

The first of October we trauelled 12. course, and lay in the fields.

The second day we trauelled 14. course to a great City of the Bannians called Netherberry, where is a great Basar or Market, and all maner of brasen wares to be sold, as Pots, Kettles, Candlesticks, and Cal­drons of foure foot long, Shirts of Male, Swords and Bucklers, Lances, Horses in Armour of Arrowe proofe, Camels, and all maner of beasts.

There is also great store of Cotten wools, Cotten yarne, Pentathoes, Callico Lawnes, Shashes for Turbants for their heades, Limmons, Potatoes, thrée pound for a penny, and all maner of Drugs.

And surely cloth would be a very vendible commo­dity there: for course felt is there extreame deare. Al­so Cold and Siluer is there very plentifull, and these are very good people to deale withall.

The third day we trauelled ten course, to a small Towne of Husbandry called Sailote ▪ where is also great store of Sugar, and fruits of all sorts.

The next day we trauelled 18 course to a Garrison [Page 27] Towne called Saddisee, and there is the Riuer of Tyn­dee which runneth to Surrat, wherein is great store of Fish of all sorts, and this Riuer diuideth the confines, of the Bannians and the Guzarates.

The Bannians are a strange people in their beliefe, and honour God in a strange fashion, viz. in pictures of stone, hanging their beades on the heades of the pictures, and then with their faces towards the sun doe worship it, saying, that all their comforts proceeds from it. And yet I saw more then this, which was a Cow adorned with a veste of gold and many Iewels, her head bedecked with garlands and flowers, and then being brought to a buriall place, where they doe vse to make Sermons, they kisse her féet and teats, and worship her, that it grieued mée to sée their sond superstition, and abhominable Idolatry. And asking why they did it, they answered, that shee was the mo­ther of beasts, and brought them, milke, butter, chéese, and the Oxe to till the ground, and lastly, her hide did make leather to make them shooes. Moreouer, they say, she is blest by the Mother of God, to be honoured aboue all beasts. And so leauing the Bannians, wee crossed the Riuer of Tindee into the Gentiles Coun­trey.

Now at Saddisee, we being many, some in Coaches, some on Horseback, they thought we had come to take their Town, and did shut their gates, & bent their Or­dinance vpon vs. But our General sent our Linguist or Interpreter to certifie them, what wée were, and then the Gouernour opened the Gates, and came himself to entertaine vs with great curtesie and state. Yet that night we lay by the Riuer side, and the next day being the fifth of October, wée came into the Towne, where we lay that night: And the next day we trauelled some 12. Course, and lay at a Monastery: And the seuenth day wée went to the great City of B [...]amport where the great Generall called the [...] [Page 28] Canawe liueth, this being his Garrison or resting place when he is out of the warres, and on the twelfth of October, he came from the warres with 1500. E­lephants, 30000. Horses, 10000. Camels, 3000. Drumdaries.

The Elephant serueth in the Field with a small tower of wood or timber vpon his back, wheron is pla­ced 4. péeces of brasse as big as [...]abnets, and 10. men very artificially placed in the said Tower, with bows and arrowes, and to discharge those péeces.

The Elephants skin is musket proofe, vnlesse it be on his face and belly, and he is a beast of so great vn­derstanding, that he is ruled and gouerned by word of mouth, vnderstanding what his kéeper commandeth him to doe.

This Countrey beareth towards the Northwest, in the height of 28. Degrees, or thereabouts: And héere Muskets, Snaphances, Pistols, Petronels, and Swords, be good commodities, but no Firelocks in in any wise.

Also Cloth is an excellent commodity to my know­ledge, for I was offered thrée pound for an old cloake, which héere, is not worth 20. shillings at the vtter­most.

And in Bramport we staied from the seuenth of O­ctober vntill the 11. of Nouember following: Then I and Iohn Frencham one of our Company went to craue the Generals passe, to goe to the great Mogol, but he asked vs if we would serue him in his warres, and he would giue vs what meanes we would desire: but we told him, we were poore distressed Merchants, that had beene shipwracked: and hee againe replied, that there was no Englishman, Merchant, nor other but he was a Souldier. But we told him that we had wiues and children in our Countrey, to whom wee must of necessity goe, to which hée said, it was very well spoken, and that it was against their Lawes to [Page 29] kéepe any man against his will: Then hée asked [...]s if wée had any Iewels for his Ladies, I answe­red I had one stone and one Iewell, which I sold him for forty pound sterling, and then h [...]e comman­ded his Secretary to make vs a Passe, and seale it with his great S [...]ale, for our safe Conduct to Agra. Also for the nature & strength of the Elephant, I can say thus much of mine owne knowledge because I saw it.

An Elephant roiall being brought to remoue a piece of Ordinance of one and twenty foot long, which caried a shot of seuen inches high, and lay vpon the ca­riage on the side of a hill, and to carry the same some halfe furlong off; which he did as it séemed to the great dislike of his Kéeper, who told him hee was a lazy vil­laine, and deserued not his meat. Now the nature of the Elephant is, not to be disparaged in any thing, and standeth much vpon his reputation and valour: so that vpon these spéeches of his Kéeper, he came to it a­gaine, and with maine strength tore the carriage in pieces, and left the piece lying on the ground. Then were Carpenters set on worke to make a new carri­age, which being done, the same Elephant was broght, who clapt his Trunke about the wheeles, and brought the Ordinance where his Kéeper commanded him.

This Citie is farre bigger then London, and great trade of all sorts of merchandise therein: it is one of the most famous heathen Cities that euer I came in, and the Citizens are very good and kind people, and very many Gallants in the Citie. Also fine riuers, ponds, orchards, gardens, pleasant walkes, and excel­lent faire prospects as euer I saw. Heere any Gentle­man may haue pastime to hunt or hawke: and if hee will not goe farre, he may buy a Déere in the Busar or market for a Doller, being but foure shillings ster­ling, and hunt him where and when he will.

Now in my iudgement, our English cloth of gold [Page 30] and s [...]luer, veluets, broad-cloth, bayes, and cottons, would be very vendable, in regard there are so many Gallants. And thus much for the great City of Bram­port.

The eleuenth of Nouember we took our iourny towards Agroe, I and Ioseph Salebanck our Purser, and one Io. Frencham, with one of the Country people for our guide, taking leaue of our Generall, who was ex­treame sicke of an Ague, and no hope of any spéedy re­couery. Also we had thought to haue gone along with a Carrauand of foure hundred and fifty strong, which were bound for Agro: but the Captaine told vs, that they were to stay seuen daies longer; but said, if wée would trauel some two daies iourny (which we might safely doe without any danger of théeues) we should meet with a greater Carrauand then they were.

So on the twelfth day, wee trauelled to a Towne called Caddor, some fiftéene course from thence, where we lay that night.

Heere the Gouernor hearing that wee were stran­gers, or Christians, demanded what we would haue, and whether we trauelled? We answered, to Agro, to the King, and that we came from Surrot. Then he as­ked vs what we would doe with the King? And when I heard him so inquisitiue, I peremptorily answered, that my businesse was too great for him to know: but he said, he would know it ere we went out of the Towne: and I againe replied, that my businesse was such, that I would goe out ot the Towne and aske him no leaue: and so making vs ready to depart, we said, we would sée who would stay vs, without a very law­full occasion: Then the Gouernor sent his Cotwall or the Maior of the Towne, who asked vs why we vsed such peremptory spéeches to the Gouernor? We told him, we answered him in no worse manner then his place and calling deserued, and that it was not for him to force vs to acquaint him with our businesse to the [Page 31] King, and then we shewed him she Can Canawes passe to the King. Whereupon the Gouernor came to vs again with twenty Gentlemen of the Towne, and by all meanes intreated vs to stay all night, and what­soeuer wée wanted that the Country could afford, should be at our seruice; and withall told vs, the way was dangerous, and very bad to trauell.

The next day we gaue him halfe a pound of Tobac­co for a present, which wée brought out of England, which he accepted very thankfully.

The thirtéenth day wée came to a Towne called Sawbon, some 14 course from Caddor, but before wée were halfe a course out of the Towne, the Gouer­nour sent 12. Horsemen with Launces, Bowes and Arrowes, to conduct vs some part of the way that was most dangerous, which was some 10. or 12. English miles.

And when we came to Sawbon, we found the Car­rauand being 500. Camels bound for Agro. And were laden with Taffateis, wrought Silkes, Cloth, Sugar, and other Commodities, some from Bram­port, some from Bengalla, and some from Cambaia.

The 14. day we set forwards with the Carrauand ▪ and trauelled some 12. course to a Monastery called Tindey.

The 15. day, wée trauelled some 10. course and lay in the woods.

The next day, we came to a great City called Can­nowe, where is much trading for Cloth, Swords, Shashes, Péeces, and Armour tied on with strings, being but onely Arrow proofe.

There is great store of fruit, and colours for Di­ars, of all sorts: and I thinke our English cloth would be an excellent commodity there: for it is very cold, es­specially in Ianuary February and March, for it bea­reth to the Northwards.

The 16. day we trauelled some 14 course to a great [Page 32] Riuer, called the Riuer of Andee, which is as broad as the Thames at Woolwich, and runneth into the Bay of Bengalla, and this is the vtmost part or bor­der of the Gentiles, and one the 17. day we passed ouer the Riuer and went out of the Gentiles Countrey.

The Gentiles will eat nothing that bléedeth, and the Sim is their great god, For, should they eat any thing that bléedeth, they beléeue that they may eat the soules of their Father, Mother, Sister, Brother, or friends, that are deceased? For, they say, that when any one dieth, their breath presently goeth into one beast or o­ther, & so, in eating that beast, a man may eat the soule of some friend together with the flesh of that beast, such is their great bl [...]ndenesse and ignorance. Nay more, they doe make euery liuing thing their Idols: as, the first liuing they méete in the morning is their god or saint for that day, to worship that, and so leauing the Gentiles, we come to the Bulloits, or Pithagoreans.

The 17. day we came to the City of Gorra, where are many Surroyes, or Innes, where Trauellers may set their Camels, Horses or Catell, and cost nothing.

Also there are foure great Schooles for learning like to an Uniuersity: In this Countrey were two Brothers being Kings sonnes, who warred for this City, being eight miles in compasse, and in the mid­dle a great wall, and there they laid their Séedge, a long time. And at the last the King of the East part got the victory, and held the same for seuen yéeres, and then the great Mogol Tamberlaine the sixth ouercame the whole Countrey and tooke it into his hands.

The 18. day, we went ten course to a great Tanck or poole of water, like vnto the Bath, the water boiling out of the earth and is very warme.

The 19. day, wée trauelled s [...]me 15. course to a Towne called Sanday where is great store of W [...]ll, like Spanish Wool, héere are made great [...]ore of Caps to couer Turbants, felt gownes to ride in, both fine [Page 33] and course, there are great store of shéepe, and so much Sugar, that they féed horses therewith as we do with prouender, also there are goodly Surroies or I [...]es for horsemen and footmen.

The 20. day, wée trauelled some fiftéene course to a great Surroy, néere vnto a Monastery, where wée had great store of fruit called Mangees being like an Apple, and haue a stone as big as an Apricocke, and in sent or taste, and is excellent good for the Flixe, and are there much estéemed of.

The 21. day we trauelled twelue course to a small village, called Lee.

The 22. day we trauelled some 16. course to a City called Easman, where is a great Bussart or Market for the countrey people, for Wooll, [...]tten, Cotten yearne, Swords, Iau [...]lins, and other weapons for the warres.

The 23. day, wée came to a little Towne called Zingreene, some 14. course, where is great store of Oad, and aboundance of Drugs for Diars.

The 24. day, we trauelled 16. course to a Ci­tie called Barrandonn where are great store of Mer­chants of the Bannians and Mesulipatanians.

It is a City where the great Carrauans méet, and there is great trade of Merchandise, for Cloth, Sha­shes, Armour, for men and Horses, Coats of Male, Armour of Arrow proofe, bombast Headpéeces, and Elephants téeth, also many wilde Elephants in the Countrey: here we staied two daies and lest our Car­rauant in the City.

The 17. day we tooke our iourney forwards, and by the way we met with a Conor Knight of that Countrey, with fourty Horse being bound for Agro, and f [...]f [...]y shot, with whom we also kept company, be­ing about 140. strong, and trauelled in the Desart some sixe daies, where are great store of wilde Ele­phants, Lions, Tygars, Cat of Mountaines, Por­pentines [Page 34] and other wilde beasts innumerable, but those wee saw. These Desarts are 100. course long, where euery night we made great fires round about our tents, to shunne the dangers of the wilde beasts: This Con or Knight told vs the nature or wit of the Elephant, who knowing he is hunted to death for his teeth, will goe to a trée and there by maine force will wring or wrest his téeth out of his head, knowing that so he shall liue secure and frée from that danger, and this he protes [...]ed to be true.

The third of December, we past those Desarts and came to a Towne called Tranado.

The fourth day, we trauelled some 16. course to a Towne called Zaioberdee, where is hay, corne, and graine, great plenty.

The fifth day we trauelled some 18. course to a City called Handee, where the King hath a Castle and house, cut out of the maine Rocke, and wrought with carued worke round about. This Castle is inuincible, and hath fifty péeces of Ordinance in it.

There lay in this Castle, when wée were there 200. Knights, Captaines, and other Gallants, that had transgressed the Law, or the Kings commandement, as in Treason, Rebellion, and such like matters. Al­so, in this City are two houses much like Saint Iones, where Captaines and Cauiliers, that haue béene mai­med, and hurt in the warres, do liue, and haue each one a Mammothée a day being nine pence English, and meat and drinke at the Kings allowance.

The 6. day we came to the Riuer of Tamluo, which runneth into the Riuer Indus, which parteth the Coun­tries of the Pythagoreans, and the Indestands.

The Pithagoreans in former times haue béene a vile and treacherous kinde of people, and had a Law that when the husband died, the wife should be also burnt, which is holden till this day, though not in so strict a maner, for now shée may refuse it, but then [Page 35] her head is shauen and she clad in a blacke vesture or garment, which among them is reputed most vile and hatefull, that the basest slaue in the Countrey will not succor nor reléeue her though she should starue.

Now, the cause why this Law was first made, was, for that the women there were so fickle and inconstant, that, vpon any slight occasion of dislike or spléene, they would poison their husbands. Whereas now the esta­blishing and executing of this Law, is the cause that moueth the wife to loue and cheerish her husband, and wisheth not to suruiue him.

As for example, I saw a young woman the wife of a Doctor, whose husband being dead, shée made choise to bée carried in a Pageant, by foure men, shee being cloathed in Lawne, and her head deacked with Iewels and rich Ornaments, and before her went Musike of all sorts that the Countrey afforded, as Hoeboies, Drums, fifes, and Trumpets, and next vnto her all her kindred, and so shée was brought to the place of Execution, where was a stake and a hole to set her féet in, and so being tied to the stake, all her kindred knéeling round about her, & praying to the sun and their other Idols, the fire was set to her, she ha­uing vnder each arme a bagge of gunpowder, and a bagge betwixt her legges, and so burnt to death, the fire being made of Beniamin, Storare, Lignomal l [...]es, and other swéet woods. Thus much for the Bul­loits, and so to the Indestands, and the next day we tra­uelled some ten course to a Towne called Addar.

The eight day, wée trauelled some 26. course, and came to the great City of Agro where the great Mo­goll kéepeth his Court and residence.

The ninth day Captaine Hawkins came to vs, and brought vs before the King, as it is the custome and manner of the Countrey. For no stranger must stay a­boue twenty foure houres before he be brought before the King to know what hée is, and wherefore hée com­meth [Page 36] Also euery stranger must present the King with some present, bée it neuer so small, which hée will not refuse. And I gaue him for a present, a small whistle of gold, waighing almost an ounce, set with sparks of Rubies, which hée tooke and whistleled therewith al­most an houre. Also I gaue him the picture of Saint Iohns head cut in Amber and Gold, which hée also re­ceiued very gratiously.

The whistle hée gaue to one of his great women, and the picture to Sultane Caroone his yongest sonne. His eldest son rebelled, and is in prison with his eies sea­led vp, and it is noised amongst the common people that his eies are put out: But it was told mée by a great man, that they are but sealed vp. His name is Patteshaw Shelham, which in our language is heire ap­parant to the Crowne: His second sonne liueth with him and is called Sultane Nawbree, and him hée think­eth to make his heire apparant: His third sonne is called Sultane Lawlle, and is Uiceroy of Lihorne: His fourth sonne is called Sultane Lill, and is Uiceroy of the Gentiles, and these are his fiue sonnes. Also hée hath ten Uiceroys more vnder him, that gouern ten se­uerall Prouinces or Countries, viz. Can Canow Uice­roy of the Guzarats: Can Iohn Uiceroy of the Bulloi­tes: Michall Can Uiceroy of the Bannians: Howsouer Can, Uiceroy of Cambaia: Hodge Iohn, Uiceroy of Bengolla: Michaell Can, Uiceroy of the Hendownes: Sawder Can Uiceroy of the Puttans, and hée lieth in the City of Candahar: Allee Can Uiceroy of the Bullo­chies, and lieth in the City of Buckera: Sawber Can, Uiceroy of the Multans, and Can Bullard Uiceroy of the Indestands.

These are the names of his ten Uiceroys, béeing all Heathens, but very worthy men, and expert in the warres. Hée hath a great number of Noble men to attend on him. An Earle is called a Nawbob, and they are the chiefe men that attend on him, when he go [...]eth [Page 37] abroad: for at home none attend him but Euenu­ches or gelded men.

His Lord chiefe Iustice is an Euenuch, and is cal [...]led, Awlee Nawbob: hée is thought to bée woorth twenty English millions: Hée kéepeth twenty Elephants, one hundreth and fifty Camels and Dromedaries, and fiue hundreth Horse to attend on him.

The Lord Treasurer is a mighty man, called Sul­tan Carowdon: Hée hath forty Elephants to attend him, two hundreth Camels and Dromedaries, and one thousand Horse at his seruice. And when he com­meth to sit in his place of Iustice, hée is brought vpon an Elephant clad in cloth of gold or siluer, and some­times in a Pollankan, carried by foure slaues, he lying in it, as if hée lay in a cradle, in as great pomp and ease as may bée, and hath four maces of siluer and gilt car­ried before him, and ten banners, and as great atten­dance, as if hee were a King; yet on Twesdaies and Thursdaies the King himselfe sits in Iudgement of all causes: He custometh all strangers goods himselfe, the custome beeing but small at his pleasure, as some­times, the value of ten shillings, custometh goods worth two hundreth pound. Also if a Merchant stran­ger, bring wares or merchandize from a farre Coun­trey: as from Chyna, Bengalla, and thinketh hée shall make a bad voiage, or lose thereby: if hée acquaint the King therewith, and that the merchandize bée fit for Kings, Princes, and Noble men, the King himselfe will take part thereof, and cause his Nobles to take the rest, at such rates as the Merchant, shall not only bée a sauer, but a great gainer thereby.

The Mogoll, lyueth in as great state and pompe as may be deuised, both for Maiestie and princely pleasure; for hee had brought before him euery day during our a­bode there, 50. Elephants royall, clad in cloth of golde and siluer, with drums fifes and trumpets, whereof, some fight one with another, wounding one another ve­ry [Page 38] deadly, and cannot be parted but with Rackets of wilde fier, made round like hoopes, and so run the same in their faces, and some of them fight with wilde horses, as one Elephant with 6. horses, whereof he hath killed 2. in­stantly by clasping his trunck about their neckes, and so pulling them to him, with his teeth breaketh their necks.

Also there are tame Elephants that will take the vi­ceroyes sonnes being the Kings pages with their truncks, gaping as they would eat them, and yet verie gently will set them vpon his owne head, and hauing sit­ten there a good space, will set them downe againe one their féet as tenderly as a mother would set downe her owne childe, doing them no harme at all.

The Elephant wil not goe out of the sight of his fe­male, nor will he be ruled if he doe, this I can speake by experience hauing séene triall made thereof, Also euery he Elephant, hath 3. or 4. females, and I saw one that had 4. females and 12. yong ones of his owne begetting.

There ingendring together is strange, for the female lieth downe on her backe, and he commeth vpon her, and so ingender. But if he perceiue any man to beholde or sée him thus ingendring hee will kill him if he can.

Also the King hath Deare, Rammes, Ueruathoes or Beazors, Lyons, Leopards, and Wolues, that fight be­fore him. Also if a Cauilier be condemned for any of­fence and iudged to die, he may by the custom of the Coun­try, Craue combate with a Lion for his life, (which the King denieth to none that crave it) as for example, I saw one, that at the first incounter strooke the Lion with his fist that he felled him, but the Lion recouering, returned with great furie and violence, and caught such hold on him that he rent out his guts, with the heart and liuer and so tore him in peeces, and this was performed before the King.

Also there are horses that fight with Allegators or Crocodiles in Tancks or ponds of water where I also [Page 39] saw one Allegator kill 2. stone horses at one time. There is also a faire Riuer called Indawe, running from thence to Mesopotamia, & carrieth boats or lighters of 40. tun, and is replenished with fish of all sorts.

Also there are 4. Basars or markets euery day in the weeke, and great store of all things to be bought and sold there, and at a very reasonable rate. As a hen for 2. pence, a Turkey for 6. pence, a liue deare for a dollar, a sheep for 2. shillings, a goat for 2. shillings, a couple of oxen for 4. dollars▪ being 16. shillings sterling, a good hogge for 2. shil­lings, but none buy them but Christians, and none sell them but the Bannyans, who breed them, and as much fish for 3. pence as will serue 5. reasonable men at a meale.

Also great store of fruit, as Limmons, Oranges, Apri­cocks, Grapes, Peares, Apples and Plummes; But with their grapes they make no wines because their lawes forbid it: Also Raisons as great and faire as Raisons of Damasko, with great store of cloth of golde veluets and silkes out of Persia, and silkes and cloth of gold from Chyna, but those are course and lowe prised; but abundance are their vended; and Captaine Haw­kins thinketh that our Richer silkes, veluets, and such like would be excellent good commodities there.

But especially our Cloth of light coulors. For there is no Cloth, but a kind of course Cloth like Cotton, which is made at Lyhore, and at a Towne called Esmeere: and their finest and best, is a kind of course red cloth, like a Uenice red, and this is the vsuall wearing for the chief­est Cau [...]liers; and these are all the places of clothing that I could by any meanes heare of in all that Country.

The word Mogoll, in their language is as much as to say, the great white King; for he is a white man and of the Race of the Tartares. He is King of many King­domes, and writeth himselfe in his scile▪ Patteshaw Shel­ham Sho [...]h, that is, the King of all the great coynes. For there is a seuerall coyne at Lahore, another at Brampo [...]t, [Page 40] another at Surrot, another at Cambaia, another at Sab­ba [...]ton, and another at Awgru, And for his seuerall Kingdomes, he is King, of the Guzarats, of the Banni­ans of the Bulloits of Callicot and Bengolla which are Gentiles, of the Inde [...]ands of the Mogolles, of the Hen­douns, of the Moltans, of the Puttans, of the Bullochies, and of the Alkeysors, with some others, which I cannot particularly name. Also he writeth himselfe the nynthe King from Tamberlaine. And to this his great stile he is also of as great power, wealth and commande, yet will he vrge none of what Nation soeuer to forsake their Re­ligions, but esteemeth any man somuch the better, by how much the more he is firme and constant in his Re­ligion, and of all other he maketh most accompt of Chri­stians, and will allow them double the meanes that hee giueth to any other nation, and keepeth continually two Christians Friars, to conuerse with them in the Christi­an Religion and manners of Christendome. He hath also the picture of our Lady in the place of his praier or Religious proceedings, and hath oftentimes said that he could find in his heart to be a Christian, if they had not so many Gods: There was at my being there an Armenian Christian that in hope of gaine and prefer­ment turned More, which being told the King, he saide, if he thought to saue his soule thereby, that was a suffi­cient Recompence for him, but he would rather haue giuen him preferment if he had kept himselfe still a Chri [...]stian.

The Mogoll is also verie bountifull, for to one that gaue him a little deere he gaue 1000. Ruckees, being 100. pound sterling, also to another that gaue him a cou­ple of land spannels, he gaue the like reward, and to ano­ther that gaue him two Cocks he gaue 2000. Ruckées.

Also there be excellent faire Hawkes of all sorts from the Goshauke to the Sparehauke, and great store of game, as Phesants, Partriges, Plouers, Quailes, Mallard, and of all other sorts of fowle in great plentie.

[Page 41]There are no great dogges but a kind of Mungrels, whereof two wil hardly kill a deare in a whole day, and yet they are so choise ouer them, that they make them coates to keepe them warme and cleane. Nor haue they any parkes but Forrests, and Commons, wherein any man may hunt that will, saue only within 6. miles of Agra round about which is lymitted and reserued for the Kings priuate pleasure onely.

The King hath there begun a goodly monument for his Father, which hath been already 9. yeeres in buil­ding, and will hardly be finished in 5. yeeres more, and yet there are continually 5000. workemen at worke thereon.

The substance therof, is very fine marble, curiously wrought.

It is in forme 9. square, being 2. English miles a­bout and 9. stories in height.

Also, it was credibly reported vnto me by a Christian Friar (who solemnly protested he heard the King him selfe speake it) that hee intended to bestow a hundreth millions of Treasure on that monument.

And hauing viewed and seen this great and rich Ci­tie of Agra with the pleasures and Commodities there­of; on the 18. day of Ianuarie, my selfe with Ioseph Sale­bancke and Iohn Frencham, went to the King and cra­ued his Passe for England, who very courteously de­māded of vs, if we would serue him in his wars, offering vs what maintenance we would aske of him; which wee humbly excused▪ both in regard of this our voiage, wher­in diuers others besids our selues, were partners, as also, in regard we had Wiues and Children in our owne Countrie, to whom both by Law and Nature, wee were bound to make returne, if it were possible; whereupon most graciously [...]e granted vs his Passe, vnder his hand and great Seale, for our safe conduct thorow al his King­domes and Dominions. Then his chiefe Secretary, went with vs to his third Quéene (for it is said that hee [Page 42] hath ten Quéenes, one thousand Concubines, and two hundreth Euenuches.) And this Quéene is kéeper of his great [...]eale, where it was sealed and deliuered vnto vs. Then I also went to the chiefe Friar, and craued his let­ters, aswell to the Kings and Princes, whose Kingdoms and Dominions we were to passe thorow, as also to the Clergy and places of Religion, which he most willingly granted, béeing a man of great Credit there, and greatly esteemed and well knowne in other Kingdomes.

Also hee gaue me his letters of commendations to one Iohn Midnall an English Merchant or Factor, who had lien in Agroe three yeeres: but before I came into Eng­land Iohn Midnall was gone againe for the East Indies, and I deliuered his letter to M ^r. GREENAVVAY De­puty gouernor in London for the Company of the East Indian Merchants.

The one and twentieth day, wee tooke our leaue of Captaine Hawkins, whom wee left therein great credit with the King, béeing allowed one hundreth Ruckées a day which is ten pound sterling, and is intituled by the name of a Can, which is a Knight, and keepeth company with the greatest Noble men belonging to the King: and hee séemeth very willing to doe his Country good. And this is asmuch as I can say concerning him.

The 22. day we tooke our iourney towards England, being 5. English men viz, my selfe, Ioseph Sal [...]hancke, Iohn Frencham, Richard Martin, and Richard Fox, and Guilliam As [...]lee a More our guide, and trauelled to­wards Ispahan in Persia, and so with 5. horses and 2. Ca­mels, we tooke the way to Biany, because Iohn Mid [...]all had gone the way by La [...]or before, also this way was but two moneths iourney, though very dangerous and that by La [...]or was 4. moneths iourney and without dan­ger, viz.

From Agra we came to Fetterbarre being 12. course. And frō thence to Bianic being 12. course more. And this is the chiefest place [...]or Indico in all the East Indies, [Page 43] where are 12. Indico Milles.

The Indico groweth in small bushes like goosberry bushes and carrieth a séede like Cabbege séed. And being cut down is laid on heapes for half a yéere to rot and then brought into a vault to be troden with Oxen to tread the Indico from the stalkes, and so to the Milles to be ground very fine: and lastly, is boiled in Furnaces, and very well refined and sorted into se­uerall sorts.

A seere of Indico in Biany is worth ten pence, which seere doth containe twenty ounces at the least. This I know to be true and brought a sample of the Indico home with me. And for this Indico & the Anneele that is made thereof, there is much trading of Merchants, from Agro and Lahore.

The 25. day, we came to Hendowne, being twenty fiue course, this is an ancient faire City, where is al­so good store of course Indico.

The 26. day, we came to Mogoll being 14. course. This is a small market Towne, where are also course Indico and Callicoes.

The 27. day we went some 12. course to a small Uillage called Halstot.

The 28. day, we trauelled 12. course to a small Uillage called Chatsoe, where are shéepe and goats great store, and very cheape.

The 29. day, we went 12. course to a small Town called Laddanna, and there are great store of Cotton Wools.

The 30. day, we went eight course to a small town called Mosabad, where is great store of corne.

The 31. day we went 12. course to Bandason a smal Uillage.

The first day of February we came to a faire Riuer called Paddar that runneth to Guzarat, and this Riuer parteth the Dominions of the Indestands and Hen­downes and falleth into the gulph of Persia. And from [Page 44] thence we went to the City of Esmeere, being twelue course from Bandason.

Héere the great Mogol hath a stately house where are continually kept 600. Elephants, and 1000. Hor­ses, for the warres to bée ready at the Kings com­mand.

There is great store of wools, and much cloathing for course cloth and cottens, also Iauelins, Bowes and Arrowes, Armour, Swords, and other weapons for the Warres, and two Basars or Markets euery wéeke.

The Indestands are very gallant people, and great Merchants into most parts of the world.

The second day, wée went into the Hendownes Countrey, some 12. course, and came to Richmall, where is great store of Game, and a pleasant place for hawking and hunting.

The fourth day, we went 12. course, to Mearta, a faire City, where I saw thrée faire and ancient Tombes or Monuments of the Hendownes, there are thrée Basars or Markets euery wéeke. Also great store of Indico, cotten wooll, yarne, and cloth.

This City in my iudgement is as big as the City of Exceter.

The sixth day we went some twelue course to Hur­sallo, a small Uillage.

The seuenth day we went 14. course to Lauara, a small village, where is great store of Corne, Cattell, and Shéepe and very good cheape.

The eight day, we went 12. course to Towry, a Towne of Garrison of the Hendownes.

The ninth day, we went 11. course to Chummo a small Uillage.

The tenth day, we went 13. course to Moulto a Uillage.

The 11. day, we went 10. course to Pucker a small Uillage.

[Page 45]The 12. day, we went 12. course to Senawra a little Towne.

The 13. day, we went but fiue course to Basonpee a small village.

The 14. day, we went fiue course more to Gislemee­re, a fa [...]re City, and hath in it a strong Castle, where lyeth a grand Cauilier. Also there is great trading of Merchandize by Land, and in the Castle are thirty peeces of Ordinance.

The 18. day, we went from thence some 14. course ouer the sands, that part the Hendownes and Mul­tans, and lay in the fields.

The Hendownes are naturally discended from the Gentiles, yet refuse no manner of meat, flesh, nor fish, and are many of them very notable théeues. They pray naked, dresse and eat their meat naked, and where they dresse and eat their meat, they make a cir­cle, within which circle none must enter, during the time of their dressing and eating their meat.

Their women are brought vp of children with shac­kles, some of siluer, some of brasse, and some of I­ron on their legs, and rings in their eares, all which are still increased or made bigger as they grow in yéeres and bignesse, so that in time they haue holes in their eares so great that a man may thrust his hand thorow. Also they doe weare bracelets of Elephants téeth about their armes from the wrist to the elbow.

The 19. day, wée went eight course and lay in the Fields.

The 20. day, wée went 12. cour [...]e more, and lay in the fields.

The twenty one day, we went 12. course and lay by a well some 60. fathome déepe, where water was very scarse.

The 22. day, we trauelled 16. course, where wée could get no better water then was almost halfe Cowp [...]sse.

[Page 46]The 23. day we went some 15. course and lay in the fields.

The 24. day, we went some fiue course and came to thrée Townes, viz. Roree, Buckar, and Sucker, where is a gallant fresh Riuer, and small ships that may goe to Armoose, as the Townsmen report. Now the shipping belongeth to Roree, being some fifty or sixty saile, and are of the burden of fourty, fifty, and six­ty t [...], whereby there is trade of Merchandize as far as the coast of Molindee, and as far as Mosembique, and this Riuer falleth into the gulph of P [...]rsia.

Buckar standeth in the middle of the Riuer, which maketh it in forme of an Iland, and is besides very strongly built.

The Indians cal this Riuer, the Riuer of Damiadee. And in this Towne of Bucker, lieth All [...]e Can the Mo­gols Uiceroy of the Bullochies, who are such a stub­borne & rebellious people that he kéepeth that strong hold of purpose to retire vnto, and to gather a head and renew his forces, at all assaies, to subdue and kéepe them in awe and obedience, which notwithstan­ding he can hardly doe. Also this All [...]e Can is a very worthy and bountifull Prince, who gaue vs very gal­lant and kinde entertainment, and commanded vs to come dayly to his Court, where we had both costly and plentifull diet at all times, and héere wée left Io. Frencham (one of our company) sicke.

Sucker is a Towne consisting most of Weauers and Diars, and liue by cloathing, and serue the Coun­trey round about, and this is the first Towne of the Bullochies. And Roree the last confine towne of the Multans who are good husbandmen and painefull peo­ple, and deale much in Merchandize, as Cloth, Indi­co, and other commodities, and are very good people to deale withall, yet their Religion is Mahometicall.

At Sucker we staied 24. daies and more for a Cof­ [...]ilo or Conu [...]y, For the Captaine of the Castle would [Page 47] not suffer vs to goe without one, because the way was dangerous and full of Théeues, which afterwards we found true, for had we not (by the great prouidence of God) escaped their hands, it had cost vs our liues, and yet it cost vs some money besides.

The 25. day of March, 1610. wée came from Suc­ker and trauelled ouer the plaines some thrée course or thereabouts.

The 26. day wée trauelled through the woods or Desarts some thrée course more.

The 27. day, wée went thrée course more through the Desarts, and there wée tooke in water for two daies, which was but bad water neither, but there was no better to be had, nor any towne to come to, vntill we came to Gorra, some eight course distant from thence, which was on the 28. day at night, where we rested two daies and were very well vsed, yet being a Towne of the Bullochies and Rebels, wée were in great feare, but we found no such cause, God be praised.

The Bullochies are Man-eaters, being men of huge limmes and proportion euen giantlike, nor are they of any Religion at all, saue only that they worship the Sunne.

The 21. day, we came to Norry, being about 10. course, and this is the last Towne, of the Bullochies; and so to the Puttans.

The first day of Aprill, we tooke our iourney ouer the plaines earely in the morning, and about breake of day wée met with tenne or twelue men playing on Fiddles, as if they had come in friendly maner to welcome vs, but indéed they were no better then Théeues that intended to rob and pillege vs, for by the Sun rising wée were beset round with them and their companions, whose certaine number wée could not discerne nor know.

And though wée had a Caffeloe or Conuoy of two [Page 48] hundred strong, yet wée were glad to intreat the Cap­taine of that vnruly Crew to stand our friend, and both to bribe him priuatly, and to pay openly besides in the name of a custom, twenty Checkéenoes in gold, nor would all this haue serued the turne, but for the Mogols Passe vnder his hand and great seale, which they much feared, but that all our throats had béene cut, as other in greater number had formerly beene; yet at last vpon this friendly composition, they gar­ded and conducted vs through their Countrey, vn­till wée were past all danger, and so departed, and that day wée trauelled some nine course ouer the plaines, and [...]ooke vp our lodging in the plaine Fields.

The second day wée trauelled some eight course to a Towne called Daddor, where wee rested two daies.

The fifth day, we trauelled eight course ouer the mountaines.

The sixth day, we went ten course ouer the moun­taines.

The seuenth day, we went eight course ouer the Mountaines.

The eight day, we went eight course to Vachesto, a Towne of ciuill and quiet Gouernment, where wee rested that night.

The ninth day we went thrée or foure course ouer the mountaines and lay in the fields.

The tenth day we went some eight course in the mountaines.

The eleuenth day, we went nine or ten course in the Mountaines.

The twelfth day we went some nine or ten course in the mountaines.

The thirtéenth day we went nine or ten course in the mountaines.

The fourtéenth day we went some fourtéene course ouer

[Page 49]The 15. day we came to Candahar being but two course from thence, where we staied 20. or 21. daies.

This is a great and gallant Citie of the Puttans, where Sawdder Conuice [...]oy of the Puttans keepeth his Court and residence.

There is great and continuall traffique by land, from Persia, Indestand, Mesopotamia, and from all partes be­tweene that and China, with all sortes of merchandize and commodities which those Countries yeelde; For there are continually 7 or 8. thousand Camels about the Citie which trade to and fro with merchandize.

Also the viceroy hath continually 40. [...]00. horses for the warres in readinesse for feare of Rebellion, because the Puttans are a strong and warlike people, and inclined to rebellion, by reason they came vnder the M [...]gols gouern­ment and subiection by force and conquest, and therefore loue him not in their hearts, but obey him for feare.

The 6. day of May we tooke our iourney for Ispahawne in Persia, and trauelled some 8 course that day, and came to a gallant Riuer where were two Townes on each side of the Riuer one, and at one of these Townes called Lan­gor we rested that night.

The 7. day we went some 6. or 7. course ouer the plaines.

The 8. day we went in like manner some 7. course more and lay in the fields.

The 9. day we went ouer the plaines some 12. course, and came to a great Riuer which diuideth the land of the Puttans from Persia, and there we paid custome for our Owts or Camels and rested 2. daies by the Riuer side.

The 12. day we were ferried ouer the Riuer, which is called Sabbaa to a castle a course from thence, and neer to a Towne called Grees.

This Riuer diuideth the confines of the great Mo­goll and the King.

The Puttans are a warlike and goodly people, and were [Page 50] their beards long, which the Mogols doe hate, also they worship the great God of heauen and despise Mahomet.

Their Priests goe in Sackcloth with great Chaines about their middles; And doe fall downe and pray con­tinuallie in Sackcloth and Ashes.

And so passing out of the great Mogols kingdomes and dominions we came to the Towne of Grees being the first Towne of Persia, where we rested a day and a night.

Grees the first Towne of Persia.The Towne of Grees is a frontier Towne, and therefore the King or (as they call him) the Shawbash of Persia keepeth heere a garrison of ten thousand men, and a gouernour to command them.

The 14. day we went ouer the plaines 6. forsongs euery forsong being a league, and euery league 2. course, and rested in the fields.

The 15. day we trauelled ouer the plaines some 6. for­songs more, and came to a Castle, where we refreshed our selues and our cattle, and the [...]e we rested our selues two daies to stay for a Coffeloe or conuoy which came to vs the 14. day at night.

The 18. day we went 5. forsongs ouer the fields or plaines and lay in the fields.

The 19. day at night we trauelled some 4 forsongs to a Towne called Doctorcham, where wee staied all the next day and night.

The 21. day we trauelled some 5 or 6 forsongs in the night to a Towne called Sehawe, and thus for certaine daies we trauelled al by night by reason of the extreame heat in the day time.

The 22. day at night we trauelled some 6 forsongs o­uer the plaines.

The 23. day at night we went 5 forsongs to a Town called V [...]a. where are great store of Feltmakers which al­so make felt Carpets & weauers of Turkie Carpets, there are also great store of Dates, and all sorts of fruits.

The 24. day wee trauelled some 6. forsongs to a faire [Page 51] Citie called Parra, where we staied 22. daies for a Coffe­loe or Conuoy, my selfe being also sicke there, there is great trade of merchandize, and great store of raw silke which in the Persian tongue is called Auerisham.

The 6. day we went some 2. forsongs ouer the moun­taines.

The 7. day we went 4. or 5. forsongs ouer the moun­taines.

The 8. day we went 7. forsongs.

The 9. day we went some 5. forsongs.

The 10. day we went 10. forsongs all in the moun­taines.

The 11. day we trauelled some 3. forsongs to a towne called Banda being but a harbor or lodging place.

The 12. day wee went some 3. forsongs ouer the plaines.

The 13. day we trauelled some 5. forsongs ouer the plaines and rested till the 14. day at night, and then tra­uelled some 7. forsongs and a halfe.

The 15. day wee came to a Towne called Sunday where we rested that night and all the next day and night.

The 17. day we trauelled some 7. forsongs and a halfe ouer the plaines.

The 18. daie wee went in like manner some 9. forsongs.

The 19. day we went 5. forsongs to a Towne called Beast [...].

The 20. day we went some 4. forsongs.

The 21. day we trauelled some 6. forsongs to a towne called Gusta, where we rested a day and a night.

The 23. day we trauelled 4. forsongs to a watering place.

The 24. day we trauelled 10. forsongs and rested in the fields.

The 25. day we trauelled 7. forsongs to a Towne cal­led Dattee, where was great store of Muskmillions and [Page 52] there wee had good reléefe.

The 26. day we trauelled some 4. forsongs to a place where was a gallant vawlt with water.

The 27. day we went some 7. forsongs to a Towne called Yesday.

The 28. day we went some 5. forsongs to a Towne called Pahanauens where we rested 2. daies and two nights.

There is great store of raw silke, or Auerisham as they call it.

The 2. day of Iuly we went 5. forsongs ouer the plaines.

The third day we went 8. forsongs ouer the barren and wilde plaines where we had no water but salt wa­ter and the ground all couered ouerwith salt.

The 4. day we trauelled 7. forsongs in salt ground and none but salt water.

The 5. day we went 15. forsongs for want of water in a most barren and day Country and came to a town called Bibe, where we rested two daies and two nights.

The 8. day we truealled some 14. forsongs to a Towne called Godanna: where we rested that night and the next day and night, and here is also great store of raw silke.

The 10. day we trauelled some 20. forsongs to a Town called Hemda, where are great store of Grapes and Muskmillions.

The 12. day we trauelled some 15. forsongs to a Towne called Corneta.

The 13. day we went 6. or 7. forsongs to a Towne called Orrinkca, a lodging Towne.

The 14. day we went but 4. forsongs to a little vil­lage.

The 15. day we went 5. forsongs to a Towne called Gowra being a faire great Towne, where is great store of raw silkes, bed couerings, silke carpets, cotten [Page 53] Carpets, and such like commodities; and there wée staied that night, and the next day and night.

The seuenteenth day, we went nine forsongs before we could finde any water.

The eightéenth day, we trauelled fiue forsongs to a little Uillage.

The ninetéenth day, we went seuen forsongs ouer the plaines.

The twentieth day, wée went some fiue forsongs ouer the plaines.

The twenty one day, wée trauelled some sixe for­songs ouer the plaines.

The twenty two day, we went two forsongs and a halfe.

The twenty thrée day, we came to Ispahawne.

The twenty fourth day, we entred into the City where wée staied eleuen or twelue daies.

This City of Ispahawne, is a gallant City, and one of the principall Cities of Persia, and aboundeth in traffique of all sorts of Merchandize. There are ma­ny great Surroies, where are houses made of purpose for the laying in and kéeping of Merchants goods, and to harbour and lodge themselues and their Camels Horses or other Cattle, and prouision; the profits of which Surroies redound to the King only.

The whole Countrey aboue a hundred miles round about, doe wholly and generally trade to this City with their chiefest and best commodities. There is also a place in forme like the Exchange, of an inesti­mable wealth, where is nothing to be sold but things of great value and worth. As Cloth of gold, siluer and tissue, sattans, veluets, Iewels and pearles. In one end are nothing but raw silkes, in another end are twisted and wrought silkes. In another none but Merchanttailors, who sell, all sorts of apparell ready made, as it is in Birching lane, but farre more rich, and all of the Persian fashion, as, sutes of cloth of gold [Page 54] and siluer, veluet, satten, taff [...]y, Callico and none almost of any worser sorts.

Also there is great score of Indico and Anneele, and of all maner of Drugs, which are sold by Iewes and other strangers, that send them thither, and haue continuall trading there.

Also there are Camels, the best and strongest that are to bee found, with gallant Horses and Mules a­bundance. For whereas an ordinary Camels load is fiue hundred waight, the Persian Camels load is vsu­ally 800. waight.

The Shawbash [...]or, as we call him, the King) hath there diuers gallant and stately houses, and banque­ting houses, with Orchards, Gardens, Springs, ponds of water, walks and Galleries, as pleasantly seated and artificially contriued, as can be thought or deuised. But the King himselfe before my comming thither, was remoued to a place called Tobrin, as it was told me by the Christian Friars.

And at his chiefest house standing ouer against the great Basar or Market place, there are good store of brasse Ordinance orderly planted before the gase thereof, for defence if néede be, as namely, two D [...]my Cannons, two whole Culuerings, two Cannon Pe­drars, and thirty other field Péeces.

Also heere I made enquiry of Master Robert Sher­ley, thinking to haue had some assistance, and better directions from him, or by his procurement, in my Iourney, but it was told me directly that hée was de­parted some seuen months before for England, and had his way by the Caspian Seas, being two months Iour­ney from Ispahawn: That is to say, himselfe, and his wife, being a woman of great worth and estéeme in that Countrey, with Camels and Horses to carry his treasure, stuffe, and prouision, and many attendants both men and women. And in his Company, one Captaine and sixe or seuen Englishmen more.

[Page 55]Also there are great store of Grapes and Wines, and of all sorts of fruits: their stronger Wines like vnto Canary Sacke, their red Wines like high Coun­trey Claret, and their smaller Wines like to Iland Wines. Also victuals good store and good cheape.

And there lieth continually a Portugall Embassador, A Portugal Embassa­dor Le­gier. and fiue Portugall Friars, who haue a Church, and a house to entertaine Roman Catholiks, and other Christians at their pleasures, and haue meanes suffi­cient to maintaine the same.

Also there are great store of Armenian Christians, and some Gréekes, who liue all at frée liberty without restraint or controll for their Religion. And so much for the great and rich City of Ispahawne.

The sixth day of August, wee departed from thence and trauelled some sixe forsongs, and lay in the fields close by a riuer side.

The seuenth day, we trauelled ten forsongs in the Desarts, and on the eight day sixe forsongs▪ more to the Towne of Corronday.

The ninth day to Miskerion, and so directly to Bug­dad, or Babilon, being a months Iourney: that is to say, sixe forsongs to Miskereon.

The tenth day, wée went ten forsongs in the De­sarts.

The eleuenth day, eleuenth forsongs in the De­sarts.

The twelfe day, nine forsongs more in the Desarts.

The thirtéenth day, we went fourtéene forsongs to a little Uillage called Corryn.

The fourteenth day, ten forsongs in the Desarts.

The fifteenth day, nine forsongs in the Desarts.

The sixteenth day, we trauelled nine or ten forsongs to a little Towne called Lackeree.

The seuenteenth day wée trauelled eight forsongs in the Desarts.

The eightéenth day, we trauelled twelue forsongs [Page 56] in the Desarts to a water Mill, where we lay all night.

The ninetéenth day, wée went fourtéene forsongs through the Desarts to a little Towne called Corbet.

That twentieth day, we trauelled twelue forsongs, to a Cloth towne: that is to say, where all the houses were made of hairy cloth like tents, and there we rest­ed two daies.

The thrée and twentieth day, we trauelled some eight forsongs in the Desarts.

The foure and twentieth day, wée trauelled some nine or tenne forsongs ouer the Desarts, to another Cloth towne.

The twentie fiue day, wée went through a mighty great Wood being fifteene forsongs in length, where we went downe such an extreame stéepe hill, that wee broke two of our Camels necks, and had much to doe to goe downe the same our selues without harme, and there were sted all night.

The sixe and twentieth day, wée went some two forsongs to an other Cloth towne, where wée rested thrée daies and thrée nights, and there we paid Cu­stome for our Camels to a great City being but a for­song from thence and is called Nezzeret, where, on the top of a mighty great mountaine, was a monument of a great Sultan, or Gentleman: and when wée as­ked, why hée was buried there, it was directly answered, because he was so much the néerer to hea­uen.

The thirtieth day, we trauelled ten forsongs to the Riuer of Synnee, which runneth into the Riuer Eu­phrates, and deuideth the confines of Persia and Ar [...] ­bia, and by the Riuer side was remaining some old walles of a rumated Towne of Persia, which was ra­sed and destroied by the Turkes and Arabians.

The one and thirtieth day, we trauelled eight for­songs in a waste Countrey where we lay by a Well al night.

[Page 57]Amongst the Persians the Sultans or Gentlemen, and men of better sort, are gallant men, and of ciuill and courteous behauiour: but the baser sort, are [...]ullen, vnciuill, and men of very bad conditions. And gene­rally they doe worship Mahomet, and are common Buggerers, as the Turks are, yet they are people that labour extreamely, as in digging, planting, and sow­ing, and in picking of Cotton wooll, and other wooll, in spinning and making Coats, and other things of Felt. Nor haue they almost any rai [...]e there, but by extreame labour, let the water out of the Riuers, into their Pastures and Corne grounds.

There are good shéepe and goats plenty, but [...]ine and Oxen are very scarce. Also Turkies and Hennes and other sorts of foules plenty.

And there a man may trauell without danger of robbing, for it is there a strange thing to heare of a théefe. And somuch for Persia and the Persians.

The first day of September, wée trauelled twelue forsongs to a great Towne called Sabbercam, being the first towne that wée came to in Arabia, where are growing great store of Pomgranats, which the Ara­bians doe call Anarres. This is a Towne of Garrison of the Arabians, and héere wée staied a day and a night.

The third day, we trauelled [...]ouretéene forsongs to a towne called Buldad where we also paid custome, and héere we staied a day and a night. This is also a towne of Garrison and full of théeues, and at our comming out of the towne, Ioseph Salenbancke one [...] my Companions staying but a little behind the Co [...]s [...]l [...]e or Conuoy, was by the Arabians robbed, stripped and extreamely beaten and hurt. So that if by chance I had not reserued some 100. Chickéen [...]es, wée had [...] beene both quite destitute of money to bring vs home into our Countrey.

The sixth day wée trauelled eightéene forsongs to the great City of B [...]gdet, or Babylon, where we staied [Page 58] vntill the twentie two day of October following.

This City standeth vpon the great Riuer Euphrates, and is a great, rich, and strong City, with mighty strong wals, whereon are planted 100. and twenty péeces of brasse ordinance.

Also there are ships small and great to the number of 300. saile, belonging to this Citie, and great trade of merchandize both by water and land.

It is not past 4. yéeres since the Turke wan this City from the Persians.

Also there is a [...]oting bridge built vpon 33. great lighters strongly chained and fastened together, from Bugdad ouer Euphrates to olde Babilon standing ouer against Bugdad on the other side of the Riuer. And within a league from thence standeth the Remainder of the [...]ynated Tower of Babell, being one of the wonders of the world.

In Bugdad, lieth one of the Turkes grand Bashawes, called by the name of Mahomet Patteshogh who is e­stéemed as a Uiceroy, and is gouernor of the City vn­der the great Turke.

There are only two Venetian factors, who trade for inestymable wealth in merchandize of all sorts. Also some small number of Armenians, which are all the Christians that are there resident.

The Turke is a valiant and resolute Souldier, as by their proceedings may appeare, both in winning the City of Bugdad, and another City of as great strength as that, called Towras, and belonged also to the Persi­an, whereof the Mahomet Patteshogh had certaine in­telligence on the 12. day of October whilest we were there.

And that the great Turke, or (as they call him) the Grand Gushell Bashe, assuredly thinketh and intendeth in short space to approach to the wals of Ispahawne be­ing a great and gallant Citie and standeth farre with­in the kingdome of Persia.

[Page 59]The 10. day of October there came vnto vs an Eng­lish man called Iohn white, Iohn White sent into the East India ouer land. who said he was sent for a discouery to the East Indies and was bound for Ispa­hawne to méet with Iohn Midnall, who we assured him not to be there, but at Armoose.

Then did I and Ioseph Salebancke perswade him to trauell to the red sea of Cambaia, whether he tolde vs Sir Henry Midleton was bound from England with a good ship called the Trades increase of the bur­den of 1000. or 1100. tun, with another ship called the Cloue, and a Pinnis called the Pepper Corne, and the cause, why we thus aduised him was for that he, ha [...]uing the Turkish language might accompany my friend Ioseph Salebancke to Sir Henry Middleton to acquaint him with the true discourse of our whole voyage and trauels, whereby he might beware of and auoid the like dangers that we sustained and were in: As also how and where to take his best oportunity for his lading as time and occasion should serue.

And vpon the 18. day Ioseph Salebancke and Iohn White tooke their iourney accordingly, to a great City called Balsara standing vpon the Riuer Euphrates ▪ and is 18. daies iourney from Bugdad, or Babilon, where they were to méet with a Carranant or conuoy, to con­duct them to the Citie of Iudaia nere vnto the Red Sea.

And although Ioseph Salebancke was then verie poore, (hauing béen formerly robbed) yet was he very willing to take this long and dangerous iourney vp­on [...] for the good of his Country.

And all the good that I could doe for him was to procure him a Camell, and to lend him some part of my small store being in all not aboue 6. pound ste [...]ling, and so I left them to the protection of the almighty.

The 22. day of October we tooke our iourney from Bugdad or Babilon to the City of Aleppo. And hauing trauelled 60. leagues at the least all thorough the de­sarts, [Page 60] which wee did in some 8. daies, we came to a Towne called Mussaw Cosam.

The 31. day we trauelled some 4. daies iourny tho­row the desarts to the Towne of Ruseele, being one­ly a thorow faire or lodging place, & some 30 leagues from Mussaw Cosam.

The 4. day of Nouember we trauelled some eight leagues to a small village called Deesh.

The 5. day we set forwards towards Mussell other wise called Niniuy, being some 30. leagues or more from Deesh, and trauelled thither in 5. daies.

This Citie is now much ruinated, and yet the Re­mainder thereof is as spacious and great, as most Ci­ties that I haue seene in all my trauels, within the Ci­ty is a great Bashaw or gouernour vnder the great Turke.

Also without the City there standeth a faire & strong Castle vpon the bankes of the Riuer Tygris, where is also another Bashaw or gouernor: for the Castle and Suburbs of the citie.

The [...]e is no trade of merchandize in this City, but it is only kept by the Turke as a Towne of Garrison, yet there are Armenian Christians, who haue their Churches and Friars, and doe fréely vse their Religi­on without checke or comptroll.

Also there are yet remaining, manie ancient mo­numents which make relation and shew, that it hath beene a City of great antiquity and famous memory: and in this City we staied 4. daies.

The 14. day we went 4. leagues to a Castle called N [...]ssebaw, and rested that night, and the next day we trauelled 12. leagues more and at night came to Nus­s [...]baw, where the Prophet Ionas preached to all the Countries round about; and there remaineth his pic­ture in stone though much defaced by the warres yet it is kept and maintained by the Christians, whereof there are many dispersed amongst the Turkes, euer [Page 61] since the destruction or ouerthrow of Niniuie by the Turkes: and are now called by the name of Curgees.

From thence we trauelled some 25. leagues in thrée daies, and on the 18. day at night came to Hamadaine an ancient Towne of the Armenians; but much ruina­ted by the Turkes. Here we saw many ancient monu­ments, which shewed that it had bin a Towne of great antiquity and worth, and at this Towne we staied, one day and a night.

The 20. day we tooke our iourney towards a towne called Goubba being 25. leagues and 3. daies iourney, and came thither the 22. day at night, where we met with a Consul of Venice, and 5. Venetians more, trauel­ling to Bugdad or Babilon, and there we staied a day and a night.

The 24. day we trauelled towards the great City of Vlfawe being 25. leagues, and 3. daies iourney, and came thither the 26. day at night, and there all trauel­lers pay great custome.

This is a mighty strong City and a continuall Gar­rison kept there by the Turke.

Nor can any Carrauant or Conuoy, or any passenger be suffered to lodge within the City: But in the day time they may come into it to the Bassart or market, to b [...]y necessaries and so depart againe: and here we s [...]ed 5. daies.

The 2. day of December wee tooke our iourney to Beere a great Towne vpon the Ryuer Euphrates, be­ing [...]. daies [...], and 25. leagues distant whither we came the fourth day at night, and staied there one day.

This is also a strong Towne of Garrison.

The 6. day we were ferried ouer the Riuer and went 2. daies iourney being soule 15. leagues to the Towne of Lumman, and came thither on the 7. day at night.

The 8. day we trauelled 10. leagues to the City of [Page 62] Aleppo, and came thither that night, and by the waie, we trauelled 2. leagues thorough the plaines, where was nothing but figs, or as I may [...]earme it a forest of [...]ig trees, and another place of as great length, being all v [...]ne trées, full of grapes.

And being come to the great and worthy City of Aleppo, we went to the English house, where I found Ma [...]ter Paul Pinder to be Consul, a very worthy gen­tleman, and well deseruing a place of so great credit and esteeme, at whose hands we found very courteous and kind entertainment; for at my comming to him I was destitute both of mony and cloaths, and so was my companion Richard Martin.

But he releeued vs, first with meat, drinke, and lodging during our abode there, being some 12. daies, also he furnisht vs with apparrell, and at our departure with money for our iourney.

Also there was one M. Spike who was both kind and bountifull vnto vs. And so were all the rest of the En­glish Merchants, whom I cannot particularly name [...] both kind and curi [...]ous vnto vs, which was vnto vs a great refreshing and comfort in our iourney.

Aleppo is a City of wonderfull great trading and as well knowne to England or at lest to our English Merchants▪ as Kingstone vpon Thames. And thus much I can say more of it, that within foure daies af­ter our comming thither, there came aboue 20 [...]0. Ca­mels, laden with Silkes and all sorts of merchandi [...]e all or most whereof I ouer went in my trauels, being in seuerall Carauans, some from Mesopotamia, some from Agro, some from the [...], and some from Persia, and so at other times continually they come from thence, and other places whence any trading can come by Land.

The one and twentieth day, I take my leaue of Master Paul Pindar, Master Spicke and the rest of the Merchants and tooke my iourney, together with my [Page 63] Companion Richard Martin for Tripolie ▪ and that da [...] wee trauelled s [...]me seuen leagues ouer the Desarts, and res [...]ed tw [...] houres, and then trauelled some 15. leagues farther, to an old Towne called [...], w [...]ere we rested halfe a day and ba [...]d, and then trauelled some ten leagues more and baited, and res [...]ed our selues in the fields s [...]me se [...]e houres, and then trauelled [...] towne c [...]lled Hama [...]. And the reason why [...] thus h [...]rd, was to [...] company will a Car [...]nd or Co [...]n [...]ey of 100 [...]. strong, who were bound for [...] there great [...] mee was then resident: w [...]ereas also we should haue trauelled in great danger and h [...]ard of our liues, by reason the Countrey is so full of theeues.

In this towne are many Weauers, that make great store of Dimatree, and scham [...]tree, and Cottons, also it is a great thorow faire, and there is a great O [...]s [...]rie or Inne, which they call a Caan, and there wee rested two daies.

The sixe and twentieth day, we trauelled some eight leagues to a little towne called Roma, where wée lay all night.

The seuen and twentieth day, wee trauelled some eight leagues more to a Monastery called Huddrea­ [...]ns, which was built by an Armenian Christian, who g [...]ue sufficiēt maintenance to prouide, Oliues, bread, and Oile for Lamps, for the harbour & reliefe of all Christian trauellers▪ and there is the picture of Saint George on Horse backe fighting with the Dragon, and his picture on foot, and his Crosse, and mention in old Roman print of his noble & memorable acts, which Relique is much honored by many Christians as they trauell by the same, and to that end there i [...] a Chapel and Lampes burning therein continually.

The twenty eight day we went some tenne leagues to a lit [...]le Towne called Hone, and lay there that night.

The 29. day, we trauelled to Tripolis, being tenne leagues from thence, where we found the good ship, the Great Exchange of London, whereof Master Ro­bert Bradshawe of Ratliffe was both Captaine and Master; who not aboue ten daies before, was in great danger of shipwrake breaking their Cables and An­cors, so that the ship droue and was in great distresse: So that they were faine to cut the maine Mast ouer­bord, being within twice the ships length of the rocks, yet by Gods good prouidence, one Cable and Ancor held, and so both schip and men were saued, all the men hauing stripped themselues to saue their lives by swimming, or otherwise, as it would please God to as­sist and permit them.

In this storme there was a great Venetian shippe of 1100. tun cast away, yet the ship was so set amongst the Rocks, that all her men were saued by the great and mercifull prouidence of almighty God.

Also there were Frenchmen in the Harbor, that cut ther Masts ouerbord and were in great danger, yet all escaped thankes be giuen to God.

Also afterwards by greawt good fortune the Excharges Mast was found by the company between two Rocks, and was got on shore, and hauing an excellent good Carpenter, he did workemanlike and strongly scarse the same with a péece of an other Mast, which the Master got from aboard a Flemming, that it brough her well home into England, God be praised.

At our comming to Tripolie we went to the English house, where wée stayed two daies, and were by him very knidly used, and héere we ended our long and teious Land trauels.

The first day of Ianuary being New yéeres day, we tooke our leaue of Master Lucas and went aboard, my selfe and Richard Martin, where Captaine Bradshawe [Page 65] also used us very kindly, and in regard I was very weake, with long and extreame trauell, he allowed me a good Cabin, and caused the Surgeon to deo mee what good he could.

Tripoly is a Towne of no great traffique, but only a place whither ships doe come to take in such trading as is brought from other places, and chiefly from Aleppo.

The cause (I thinke) is by reason of the dangerous harbour there. For if there come Easterly windes that ouerblow, there is no safe riding for ships in that harbour. For that no reasonable ground takle will hold them.

The third day of Ianuary, we set saile for England, and the one and twentieth day following we came to the Iland of Zante, where they tooke in thrèe months victuals, which they left there, when there were out­ward bound.

Also they tooke in Oiles and Currants, being all the Commodities, which the Iland affordes. For of it self it is so poore and barren, that it yèeldeth not victuals to maintaine it self, but is for the most part maintained from the Maine.

The foure and twentieth day we set saile againe, and about he foure and twentieth day of February the winde tooke us short, and our Master thinking it not goo dto beat the ship at Sea with a contrary winde, put into harbour at Malta, where is a gal­land harbour, and many gallies and pretty fine ship­ping belonging to the same, which goe out upon ser­uice 200. against the Turke.

Malta is a goodly City of an inuincible strength, with gallant wals being built vpon a maine Rocke. And vpon the wals of the olde and new towne, are péeces of excellent good brasse Ordinance.

And in this City the ancient order of the knights of [Page 66] Malta, haue their continuall residence, who are gallant souldiers, & haue faire houses, not much vnlike to our Innes of Court, they are all Christians, and so are all the inhabitants, viz.

Armenians, Spaniards, Italians, Dutchmen, and verie many Frenchmen, the Grand Master of the whole order being a Frenchman, but I could not heare of any Eng­lish amongst them, yet doe they all, shew themselues very kind, and curteous to Englishmen.

All the knights doe weare white and blacke crosses on the shoulders of their cloakes: And any gentleman that commeth thither doth put in a stocke of a 100. pound or thereabouts, for his maintainance, but is not allowed for a knight, vntil by seruice against the Turke or else where he shall deserue the same, and héere wée staied 5. daies.

Somewhat is wanting.The 10. day of March, we set saile againe, and about the 22. day we came to a watch house where was 2. pée­ces of Ordinance, and came to an ancor, but because we came not presently ashore with our boat, they shot at vs, whereupon our Captaine sent our boat on shore with our Boatswaine, who was very kindly vsed, when they knew what we were, and the Captaine of the watch-house came aboard our ship, & gaue our captaine a liue hog for a present, which he accepted very thank­fully, and requited him with other things of 3. times the value.

And so (as we thought) he rested very well conten­ted.

Then our purser and my selfe with a knight of Mal­ta, being a passenger for France, were by our Boat­swaine and his gang set on shore, together with the Captaine of the watch-house, we thinking to goe to the Towne of Callar, to buy such prouision as we wan­ted: But the Captain tooke our Purser and the knight of Malta prisoners, and kept them there: So that our Master not knowing how to come by y ^e Purser, waigh­ed [Page 67] ancor and brought the shippe vp to Callar, Calari a porte Towne in Sardinia. an­went himselfe, and made complaint to the Grand Seniors, who presently granted a discharge for them both, and withall promised that the Captaine should be punished for so abusing of his place, and so after foure daies imprisonment the Purser and knight were both set at liberty and came aborde.

Calarie is a great Towne, Callari a Towne of Sardinia. where a number of Ca­uiliers doe liue, and hath some small shipping belong­ing to it.

It standeth in the Iland of Sardinia, which is a great and fruitfull Iland of corns and fruit, where we lay some sixe daies, and 5. or 6. daies more of and on, about the Iland: In which tune we discribed two small men of warre, which we imagined to be some of Cap­taine Wards crew, who at the first chased vs, and then we had them in chase, but whē they perceiued we were not for their turne, they made away, as fast as they could, and so we left them.

Then it pleased God to send vs a wind, that brought vs thorow the Leuant, and put vs out to the mouth of the Straits of Gebraltar, The Strait of Gibral­tar. from whence we also had a faire winde that carried vs to the height of the Burlans, which is off the Rocke going to Lisbone in Portugale, where the winde tooke vs short: So that our Captaine thought it best to put into Cast Cales, Berelen­gas. for beating the ship in the sea, which he did for 23. or 4 daies, vntill it pleased God to send vs a faire winde, and so putting to sea againe we arriued safe in England at the Town and port of Douer in Kent, Douer. about the latter end of Aprill, 1611. 1611.

For which I gaue God thankes, and setting my foot on English ground, I thought all my miseries to be at an end.

For to mée, all the Nations and kingdomes, that in this my trauels I passed by and saw, both by sea and land, séemed nothing comparable to it.

[Page 68]But that in respect of them all, it may be called the onely Paradize and blessed Countrey of the world.

And so desiring God of his mercy to blesse euery good man from so great miseries as wée indured by the follies and ouersight of a lewd and indiscreet Ma­ster, being both vnfit and vnworthy to bee imploied in so great affaires, and for so worshipfull and worthy men as were Masters, Owners, and Aduenturers therein.

For, Phillip de Groue our Master being a Flem­ming, and an Arch-villaine, who was not onely accu­sed, but it was (by the boy with whom he committed the fact) confessed to my selfe, that he was a detesta­ble buggerer: So that had not Gods mercy béene the greater, it was a wonder that in regard thereof, and of others being offenders in the like, that ourship had not s [...]nck in the Ocean.

Lastly, praying to the Almighty, for the long and prosperous raigne of our most Gracious Soueraigne, King IAMES, with the health and prosperity of the Quéenes most Excellent Maiesty, and all their Roiall Issue, As also for the Lords of of his most Honoura­ble Priuie Councell, and for all the Honourable, Worshipfull, and others, the Masters, Owners and Aduenturers, of the Company of the East Indian Merchants, their Factors, Freinds, and Welwil­lers. I cease, and humbly commit my selfe and this small Relation of my Trauels, to their kinde and fauourable Censures.