BEfore we come parti­cularlie to speake of Diuinations lawfull & vnlawful; for the true and better vnderstan­ding of them, we will first define, what Diuination is: Diuina­tion What Diui­nation is. is a foretelling of things to come, perfor­ming it in diuers manners, as well artificial­ly, as naturally. But those that more cu­riously subtilize vpon the Etymologie, say, that to diuine is properly to fore­tell, and to foresee things to come, by an exteriour motion, without hauing any subiect, cause, or signe before hand God alone absolutely knoweth things to come. to coniecture so; and therefore in this sort, God testifieth of himselfe, that he alone knoweth things to come, which afterward he reueiled by his Prophets [Page] and Apostles, as it pleased him. Now Satan desiring in this to bee Gods Ape, Satan Gods (thereby the better to abuse the world, & to drowne men in intolerable super­stition, by a naturall curiositie to know things to come) hath iniuriouslie and falselie vsurped the same authoritie to Satan false­ly a Diuiner. diuine, and from thēce proceedeth the word Diuination: so that thereby Satan so much the more vnder a cloak of na­turall things, is for the most part as a forger and coūterfeiter (excepting the diuination whereupon the subiect of this matter depends:) and therefore it is necessarie to trie and examine in the first place, the might, subtiltie and craft of the diuell; in whom we shall finde as great knowledge and vnderstanding, The power of Satan. (excepting the Angels) as in all the o­ther creatures besides; wee shall finde as great subtiltie for interpreting the signes of diuers things: a matchles vigi­lancie: an incomparable cunning, to inuent trumperies; and deceit, vnder fine coloured, but false pretences: And [Page] to conclude, a most perfect malice ac­companied with a perpetuall hate a­gainst Satan a per­petuall ene­mie to man­kinde. mankinde: and the rather, seeing that it is not in his force, to doe any thing of himselfe: to hinder the course of things naturall ordained by God: to destroy and to make againe: to sound the depth of mans heart: or to foresee how God gouerneth the course of the world: the affayres of Kings and Prin­ces before the reuelation of his diuine prophesies. Notwithstanding he per­ceiueth by his subtiltie the hid proper­ties of things bodily and spirituall. His knowledge is exceeding by his mani­fold experience of things past: he di­ueth so farre as may possibly bee soun­ded into mens maners; and copies out their actions, from whence he deriueth his greatest profit. Thus he incombers the actions of Kings & Princes of each in particular; that contrarie to all rea­son and opinion of men, they are all so intermedlingly inwrapped each in o­ther states, that scarse anie knoweth [Page] how to escape himselfe. Thorough the deepe whereof he so lancheth without sight, that he maketh one of them to entrap and beguile another: whereof euerie where are examples sufficient, and therefore S. Paul to the Ephesians setteth downe most liuely Satans puis­sance. But let vs see a little neerer the diuels policie, of what force & efficacie it is, especially in those things which concerne the ruines of Gouernment, or change of a Common wealth. First then, although that the diuell knoweth not the state and affayres of Kings and Princes in particular, as God from the beginning hath predestinated them in his immutable counsel, nor how he wil dispose and change them contrarie to the opinion of men & ordinarie course of things natural; yet notwithstanding the knowledge which men by the per­mission of almightie God, haue drawn Man infe­riour in knowledge to Satan. out of the diuine prophesies of ancient time, is not comparable to that of Sa­tan, by reason he farre surpasseth man, [Page] in fine, quick & nimble subtiltie, which he vseth to his owne aduantage. These Spirits. know by the predictions of Prophets: that such Kings and Princes shall come to gouerne: besides, by what meanes Note. they shall attaine it, and by whom God will giue the Scepter into their hands: besides, when and how it shall be taken from them. And in one word, Satan Foretold. knoweth the estate of Gouernment which must happen, and how long it shal endure, and the enemies which shal rise vp for the ruine of it. From these & such like reuelations would they drawe their diuinations. They haue found out by the prophesies of Daniel the estate & chaunge of Monarchies which must happen, the ruine of Darius, the destru­ction of Asia: and that the Monarchie of Babylon shall be transported to the Greekes: By meanes whereof, when A­lexander the Great consulted with the Oracles. Oracle at Delphos, Pythias answered him, Eris inuictus Alexander: Thou shalt be vnconquered Alexander. And after­ward [Page] for confirming, and giuing credit to his Oracle, hee ceased not to shewe Satans sub­tiltie. signes & wonders together with vaine illusions, in the behalfe of Alexander, which way soeuer he marched with his armie: on the contrarie not to daunt Darius too much, he nourisht in him a Satan an Ambidex­ter. vaine hope by doubtfull dreames, per­swading him fondly of victorie, against his enemie. For the temptations of Sa­tan are of that sort, that they promise vs all ioy and happines whatsoeuer: but no sooner they are entertained of vs, but in their place commeth despayre, with a perpetuall torment. By the pro­phesie of Daniel and Esai, the diuell Satan know­eth the scrip­ture. knewe that the Monarchie of the Assy­rians should be wholly desolate and gi­uen into the power of the Medes and Persians, and that al this should be done by Cyrus. For this cause it was foretold, that King Croesus should be chased and spoyled of the kingdome of Lydia: And therefore knowing the might of King Cyrus, Satan ceased not to moue and in­cite [Page] Croesus by a bayte of ambition, to Croesus con­quered. oppose himselfe against the Persian Cy­rus. This being done, the Assyrians Em­pyre was spoyled, Croesus conquered, and the Monarchie translated to Cyrus.

There is one especiall example farre surpassing all that antiquitie mentio­neth of Satans subtiltie, whereby appa­rantly he shewed the intent and effect of his whole treacherie: It was that of the great contemplatiue diuine Iam­blicke, Iamblich. who desirous to knowe the name of him that should in the Empyre suc­ceede the Emperour Ualens that then raigned, he made trial of it by a certain A thing vn­lawfull. foolish (be it spoken with reuerence to so wise a man) and most vnlearned di­uination in this manner: He caused the Greeke Alphabet written to bee put by distinct letters, in the ground, and vpon euery one he placed a graine of Barley; A foolish proofe. in the midst a Cock, & the letters where the Cocke scraped the Barley, should signifie the thing he so much desired. Now it happened that the Cock bared [Page] these foure letters: [...] yet now like­wise [...]. he remained vncertain of the name which these letters should portend, to discerne whether it were Theodosius, or Theodotus, Theodorus, or Theodectes. The Emperour Ualens seeing the euent of all this, & fearing some false play, made Diuination will beget Tyrannie. (Herod like) all such to be put to death, as those letters did poynt out. He com­maunded likewise, to search foorth the Diuine. Iamblicke, fearing the crueltie of the Emperour, by reason of the fault which he had committed, (for it was not Vnmeete it should be. lawfull in Rome to enquire into the suc­cession of the Empyre during the life of the Emperour) poysoned himselfe. But we shall finde for the most part that the diuell the more to delude men by Doubtfull answers ar­gue deceite, or ignorance. these diuinations, gaue his answers hid, darke, double, and doubtful, especiallie when himselfe (which often happened) was vncertaine of the euent, being on­ly led by suspicious and sleight conie­ctures, without euidence of diuine re­uelation, (as appeared by the doubt of [Page] that name which those foure letters might portend:) for not knowing the trueth, he talketh by circumstances and darke signes, sometimes telling the trueth to gaine credit to his false lyes, A Caueat. seeing by a malicious instinct he stri­ueth to obscure the trueth, to the great dammage of mortall men. For his de­light is in falshood, and his ioy is in our fall. That is the reason why hee vseth these doubtfull & vncertaine answers, to the intent to abuse men by his ridi­culous apish mockeries, and finally to bring them by a certaine feare, and a sorrow of things to come, to most abo­minable wickednesse, in executing the self same euil, which before he had told vnto him, that inquired of it.

We haue a most famous example and worth the marking, of an Oracle (in re­spect of their doubtfull answers) which was found in Greece vnder the shadowe Ambiguitie in oracles. of the word [...], which signifieth both man and light, if the accent be not right­ly [...], man, light. placed (for the ancient Greekes were [Page] not careful in this, as it is well noted by Iustus Lypsius:) then the doubt of the foresayd Oracle, by reason of the am­biguitie of the word, made them vncer­taine whether their sacrifice should be of humane flesh or some other thing; euen so now we see oftentimes that he hath told the euent of things, whereof he is the author: yet notwithstanding for al that, because God hath admirable meanes in his counsell for to gouerne all that is in the world, and because Sa­tan is ignorant of the euent or chaunge God dispro­ueth his so­phistrie. of things disposed by GOD himselfe, (whether it bee a punishment or a re­lease of his rigor, which he vseth some­times in the execution of his iustice) he vttereth his diuinations & predictions in obscure manner, ballanced with an equal, yet difficult interpretatiō, which may as well agree to this as to that, not only for the doubtfull sense, but for the double reading of it. Of this kind was this: Croesus Halym penetrans magnā per­uertit opum vim. Likewise the fraudu­lent [Page] example of the answere which the Pope Bor­gias. diuel gaue vnto Pope Borgias of eleuen yeares and eight moneths, may serue to confirme this. Furthermore, the di­uell not only knoweth by diuine pro­phesies Satan cun­ning in di­uine prophe­sies. the subuersions, ruines, and re­stroings of Monarchies, but he intru­deth himselfe often into the handling of them, & entermedleth in the counsel of Kings and Princes, enforcing them A states mā. by all means possible to bring in a con­fusion: to trouble the estate: to oppose themselues one against another: to dis­perse Realmes: to debase lawes ten­ding to the good gouernment of the Common wealth. He is alwayes ham­mering of some newes, daily to hinder good and sound counsell, and in stead The author of ill lawes. of them to set abroach other, fatall to the Church and the Common wealth: he enflameth the hearts of the mightie, with an ambitious desire of ruling, to this end, he perswades them to followe bad counsell, seruing for the execution of their dissignments: Such as these are Ieroboam. [Page] plentifull in the holie scripture. Thus he moued the Chaldeans to come to rob and spoyle Iob of his riches, and to sley Iob. 1. 17. his seruants. Thus he plotted like an anciēt states man, to hinder the rebuil­ding of the Temple of Ierusalem, after the returne from Babylon, perswading Note. king Cambyses, by meanes of the Courts flatterers, to make warre against the Ae­gyptians, which hee did: And for feare lest the Iewes should enter into alliance Satan vseth great men sometimes for his turne. with them of Aegypt, the king comman­ded in plain termes, to hinder the work of the Temple which was then begun: and thus Satan compassed his intended scope. When he asked leaue to enter into the heard of swine, hee had more craft then a common politicke: He did A foreseeing Polititian. the Gaderens a displeasure in their reli­gion, by that meanes, foreseeing they would entreat Christ to go out of their kingdome, and so runne headlong with their swine, into eternall destruction. Againe, he stood at the right side of the Sacrificer in Ierusalem, to hinder that [Page] no good thing might bee done in that citie. Hee attacheth (as it were) with a Rather them then others to make thē hurt by ex­ample. contagious infection the most part of publique persons, the better by that meanes to obtaine his purpose, by rea­son of the charge which they sustaine for to preserue others. Then seeing that Satan intermingleth himself in the midst of affayres publique, and that by a diuine permission, he insnareth both 1. King. 22. one, and other, ayming continual­ly to subuert the state, (especiallie of Monarches) knowing besides, that their ruine and change shall happen, it is no meruaile that hee oftentimes foresees the euents whereof he is the cause, and afterward forgeth Diuinations, to the Satan buz­zeth into mens hearts that which he hath plot­ted himselfe. intent to deceiue both one and other. But although that God oftentimes per­mit Satan (by reason of our demerits) to exercise his tyrannie ouer the princi­pall states of the world, yet notwith­standing, that permission is not infinite; for God keepeth, gardeth, and defen­deth Realmes, to the intent that being [Page] shaken they may not be altogether rui­nated, God is the sure rocke of defence to a kingdome. causing his holie spirit to watch ouer them, against an enemie so migh­tie, in giuing them wholesome counsel, for the preseruation of their estate. It is most certaine that GOD permitteth Satan somtimes to tyrannize ouer one, or other, as we see in the King of Baby­lon, Dan 4. 29. who was giuen into his power for seuen yeares: yet notwithstanding whē it pleased him hee made a restraint and brideled his vnruly will. We see some­times how hee keepeth and vpholdeth the Realmes of wicked Kings, for to make them a meanes to maintaine his So at this day Spayne a stay for Christians against the Turke. Nero. Church, as appeared in the kingdomes of Babylon, Persia, and the Romanes in the time of Nero (Natures most strange monster in respect whereof, it is sayd, that the societie of man is resembled to a flocke of sheepe, whereof though The societie of man com­pared. some indaunger themselues, yet the faithfull shepheard endeuoureth him­selfe by all meanes possible, to saue his flocke whole, and defend it against the [Page] rage of the wolues, which would de­uoure it. For if wee would but consider the matter a little further, we shall finde by the scripture in the time of Noah, af­ter the building of the tower of Baby­lon, Gen. 10 1 [...] that Nimrod was elected by diuine prouidence, to guide and gouerne the people then, when as the children, ne­phewes, and linage of Noah, wandered without townes to dwell in, destitute of cities, or houses, liuing by hunting and vpon the fruites of the earth, without a­ny tillage, who then represented a ma­iestie, force and valour in his person; by reason wherof the holie scripture saith, that hee was Robustus venator Domini, Gen. 10. 9. aut, Coram Domino, a strong hunter of the Lord, by reason of the might and Or as some say, tyrānize ouer men. puissance that hee had to tame the sa­uage and wild beasts: Whereby we may well conclude, that Common wealths had their beginnings by violent Ty­rannies, & that Nimrod by force & vio­lence obtained the soueraigntie. Not­withstāding we find in scripture, that he [Page] was a most heroicall King and no Ty­rant: (howsoeuer some doe intend o­therwise) A monarchy easily a ty­ranny. because that by his meanes was established the forme of a Com­mon wealth, most durable to gouerne, His begin­ning. and to keepe the people in order and discipline. And so from this first diuine wisedome, humane societie was kept v­nited from time to time. This likewise A Prince Gods Vice­gerent. is the cause why the Prince is tearmed Gods Vicegerent vpon earth. Finally, he was garded with such force, that the Empyres (which wee call Monarchies) by this meanes were ordained: & then of the selfe same Monarchies, (by rea­son A thing vsuall. of an insatiable ambition and de­sire to rule) proceeded Tyrannies. But although that Tyrants, by the permis­sion of God, seemed sometimes (by rea­son of their horrible murders and de­structions) to bee willing to cancell all law, and peruert all iustice, that tended to the maintenance of a Common­wealth, and whereby Empyres flouri­shed: yet notwithstanding wee finde by [Page] the discourse of histories, that the verie Tyrants themselues, by a diuine proui­dence, Tyrants haue often had a care of good lawes. haue oftentimes left behinde thē good lawes, as the true markes of Iu­stice, tending to the maintenance and conseruation of kingdoms, to the intēt that humane societie should not either be disperst, or raced out. God hath the meanes to vs vnknowne, to keep them from such wickednesses, that he turneth the euil of present ruling Tyrants, vnto the especiall good of gouerning poste­ritie: for his will is the perfect rule and the infallible direction of all right and equitie. By reason whereof some are of that mind, that although the Empyre of the Turkes, in dignitie and greatnes The Turke no Monarch. exceeded the foure Monarchs of the worlde, yet notwithstanding it could not bee reputed for a true Monarchie, because that amongst those barbarous people, there was neither humanitie nor forme, or shewe of iustice, but a Without Iustice no Monarchie. meere deuastation of Empyres, and a reall destruction of all lawes and poli­cies; [Page] which were established and drea­mingly obserued of other Monarchies, vnder whom (notwithstanding their enormities) God had continually pre­serued miraculously a forme of iustice, to the intent to preserue his owne peo­ple. I will onely alleadge two examples (not to bee too troublesome) without touch or mention of the Romane lawes afterward brought in, to shew by them the equitie and iustice, which Tyrants and Infidels themselues haue somtimes in the gouernment of their Common­wealths vsed, as well in regard of their Iustice som­times a­mongst Ty­rants. ciuill and politicke order, as Militarie. The one long since famous, is the ex­ample of the execution of iustice in King Cambyses (otherwise a great Ty­rant) which he executed vpō the Iudge Cambyses. Herodotus lib. 1. corrupted with bribes in the person of Sysannes, who after he was put to death he was fleyed, and his skinne hung ouer the Iudgement seate, where his sonne was commanded to sit as Iudge, that in iudging he might remēber the offence [Page] of his father. The other, is the famous Anaxilaus. and memorable example of Anaxilaus, whom the Lacedaemonians vsed thus: He seeing that in the time of the siege of the citie Byzance, Clearchus the Go­uernour begā to take the goods of the Burgesses, that dyed for famine, to di­uide amongst his Souldiers, to the in­tent to hold the towne longer, he dealt in the absence of Clearchus with the ene­mie, to yeeld vp the towne vpon good conditions, which soone yeelded with­out pillage or shedding of bloud. Af­terward Anaxilaus was accused to thē of Sparta for rendring the towne, who (vsing a most honest excuse) answered, that they ought to make warre against the enemie and not their owne selues, and that it was a thing most vniust to handle the Burgesses more rudely then the enemie. And for these excuses full of reason they absolued him. This ex­ample may serue at this day sometimes to excuse publique persons, whō some But not to excuse trea­son. indeuour to accuse and blame slande­rously, [Page] without discretion, not conside­ring that God miraculously gouerneth the heart of those whom God hath pla­ced to gouerne others, to the intent to hinder and preuent the totall ruine of his people and Common wealth; as we may reade of the Prophet Ieremiah, who gaue counsell to the King Zedechias, when he was besieged in Ierusalem, to yeeld himselfe to the Chaldeans, to the intent to preserue the people and the towne, notwithstanding many others perswaded the contrarie. Many such examples full of naturall equitie are largely handled by Saint Ambrose in the third booke of his Offices. On the o­ther side to returne to our former sub­iect, it is knowne vnto all, that the diuell hath knowledge concerning the ruines and changes of Common wealths, and Not abso­lutely. that he hath learned much by the pe­riods of yeares, and the fatall age of Realmes, and Empires, knowing by ob­seruation of times, that they are limi­ted: and because their state is subiect to [Page] change, that serues him for all occasi­ons. Cicero in the twelft of the Nature of Cicero de Natura De­orum. gods, speaking of the inuention of sun­drie diuinations, and superstitious ob­seruations, hath these wordes, Multas Obseruation hath begot­ten this Di­uination. res diuturnus vsus ita notauit vt artem Diuinationis efficeret: & in another place he saith, Obseruatio diuturna notandis re­bus fecit artem: The histories of all times doe teach vs (in case wee would carefully obserue them, & search them throughly) that the most parte of the greatest kingdomes, haue not endured fiue hundred yeares. Many haue light 500. yeares the common period of a Kingdome in former time. short of that full time: none or very few haue passed it, but haue fallen ei­ther at that period, or not long before it; some hauing perished in whole, some onely changed in some forme; the go­uernment of the Kings of Iuda begin­ning The Kings of Iuda. Saul. with Saule, the first kingdome con­tinued to the captiuitie of Babylon, which was fiue hundred yeres. The same space of time was likewise againe mar­ked after the Captiuitie, beginning at [Page] Esdras, and continuing to the Emperor Esdras, Vespasian. Ioseph de Bell. Iud. Uespasian, which ruinated Ierusalem from the very grounde, and then were the Iewes dispersed, and scattered from one part of the world to another: and since that time their common wealth Gods iudge­ment. was neuer perfectly restored, notwith­standing the indeuours and extreame paines they imployed therein. The Commonwealth of the Athenians from The common wealth of A­thens conti­nued 490. yeares. Cecrope to Codrus, continued foure hun­dred fourescore and ten yeares: which was then changed to a Democratie. The Common wealth of the Lacedaemonians The common wealth of the Lacede­monians. Romaine Consuls 500. yeares. changed about that time, vnder the Kings Heraclides, till the time of Alexan­der the Great. The Romayne Consuls gouerned fiue hundred yeares, from the banishment of the Kings, vntill the time of the monarchie of Augustus; the same was obserued since Augustus till Valentinian. West Em­pire. the fall of Ualentinian the last Emperor of the West: and that then the West Empire fayled: and that the barba­rous Uandales, Alaius and others, inua­ded Uandales [Page] the countries of Spayne, and in the ende all Italie, with the citie of Rome. The same number of yeares were ob­serued a little after, from the time that Constantine the Great transported the Constantine. Italian Empire to Constantinople, vntill Charlemaine, who restored the Empyre Charle­maine. of the west, hauing chased the Lombards out of Italie. Likewise wee may call to minde by histories, that many realmes and Common wealthes haue endured not past the halfe period of those fiue hundred, or there about; as that of the Persians, which from Cyrus to the last Persians continued 230. Darius flourished: but in the two hun­dred and thirtie yeares, it was fully rui­nated by the force of Alexander the Monarch of the Greekes 250. yeeres. Great. On the other side, the Monar­chie of the Greekes, which began with A­lexander, and afterward successiuely was deriued to diuers kings, as of Syria, and Aegypt, continued two hundred and fiftie yeares, which after that time was subuerted by the might of the Ro­mans. Furthermore if we would search [Page] the Chronicles of France, we shall finde the same period (after that Syagre, last Proconsull and Lieutenant for the Ro­mans in France, was deposed) till Clowis Fraunce. the first christian king, vntill Pepin fa­ther of Charlemaine, and then after vn­til Hugh Capet, was numbred 237. yeres. 237. yeeres. Further, besides all this, we may see in the discourse of histories, that the pe­riod The periode of 700. yeares obser­ued by some. of seuen hundred yeares brought notable change to states. The Com­mon wealth of the Carthaginians, (then The Cartha­ginians had continued 700. yeares. when it was wholly spoyled by Scipio) had continued seuen hundred yeares. The warre betwixt Caesar and Pompey, Caesar and Pompey his warre was in the 700. yeare after Romes foun­dation. which is some sort decayed the state of the Romayne Empire, happened in the seuen hundred yeares after Romes foun­dation; and at the same time two peri­ods met together, the one of fiue hun­dred from the beginning of the Con­suls, Two Peri­odes met to­gether. the other of seuen after the foun­dation of Rome. In like sort about se­uen hundred yeares after the destructi­on of Carthage, Totilas the king of the Tot [...]las. [Page] Gothes robbed the citie of Rome, cary­ing captiue with him the principall Lordes of the citie, which Scipio had long before foretolde, when Carthage The Moores with Spaine in the yeare after Christ 700. was besieged. So likewise doe we reade that the Moores dealt with Spayne, the yeare after Christ seuen hundreth; af­ter that were they all chased out by Ferdinand of Arragon, grandfather by Ferdinand. the mother to Charles the fifth. For ex­ample, of our times we see, that it is se­uen hundred yeares past, that Charles Charles the great. the Great established the westerne Em­pyre, which period (considering the Note this. change of the times present) seemeth to threaten some great ruine, although there is nothing so of necessitie, but as it pleaseth God to dispose all things for the best. Now it is needefull likewise to examine more nearely the Qualitie of The qualitie of periods. the foresaid periods, for it is questioned of at this day, if there be any such peri­od necessarily certaine, and fatall for Empires: likewise why some fayle be­fore Todin and others. their prefixed time, without ex­pecting [Page] their ordinarie fall. The Phi­losophers not knowing how to finde Ignorance of true causes faineth false ones. out the reasons, because of their incre­dulitie, haue so incombred their true vnderstandings, that they haue forged arithmetical aenigmes, other imposing to starres, and coelestiall causes. But for the true vnderstanding of it, let vs con­sider the testimonies and examples of holy Scripture, besides the meere con­iectures of heathen Philosophie. The vniuersall period of Empyres is decla­red vnto vs by the Prophet Daniel, spea­king The touch­stone of peri­odes. of the seauenty weekes, contai­ning about fiue hundred yeares since the restoring of the Temple, after the returne from Babylon, vntill the time of Christ. But because the period is not ge­nerall and perpetuall (by reason that we see some Empyres not attaine halfe their period;) notwithstanding we shall finde by the discourse and testimonie of histories, that the period (as by a di­uine institution) is fatall to the most According to our view. Empyres for their beginnings and en­dings, [Page] as may bee apparantly manifest, both by the examples alleadged be­fore, & by many others here and there which may bee alleadged to that pur­pose. The reason of the difference in regarde of time, and the diuersitie of change which happeneth in them, is likewise grounded vpon the holy scrip­ture of Gods word: we haue saide be­fore, that GOD giueth the Scepter of realmes as it pleaseth him, and taketh them away as his pleasure is. Likewise The change of Kingdoms not by chāce. the change of kingdomes happeneth not by chaunce, but by diuine proui­dence; by reason of the causes, which goe before the ruines of them, by meanes whereof, God so disposeth of Realmes and Empyres, that whomsoe­uer he hath installed for gouernement, are by him defended with might and authoritie, as the especiall gift of God, accompanied with many vertues re­quisite thereunto, namely wisdom, hap­pines, goodwill, iustice, clemencie, &c. all which ioyntly sustaine the pillars of [Page] the Empyre: for it is written, Misericor­dia & veritas custodiunt regem & clemen­tia fulcitur thronus eius. In such sort that the Common wealths of Kings and Princes defended with this authoritie, are for a long time, flourishing and in Prosperous Kingdomes. most prosperous estate. On the contra­rie, if the Common wealth be gouer­ned by wicked kinges, vitious, or ty­rants, and that the subiects to the imita­tion of their Prince, are infected with the same faultes, and plunged so deepe, that they can no way get out; then au­thoritie failes, vertues are abandoned, and punishment doth ensew: hereup­on GOD hasteneth his iudgementes which preuent the reuolutions, and changes in that they had apparance to The punish­ment of sinne is the change of the state. continew longer: he punisheth sinnes both of the Prince and people ordina­rily by the chaunge and ruine of the Common wealth: for being not bound to the periods of time, he disanulleth, God not tyed to periods. changeth, and altereth their estates, as it pleaseth him. This sheweth Salomon [Page] plainly, where he sayth: Because of Iniu­stice Kingdomes are translated from one place to another, for the sinnes of the land, Wisdome the stay of a land. some after others are made Princes, and by reason of a wise and vnderstanding man, the Empire is more durable. Thus wee may see the reason of the contrarietie in re­spect of the chaunge of the periods a­boue mentioned. Master Peucer trea­ting M. Peucer. the difference of them, sayth, that three sorts of sins are noted in the holie Causes of the fall of Kingdomes three. 1. Impietie. 2. Iniustice. 3. Lecherie. scripture, which principally cause the ruines & changes of a common wealth. Impietie ruinating the Church: Iniustice corrupting the Common wealth: and Lecherie destroying the familie, with which Pride is intermedled, & their se­ueral harmes redound vnto al: for this cause Intemperancie & Pride mixt, is no­ted by the Poet to bee most speciall for the subuerting of a state: Nam caetera reg­na Luxuries vitijs odijs (que) superbia vertit. Aristotle ascribing the chaunge of Em­pyres Aristotle. to sinnes, comprehendeth them all vnder this one word of inequalitie, Inequality. [Page] & the difference of the degrees of ho­nor, and dignities; and that for vertue, although not for religion. But the cau­ses and occasions going before these chaunges, consist in the manners and actions of men, which all are not of the same sort, but exceeding diuers. And therefore the same author addeth and reproueth the former opiniō that states are troubled by diuers meanes. I take it here not a thing impertinent (seeing the subiect of our matter) to stay a little and examine somewhat the opinion of some authors, which are willing to set down rules to iudge of the happenings for the euents and chaunges of Com­mon wealths. Amongst others Plato Plato. Celestial in­fluence. ascribeth not this either to a celestiall influence, nor to the motion of starres, but to the dissolution of Harmonie. This is his opinion, but wee finde at this day a great contrarietie amongst the late writers, for the true vnderstanding of Plato his mind, and chiefly of the word Bodin. de Rep. lib. 4. Harmonie. Master Iohn Bodin is of that [Page] minde, that this Harmonie is to bee vn­derstood Harmonie. of tunes & melodious sounds. For the better interpretation whereof, and the more to confirme his opinion, in the fourth booke of his Politicks he hath made the forme of a Triāgle with certaine numbers thereupon, to groūd a musicall harmonie; and so apply it to Plato his opinion. Wherein he is repre­hended by Master Augier Ferrier Lord of Castillon, who making the distinction Aequiuoca­tion in Har­monie. of the word Harmonie, to put away all equiuocatiōs, sayth, that the word Har­monie is a generall terme, applied to all things well beseeming: and to all good proportions: to all Common wealths well framed: to all families well orde­red, and generally to euery thing iustly and orderly disposed: of perfect mea­sure and of fine accorde. So the Phisi­tians call the best constitutions of bo­die. The Musitians take the word o­therwise, and referre it to tunes & me­lodious soundes: and so Plato saying that Common wealths come to ruine [Page] when the harmonie faileth, that is to Plato ex­pounded by M. Augier. say, when the policie, the lawes, the or­der, the vnion of the inhabitants is bro­ken, vseth the word in the first significa­tion: for it is then that a way is open to troubles & seditions whatsoeuer. And speaking to Master Bodin, thinke you (sayth he) that Plato vnderstood that of tunes & melodious sounds, which Pla­to neuer thought of concerning the change of Kingdomes and Common­wealths? And giuing another reason against the former interpretation, hee saith, that all proportion is not song, or melodie, although otherwise it bee a harmonie, for his good structure and equall figure: he alleadgeth onely this place for the defence of the true vnder­standing of that which Plato wrote, and of the word Harmonie: for concerning Harmonie not the ground of Kingdomes. the maine poynt, Bodin himselfe is of that opinion, that changing or preser­uation of Common wealths, no way depends on the Harmonie of soundes. But a man ought more to feare it, when [Page] the citizens begin to stray from the na­turall The fall of a citie is the breach of good lawes. harmonie of good lawes wel or­dered; and from manners rightly dis­posed, to lawes, customes, and maners vnlawfull, wicked, and pernicious: al­though he denyeth not that Harmonie of sounds hath a great force and effect to chaunge a Common wealth: for (sayth he) we haue a memorable exāple of the Cynethian Common wealth in The Cyne­thian commō wealth. Arcadia, which hauing forsakē the plea­sure of Musicke, soone after fell to sedi­tions and ciuill warres, attributing the effect to Musicke, to appease and molli­fie The effect of Musicke. a people so barbarous and sauage. By meanes whereof he confesseth that this causeth the naturall harmonie of well agreeing lawes, which causeth mē to continue in good and perfect order, and thereupon followeth the preserua­tion of the Common wealth. It is verie likely that Musicke hath a great force to appease the minds of men, as diuers examples may giue vs witnesse, namely of Saul and Pythagoras, who as well be­fore Pythagoras. [Page] as after his sleepe vsed a certaine Musicall and melodious Harmonie: And as Censorin speaketh, Vt animum sua sem­per diuinitate imbueret: To furnish the minde with the diuinitie of it. The same author sayth, that Asclepiades the Phisi­tian Asclepiades. vsed ordinarily a musicall harmo­nie to call furious and phreneticall spi­rits to their own nature: and there upon is it common (sayth he) Ut legionibus in Musicke ex­pelleth the feare of dan­ger. acie dimicantibus metus mortis classico de­pellatur: & in nauis metu vel vt facilius la­borem sufferant à vectore Symphonia ad­hibetur. Yet notwithstanding he teach­eth vs that Musicke at this day hath not the effect to withstand the sedition of our age, because she hath lost much of her anciēt nimblenes, by reason where­of Musick not so nimble as it hath beene. Musicke is not esteemed of all e­qually in generall. On the other side we may obserue the opinion of those who would iudge of the chaunge of King­domes, (although they are founded vpon a ground ruinous) as those who The Horos­copy of cities bad rules to iudge by of chaunges. build vpon the Horoscopies of townes, [Page] thereby to iudge of Common wealths: Imagining that some Planets and fixt Starres are the workers and contriuers of the worldes aduentures, of which by reason of their incertitude I will not speake, as being a thing meerely ridi­culous, to referre the acts, manners of men, cities and particular euents, to a­ny such cause. Others as curiously ob­seruing A 100 vnpro­fitable curio­sitie. the same matter concerning the state of kingdomes, haue not onely noted the yeares, but the moneths, as Master Iohn Bodin, who saith, that if we marke the great and notable changes of states and kingdomes, we shall finde September. the most parte to haue been in Septem­ber, in which moneth the lawe of God gaue his beginning to all the world: and for better confirming his opinion, hee giueth diuerse examples; amongst others the great victorie of Augustus Augustus. M. Anthony conquered the 2. day of September. against Marc. Anthonie, which happe­ned the second day of September, be­ing a contention for the greatest Em­pire that euer was. Paulus Aemilius [Page] changed the great Empire of Macedo­ma into many popular estates, and sent King Perseus prisoner to Rome, obtai­ning the victorie the thirteenth of Sep­tember: the fourteenth of September 13. Septem­ber. Sultan Syliman dyed before Segett, and the seuenteenth the towne was taken: the day following, Sigismund the father of Augustus, king of Polonia, put to flight the armie of the Muscouits: the day after Iames the king of Scots was slaine, with many of his Nobilitie by the English in battayle. He reciteth many moe exam­ples besides, which we may reade in the fourth booke of his De Republica, where hee likewise affirmeth, that there haue been many great Princes who haue dy­ed in that moneth, and there he reciteth at least twentie. But me thinkes (as one September not so fatall as Bodin wri­teth. well noteth) that this should giue too much credit to the moneth of Septem­ber, to the preiudice of the other, in that it hath force to change estates, and that these curiosities are not to bee ad­mitted of vs, but to bee referred rather [Page] to the historicall Calender, then to bee reputed a matter of sounde doctrine: for what moneth is there which may not be authorised with like examples? In euery mo­neth some great states haue dyed. At least, it is changed from his former naturall force, in respect of that time present: for the greatest alterations and change of states at this day, and e­specially in the kingdome of France, In Fraunce the greatest alterations betwixt De­cember and August. haue happened betwixt December and August. The same may I alleadge like­wise of the death of the greatest Lordes of France, who dyed in other moneths, and that the moneth of September hath almost lost his prerogatiue since. For concerning the Princes which haue dy­ed of late in France, and which haue brought notable change with them, (as we may see at this day) we shal finde none which dyed in the moneth of Sep­tember, Mouns [...]ier Duke of Alenson, and The Duke of Alenson dy­ed in Iune. brother of the late King dyed in Iune, 1584. and the tenth of that moneth. The Prince of Orange (whose death can The Prince of Orange. neuer be sufficiently lamented, nor the [Page] manner hated and abhorred) likewise A hatefull proscription. dyed the same day of Iuly following, whose death was violent and practised by the Spanish treason in that manner, that neuer historie in respect of the proscription hath made mention of the like; vnlesse it be of Pyrats, Robbers by sea, and such, who (according to the lawes of nations) haue euer been ex­cluded from the benefit of faith, trueth, and loyaltie, and consequently from all saftie, for as Tullie writeth: Pyrata non est ex perduellium numero definitus, sed com­munis hostis omnium, alioqui ius etiam bel­licum fidesque iurisiurandi saepe cum hoste seruanda. For instance we haue the me­morable proscription of Crocotas the Crocotas. arch pyrat, of whom Augustus the Em­peror caused proclamation to be made by the sounde of his trumpet, that who­soeuer A fact that for it the greatnes of Spaines fall cannot satis­fie the mea­sure of Gods wrath. would take him, should haue a hundred & twentie thousand crownes. I onely alleadge this in respect of the most detestable murder of the worthie and vertuous Prince of Orange: not [Page] long after the death of these two great personages followed the fatall ruines of the Lowe Countrey. In one worde Catherine of Medices, the Duke of Guyse Katherine of Medices. his brother, the Cardinall, the King of Vnder pre­tence of con­fession to kill a Prince ne­uer heard of before. France last slayne by that false Iacobin, (a murther written in Tymes forhead, by the pen of aeternitie to astonish all posteritie) these all happened from De­cember to August: and therefore mee thinkes September hath small vertue to induce vs to respect it. But of all rules which I knowe worth the marking to iudge by of the falles of kingdomes, & Common wealths, I finde none more renounced by Master Bodin, then the numbers of seuen and nine, and those which arise from the multiplication of these two, and the perfect number of 496. which first is obserued by him, and he saith the reason is, because of the in­finite wisdome of God, who hath so dis­posed Bodin. all things by number, that king­domes themselues after certaine yeres, haue ordinarilie come to ende, and that [Page] humane things fall not out by chance. I confesse indeede, concerning the criti­call dayes (whereof the seauenth day is called the King by Galen) that from thēce are drawne strange meruailes of numbers, applyed to weekes, moneths, yeares, ages, worlds; and so to townes, Common wealths, and Kingdomes: whereunto all that may bee referred which we haue spoken before of the pe­riods of 500. of 250. of 700. yeares, al­though Numbers no certaine grounds of vndoubted truth. I finde such contrarietie in the examples alleadged by Master Bodin, for the confirming of these numbers, that they are not firmly to be relied on, as vndoubtedly true. For to the intēt to haue them established more stronglie, he alleadgeth the Romane fasts, who, as he sayth, can neither faile nor lye. But on the contrarie, Onuphrius who hath corrected them iustly, maketh a doubt. And as Master Augier sayth, he likewise would relye vpon the annales of Fa­bius pictor. And in the first place the better to confirme his Square, being [Page] the roote of the fatall number, compo­sed of twelue Twelues, multiplied by Bodin great­ly erred. 12. he saith that the Monarchie of Rome continued a hundred and fortie yeares, which by the consent of all authors continued 244. yeares, or thereabout: and I finde another which saith it endu­red longer, namely, 245. yeares, which cannot serue to fulfil the Cube of the fa­tall number▪ but it is an exceeding fault to slippe a hundred yeares. Further­more, A 100. yeeres slipt by M. Bodin. 196. to confirme one of the perfect numbers, namely, that of 196. and to shew the effect of it, he sayth, that since Augustus vnto Augustulus the last Em­perour of the Romanes, the one whereof he calleth by the name of Conquering, All [...]hese shall be more plainely set downe in my booke of the vniuersall periods of all Kingdomes. the other of Diminishing, there was 496. yeares; where the Histories and Chro­nicles mention fiue hundred. On the other side, to the intent the better to ground his opinion of nūbers; as like­wise to shewe their force, he alleadgeth that in holie scripture the law of GOD The 7. num­ber. hath nothing so often as the 7. number; [Page] be it either in the solemne feasts, of the Sabboth, or the seauenth moneth; be it for the freeing of seruants, and leauing the ground without tilth, the seauenth yeare, which was the yeare of Iubile. But some doe reproue this, for as much as that the places out of scripture implie It is no Sab­both for a Kingdome to fall. naturally a rest or Sabboth, whereas on the contrarie the seauenth, alleadged for the fall, and change of kingdomes, is full of troubles, depending on hu­mane actions, which number can nei­ther be drawne out of the law of God, either in plaine tearmes, or by way of The 7. num­ber not drawen out of Scripture necessarilie. necessarie consequent: yet for all this he confesseth, that of those aboue na­med rules, indifferently obserued of di­uers authors, there is none of necessitie, whereupon wee may so iustly relye our selues, as to set down a certaine iudge­ment of things to come: seeing that the greatest part of those, who haue been willing to iudge of the meanes, & rules surely touching the foresayd changes, Vncertainty in Diuinati­ons. they haue oftē stayed themselues vpon [Page] Astronomie, supposing that change of Kingdomes chieflie to depende vpon starres, and celestiall causes, whereunto God hath sometimes (as it were) tyed himselfe for the shewing of things to come; wherein Satan as the Prince of A sleight of Satan. the ayre, maketh to appeare oftentimes the euēts which resemble the true, that should happen: and hereupon he for­geth these false predictions. But seeing that by the effects of celestiall bodies, the vnlearned themselues are able to iudge of their force and vertue; not­withstanding from all antiquitie, there hath been found contrarietie of opi­nions, The certain­tie and vn­certaintie of Astronomi­call iudge­ments. amongst them who will iudge soundly in Astrologie: wherefore it shall not bee impertinent to this purpose to handle a word or two for the exami­ning of the certaintie or vncertaintie of them, thereby the better to vnder­stand this which I haue in hand, the ra­ther because Astrologie it selfe is placed Astrologie. amongst Diuinations. Some & of great learning would whollie make it fru­strate, [Page] and exclude it from the liberall An absurd error begot­ten of igno­rance. Arts, as teaching vs prestigious & false surmises vnder trueths colour. Some are so foolish, that they giue vnto it the force of gouerning the whole world: namely, all that which may happen to A foolish Superstition. men, not daring to attempt, or vnder­take any thing in the world without the fauour of the starres and celestiall bo­dies. Zanch. Myzald. Others that haue better iudged of it haue not ascribed vnto them an ab­solute power, but an intermediate ver­tue amongst the rest. The reason of such as wholly contemne the Art with­out No good rea­son. ascribing vnto it anie vertue, or force at all, is grounded vpon the vn­certaintie of it, as being onely builded vpon vncertaine coniectures, without the true demonstration of things, wher­vpon onely trueth depends. But those that do auouch the vertue of them, sup­pose in the first place, that God sayd in the beginning that he made lights, that Gen. 1. he placed them in the heauens, to sepa­rate night from day, and to be for signes [Page] and seasons for dayes and yeares. From this place they reason thus, that Nature made nothing in vaine, since that all creatures are made for some certaine end, but these creatures day lie doe the same workes by their order and course appoynted them of God, and the end of No good reason. that which they doe is their operation; now the starres doe by the order of na­ture that which the Art of Astronomie saith hath bin found out by experience, and afterward approued by many rea­sons. Then the end of the starres is that for which they were created. Likewise the demonstrations of things are taken from celestiall causes, and their effects, obserued of a long timed experience, by the influence, intension, remission, ac­cesse and recesse of starres: for euen as An vnlike similitude. in the seede the vertue of those things is hid which it bringeth foorth, euen so in the starres is hid the force of that like­wise giuing the effect of a naturall ele­mentarie change, which is incontinent­ly perceiued of them who before haue [Page] searched by supputation the caelestiall motions, and haue attained by long ex­perience to knowe the course of things, with the euents and effects. The reason is, for euen as wee iudge of the force of things which wee feele, by their effect, euen so wee iudge of the force of Starres by the experience we haue from the long reach of their effects. And al­though their force being hid vnto vs, is It is impossi­ble to haue such experi­ence. not so apparantly discouered and clere­ly seene, notwithstanding the ordinarie signes shew them, and the common ob­seruations of long experience make thē to bee easilie knowne; so that those who haue this foresaid experience, may easi­ly foretell by an euident coniecture, This possible & common. the ordinarie effect of the Starres. But thereby to foretell of the natiuities of men which the Greekes cal pronosti­con Geneseon, that which may happen Meere toies and vaine fables. vnto them in such a yeare, or such a day, it is hard for a man to giue credit to them; so that it be not for the search­ing of naturall causes in that manner, [Page] as wee haue spoken before. For as Ma­ster Beza speaketh in a certaine epistle, Beza his opinion of Iudiciall Astrologie. of iudiciall Astrologie: If any one would haue foretolde that the Empyre of Augustus should haue endured so long, it should like­wise haue beene necessarie to haue diuined what should haue happened of Brutus, Cas­sius, Lepidus, and Anthonie, his aduersa­ries, which would haue brought a man into a labyrinth not easely auoyded. So likewise How far one may iudge of particular men. speaking of the vsage of the former searching, hee referres them onely to complexions, and dispositions of bo­dies, by meanes whereof, one may iudge if such a man will become melan­cholicke, or whether he will be subiect to such or such sickenesses. This opini­on is confirmed somewhat by that of Phisitions. Diogenes the Stoike; notwithstanding the Phisitians themselues are able to iudge of all things aboue mentioned by signes, and Symptoms more certaine, and yet there of the profite is not great. O­thers who vnder a shewe of religion, haue contemned the Astrologicall sci­ence, [Page] alledge for reason the place of Ie­remie The art con­temners of this age, mis­vnderstand Ieremie. saying: Let them stand and saue thee the Southsayers of heauē, which gaze on the starres, and cast the moneths to tell thee of things to come: yet notwithstanding the true meaning of that place is no whit to condemne, or detest the foresaide science, but onely the superstitious a­buse of it, which hath been brought in by little and little, by those who by meanes of their Diabolicall artes, and The abuse of Astronomie. vnder the hope of some base gayne, haue corrupted the true knowledge of it. Others erroniouslie haue sought out all the secrets of the world, by meanes of caelestiall causes, in such sort, that con­tinuing in the same superstition, they are at the length fallen into so great a­buse, He that yeeldeth himselfe to beleeue Pronostica­tions, giueth himselfe the 1. of Ianua­rie to be a foole al the yeare after. that they will gouerne all their ac­tions, according to the course and de­monstration of Starres, preferring their Pronostications before Gods promi­ses. From hence proceedeth the super­stitious elections of workes, good or bad, gouerned according to the twelue [Page] signes of heauen: in like manner the My L Hen­ry Haward in lib. of sup­posed Pro­phets. dayes fortunate, and vnfortunate; with the angles and circles forged by the Phi­losopher Pythagoras, to knowe by the composition of numbers and letters which it conteined (intermediating the obseruation of the day of the moneths, and the Planets) all that any man desired to know. To conclude, from hence is it Errours frō hence. come to passe, that some are perswaded that the soules abide in the Moone: o­thers were perswaded that as soone as she lost her light, she was inchaunted: and for that cause in olde time they were wont to sound Trumpets, Tabrets, Cor­nets and other instruments to remedie that, to the intent to driue away those Lib. 1. An­nal. inchauntments: or (as Lipsius vpon Ta­citus saith) Ad leuandos lunae labores, To ease the moone of her trauailes. Plutarch, Liuie & others haue made mention also of it. And Iuuenall saith, Cum frustra reso­nant Ignorance of true causes brought this. aera auxiliaria Lunae. Furthermore, many haue adored and acknowledged the Planets for their gods, chiefely the [Page] Sunne, whereunto all the gods of the Coeli. Rho­ding. Panims may bee referred and agree as Macrobius noteth, and as Histories are full. The tractes and steppes (as it were) of this Idol-madnes, may appeare in the lawes of the Romans, Titul. de Coelicolis & Iudaeis. Likewise in the Scripture, in the 7. and 47. chapter of Ieremie, God con­uert all those who yet worship them in many places of the world. To the intent then that we may soundly iudge of A­strologie, let vs conclude (following What Astro­nomers can doe by their art. the common opinion) that Astrolo­gers generally cannot foretell any o­ther thing by the knowledge of their art, but that which concerneth the con­stitution of the ayre, and the particular change of that, according to the de­monstration of the coelestiall signes. But concerning those tokens and signes that appeare extraordinarily in the hea­uens, as Comets, and such like strange ap­paritions, Comets. (although the prediction of their effect depend sometimes on cae­lestiall causes) yet notwithstanding in [Page] my opinion such signes are more cer­taine and sure in their operation, to sig­nifie the change and euents of Com­mon wealths then any other; for if wee Zanch. de oper. lib. 3. cap. 2. would search the histories of all times, wee shall finde that neuer Comet ap­peared, which vndoubtedly brought not after it some generall or particular change, and most often the sad and la­mentable euents of warre, plague famin, deluges, the death of great personages, and the like; but by reason that these fall out extraordinarilie, so likewise their effects are extraordinarie. Those that are curious to knowe the euents which at all times haue been obserued, & wherof the histories are full, may read the catalogue of wonders, written in la­tine by M. Fritschius, and imprinted at And Era­stus de Co­me [...]is. Noremberge, where he recites abundance in all kindes. And of late time in re­spect of those in the Lowe Countries, they may feele the effect by their scarce well tuned iarres, in the middest of their best townes, which begā immediatly af­ter [Page] the Comet in the yeare 1577. and the earthquake which followed, which Earthquakes is also numbred amongst strange and prodigious signes. A certaine Mathe­matician in his booke of the discourse, and Pronostication by him made, con­cerning a Comet seene in the yeare 1581. saith amongst other things, that A Comet. 1581. the Comet in the yeare 1577. (where­of wee spake) was in the Horoscope of Don Iohn, and in the sixt house of Moun­sieur the Duke of Alenson, which two No vndoub­ted certaine­tie in Co­mets. had both been partakers of the same fortune, if credit might haue been gi­uen to that. Certaine it is, that Comets and extraordinarie signes of heauen doe daylie portend some noueltie, good or euill for some. The redempti­on Starres frō time to time haue fore­shewed won­ders to come. of mankinde was presaged by an extraordinarie signe of Heauen, in forme of a Starre; which guided the wise men of the East to adore and wor­ship him, who was descended from hea­uen, to drawe vs from eternall damna­tion. And in the time of the Emperor [Page] Augustus, before the birth of our Saui­our Christ, many signes extraordinari­ly appeared in heauen, in such manner, that all the Diuines small and great were in armes (as it were) and flockt to­gether to aduise vpon it. And then whē as the Massacre continued throughout al France a new starre begā to appeare in the heauē, whereof the Lord Plesseyes Dever. Chr. Relig. speaking, saith, that since the creation of the world the like was not seene but at the birth of our Sauiour Iesus Christ: Al the world marked it, for 3. yeares toge­ther: al the Astronomers admyred it, & remaine yet astonished. The wise of the Heauens signes serue to confute Atheists. world who in a deepe irreligious poli­cy thought al things to be eternal, now began to worship a Creator. And what shall wee thinke (sayth he) but that it signifieth the newe birth of Christ in earth by the preaching of the Gospell? Wee reade also of a certaine flame of fire which shewed it selfe miraculously in the heauen right aboue the armie of Licinius the Emperour of the East, at the Licinius. [Page] same time when hee lost the battell a­gainst Constantine the Great, then when there was question for an vniuersall chaunge of the Romane Empire, and a totall destruction of Gods Church: for the one maintained the Christians, the other tyrannized vpon them, and in the cruellest manner put them to death. Hereupon followed a most bloudy and deadly warre betwixt these two. It was then or a little before that Constantine had seene in the heauen the victorious Crosse of Christ, whereof Eusebius spea­keth so assuredly: For when he would combate, Maxence hauing seene the Maxent. foresayd Crosse with this inscription a­bout it, In this signe shalt thou ouercome thy enemies: he caused then the Chri­stians to come, and enquired of them concerning our Lord and Sauiour Ie­sus Christ, of his natiuitie, of his pas­sion, of his resurrection. The scripture likewise teacheth vs, that the signes & tokens from heauen threaten vs and Luk. 2 [...]. bring strange punishments, as appea­reth [Page] by the place of Ieremie, where he sayth, A signis coeli nolite timere: which Ieremie mis­construed. some would haue expounded, that wee should not relie vpon the starres, nor haue any care of that which they may signifie: these are such as are most wil­ling to contemne the arte and skill of Astronomie. The meaning of Ieremies words are no such thing: for he would not seeme either to contemne or con­demne the signes of heauen, thereby to despise Astronomie, but only to admo­nish the faithfull fearing God, to the in­tent they might remaine confirmed & strengthened in Gods promises, with­out being discouraged or fearefull in their mindes by the sight of the signes in heauen. On the other side, a man Wonders in the aire to what they serue. may set downe the same iudgement of many other strange signes, which are shewed in the heauens contrarie to the course of nature, as Armies, Dragons, raining downe of bloud, fire, fearefull Eclipses, and such like, which bring of­ten times after them like chaunges to [Page] their owne strangenes. Cleanthes the Philosopher hauing marked foure cau­ses wherby a man may know the migh­tie puissance of the gods, hath put the extraordinarie signes of the heauēs for the third cause: the Greekes called this kind of Diuination ( Teratoscopia) that [...]. is to say, a monstrous and strange vision. But when these and such calamities are whole and entire, as it happened to the townes of Sodom, of Gomorrah (which in Abrahams time were made a lake of Brimstone) and since that to the townes of Helice and Bura: that change is then as it were from death to life, & by con­sequent farre more great and more no­table then of a Monarchie turned into an Aristocratie and Democratie, or any o­ther kind of common wealth; and ther­fore well deserueth to bee added to the chapter of chaunges, and ruines of Common wealths. The foresayd Cata­logue containeth many sorts as well of townes swallowed by the earth, as con­sumed by thunder from heauen, and o­therwise; [Page] Inundations vniuersall, and Inundations. particular, are of this sort. Furthermore wee may here adde to the Diuinations aboue sayd, the great Coniunctions of Coniuncti­ons of Pla­nets. the hye Planets, which are principallie set to play together, thereby to iudge of the chaunge and fall of a Common­wealth. And although these depende likewise vpon Astrologie, yet notwith­standing these seeme to bee more cer­taine and better grounded then any o­ther particular predictions of the stars, by reason of their reuolution and ordi­narie running euerie eight hundred yeare, or there about, according to the opinion of Master Augier Ferrier, which No absolute necessitie. as a man would think haue shewed their effect (as it were) to the touch, and to the eye, with an astonishment of the wise, although that draw not with it any meere necessitie. For we must not think the necessitie of their operation such, as the Astrologers did say, in the yeare 1524. hauing foretold that there shuld 1524. happen a Coniunction, like to that of [Page] the Deluge, (although some yet are of that minde that there was no Coniun­ction) Ridiculous feare so in the yeare 1588. and that the whole earth should bee ouerflowed with water. By reason whereof they haue made themselues ri­diculous to the whole worlde with a number of Infidels, who built vp pillars And there­fore E. Zing. in his tables made our pe­riod to be 1584. whom I shall con­fute in my booke of peri­ods. Then Christ as he was should not haue beene ignorant of it. Lib 4. de Repub. to saue themselues. It is also for the same matter that Master Bodin iesteth so at Cyprian Leouice in his fourth booke of his Common wealth, who for the great Coniunction in the yere 1584. was bold to pronosticate the second comming of the sonne of God in his glorious ma­iestie. Many notable chaunges, which happened here and there by reason of great Coniunctions, may bee seene in Bodin in the same place. By these rules and meanes aforesayd, wee may settle a certaine iudgement for the chaunge that is to happen to Common wealths, Realmes and Empires.

Now remaineth the last poynt, which principally hath moued me to alleadge those places, concerning this subiect [Page] matter which we haue in hand: that is, of Dreames, which the diuell spreadeth Of dreames. as a meanes, to make his illusions pre­uaile, to make his craftie subtilties and false predictions of things to come to be of more force, knowing that men by an exceeding curiositie would force Mans curio­sitie neuer staied. themselues, by vnlawfull meanes, to finde out the knowledge of the effect of them. Then because there are diuers sorts of Dreames, wee will make a di­stinction of the chiefe of them. And to intēt to draw out the better knowledge of their difference, I thinke it good to diuide them into foure parts, (and the rather to auoyde the pluralities of de­grees, which authors haue made in the handling of them) that is to say, Natu­rall, Diuellish, Diuinatorie (or as the Greekes call it Simantica) and Diuine. The naturall Dreames are when things Naturall Dreames. 1. before either seene, heard, or touched, or fore-thought of, & afterward as re­peated in the phantasie, are represen­ted sleeping, bringing the visions which [Page] before haue been imprinted by a con­tinual motiō of the spirits, which some­time are strange and monstrous, accor­ding In melan­choly men. to the disposition of the bodie, with a certaine demonstration of forms and figures of the thing we dreame of: and these are properly called naturall Dreames & common. Cicero speaking De Somno Scipionis. of the dreame of Scipio, giueth the same definition: Fit enim fere (sayth he) vt Amans sibi Somnia fin­git. cogitationes sermones (que) nostri pariant ali­quid in somno tale quale de Homero scribit Ennius, de quo videlicet saepissimè vigilās so­lebat cogitare & loqui. Diuellish dreames 2. are of two sorts. First when they hap­pen Diuellish Dreames. by inspiration of the diuel, without cause of him that dreameth, tending continually to an ill end, to wickednes, to lyes, to Idolatrie, or to affright the people, with some vaine feare, or sad e­uents to come, as wee reade of Cassius Valer. Max. lib. 1. 7. Parmensis, who hauing followed the partie of M. Anthony against the Empe­rour Augustus, betooke him after the battell toward Athens, and that night [Page] being in bed without all feare (as hee was) dreamed, that he saw before him a blacke man with a fauchion, long head, and with an ilfauored beard; and ask­ing him what he was, he answered him, Marke it. Cacodaemon, that is an euill spirit: Cassius being afraide as well of the name, as the shape, called his seruants, and demaun­ded Satans illusi­on. if they had seene such a man, either enter or goe out: then when they tolde him they had seene no such, hee be­tooke himselfe againe to sleepe. Incon­tinently after, the same spirit appeared vnto him againe the second time. Cassi­us seeing that, betooke him no more to sleepe, commaunding his men not to goe from him. But the historie saith, that soone after he was put to death by the commaundement of the Emperor. The vision of Marcus Brutus was like to this, then when the Diuell appeared vnto him in a moste hideous shape. The other sort of diuelish dreames are, A second sort of diue­lish dreames. when as the men themselues are causes of them, as the heathen were in times [Page] past by meanes of their vowes and sa­crifices full of idolatrie, which they made by the instigation of Sathan, who went to meete them in appoynted pla­ces, Heathen su­perstition. as wee reade of those who went in the night to the Temples, couered with the skinnes of beastes, which they had slaine to idols, with a full perswasion, that all that they dreamed should bee reputed for a most vndoubted oracle: And thus tooke they their beginning. The answers which the diuell gaue to the heathen in diuerse sortes, namely by voyce, by dreames, & by other meanes By shaking the head. of them whom hee hath in chaunted, to the imitation of these are instituted, as by tradition those oblations which are at this day to Saintes in the Church of Rome, to the intent to obtaine some re­medie for their maladie, and it makes them answer by hanging downe of the An imitati­on of the heathen. head of him, that is put in the image, to the example of those ill spirits, who al­lured men sometimes within these sta­tues by art Magick. These diuelish an­swers [Page] abouesaide, they termed oracles, Oracles. and they had diuers names. Amongst many others whereunto histories giue credit, are renowned that of Trophonius Trophonius den. Seraphis. Delphos. & Seraphis in Egypt, that of Delphos in Greece, ordained to the example of di­uine Oracles: for God declared him­selfe vnto his Prophets three manner of waies, namely by vision walking, by 1. Uision. 2. Dreames. 3. Voyce. dreames sleeping, and by open voyce with­out all obscuritie. The two first were with a certaine rauishment of the spirit, and the transporting (as it were) of all the sence by a reuelation. The third with­out trouble, either of sence, or spirite. But concerning the reuelation done by Urim and Thummim, to the intent to knowe the successe of things, it may ap­peare by the text of the Bible, that that manner of prophesying was not so common, nor continued so long, as those aboue mentioned, for it was one of the principall which fayled at the re­storing When Vrim and Thum­mim ceased. of the second Temple. Then it is a thing most cleare, that Satan will i­mitate [Page] all manner of fashions, the bet­ter to abuse men vnder a pretence of A perfect Ape. holines: as when God shewed himselfe to Moyses in the burning bush, & when Exod. 3. Math. 3. 17. the voyce came from Heauen at Christs Baptisme; whereby wee were let to vn­derstand, that he was the sonne of God. In like manner are inuented the answers of Satan, which hee giueth by dreames, to the imitation of diuine dreames, as that of Pharoh, Joseph, and others from Gen 41. GOD. To conclude, all practises and sleights of Satan, to the intent to de­ceiue mankinde, haue beene inuented vnder the shadowe of the institutions and workes ordained of God, and ther­fore iustly he may be called Gods Ape. Diuelish Magick, and all those kindes 3. of it (by reason of the association which wicked spirites haue with men, to the example of this diuine conference,) The original of al charms. chiefely that which is done by recitall of certaine charmes, namely the papi­sticall consecrations themselues, in re­spect of salte, water, and hallowed oyle, [Page] from whence all had their beginning. For if wee would sift out narrowly the meanes which the Chaldeans, and Assyri­ans vsed in their Magick arts to call out the Diuell, we shall finde that they vsed Satan indeed careth for none of all these. as well light, waxe, candels, and holy wordes, as the priests doe at this daye. There haue been also of other nations, as Greekes, and Romans, who obserued other sortes of superstitions and idola­tries by them to forge their diuinati­ons, which they did to the imitation of the diuine sacrifices, by the inspection of the intrales of beastes which were slaine, namely the liuer, the hart, and the gall, which the Latins call Extispici­um, Extispiciū. quasi extorum inspectio. Finallie, from hence came it in former time that they haue sacrificed humane flesh as it is ap­parant: Cruell Ido­latry. a thing which was ordinarie long since in the westerne Ilands, and chiefely with the Normanes and Danes, who alwaies in the moneth of Ianuary Barbarous sacrifices. made an oblation yearely of ninetie nine men. The Romans had in singular e­stimation [Page] the art of diuining by the fly­ing Augures. of birds, and chiefely by the Angures, who had the young ones to that ende nourished in Cages, to serue them for their vses: but in the ende they were so mocked with them, as P. Claudius did well shew then, when he would know the successe of the battaile by sea, which was to bee performed in the time of the Pu­nicke warre, and when the poulterers Poulterers. toulde him the young ones woulde not come out of the Cage, he commaunded to cast them into Tyber, saying, Quia esse nolunt bibant, because they will not eate Uanities end. let them drinke. And Tullie with diuerse others haue mocked him all they could. I onely alleadge these places to this end, to touch by the way the ground of these Diuinations and diuelish superstitions, Most com­mon at this day. which are entred into the world vnder the couer of religion, & yet notwithstā ­ding remaine so ingrafted in many pla­ces, that they can hardly be rooted out. But I intend not to entre at particularlie of many other kindes of Diuinations, [Page] as Orneomantie, Hieroscopie, Hidromantie, and many like kindes, because these pro­perly cannot serue▪ to iudge of the change, or ruine of Common wealths, contenting my selfe to note out those which concerne the subiect of this par­ticular matter. Then it is certaine, that al these abominable impieties are by suc­cesse of time so increased, that the Ro­mane Emperors were constrained for the weale publike to forbid them vpon Vnlawfull Astrologie forbidden by the ancient lawes. payne of their liues: as appeareth by the draught of the (ode de pagan Sacraf & Temp. where the second lawe maketh mention of the inspection of intrails, and by the 13. lawe ad legem Cor. de Si­carijs, may bee seene likewise the forbid­ding of the foresaide sacrifices, whereof there is mention in the title De pagan Sacraf. contrarie to the opinion of Ac­cursius. Moreouer, they haue forbidden Accursius ened. all sortes of Diuinations in generall, by the title of the Code de Malef & Mathe­mat. & caeteris. By reason whereof the Mathematician of the Duke of Saxonie, [Page] Iohn UUaynstler complaineth greatly, A cholerick Gentleman. saying, that the lawmakers make no di­stinction of Sorcerers, Magitians, Cheiro­mants, & such like wicked Arts, but haue vnder a generall law forbidden all sorts of Diuination. But although the lawe generally forbid, yet notwithstanding the intent of the law-maker is not such, A thing not thought of by any law. that he would wholly frustrate the true and lawfull Science of Astronomie, (whereof he maketh no expresse men­tion) but only the abuse of it and other Arts of the Heathen, ful of superstition, as that of Aruspices & of the Augures; for thē they foūd out 1000. Arts to deceiue the Idiots; namely, the Diuiners and o­ther Former times full of them. Impostors being in so great abun­dance, that the law after the naming of a great part of thē, & not knowing the true distinction, saith, Et caeteros quos ma­leficos ob facinorum multitudinem vulgus appellat: and for this abuse the Mathema­ticians likewise are comprehended in them. Saint Augustine giuing the true in­terpretatiō of the word Mathematician, [Page] by reason of the abuses aboue mentio­ned, he compareth them to those whom at that time they called Genethliacos, and sayth, Perniciosae superstitionis homines, qui Austin. Genethliaci propter natalium dierum consi­derationē, nunc autem vulgo Mathematici vocātur. Tully speaketh expresly that the Mathematicians agree with the Sooth­sayers, in that which concerneth the art of Diuining. Bodin speaking of the lawes contained in the title aboue sayd, com­pareth thē with Sorcerers, whereas they Too great frowardnes to say there are no Witches, Sorcerers, & such like. are called enemies of nature, enemies of mankind, witches for the great wicked­nesses they commit, and by reason of the exceeding imprecations which the lawes haue against them, the like where­of Discou. of witches. are in no law to be found but against Sorcerers. That cruell plague (sayth the law) may be extinguished & consumed. And although that the lawe, Item apud Vnlawfull Diuination forbidden. vers. Si quis Astrologus D. de iniurijs, see­meth willingly to take indifferently the Astrologer for the Diuiner, Magitian, or like abuser, yet notwithstanding it [Page] must be rightly vnderstood, and accor­ding to the proper words of the text, namely, Qui aliquam illicitam Diuinatio­nem pollicetur, onely taxing there the a­buse and vnlawfull meanes vsed, vnder the cloake of Astrologie: wherefore he reporteth that lawe, Si quis aliquid D. de poenis, like as the former law De extraord. cognit. vers. Medicos, sayth, that he is not to be called a Phisition which either by exorcising or inchaunting cureth; so likewise he is not to be called an Astro­loger, Note this. who abuseth his arte and the no­table skill of Astronomie. We shall find also that the word (Chaldaeus) is often vsed for a Sorcerer or Inchaunter, yet notwithstanding it doth not followe thereupon in general it must be vnder­stood so of all.

The Dreames which wee call Diuina­torie or presaging, differ from naturall Dreames, in that these happen not by reason of the motion, or abundance of any humor, or other qualitie of the bo­die, but by a singular vertue and influ­ence [Page] of the starres, who (as it were) mo­ued with an vnderstanding of things to come, affect likewise the braine of him that dreameth by a commixtion & con­iunction How starres worke in our Dreames. of the first qualities, which are betwixt thē from the beginning, in such sort that the Dreamer being as it were aduertised, hee imprinteth that in his braine, and so continually thinking to knowe the euent, by little and little, the formes and figures of things to come represent themselues vnto his spirit. Somtimes that is reueiled by a compa­rison of things to come, as the Dreame of King Astyages, who dreamed that The dreame of Astyages. from the wombe of his daughter Mada­nes came forth a Vine so great & large, that it couered with the shadowe of it all the parts of his Realme. The like haue we of Madian, who dreamed that he sawe a peece of barlie bread which turned into the Campe of Madian, and Iudg. cap. 7. came to his pauillion and beate it to make it fall, and then returned when the pauillion was fallen. The same may ap­peare [Page] in the Dreames of Nabuchadnez­zar (in respect of things prefigured) in the forme of a high Image and a great, as it is set downe in Daniel. But for so much as the manner of Dreames aboue sayd seemeth to be very strange and al­together vncredible, by reason of the Sympathie spoken of before: and that there be some skilful mē, who (holding it impossible that which some go about to haue to bee beleeued of that Sympa­thie betwixt earthly & heauenly things) are perswaded it is impossible from thence to haue such intelligence. O­thers who are of opinion that this Sym­pathie both may bee and is, suppose for instāce the Sympathie betwixt the starres of the North and the Adamant stone; The Ada­mant. whereas wee see continually that those starres draw that stone: Likewise we see that certaine flowers open and shut af­ter the approaching & departing of the Sunne: That the Nightingall and the The Cuc­kowe. The Nigh­tingall. Cuckow both grow hoarse at the rising of (Syrius) the Dogge starre: that the [Page] humours abound in the full Moone, & Luna. Iupiter. Saturne. Sol. afterward diminish: In like manner that some constitutions of starres can go­uerne and maintaine, and on the con­trarie others corrupt the humours in some parts of the bodie. And for con­firmation hereof they alleadge vs a rea­son, that God in the beginning hath gi­uen and ingrafted in euery of his crea­tures made by his owne hand, a speciall vertue and a secret propertie, which are hid and contained in the seedes of them, from whence successiuely are procrea­ted all corporall things, receiuing their forme by a commixtion and tempera­ture of qualities, according to that or­der of nature which God hath appoyn­ted. And although the starres so draw­ing the Adamant stone, haue not a po­wer or vertue to giue entyre formes to creatures themselues, yet notwithstan­ding the world below, being compas­sed with the heauen, as it is, and all that Note this. it containeth, as wel in respect of things created, as generated, they are all go­uerned Zanch. [Page] and maintained (by a diuine po­wer) of a celestial light; and the especial vertue of the aire, which not only shines through darknes (as the common sort doe imagine) but containeth in it an excellent and diuine vertue, sustaining with a life-making heate al the creatures of the world, according to the course of nature: for (as one sayth) the heauen Austin. so commādeth the earth, as God com­mandeth the Angels, the Angels men, men beasts, the soule the bodie, the rea­son the appetite. Neither must we think that these creatures are onely maintai­ned by their proper seede and the mix­ture Influence and celestial heate. Iupiter Sta­tor Ascent. in cap. 13. lib. 2. Gell. of the qualities aboue said, but like­wise that there is another vertue pro­ceeding from the heauenly light, which doth sustaine & gouerne them in most miraculous manner; the vaines and ar­teries shining like little flames in natu­rall bodies, doe shew vnto vs plainly the spirituall vertue that is in them: like­wise in men the spirits and the naturall A fit simili­tude. heate which sustaines them: for euen as [Page] the light of the fire comming out of the flint constantly shewes it selfe vntill that be consumed which is enlighted, euen such a light commeth from aboue, which gouerneth and sustaineth as a nurse all the liuing creatures belowe. Master Barlasse in the second day of his weeke speaketh fitly to that purpose, and saith.

Then from this coniunction and hea­uenly The force of the bodies heauenly in these earth­ly. allyance proceedeth a meruai­lous concord, and naturall agreement betwixt heauenly and earthly bodies. There is no man who findeth not in himselfe the vertue proceeding from the Sunne beames, which in the exposi­tion of Iosephs dreame is called the Fa­ther Iosephus de antiqu. lib. 2. and nourisher, as it is written in the second booke of the antiquities of the [Page] Iewes: The bodies & spirits of all things are recreated by the rising of the Sunne. The soule is (as it were) awaked with a certaine nimblenes, finding a whole­some fine time by the good disposition of the ayre. On the contrarie we growe We follow the aire. drowsie, melancholie, and (as it were) in a deadly lethargie, by the indispositi­on and change of the ayre. The naturall We follow the yeare. constitution and complexion of men changeth after the manner of the foure seasons in the yeare, wee see a mans spi­rits to bee more quicke and nimble at one time then another, without any ma­nifest discerning of cause why. It is the Note this. aboue named heauenly light, which a­waketh in vs some part of that vertue, which she lent vs, at our first beginning: hereby happeneth the change of flow­ers, of the beastes before mentioned, of the inclination of the Adamant towards the North. In like sorte if we would sup­pose the foresaid coniunction and natu­rall agreement which is in the creatures aboue mentioned, we should finde it no [Page] whit strange: the Sympathie which is The ground of Sympathy. saide to bee betwixt some heauenly and earthly bodies, which is made by an in­terchangeable touch of the supposed naturall coniunction, consisting in the agreement of their formall qualities. Thus much of Sympathie.

Notwithstanding all that wee haue said, both concerning the singular ver­tue of the starres, causing the foresaide presaging dreames, as also in respect of Astrologie it selfe, there is an opinion An excellēt writer. at this day quite contrarie. For Nico­dem Frischlin, a late Astronomer hol­deth it as a Paradoxe, that none of all the starres haue any vertue either ge­nerall, or speciall vpon the things be­lowe, and hee derideth all those, who think the Starres haue vertue to warme, Vnlikely in my opinion. to coole, to drie, to moysten. And in like manner, that neither Aries, Leo, Tau­rus, or any other of the celestiall signes, haue any force to affect the things be­lowe. Moreouer, that the art of Astro­logie, and all the credit it hath, vntill [Page] present time was inuented by the craft and subtletie of the Chaldaeans and A­rabians, A great er­ror, and a foule ouer­sight of a Scholler. who (following the fables of Poets) haue themselues imposed the names to the signes in the Zodiacke, and to the other starres which are obserued at this day, whereat the heathen them­selues scoffed, as Ouid.

By meanes whereof, hee maintaines it a An vnsound conclusion. thing impossible, either to measure the height of the heauen aboue, or the depth of the earth belowe: according to the testimonie of the Prophet Iere­mie, saying: If the heauens can be measured, or the foundations of the earth bee searched out beneath, then will I cast off, &c. But a­mongst other particular reasons, which hee alleadgeth to the ende to confirme his opinion, hee saith further in these wordes (which I thinke conuenient to alleadge.) Primò Deus ille mundi opifex, in alium vsum stellas non creauit nisi vt noctu [Page] lucerent, & facem quandam hominibus at­que A mista­king of the Creation. anim antibus praeberent, & vt motu cer­ta Temporum interualla describerent: deni­que vt ornatu suo nos de sapientissimo archi­tecto tanquam signa Diuinae prudentiae Cō ­monefacerent vt omnia boni causa fecisset, that is: First, God the vniuersall creator of all the world, made the starres for no other vse but that they might shine in the night, and to affoorde (as it were) a kinde of light both to man and beaste, and withall to distinguish by motion the difference of times. Lastly, with his excellencie, to admonish vs of the wis­dome of the workeman, as one that made all thinges for some good ende. He denyeth also, that the change of the ayre, and the season, are caused by the particular starres▪ so that this new A­stronomer ascribeth all the force of the starres, to the Sunne; and not particu­larlie to the vertue of any speciall starre which borroweth light from it. Here­unto hee addeth diuers other reasons, which may be found in the third booke [Page] of his Astrologie: Neither is it mate­riall though (saith hee) it come to passe sometimes as they haue foretolde, for God so testifieth that it shall happen, Deutero. 13. For if there rise in the middest Deut. 13. of thee a Prophet, or a dreamer of dreames, who giue thee a signe or miracle, and that the signe or miracle which he tolde thee come to passe, thou shalt not heare the wordes of this Prophet or dreamer: for the Lorde your God tempteth you to see if you loue them. For it is he onely that knoweth all things to come. On the other side, concerning that which some say of Moses and the Prophet Daniel, as it is written, That Act. 7. Moses was skilfull in all the knowledge of the Egyptians, that ought not to bee vn­derstoode An vnlike coniecture. of Astrologie, or Mateologie, but of skill in the Hebrue learning, and of such like artes: Wherein there is no­thing contrarie to Gods trueth: and we see the flat contrarie, that Moses in the presence of King Pharaoh reprehended the diuines of Egypt, and discouered their abominable superstitions. The [Page] same may appeare by Daniel and his companions, who had in such hatred the diuelish arts that rayned in the court of the King of Babylon, that they con­cluded al to abstaine from eating of the Kings dainties. Then because it seemes strange to holde against the common opinion of all Astronomers, that the change of the ayre, and that a happie or vnhappie time is no whit caused by the particular vertue of the starres, as to this present hath beene obserued, how Ob. happeneth it, that in the 16. of Matth. and in the 12. of Luke, the tempests and stormes, and also faire weather are fore­tolde by the appearance of heauen? To Sol. this he answereth and saith, that it is one A signe & a cause dif­fer. thing to coniecture by signes likely, and another to foretell what must happen from causes necessarie. For signes and causes farre differ the one from the o­ther, as for example, the dawning of the day or the twilight, are neither causes of raine nor faire weather, but onely a signe ioyned to the nature of the thing, [Page] which thereby shewes vnto vs the con­stitution of the ayre: euen as wee see a Phisition, who by the colour of the v­rin can easely iudge of the disposition of the bodie, yet no man will say that A Simili­tude. the colour is the cause of his sicknes; in like manner of the heauen, a signe but no cause. The same also may bee done by the appearāce of▪ the Sun or Moone: neuertheles, it is by the euidence of such signes as necessarilie shall happen, and as he saith. A causis iam fieri & in­cipientibus, hoc est, vbi iam causa est in ef­fectu aliquo posita. From thence are the causes of the predictions of the change of ayre, and of bad times by the Mari­ners, Phisitions, and such like, whereun­to those may bee referred of Uirgil, in diuerse places, all which differ from the predictions & prognostications, which the Astronomers ordinarily doe forge vnto vs, a whole yeare before: Et qui ex causis remotissimis praedicunt effectus. In the end he concludes, that these predic­tions and Astrologicall diuinations [Page] are wholly forbidden, as wel by equitie, Frischlin is too vehemēt against A­stronomers. as by holy Scripture: and as God him­selfe speaketh in the 37. of Iob, It is im­possible for man to sounde the depth of hea­uen and earth. Hast thou considered (saith he) the spatious place of the earth, declare it if thou canst tell? And Salomon in the book of Ecclesiastes saith: As thou knowest not at all the waie of the winde, nor how the bones are knit together in the bellie of her that is with childe, euen so thou knowest not the whole of Gods worke. And euen so the starres are made for no other ende Gen. 1. 17. then for to serue vs for the obseruation of dayes, moneths, & yeres, as it is writ­ten in Genesis: And to confirme the pla­ces Chap. 11. and arguments aboue said, the same author alleadgeth the opinion of Basill, Chrysostome, Nazianzen, Theodoret, Au­stin, Ambrose, Lactantius, Eusebius, Hie­rome. And of the auncient Philosophers he alleadgeth Plato, Aristotle, Hipocra­tes, Celsus. Of the latter, Celius, Rodingi­nus, Picus Mirandula, Longus, Thomas, E­rastus, Caluin, Luther. By meanes where­of [Page] if wee will suppose the trueth of the reasons aboue sayd, the Arte of Astro­logie should obtain none or very little credit of vs at all. Notwithstanding, al­though it appeareth by many places of holie scripture, that it is impossible for Astronomie must not goe so farre. man to sound the secrets of heauen, as from them to bee able to draw certaine diuinations, or predictions of things to come, as well in particular as in gene­rall; so likewise to submit the life of mā to the influences of starres and celestial bodies: yet so it is that the starres and signes of heauen haue bin obserued of a long time to haue in them a certaine especiall vertue, by that of the Sunne. But that is not specially to gouerne the creatures belowe, for GOD himselfe hath tolde vs in the 37. of Iob: Didst thou knowe when God disposed them and made the light to shine? Hast thou knowne the varietie of the cloudes, and the wondrous workes of him that is perfect in knowledge? And so Salomon saith in Ecclesiastes: As thou knowest not the voyce of the winde, &c. [Page] And in the ninth chapter, VVho made Fritschling confuted. the starre Acturus and Orion, and the stars Hyades, and the Climats of the mid day? By these places it is at least thus euidēt, that some starres haue singular vertues, causing ordinarily the change of time, and of the ayre; if so be we ascribe not that vertue to the sunne, which seemeth to belong to the starres themselues, fol­lowing the opinion of the forenamed Astronomer & that of Tully alleadged before: yet notwithstanding I report me to the best learned mens iudgemēts.

Vpon the other side, to returne to Dreames whereof wee haue begun to speak before: those dreames that come by reason of a Sympathie, are placed a­mongst Dreames by reason of a Sympathie. those of presaging, as when one friend dreameth of another: As for ex­ample, wee haue that of Calphurnia wife Calphurnia. of Iulius Caesar, who dreamed the day before he was murdered, that she sawe her husband lye wounded in her bo­some, and for that cause she prayed him earnestly not to goe that day vnto the [Page] Senate: But to the intent he might not be thought to be skarred with a womās dreame, he went & was slaine. It is sayd that Catherine of Medices dreamed one Katherine of Medices. day that King Henry her husband had one of his eyes put out, as it happened vnto him the next morning. But by rea­son of the trueth & certitude of euents which these dreams haue brought with thē, some are of that opinion that they deserue rather to be called Diuine and Supernatural, then Diuinatorie, to the ex­ample of that of Pilats wife, who being set in the iudgemēt Hall, she sent to him and told him, that he should not haue to doe with that iust one: for that night in her dreame she had suffered much be­cause of him, as it is in Matthew. That Chap. 27. likewise of Caius Gracchus (by reason of a Sympathie and naturall coniunction) when that hee dreamed of Tiberius his C. Gracchus lib. 1. 7. brother, is of the number of presaging dreames, as Ualerius Maximus writeth. But because all the aboue mentioned dreames cause nothing but an encrease [Page] of superstition in the world, by reason Dreames the fountain of superstiti­on. of vnlawfull meanes, which men vse to attaine to the knowledge of the euents of things to come, for this cause wee ought not either to obserue, or giue Not to trust them. credite vnto thē, nor interpret them, as God hath commanded. The trueth and effect of prophesies which is drawne from them is discouered, and made knowne by the ende and impossibilitie (as the scripture speaketh by the works of the Prophet.) Although wee see of­tentimes by experience, that the diuell So at Christs presence. sayth the trueth for feare: although in the Acts hee mocketh the Inchaunters which knowe not Christ, and entreateth them so ill that they go hurt out of the chamber. And in the 8. and 9. chapter of Exodus, after the dust was turned into lice, the Inchaunters themselues finally confessed that the finger of God was there, and that they were not able to i­mitate the last miracle as they had done the former. For example of these times, it is not long since that in the countrie [Page] of Northland there was a mayd by whō The world is full of such. the diuell foretold the euent of things which came after, and he failed onely in one point, by which it was found out to bee an ill spirit, which being disguised from the beginning, at length discoue­red himselfe such as he was. The diuine Diuine Dreames. Dreames which come by the immuta­ble counsell of God, are those whereof the holie scripture maketh mention, as of the Prophets and other persons, con­taining the reuelations of great mat­ters, of weight and importance; as of Iesus Christ, the gouernment of his Church, and other vnlooked for chan­ges. Such were the dreames of Ioseph & the Prophets, which were knowne by their certaintie, and by the testimonie of trueth it selfe. Some haue made more degrees of diuine Dreames, to the in­tent to make knowne the diuersitie of meanes, which it hath pleased God in former time to vse in the reuelations of his prophesies, which may bee read at large in the fourth chapter of the first [Page] booke of Master Bodin his Demonona­nia, God vseth often simple meanes. there he obserueth as well in the re­uelation of diuine prophesies, as in ma­ny other miracles, that God is serued by persons of diuers qualitie & condition, which had not the degree of ordinarie Prophets, whereof the scripture maketh mention, as of Esai, Ieremie, & others. But wee shall finde that oftentimes the same is done by persons heroicall, and of great respect; as appeareth by the dreames of Pharaoh, Nabuchadnezzar, & others, especially in great matters, con­cerning the state of Monarchies & Em­pires. The same he doth sometime in things particular and of lesse moment, as may bee proued by infinite places of scripture, & other histories. The dreame of the Emperour Mauricius (by reason Mauricius. of the diuine prouidence which may be marked in it) may serue vs for an exam­ple, who dreamed that he should be de­liuered to a seruāt of his named Phocas, to be slaine: for this cause he sent for the Captaine Philippick to come out of pri­son, [Page] and demanded of him if there were not one named Phocas: the other an­swered that there was such a one, a cen­turion, ambitious, and fearefull. Where­vpon the Emperour sayd, alleadging an olde prouerbe to that ende, If he be a co­ward A coward a murderer. he is a murderer. This was the same, who after that he had first slaine his wife and children, caused his head to bee cut off: but the recitall of it is memorable, that Maurice seeing his children murde­red by Phocas, and that he himselfe must be put to death presently, he spake of­ten in this manner, O Lord thou art iust, Note. and so are all thy workes. In like manner, the dreame of Alexander the Great is al­so worth the marking, who marching with his armie toward Iudea, met with the hie Priest clothed in his solemne at­tyre, who came to demaund peace of him in the name of the people. Alexan­der seeing that, lighted from his horse, and saluted him with great reuerence, and promised them peace. His Cap­taines amazed hereat, incontinentlie [Page] demanded, what made Alexander to do Alexander. such honor to the Priest. Alexander said, that before the warres of Macedon hee had seene him in a vision in the same forme and fashion that hee came vnto him, calling him to come into Asia, and commanding him to make warre with the Persians, and he put foorth his hand as it were to guide him. And so seeing now that this high Priest is most like to the former visiō, he was perswaded that God had some care of his people there, and for that cause he would spare them, as indeede he shewed afterward, both by freeing them from tribute, and de­fending them against their enemies. By reason whereof some are of that opi­nion, that it is very likely that the Iewes aduertised Alexander then of the pro­phesie of Daniel, hauing foretold 200. yeare before, that the King of Greece should conquer Persia. The dreame of the Emperour Theodosius was such like, Theodosius. then when as sleeping it seemed vnto him that by a certaine vision hee was [Page] commaunded to goe combat Eugenius and Argobastus, both Tyrants & sworne enemies to the name of God, which hee did, and in fighting vpon a sodaine such a great storme arose, that in all respects so hindred the enemie, that that was the cause of the victorie, and the victorie the cause of the Poets song Claudianus:

On the other side, GOD reuealeth sometimes the truth of things to come, by the meanes of some men who are of good life and fearing God; wherein the dreame of Mardocay concerning Queene Esther his Neece, & of Aman, (as it is written in the booke of Hester) shall serue vs for example. In like man­ner the dreame of Anthonie the Hermit, Anthonie the Hermit. who dreamed that he sawe hogs which pulled down the Altars with their feet, and awaking sayd, that the Church of God should come to bee spoyled and wasted by whoremasters, adulterers, &c. as afterward it came to passe. Phi­lip [Page] Melanchton noteth this prophesie a­gainst Melanchtō. the voluptuous life of the Monks & Priests. Many such like dreames may be found out in the course of histories. Now these dreames whereof wee haue spoken, and all such as are of the same sort, are acknowledged for good, by the conformitie which they haue to the will of GOD, and to the trueth of the dreame, as God himselfe hath taught vs in the 23. of Ieremie, saying, The Prophet Iere. 23. that hath a dreame let him tell a dreame, and he that hath my word let him speake my word faithfully, &c. Furthermore, the hi­stories of all ages do teach vs, that God manifesteth sometimes the trueth of some things by the meanes of inspira­tion Inspiration. onely without dreame; which fa­shion of prophesying is put in the se­cond degree of prophesies: and this he doth when as one perceiueth waking somthing which entreth into his soule, which he may vtter to the praise of God and his workes; wherein God vseth such persons as it pleaseth him. And al­though [Page] it may seeme needles to haue many prophecies, by reason that by many visions and diuine reuelations continued in the holy Scripture, wee are alreadie assured of Gods trueth and good pleasure, yet notwithstanding histories, besides experience, haue de­clared But great care must be had herein by reason of so manie false inspirations. vnto vs, that we haue such daylie, and that God neuer ceaseth to send ad­uertisements to men; bee it by dreame, vision, or any other meanes, to make them knowe his will, to the intent to guide and gouerne them according to the same; as well for the preseruing of Empires, as of his people, and his owne Church: Then for example of such ad­uertisements and diuine inspirations, whereof wee now speake, wee haue that of the Christian Schoolemaster in Anti­och with Lybianus the Sophister, (when Lybianus. as Iulian the Emperor, and also the A­postata, went against the Persians) who demaunded what thinkest thou that the carpenters sonne doth? The other answe­red him, the Creator of all thinges, whome [Page] thou scornefully callest the Carpenters sonne, is making a Cofin to intombe Iulian, and soone after the newes came that Iulian was slaine. The most admirable fore­sight of the Philosopher Cratippus, (al­though Cratippus. he were a heathen) deserueth to be accounted amongst diuine predicti­ons; who then when as Pompey demaun­ded of him, if he were vanquisht in a iust cause, and a farre better one then his e­nemies, answered that a state and com­mon wealth vitious, and corrupt, re­quired a gouernour to bee a Monarch, and that so the periods of Empires were fatall, & that the Common wealth Note this. of the Romans should change at that in­stant (as afterward it happened) to an absolute Monarchie. The prediction of S. Iohn. Saint Iohn the Euangelist is not amisse for this purpose, who being in Ephesus, and going to the Bathes, founde in the same place Cerinthus the Sophister, blas­pheming the name of God, hee hearing it, said vnto his companions, Let vs goe hence, for this house will presently fall [Page] vpon the blasphemer and his auditors; hee was no sooner gone, but the house fell to the grounde vpon Cerinthus and his company. We reade also in Iosephus, that in the time of Herode there was a number of Pharisies, who refused to sweare to the Emperor, & for that cause they weare constrayned to paye a great summe of money, as a recompence, which was payed for them by the wife of one Pheroras, & in recompence there­of, Inspirations in former times. one amongst them reuealed a cer­taine secret vnto her, which hee said was inspired vnto him from God, namelie, that God had determined in his secret counsell to roote out Herode and all his race: and that the end of his kingdome was at hand; as afterward it happened. But it cost the Pharisies deare to haue foretolde the death of Herode, for hee made them al to be put to death before. Like examples to these may easilie bee founde (besides in histories) heere and there in holy Scriptures, which I omitte for breuitie sake. The late Chronicles [Page] testifie of Iohn Husse Martyr, that hee Iohn Husse. Fox in lib. Martyr. tolde before his death, that the king­dome of the Pope should by little and little, come to ruine and vtter decaye, and that out of his ashes and cynders, there should rise a Swan which should Meaning Luther which signi­fieth a swan. not bee rosted in the same sorte, as that Goose was rosted; speaking of himselfe; for the worde Husse in the Bohemian tongue signifieth a Goose. He foretold also, that his aduersaries a hundred yeares after his death should come to answer both God and him. M. Peucer speaking of the same prediction, saith that the effect followed, for after the Sy­nod of Constance, till the beginning of the disputatiōs of M. Luther were coun­ted a hundred yeares. At the selfe same time was fulfilled the third and last pe­riod of the 500. yeares; then that dark­nes of errors (wherewith Gods Church had been dimmed) began to be disper­sed and vanish away. The trueth of such like inspirations are knowne by their endes; as the Prophet Ieremie testifieth, [Page] saying, The Prophet that shall foretell of Cap. 38. peace, when his speech shall come to passe, then such a Prophet shall be knowne that the Lord sent him. In truth principally then, when it is perceiued by diuerse cir­cumstances, that the effect wholly de­pendeth vpon the will of God, by rea­son of the changing of matters of im­portance, Anote a­gainst pe­remptorie conclusions in Diuining. which we see to happen: like­wise wee see that God serueth himselfe with whom it pleaseth him, guiding and gouerning their spirites for the executi­on of his works, according to his good pleasure. For example of our times, there is extant the prediction of one Paule Greber, which hee made of the e­states Paul Greber. & Common wealths of Europe, of the house of Burgonie, and of the Lowe Countries, who amongst other things which he foretold (whereof many haue come to passe) he named the succession of the King of Nauarre, to the Crowne of France, in the yeare 1589. and pro­ceeding further in the course of that matter, hee promiseth greater things to [Page] the King of Nauarre, and of the good successe which hee shall haue in his af­faires, and of the Lowe Countries, that they shall speedilie bee deliuered from the tyrannie of Spaine: in one worde, as the prouerbe is, Halcionia promittit. But comming to the yeare 1590. hee telleth of the death of a great and mightie Vncertaine who, and so are all such diuinations. king, enemy to the former, which death (saith hee) shall happen in the yeare 1590. But concerning any certaintie, or true coniectures in numbers, either of Numbers vncertaine. yeares or such like, wherein Master Bo­din & others are too curious, I let them passe as matter impertinent and things of too nice & nimble coniecture. Then by the difference of dreames, whereof wee haue spoken before, by the distin­ction of their kinds, likewise by the ge­nerall exposition of diuinations, lawfull and vnlawful, it may be vnderstood and easily knowne, how to applie them to the alteration and chaunge of a Com­mon wealth. There be also other sorts of Diuinations besides these, but be­cause [Page] they cannot serue to iudge of the change of states (by requiring a whole treatise themselues, & being most lear­nedly My L. Hen­ry Howard. handled of others) I haue deter­mined wholly to let them passe, as one­ly purposing to note out the principall and generall rules seruing for this pur­pose. But as of all the meanes and rules which haue been obserued from anti­quitie, to confirme the iudgement con­cerning the chaunge and fall of a Com­mon wealth, there is none necessarie, al­though No rule ne­cessarie to iudge of the chaunge of a Kingdome. God sometimes permit things to fall out according to their naturall course: therfore it becommeth vs like­wise to attend patiently the ende & the euents of all things, as God hath deter­mined in his immutable counsell, with­out presuming too farre, by too great a curiositie vnbeseeming our blind and dull capacities. And although by rea­son of our weaknes wee cannot sound the vnderstanding of the depth of those predictions, which GOD hath made, sometime by one meane, sometime by [Page] other; yet notwithstanding wee must We ought to marke Gods threatnings. not cast aside his threatnings, seruing to aduertise vs of what must happen, to the intent to auoyde the scourge of his wrath, (nor yet esteeme them as neces­sarie, and that God cannot turne them to good:) but on the contrarie wholly rely vppon his mercie, which is infinite towards them which repent in fit and conuenient time: consider what wee haue obserued by discourse of histo­ries, and according to our capacitie, touching diuinations in this kinde, law­full and vnlawfull, to the intent that by their difference it may bee the better iudged, what shall happē for the chang and ruines of Common wealths, and of the estate of Realmes, and Empires: not to the intent to set downe certaine rules whereby to diuine generally of things The scope of this whole treatise. to come, against the might and autho­ritie of God, or to giue occasiō to some, to relye vpon superstitious and foolish vanities; but to the intent to iudge by things past, of thinges to come, and by [Page] that which hath bin, of that which may bee, according to the naturall course appoynted vnto all things by God him­selfe.

• 1. By obseruation of the flying of foules. Deut. 18. 10.
• 2. By obseruation of Dreames. Leu. 19.
• 3. By Sorcerie or lottes. Deut. 18.
• 4. Per Pythones, by inspiration of the diuell. Leuit. 20.
• 5. By false and counterfeit apparitions of the diuell. 1. Sam. 28.

IF from the depth of intyre affection, I take vpō me to deale more plainely, then your honorably augmen­ted dignities will well permit; or from too Libertie of speech sits a mother. feruent a loue, ouerweyingly valew you at too high a rate, perswade your selues (if these be my faultes) that the name of a mother hath a priueledge to excuse them both: and howsoeuer a mother to her daughters, might more fitly speake in secret and not hard, yet seeing my naked trueth desires not to shroude [Page] it selfe from my greatest enemie, I chal­lenge those kingdomes that haue had children, to be witnesse of my talke; and if either there be folly in me, for to loue so much, or fault in you to deserue so A thing not possible. little, then let thē blame me of too blind affection: and accuse you of not deser­uing, and so speedily from Fames book will I cancel out your praise, and recant my loue to a mothers shame. But if I (iustly fortunate) haue high cause to commend you, & Europe for your sake, All Europe bound to England for her daugh­ters. hath greater cause to commend mee; then may I not lawfully with a mothers loue, shew the affection of a grandmo­ther, to commend your children? And although my reuenewes are such, as I cannot giue you large patrimonies, yet from my mouth shall the whole world take notice to giue you eternal praises. The time was (and happie time may I say) when in the glorie of my age, in the prime of my youth, in the honor of my dayes, in the fame of my desert, in the multitude of my friends, I matched with [Page] Sigebertus sometimes my louing hus­band; Anno Dom. 630. Cam­bridge foun­ded as some write. and howsoeuer my behauiour was farre from lightnes, my manners from loosenes, and my modestie from the least suspect, yet I was taken in the corrupt mindes of some fewe, to be too familiar with Cantabrus the K. of Spayne, the supposed father of Cambridge my el­dest daughter: but to excuse my selfe, (though there was no cause) I protest I was free from such adulterie, lawfullie married to Sigebert: by him was be got­ten my eldest daughter Cambridge: and the suspitiō only proceeded from this, that Cantabrus seeing me happie for so sweete a childe, was desirous to christen it, and calde it Cambridge, and after from Athens sent for some to nurse her. Then after Sigebertus death (sweete daughter sigh that he died so soone) (for legacies farre greater would he haue left thee) courted deuoutly, I matched at last (wearie of my widdowhood) with wor­thie Alfred: of him (sweet daughter Ox­ford) Anno Dom. 800. Oxford founded. was thou borne: and howsoeuer [Page] some shadowes of discord haue bin be­twixt Caius de an­tiquitate Cantab. you two (a thing vsually incident to your sex) which of you might chal­lenge the first place; yet I must needes confesse this, I liued long comforted on­ly with one childe; doubting I should haue been aged and past childbearing, and then to my perpetuall comfort (sweete Oxford) was thou borne. And howsoeuer thy elder sister may chal­lenge Cambridge more anciēt. that she hath liued longer, yet cā she not boast that either I haue loued her better, or that she her selfe hath de­serued to be loued better. More fruit­full Both admi­rable & both matchlesse. Oxford hast thou bin; (neither here­in doe I cōmend thee) but more proud­ly iealous (Cambridge) of thy honor hast thou been; yet both of you so deare to me, so equally beloued, so worthily ac­counted of, so walled with priuiledges, so crowned with all kinde of honor, as both (vnequall to bee compared with each other) may in the highest tearmes bee preferred before the most famous, that Europe hath: thē striue not betwixt [Page] your selues, but both be vnite together: ioyne hands, and if famous Alexandria, Alexandria not compa­rable. that sometime liued with high honour, who now lieth buried in her own ashes, were flourishing, to make comparison, let her knowe that within your walles, (howsoeuer you reuerēce hers for their age) are many as famous as Athanasius, many as full of learned varietie as Cle­mens, Doctors in Cambridge & Oxford. and many farre more soundly re­ligious then them both. Ioyne I say to­gether and striue both to grace your The Innes of court. youngest sister (daughter frowne not that I tearme thee youngest:) (daugh­ters frowne not that I tearme her your sister:) for although she cannot bragge of the same progenie, nor hath recei­ued such ample legacies from her de­ceased father, yet her beautie, her mo­destie, her owne behauiour, hath mat­ched her with such noble families, as both of you may be intertained by her, Both Uni­uersities stand in need of the Innes of court. & haue your children graced with her fauour: you are both growne into good yeares, grauitie befits you. But she [Page] is young, stately, courtlike, and such a one as scornfully can answer her prou­dest suters; nay her children are so va­liantly wise, as when my subiects disa­gree The mother of peace. she makes them friends, when you fall out she endeth all strife, & to whom I haue committed now in my age the The foun­taine of poli­cie. gouernment of al my subiects: then re­pine not at her happines, if you loue mine; wish that daylie she may growe more honourable. And howsoeuer I haue heard complaints, that she hath re­ceiued some of your children, and che­rished them so much, that she hath made them wanton, yet (daughters) the fault The Innes of court falsly standered to be too loose in the educatiō of her youth. is not hers; you your selues hauing bin ancient mothers, can well iudge, that youth (and youth plentifullie stored with all fauours) can hardly be restrai­ned to a stricter course: she hath not been careles, plentifully to set before them graue and worthie mirrhors of wise sobrietie, whō if your youth would emulate, thē should you causeles com­plaine of her kindnes: And for her, this [Page] must I say (though I heare otherwise) Carefull of the Vniuer­sities. that kindely, louingly, and wisely she re­specteth you, as her elder sisters. Nei­ther can it be, (howsoeuer perhaps shee might perswade her selfe) that if I should liue to see you buried (O vnfortunate if I liue so long) that (sweete daughters) she alone could be sufficient to comfort me; nay my age and her youth, both so neerely depend vpon your welfare, as if either yee dye (which I dare not thinke of) or be offended with vs (which I will The Innes of court not a­ble alone to furnish Eng­land with wisdome. not suppose) thē desolate were our case, and both of vs like to be seene ruinous. Account of them then (daughter) as your elder sisters, and howsoeuer you are youthful and full of fauour, yet they are aged & full of honour: And though it be the part of a mother equally to re­spect you all three, yet at my husbands sute (hee liuing) I so bequeathed mine honour vnto them two, as the stay of Uniuersities the stay of a land. our house remaineth in them onely. Then I intreate thee (daughter) by the loue which thou bearest to mine inha­bitants: [Page] by the care which thou hast of thy owne safety: and lastly by the due­tie which thou owest to me thy mother, in all respects to fauour thy sisters ho­nour: in all causes chiefely to intend their good: and to binde those with a sacred vowe, who are thy posteritie, to seeke their glorie whilst the world en­dureth. Stately Greece, who sometimes was famous ouer al the world, had long since beene buried in the eternall night of darke forgetfulnes, if her daughter Athens had not lincked her children in Athens. marriage, with the greatest families in all Europe: And renowned Florence (daughters giue mee leaue to aduaunce your petegree) (not halfe so nobly descended as you are) being begotten by Silla his souldiers, a Pagan, borne in Ante aduē ­tum Christi 90. the dayes of infidelitie, had neuer been reputed as the flower of Italie, if laure­at Petrarch, Dantes, Accursius, Aretin, Cosmus Medices. and lastly, the famous Duke had not made her indeard to the most renow­ned in all Greece. And Padway eterni­zing Padway. [Page] the riuer Po, had been long since in the middest of her distresses, rased out of famous memories, if Rome liue-ma­king Liuie had not beene noted to de­scend Liuie. from her. Then flourish (kinde daughters) all vnited in that manner, that the world may knowe your poste­ritie A happie Vnion. to bee so linckt together, as that my loue cannot bee greater to you all, then all the worlde may see that yours is amongst your selues: Cambridge thou once like the Queene of the Amazons, for my honour accepted the proude challenge of the Roman Champion; and Campion. thy children haue often since so vali­antly withstoode their learned foes, as Rome can neither aduance her Bellar­min: Confuted by D. Whita­ker. Confuted by D. Fulke. Louan her Stapleton, (nay mine by right) Rhemes their margent: or the proudest of them all, say, they haue da­red mee, and I haue not answered: nay thy other sister hath been so forward in that kinde, as the woundes shee made, Humfrey Reinold. are not yet cured. And if at home any base pesant, not valewing thy worth, [Page] vpon presumption shall do you wrong, either hardly intreating your children, denying them their names of honour, defrauding them of their land: detrac­ting Puritans. Politickes. Atheists. Law must cut these off. from their fame; your youngest sister shal be so incensed with it, as hum­bling their pride, she shall cause them to repent their boldnes: and think daugh­ters, I intend not to see you want, for no sooner will I heare that you are distres­sed, but my nobilitie shall redresse your A thing of­ten done. wrong; my citizens shall relieue your want; and my souldiers shall procure your peace. And for your scoulding Your Towns­men. neighbours, vouchsafe not daughters to contend with them; humble not my honour so lowe, as to mate it with such meane Knights. Paris, wise was thy Ia­phets progenie, who made thy Sequan to parte thy towne and thee. And great Charles, thou wert great in this, to fore­see an Vniuersitie and a towne, could not well agree: My youngest daughter it was thy case, to haue one of thy chil­dren vndeseruedly endangered by thy [Page] often relieued neighbours. But as the Lincolnes Inne by the Chancery lane. excellencie of the obiect corrupts the sence: and Lyons are neuer so furious, as at the sight of a red colour: nor the Elephants so vnruly, as at the shew of the Mulberie; so my ignorant inhabi­tants are no where so rude, as placed so neare a sunne: my Lyons are no where Ly-ans. so furious, as seeing your scarlet gowns, nor my Elephants so vnruly, as tasting of your powrefull and poyson killing mulberies. I would exhort you in more ample tearmes, but that I knowe your patience, and control them in a sharper manner, but that I see their furie: betake your selues to more high atchieuemēts. Let your aged sit downe, and rest them Honor your Doctors. in honours chayre; set your children to write triumphing songs for their mo­thers victorie: shew your quick discer­uing eyesight in these deceiuing times. Let the worlde see, that amongst your children, wit hath fruitefully growne, in this vntimely, niggardly blasting age: wherein though blackemouthed enuie Rayling Asses. [Page] repine at euery choyce conceit, tear­ming it, either time or wit, or both idle­lie Young men should write and inure themselues in smaller matters. imployed, yet my true discernement and a mothers loue, makes mee tearme them natures works, made with a com­paring pride, in these latter times to shew their excellencie: Yet follow not so farre the conceited imitation of for­mer time, to take trifles for subiectes to work vpon, as therein meaning to make art wondered at that worke of nothing. Thousands of obiects might bee found out, wherein your high spirited muse might flie an vnmatched pitch, & Phoe­nix-like fire her selfe into immortall a­shes by the Sunne. So onely without compare, eternallie should you liue: for in your children shall the loue-writing muse of diuine Sydnay, and the pure flowing streame of Chrystallin Spenser suruiue onely: write then of Elizas A fit taske for the finest Scholler. raigne, a taske onely meete for so rare a pen: it is easie to giue immortalitie to an euer-liuing Empresse: or if this bee matter, which the basenes of these [Page] worthlesse times would hardlie prefer before trifles, (a thing sufficiēt to accuse this age of treason) then take a tragicke stile, & mourne for the trulie Hon. Fer­dinandos The late worthy Earle of Darbie, who died April. 1593. Neuer e­nough lamē ­ted. Who dyed, Sept. 1593. death: whom though scattered teares haue honoured in some few son­nets, yet he is a true worthie obiect of e­uerlasting mourning for the sacred Muses: who languishing with late sor­row for the fathers death, want strength and leasure to weepe for the Sonnes e­clipse: honour him sweete daughters children, who liuing honoured you: and control with the muses pen the repining fates, so farre as giue him immortalitie, and cause him liue to despight them. Thus wept you for famous Sydnay, my Cantabri­giae lachri­mae. braue souldier: and men Hon. are one­ly fit to be mourned for by your Muses: which if being made sorrowfull they require larger matter to mourne for. Then name but Hatton, the Muses fauo­rite: Sir Christo­pher Hatton L. Chance­lor of Eng­land. the Churches musick: Learnings Patron, my once poore Ilands orna­ment: the Courtiers grace, the Schollars [Page] conntenance, and the Guardes Cap­taine. Thames I dare auouch wil become teares: the sweetest perfumes of the Court will bee sad sighes: euerie action shall accent griefe; honor and eternitie shall striue to make his tombe, and after curious skill and infinite cost, ingraue this with golden letters, Minùs merito: Aurea pul­uereis, prae­stant aeterna caducis. the fainting Hind vntimely chasde shall trip towards heauen, and candem si shall be vertues mot. Or if sad Melancholie (daughters) displease your Muses (a thing well agreeing with my age) then take the course to canonize your owne writers, that not euery bald ballader to A thing fit onely to be done by thē. the preiudice of Art, may passe currant with a Poets name, but that they onely may bee reputed Hon. by that tearme, that shall liue priuiledged vnder your pennes: For not precise Aristarchus, or aged censoring Cato, might challenge greater priuiledge of trueth, then your free toongd and vn-aw-bound skill: I speake this (daughters) not to that ende to make your children like the peremp­tory [Page] Criticks of this age, but to diswade you from the fault of the common peo­ple, the cruel mislike of your owne, and the intollerable flatterie of strangers wits. And if this or such like be not mat­ter, wherein your deare cherished muse may iustly delite it selfe, and sweetely Of the warres in Flaunders, on the Sea. 1588. please others, then sing of warres, and of learned valour: of Mineruas foe-dan­ting shield: of Mars-conquering honor: of the Courts Loadstarre: of Englands Scipio: of France his ayde: of Fames glo­rie: In Fraunce. of the Muses eldest sonne: of Arts ornament: of vertues miracle: of Reli­gions champion: of thrise honorable, The euery where belo­ued Earle of Essex. & worthilie-worthie-honored-noble­ Essex. (Daughter Cambridge) he was sometimes thy care, thou now art be­come In Trinitie Colledge. his; bee proud that thou gauest sucke to so braue a man; and assure thy A patron of the Uniuer­sities, and the Innes of court. selfe (yet slacke not to honor him) that hee will willinglie bestowe that milke (which is now made bloud) with inte­rest in thy quarel; howsoeuer slack not, but write; sleepe not, but sing: let your [Page] mornings muse like Aurora blushing march her equipage, in her stateliest buskind Poetrie. I know Cambridge how­soeuer now old, thou hast some young, Sweet Ma­ster Campiō. bid them be chast, yet suffer them to be wittie; let them be soundly learned, yet suffer them to be gentlemanlike quali­fied: Oxford thou hast many, and they Britton. Percie. Willobie. Fraunce. Lodge. Master Da­uis of L. I. Drayton. Learned M. Plat. are able to sing sweetly when it please thee. And thou youngest of all three, either in Hexameter English, thou art curious (but that thou learnedst of my daughter Cambridge) or in any other kinde thou art so wisely merrie, as my selfe (though olde) am often delighted with thy musick, tune thy sweet strings, & sing what please thee. Now me thinks I begin to smile, to see how these smaller Balladma­kers. lights (who not altogether vnworthily were set vp to expel darknes) blushing­lie hide themselues at the Suns appeare. Then should not tragicke Garnier haue A work how­soeuer not respected yet excellently done by Th. Kid. his poore Cornelia stand naked vpon e­uery poste: then should not Times com­plaint delude with so good a title: then [Page] should not the Paradise of daintie deui­ses bee a packet of balde rimes: then should not Zepheria, Cephalus and Pro­cris But by the greedy Prin­ters so made prostitute that they are contemned. (workes I dispraise not) like water mē pluck euery passinger by the sleeue: then euery braineles toy should not v­surpe the name of Poetrie: then should not the Muses in their tinsell habit be so Nor Poetrie be tearmed Ryme. basely handled by euery rough swaine: then should not loues humour so tyran­nise ouer the chast virgines: thē should honor be mournd for in better tearms. Cambridge make thy two childrē friēds, thou hast been vnkinde vnto the one to weane him before his time; & too fond D. Haruey. M. Nash. vpon the other to keepe him so long without preferment; the one is ancient, & of much reading, the other is young but ful of wit: tell them both thou bred thē, and brought thē vp: bid the ancient forbeare to offer wrong; tel the yonger Doctores li­beri sunto. Others of that name, as fit for a Scholler to inueigh a­gainst. he shall suffer none: bid him that is free by law, think it a shame to be entangled in small matters: but tell the other, he must leaue to meditate reuenge, for his [Page] aduersarie (and let that suffice for al re­uenge) Great pittie. (to learnings iniurie) liues vn­regarded. And daughter (but I list not chide thee) I heare thou art in prefer­ring growne too partiall: thou louest For fellow­ships. sinisterly thy selfe, and hast quite for­gotten me thy mother; it is thy sisters fault, as well as thine, you both of you preferre such into your priuat fauours, grace them with degrees, giue thē pla­ces; Many Graduats vnmeet for the common wealth. (but I will say nothing because strangers heare me) who of all other are most vnmeete to do me good: nay, that which doth vexe me more, you say all herein you are mother like: What? Lamentable when it is so in a common wealth. haue I preferd to dignitie in the Com­mon wealth, such as the world in true estimate, haue thought vnmeete? Haue I relied vpon them, as vpon Atlas shoul­ders, who were vnmeete for so great a burden? Haue I euer ventured my selfe in the field vnder their ensignes, who Englands great care in appoyn­ting her offi­cers. were reputed cowards? Did I euer im­ploy in forraine matters, such as were vnfit for priuate causes? Nay, I protest [Page] for these 36. yeres I haue alwayes cared to take them nearest into my fauour, The right Honorable LL. of the priuy Coun­sell. Valiant cap­taines. Learned Embassa­dors. Hen. Darby. who were best acquainted with wis­domes secret. I relied vpon those in my peace, who Nestor like, were wise to preuent warre: I trusted to those in my warres; who Hector-like were valiant to procure my peace: I sent such into for­raine countries, as birth made Hon. ex­perience wise; education learned: these haue beene my honors: and if I haue faultes (children) they proceede from you. But I am loath to doe you the least Vniuersities not to be con­trold by eue­ry odde con­ceipt. wrong: and to charge you with vnkind­nes in my last age: for vnlesse I haue e­uer doted (a thing easie in so great a loue) France my sister (for I will begin with her) cannot so much brag of Paris, The Vni­uersities of Fraunce, not equall to ours in Eng­land. Founded 1490. Founded 1506. Oreleance, Lyons, Rhemes, or the proudest of al her children: as I may iustly of you three. Germanie hath painefull Basill, and pleasant populous Franckefort: where Ceres, Bacchus, the Naiades & Dryades do march together, & yet these too meane [Page] to compare with you. I passe by Italies of-spring, who of long time hath caried Anno. 1457. her selfe with excessiue pride. Ritch Ve­nice, with her 400. bridges: great Mil­layn, proude Genua, fertill Bomonia, aun­cient Rauema, noblie honorable Naples, (once Parthinope:) holy Rome, and faire Florence. Thus they were tearmed long since, but now vnequall to compare with you: Salernitana sometimes could giue counsell, when she shewed her care and skil to my deare Henry, but now ob­scurelie To King Henry 8. shee lieth desolate: you may passe these farre, & without presumpti­on compare with Toledo, Spaynes Na­uell: with Uienna fearefull to the Turkes: you are talkt of euery where, and false­lie The Papists diligent to gaine Eng­lish Studēts. Rome goeth aboute to intice your children, offering them kingdomes to forsake you: (daughters) spare not, take what I haue and bestowe vp­on them: let them not whilst I liue, for­sake you for want of liuing: my wealth and possessions that I haue, are intended chiefelie to your good: and howsoeuer [Page] either the base cormorant, or the poore All thinke they haue more reason to be richer then Schol­lers. citie-vsurer, or the wanton spend-thrift, take themselues to haue more interest in my substance then you haue, yet they vsurpe vpon my kindenes, and make mee beleeue, that the two staies of my age (you my children for peace, and my souldiers for warre) haue both enough: An vntruth. I haue made lawes to augment your reuenewes by your rent corne: I pro­uided lately for my souldiers, whē they Englands chiefe care is of learning. were in want: credit mee children, my care is of you onely; for vnlesse you di­rect them, their plentie is dangerous to breed rebellion: their force is doubt­full to make them disobedient: their ho­nor likely to grow tyrannous, and what soeuer they inioy without you, to bee dangerous to the Common wealth. Let your children (daughters) content thē ­selues: leaue to repine at baser fortunes: let them be perswaded of this, that Fame Schollers must learne patience. shall be their seruant, Honour shall bee their subiect, Glory shalbe their crown, Eternitie their inheritance: (then in­deard [Page] wit decking admired daughters) write and let the worlde know that hea­uens harmonie is no musicke, in respect of your sweete, and well arte tuned strings: that Italian Ariosto did but sha­dowe the meanest part of thy muse, that Tassos Godfrey is not worthie to make compare with your truelie eternizing Elizas stile: let France-admired Bellaw, M. Alabla­ster. Spenser and others. and courtlike amarous Rousard con­fesse that there be of your children, that in these latter times haue farre surpas­sed Lylia clou­ded, whose teares are making. them. Let diuine Bartasse eternally praise worthie for his weeks worke, say the best thinges were made first: Let o­ther countries (sweet Cambridge) enuie, (yet admire) my Virgil, thy petrarch, di­uine Spenser. And vnlesse I erre, (a thing easie in such simplicitie) deluded by All praise worthy. Lucrecia Sweet Shak­speare. Eloquent Gaueston. Wanton Adonts. Watsons heyre. So well gra­ced Antho­nie deser­ueth immor­tall praise from the hād of that di­uine Lady who like Co­rinna contē ­ding with Pindarus was oft vi­ctorious. Sir Dauid Lynsay. Matilda ho­norably ho­nored by so sweet a Poē. Diana. dearlie beloued Delia, and fortunatelie fortunate Cleopatra; Oxford thou maist extoll thy courte-deare-verse happie Daniell, whose sweete refined muse, in contracted shape, were sufficient a­mongst [Page] men, to gaine pardon of the sinne to Rosemond, pittie to distressed Cleopatra, and euerliuing praise to her louing Delia. Register your childrens petegree in Fames forehead, so may you fill volumes with Chausers praise, with Lydgate, the Scottish Knight, and such like, whose vnrefined tongues farre shorte of the excellencie of this age, wrote simplie and purelie as the times weare. And when base and in­iurious trades, the sworne enemies to Learnings eternitie (a thing vsuall) shall haue deuoured them, either with the fretting cancker worme of mouldie time: with Arabian spicerie: with eng­lish honnie: with outlandish butter (matters of imployment for the aged dayes of our late authors) yet that then such (if you thinke them worthie) in despite of base Grosers, (whome I Procul hinc, procul ite profani. charge vpon paine of learnings curse, not to handle a leafe of mine) may liue by your meanes, canonized in lear­ning [Page] catalogue. I am loath to bee too long in my aduisements to you (wise daughters:) and therefore heere I peri­od them, wishing you (if neede bee) to make mine apologie: not that I fainte England to be defended by schollers. to maintaine the least parte of my cre­dit, against any male-contented selfe­conceited, vnregarded malicious sub­iect, but that Europe in this age, delited onelie with thinges personall, shall not bring mee vpon the theater in matter of such designements, to stand (against my owne inhabitants) to the fauoura­ble courtesie of their wise Censors. Daughters followe their counsell, and Your learned Doctors. honour such, as I haue for wisedome loued; for yeares and authoritie ap­pointed to rule ouer you: let not your younger children despise their aged brethren, loue them as becommeth mo­thers, Cherish your youth. and I will send for them in conue­nient The fault of Vniuersities. time (as their grandmother) to gouerne my common wealth. And be­cause shee shall not thinke I neglect her, [Page] reade what I haue written to mine inha­bitants in her behalfe: iudge how I stand affectionate; God graunt you may all followe my aduise, so shall I finde you trustie, and you me to be moste louing: then shall the world feare mee, for such worthie children: and enuie you for so kinde a mother. But heere (children) I must ende with you, and speake to the rest of my wise inhabitants.

IF the sad & iust com­plaint of a mournfull (vniustlie wronged) mother, would giue England too kind. my teares but truce so long till my tongue had told my tale; then could I easily perswade my selfe, that a matter so full rathe should gaine pitie, and that these often stopped periods should gaine credite: But seeing faults done by such as had no reason to wish me euil, & my grief increased by those, who might iustlie haue been my com­fort; giue me leaue to leaue those, who vnkindly forsooke me, and exhort thē, She speaketh not to those that haue fled the land. whom aboad tearmes English men; na­ture children; and dutie subiects. And [Page] herein first foreseeing the euils to come, I will renew the speech of the Romane Orator in the like case begū in the per­son of Africanus. ‘This age hauing re­ceiued into her hande the Common­wealth, resembling a table of most cu­rious and exact workmanship, yet ob­scured (as it were) and darkened with old age, doth so blame her selfe that a­nie shal go about to renew her colours, that she hath not so much as care to pre­serue her rude darke dimmed and ob­scured shadowes: for what is left now of the ancient Romane manners, which happely sometime sustained the Com­mon wealth? Where is now that wor­thie and ancient honor due to the lear­ned Student and couragious Souldier? These are so long since worne out of vse, as Rome that sometimes florished, seemes now to want the verie remem­brance of them. It is needfull therefore that I should awake the eternally famo­sed personages of olde, who liued once honourable to their countrie, but now [Page] lye dead, and their vertues buried with them, because few or none can be foūd to followe their example. Wee liue to render an account for this offence, but God graunt wee bee not found faultie and chastised for our labour: for it is not by chance but by our sinne, that we haue but the apparance of a state well gouerned, the trueth whereof we haue lost long since.’ This Orator weighing the vertue and honestie of the ancient Romanes, against the ambition & ryo­tous Rome alte­red. demeanour of his time, found that his feare was not causeles, for the ruine of the Common wealth. In like manner The commō wealth mise­rable, that hath her foes within her selfe. may I poore desolate and distressed cai­tife doe, if within my bowels vntimely bred by my owne follie, be found signes of greater daunger; and not so much remaining as the verie name of hone­stie; for to my vnsufferable & vnpitied griefe, Modestie & Sobrietie are changed Excesse of these times. into all manner of dissolution. There could not bee found amongst them in the sober times of our forefathers such [Page] needles excesse of all superfluities: for they were sober, frugall, and full of strength, fit to labour the earth and to weild armes, knowing, as Alexander the Great made remonstrance to them of Macedon, who sawe Darius his armie shine with gold, that all that sumptuous showe should bee nothing but a richer spoyle to them which were clad with Not safe for a countrey to bragge of weal [...]h if the Spaniard know it. yron. Late is the time since the Lowe Countries, Images of my state, and a glasse whereby to addresse my selfe; since the Duke of Burgonie, as Cominaeus writeth, could gaine nothing of the Swizard for his poore pouertie: And howsoeuer in Caesars time, conquering ambition that ment to make the Ro­mane Eagle pearch vnder the North­pole, could hardly bee content to suffer me to liue free from inuasion, yet now my abundance hath made me an eye sore to my neighbour Kings, and the vaine superfluities of some hath made the world beleeue that my Albion cliffes are white rockes of pure Diamont: and [Page] that vnder pretence of burning coale, my poore inhabitants digge out mines of burnisht gold. Sparta howsoeuer thy wise counselling Licurgus aduised thee The fault of Empires. often, yet vntimely didst thou perish by this meanes: And Rome late mentioned to honours infamie, thou hadst neuer been spoyled by the Gaules sought vnto by thē of Carthage, sacked by the Gothes & Vādals, if thy streets had not bin hung with tapestrie, thy Matrons brau'd it in their golden chariots, and thy young men vnaduisedly lasciuious (as mine doe at this day) neglect their home borne poore, and brag of their wealth, as to make challenge by proclamation to the whole world; what can this bee, but vntimely set me to saile? make me a pray to the neuer glutted couetous monster? enuies marke; & that which my owne cannot spend fast enough by prodigalitie, that to cause others to rob me of by tyrannie; and that which is worst of al, fewe or none (but distres­sed I) consider the harmes caused by [Page] these euils. For to remember the times Lawes for sobrietie, the sinewes of a Kingdome. neuer to be forgotten, when old Brutus liu'd, seuere lawes prohibiting these in­temperancies (which howsoeuer made in abundance seeme to sleepe at this day) with seuere discipline strengthned the sinewes of my Common wealth, forbidding me thereby to come to dis­solution and couetousnesse; imitating their estates who haue highly risen by obseruation of such lawes, and by their Plentie and ease the Ca kers of a Kingdome. continuall paynes, gained that fame, which I loose by my perpetuall ease. O if those ancient lawes, if those strict and seuere customs had renewed their force in the midst of me, they would haue ser­ued to haue remedied my euill, by want whereof I feare my state shall be no bet­ter then Rome or Sparta; betwixt whom (these lawes hauing lost their vertue) in stead of emulation for woorth in true Proud King­domes must fall. honor, they proudly bandied vaine ti­tles, striuing which should be most pro­digal; and thus each corrupting other, both became so distressed, that they [Page] were compelled to retaile that which they had bought by grosse, and in the end remaine a perpetuall example of a memorable vengeance, and so make Rome subiect to Caesars Tiberius, and o­ther How Rome fell. tyrannies. Behold a true mirrhor which makes me see my sentence to bee iust; and that there is no plague more deadly poysonful, then pleasure, whose Loose plea­sure begets treason. rash desires presume vpon gouernmēt, and not fearing to touch her sacred throne, fill the land ful of treasons; the subiects full of impietie; and in the end doth ruinate the whole state: This I might witnesse by sundrie, whose exces­siue pride and intollerable pleasures putrifying the ayre, haue filled their houses with contagion, fiered their walles, and the earth as wearie hath de­uoured them vp. But that which besides these (for these I silently passe as being but the faults of some fewe) which doth make my feare to increase daily, & (like the warlike engine that ploweth fur­rowes in the armie) shall batter downe [Page] the walles of my peace (if prouision in Discord vn­tieth the ar­mour of a common wealth. time preuent not so foule a mischiefe) is the hatefull discord vntying those firme knottes, which once bound my armor so faste about mee, that I contemned o­pen violence, as being too weake to en­counter mee, and scorned vndermining treacherie, as beeing too foolish to supplant my prosperitie. For where are now become these renowmed a­mities of our forefathers? these com­mon Happy daies. resolutions sometime vsuall to mine inhabitants? those iealous mindes impatient of strangers pride? vniting themselues, least forreiners should doe them wrong? what is become of that once vsed true-hearted loue towardes me their countrie? hath not enuie, dissi­mulation and needeles discord, so sha­ken the pillars of my age? the staye of mine honor? the fortresse of my Iland? and the posteritie of my land? that my diuines may say, Ephraim is against Ma­nasses, Manasses against Ephraim, and both against Iuda; that my tragick-wri­ters [Page] may compare me to poore Iocasta; Miserable state that is so. that Eteocles and Pollinyces haue both forgotten that one wombe bare them both; smale distance parted but those two teates, which so often gaue them both sucke; nor could that (hatred) af­ter death liuing hatred, possiblie pro­ceede Let the trai­tors accuse me if they can. from poore Iocasta: And let these speake, (if shame will let them speake) if the least shew of harme, the smallest sha­dowe of iniurie, if pretence were giuen of the least wrong by my meanes: did I spoyle them of their wealth? and close­lie A thing done in other countries. solde them to be a praie to strangers? did I banish without cause, their kinse­men, wiues, or children to liue distres­sed in a forraine countrie? did I hide ni­gardly Yet these no causes to be rebellious. the benefites of my peace, and plentie from them? Let him answer me that is most vnthankeful, hath iust cause been offered on my part, why discorde Discorde. distracting my inhabitants, shoulde lay me open to the spoile of mine enemies? Whom God keepeth in despigth of them. could their cause proceed from a poore Iland, that I should haue my princesse [Page] surprised by treason? my nobilitie de­famed A thing oftē attempted. Lybels. by slander? my statelie buildings vndermined by tyrannie? and my selfe left comfortles to lament my fortune? was it (english men) (for though cruel­tie forbids, yet kindenes makes mee so tearme you) was it (I say) any iust cause, but supposed, by my meanes? I am loath No Iland cā remember greater be­nefits to her inhabitants. to vpbraide your vnthankfulnes, by re­membring of my fauours. Haue you not had (and so long may haue,) vnlesse your selues be iniurious to your selues, a Princesse truelie nobled with all ver­tues, a Queene matchles, in whome ho­nors Elizabeth. vnsteined pure die, hath set foorth such liuely colours, as enemies must (and doe) feare: friendes ought and should loue: whome the age now pre­sent must admire, and the time follow­ing still praising, wonder at; more cour­teous then the churle-sauing Abigal: more courtly then the friendes-hono­ring Hester: more valiant then prince­killing Iudith; who blessing me by her meanes with a plentious peace, & beau­tifying [Page] her courte with eternall praise, hath made both to bee enuies marke in No pen able to praise suf­ficiently. her enemies eye; the shadowing Cedar to her distressed friends: and the force conquering sworde to her professed foes. Here might my muse dare to flie a matchles pitch, but that faintinglie, I feele my Icarian wings to melt with the heate of so bright a sunne, this onelie shall snffice without further repeatings of her worth, thereby to make your faulte far greater conceiued with teares, accented with sighes; and vttered by truethes naked oratresse; that what praise euer wisdome gained (as al praise is but wisedomes due) that same is, and shall bee your (sacred princesse) her in­heritance, who hath so often contended whether her glorie might mount high­er vnto fames tower, blowne vp with the vowes of mortall men; or her thankes ascend further vnto heauen, conueyed by thousand Seraphins. Liue thē, though sorrowfull to see mee sad (diuine and renowmed Empresse) earths glorie, re­ligions [Page] comfort, admired wisdomes in­heritrix, here perpetuallie to bee prai­sed of men, and else where immortallie to be crowned of God himselfe. Haue No land so many. you not had thousands of worthie and braue ladies bewtifying poore me, who all seeme vestall-like to haue lighted virginities lampe, from the euer-bur­ning taper of chaste Elizas vertues? Haue you not had in me (things hardlie Graue and wise Coun­sellers hath England still had. The strēgth of a kingdom are lawes, and their ex­ecution the meanes to expell feare from her subiects. England may iustly glory of her three daugh­ters: 1. Cābridge. 2. Oxford. 3. Innes of court. found else where) sage and wise Nestors, such whose state guiding wisedomes were able to equalize (if it were not your faulte) mee a poore Iland to the former monarchies: were but those fa­mous and neuer enough commended lawes, made by them in their deepe scan­ning iudgements, practised by you, then how shuld I iustly pride it in my worth, & bee valiantly couragious where now I feare? haue you not had for the space of these many yeares, though but two, yet eternallie famoused vniuersities, Cambridge and Oxford, where Englands youth haue learned such worthie pre­cepts, [Page] as ill beseemes thē to requite me with such ingratitude? These serue to beautifie (in their want) my plentie with their wisedom, whilest you (vngratefull you) in your plētie seeke through their want, to contemne their wisedome: here Note this. could I iustly complaine for them, but that I want teares to expresse my owne sorrowe: for I see those who most are A thing mi­serable when the Vniuer­sities are poore. bound (if benefites receiued might binde) to respect them, in the iniurious opinion of learned-modest-naked-hu­militie wrongfully to depriue them of things necessarie: And least they should grow too glorious, to obscure thē too farre to learnings infamie. I cease to re­peate A wicked po­licie. the smaller fauours, (matters iust­ly deseruing a thankfull loyaltie) & con­tent my selfe with these; that for the greatest benefites that euer inhabitants enioyed since Paradices first erection, I distressed Iland haue (by discord of my An vndoub­ted truth. owne) lamentably indured the greatest wrongs: my enemies haue seene into The Spani­ard. the seed plots of my discord long since, [Page] and haue found them to threaten my ruine; they haue bred dissentions, and Pope. Frenchmen. Scots and all laugh at our discord. make me nourish them to my owne de­struction, they haue strook fire into the tinder of my soft heart, and haue made me blow it till I burne to ashes. Is it the The cause of discorde. inequalitie of cōdition that makes this discord? Is it the might of some few o­uershadowing the meaner, that fils you with enuie against mee? I cannot liue A Kingdom can not stand without ine­qualitie. (howsoeuer Plato foolishly dreamed) but my harmonie must bee made of di­uers sounds; my sinewes must bee of sundrie strength, and my states full of inequalitie: yet for all this the meanest The modera­tion of ine­qualitie. can haue no wrong, the greatest shall do no violence; I wil liue neuer to per­mit a tyrannie: both equal deare to me, whereof neither can suffer danger, but I must needes perish: for thus to see ei­ther Lamemta­ble times. my Nobility (a thing not yet heard of) or my Cleargie (a thing too vsuall) or my cities (a thing too commō) or my subiects (a thing too lamentable) fondly to disagree; what is it els but to breede [Page] within my borders wolues, which I ba­nished long since, by my Edgars means? and to nourish that flame which consu­med Greece? I meane the enuie between Greece peri­shed by dis­cord. her two eyes, Athens and Lacedaemon, to the great contentment of their sworne enemie Philip, the King of Macedon; and shall not your hatred, discord, and such Beware (true English mē.) like, tennising your owne infamies to make others smile, make me perpetual­ly mourne as solde to sorrowe, and the Spanish Philip more ioyfull then the King of Macedon? Let vs not stay till we Dangerous cause of v­uion. bee vnited by our enemies crueltie, as Xerxes oftē caused the Greekish vnion. Shall they perswade you (degenerous mindes to bee perswaded) that it is bet­ter to suffer tyrannie of a stranger, then inequalitie of a friend? (Deare coun­trimen) and so still to be reputed (vntill extreamely you deserue otherwise) in a humane bodie doe the hands, the feete, and the head, fall at discorde among themselues? Is not a wound sometimes The praise of inequalitie. as deadly in the heele, (for so perished [Page] the thrise valiant Achilles) as dangerous in the head? Are not my parts so vnited amongst themselues, that the least iarre is a fault, the least discord a fall? Were I made so absolute that I could stand, & haue no parts, then might iarres be, and I in tune: were I not a mother that bred you both, then might you dissent, and I not fall. Suppose some part of my Iland hath bewtie of townes, yet other parts haue fertiltie of soile: some place hath wise inhabitants, yet others are valiant: some are plaine, full of all pleasure, yet o­thers are walled, as it were with moun­taines, and full of all saftie: some are sha­dowed with thicke trees: to auoid heat, yet others are compassed with siluer streames, to beget colde: thus all partes of my: Iland, and the particulars of my state are such, that each imparting dig­nitie, all of them make mee partaker of an absolute happines: so that whilst v­nitie is maintained amongst my people, I vniuersallie enioye those benefites which I lacke (as looselie being disper­sed) [Page] by cruell discord: alas: in what Com­mon Equality not to be hoped for of stran­gers. wealth can equalitie bee founde? Thinke you if I were sould to strangers, you were free from emulation, vnlesse it were by this meanes, by being misera­ble? the Philosophers sometimes desi­red this, in their Common wealths: but foolish men are ignorant of the trueth, not sounding into the depth of eterni­ties wisdome, who ordained the ine­qualitie of things, to preserue each o­ther: amongst the elements is not the fire tempered with the water: in the bo­die, the heart cooled by the lightes: in the soule the affections ruled by the reason, and what nature hath done in these, shall wee thinke vntollerable in a Common wealth? Looke but vpon the Low-countries, where vnequall Can­tons Low coun­tries dange­red by emu­lation. bred such a fire, (increased by false reporte) that whilst some boasting of their valour, did disgrace others, all haue bin in danger of the enemies con­quest: and howsoeuer their gouernours could not easilie see to what this ten­ded, [Page] yet lamentable experience hath taught them now, that discorde is fatall to a Common wealth. The disagree­ment of Italie was the ouerthrowe of Discord. their conquering empire: the same made the Gaules subiect to Iulius Caesar: thus if Europe, the grandmother of vs poore Ilands, had not dealt by misconstring her owne friendes, the Turke had not so farre made entrance into Greece, Slauo­nia, Hungarie and other countries, that he should proudely dare to And cha­lenge him. 1594. If Christians ioyne not to­gether. encounter the German Emperor; and stand there­by to threaten vs, like as a tempest vpon the top of a mountaine, readie with his showres, to ouerflow the valleyes. But what firme constancie can bee expected in the vniuersall palsey of all Europe? How can kingdomes vnite themselues, when I but one small Iland haue a num­ber of such contrarie mindes to harbor in mee? This might possiblie bee hoped A true rule. for, if wee had but learned this, that one of vs cannot perish without another: and as wee see in a firme pillard vaulte, [Page] that some few stones being taken away, the other incontinentlie fall, and then in time ruines the whole worke: so fareth it with my state, whose contrarie minds Note. may seeme smallie dangerous at the first view, but swiftlie (though vnseene) it doth tumble downe. Surueie but the groundes of our libertie, and foundati­ons of our Common wealth, which were laide by the mercie of God, the va­lour of our vnion; the reliefe of bre­thren, and the concord of all: if I were indangered by my allies, and distressed by the multitude of my acquaintance, (as sometimes hath beene the state of Flaunders) whose enemies haue caused by corruption her supposed friendes to diuide her body, selling her to them that haue offered the vtmost farthing; then might I iustly blame (not you) but A thing to be respected. those whom coloured tearmes christe­ned by the name of friends: but now seeing I haue relieued manie, sent my souldiers to take armes, not for my own, but for their good; seeing I opened not [Page] my citie gates, to admit strangers, who As some haue done. were able to commaunde my strongest walles, but hoyste vp my sayles to con­uey out my souldiers to defend others; then let not mee perish by you whom I haue deemed no lesse deare, then my owne life: trecheries haue taught states, to take heed with whome they ioyne in amitie: and Demosthenes wished the Greekes to take heede of this, which if they had wisely followed Amintas sonne and his successors had not oppressed Greece by a fained amitie. Thus fore­warned Nicolaus vnder vauld the Flem­mings A thing la­mentable. forefathers, to take heede of for­rainers, which if they had wisely follow­ed, so many cities of trafficke had not been townes of Garrisons. But my ru­ine (if it vnhappelie happen, which If we our selues be v­nited. God forbid) is not by strangers force, for they are too feeble to weaken my state: but by such as I kindely nourish in A thing too miserable if it should be so mine owne bowels: for whilst one hol­deth for Spaine, another for France, the third for the Lowe Countries, and euerie [Page] quarter of the land, hath such as being displeased with mee, are desirous to please strangers; it must needes happen that my ioynts being racked with so great a torment, I liue feeble, & confesse England can not perish but by Eng­lish men. that mine owne inhabitants did worke my ouerthrowe: the gold and siluer of mine enemies is able to preuaile as much (with my vniustly tearmed English men) as in the daies of Scaurus. Fondlie are you deceiued with a hope of quiet The Spani­ard is foolish to hope so. to your minds, howsoeuer in show they pretend so: for credit me that haue tried it long since, they meane nothing lesse.

But as Philip made the Athenians be­leeue Note this. that he had pretences against the Plotenses, Olynthians, and others, there­by to passe further; but Demosthenes told the citizens, that if Philip had once wonne Olyntha and Loreyra, who de­maunded succour of the Athenians, hee would not rest till hee had conquered whole Grecia: which by little and little he effected after. And howsoeuer (coū ­trimen) Philip may perswade you, that [Page] his purpose is but onely to reforme re­ligion, and to passe no further: yet vn­der Trust him not. this pretence, hauing gottē footing within your walles, harbor within your townes, and hands within your treasu­ries, you shall finde his entent to be farre otherwise, and neuer (vnles your wiues Giue him an inch he will take an ell. conspire against them) to bee rooted out. Thus hauing obtained Corinth, hee shall after come to ride vpon the backe of Greece: or as Cassius perswading the Heluetians, vnder pretence of alliance, and showe of a good cause, broched a discorde, and so made France subiect to the Romane Empire. For if Maximilian the Duke of Austrich durst say that hee treated of agreement with King Lewes An vsuall policy at this day. the 12. onely to be reuenged of the se­uenteen iniuries which he had receiued of the French men (although they were scarce thought to haue done him any) what shall wee thinke the Spanyard will performe against vs, of whō he suppo­seth to haue receiued so many harmes, and so foule dishonors? No (valerous [Page] and noble Englishmen) credite not so farre, either the hope of Spanish gold, (a canker that hath fretted the greatest Offered to Iudas to be­tray his Ma­ster. kingdomes) or the free passage of reli­gion, a thing neuer thought of by them; but shewe your selues valiant, as earst True Eng­lish men. you haue bin; loyall, as still you should be, then shall you be conquerous, as stil you may be. For Flanders had neuer bin so firmely vnited with France, if Lewes the 12. being but then Daulphin, sollici­ted by Pope Eugenius, and Fredericke the Truth in a few is often victorious. Duke of Austrich, to breake the counsel of Basill, and to ouerrun the countrey, had not bin incountred with some fewe Ualour be­gets loue. Flēmings, and put to such famous flight, that he was constrained to praise their valour, and to make an alliance with them, which continued long after. The like had the French King stirred vp by Pope Iulius, who considering their an­cient magnanimitie, hath desired to be vnited with the Flemmings, as the chief pillar of his crowne and kingdome: this was continued to them in the said man­ner, [Page] first obtained by their true valour, by Henry the 2. and after by Charles the 9. and so lately by these two last Hen­ries. In like manner, if you continue as you haue begun, to bee vnited amongst your selues, to be suspitious of forraine flatterie, to distrust (vpon al pretences) As still you haue beene. the Spanish treacherie; then shall I flo­rish as most fortunate, and cause them sue for my truce. That one conquest (when seas did swel with so great pride) obtained against their Nauie 1588. hath Note this. by Fames alarme been sounded in the vtmost parts of the world, & hath made the Spanyard desirous of my fauour. And if I bee challenged to buy my peace at too high a rate, I will sooner ioyne with France, and lend him (as I haue done) the riches of my land, thē intrapped by Sy­rēs songs, haue my beautie so long cō ­mended, with Aesops Crow to let fall the Dangerous to ioyne with Spaine. foode whereupon I liue. And howsoe­France by too much sweating is growne drie, and by too great bloudletting is waxen pale, and that for one crowne she [Page] hath spent so manie, that now she is Fraunce poore by warres. scarce able to giue her souldiers pay. And howsoeuer Flanders falsely will sel Not so faith­full as they should be. their friends to buy their peace: yet let vs make this a rule of estate, that when the might of one kingdome extr̄a ordi­narilie groweth great, the lesser should vnite themselues, as the smaller beasts against the enemies they feare. And though Spayne may seeme constantlie prodigall, (a wonder prodigalitie to be Why Spaine is so constant in her free offers. constant) (and neuer possible without supplie of the Indian gold) and France too poore and needie, yet thinke that ciuill warres hauing been so long with­in her bowels, are only the causes of all this miserie. I compare not the great­nes of these two kingdomes (howsoe­uer there may bee matter wherein to No great ods betwixt thē if they had equall peace. ballance them) but I am sure of this (as the case stands) I haue farre lesse cause to suspect the Frenchman then the Spa­nyard: for his intent hath been as it was towards them of the Lowe Countries, Beware of them both. when Charles the fift and the Pope con­cluded [Page] to ouerthrow and disperse them by their owne meanes: the pretence was religion, the commission was gran­ted to the Bishop of Terracina: such like policies (as they thought) were not ea­sily found out. I cease to repeate and To Parry, Babington, &c. shame to vtter the sundrie offers that haue been made to my owne countrie men, feeding them with vaine hope and vncertaine promises, to sell my wealth, my honour, my dignitie, and what I re­puted excellent to the enemies hand; the present times, and the feare & dan­ger Lopez exe­cuted the 7. of Iune 1594. scarce past, make me I must remem­ber it. Nor are the malicious practises against me, such, as zeale somtime kind­led for Religions sake; but in those daies when Spayne and I were both of Spaine not onely an ene­mie for reli­gion. one minde, he courted me with tearmes halfe deceiuing my simplicitie; he am­bitiously sued to obtaine my fauour; he spake me faire but ment falsely; he was treacherous, I suspitious, and so we par­ted: and doe those now within my bounds (who tearme themselues Ca­tholikes [Page] at this day) perswade them­selues that any religion were able to Too great simplicitie to thinke so. protect them from Spanish tyrannie? Looke a little into the Low Countries, (these I mention often, as tasting fullie of the Spanish furie) how did religion warrant them from the crueltie of Lan­deburg, Grisler, Rottenburge, and others? Take heede by others. and how haue they of late time bin free from inuasion for religions sake? Haue they not readilie imbraced that which they call the Catholike religion? & are they for all this free from the enemies inuasion? Haue they not yeelded their townes, payd sufficientlie for their pre­sumption? and hath not Spayne main­tained her straggling souldiers by their spoyle? Haue they not intertained any Inconstancie in religion is the mother of Atheisme. religion (nay, is it not feared they are willing to forsake all) to please the King of Spayne, and are they for all this any more quiet? Did poore America, who powred foorth her bowels to content them, purchase her quiet, with the im­bracing of their religion? nay, toge­ther [Page] with the intrals of her earth, did she not shed the purest of her bloud to sa­tisfie those Spanish bloud-hounds? This, trueth hath tolde vs, out of the vntrue The Spanish colonie. mouth of their owne Bishops. Hath re­ligion saued lawfull Princes that they haue not violently been expelled their owne kingdomes, by the Spanish tyran­nie? What countrie soeuer had to deale with them (as fewe there bee which are free from them) haue been forced to confesse that Spayne is humble till she Note this. get footing; but thē ambitiously proud: that she pretends religion and promi­seth largely, but that she cares for no religion and performes it sparingly: yet her false zeale, smoothing her face ouer to the simple view, hath made her vni­ted to some; deare to many; and vn­suspected to all. But such practises haue been a tyrants cloake, which they haue cast about thē to deuoure the Church. Such pretēces haue bin masking weeds which they haue worne in policie, the better to cast lottes for the Common­wealth. [Page] then (credulous & vnwise coun­trie men) (for so I may iustly tearme you if you beleeue them) if either you meane to haue me liue, or see amongst you my sister the Church to remaine and florish, credit no pretence whatsoe­uer: admit no strangers to see the se­crets An exhorta­tion to Eng­land. of my land: approue none in hope to gaine your falsely pretended religi­on; when you shal findethey slander me but of inconstancie, your brethren of heresie, themselues of pietie, and only to this end, the more easilie to spoyle mee, and the more deadly to poyson the Church: did not the Babylonians thus ac­cuse Gods people of false religion? the Iewes and the Romaines, haue they not Spaniards like Iewes. vnder this pretēce accused our Sauiour and his owne disciples? Is not damned Mahomet a cause at this daye, why the Turke hath conquered so many coun­tries? and if there be one amongst them (as it may bee there are some few) who are desirous of our good, and wish vs the trueth (as they terme it) of the ca­tholike [Page] religiō, yet there are a thousand Hamans who will enterprise the ruine of the Iewish nation, accuse them to the King of Persia, that they haue a religion Spanish Ha­man. differing from his; but it is by reason of the hate, conceiued against iust Mardo­cey: They pretēd Religion but intend tre­chery. Absolon a right Spani­ard. thus religion was made a cloake for treacherous and intollerable pride: thus Absolon the patterne of these court­ly politicks stoode pittying the Iewes at the courte gate, as though he had de­sired the helping of their estate, but it was nothing else but an ambitious hu­mour to obtaine a kingdome; in like manner deale the Spaniards with my ca­tholikes so tearmed at this day, they stand and court them, and say with Ab­solon, your cause is good, but there is none that pitties you: O if I had the go­uernement of these things, then should England obtaine hir auncient religion, Take heede: trust thē not. and then would followe their former plentie: and thus the Iland that is now distressed euery day in feare of forraine inuasion, should be able to meete the e­nemie [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] in the gate; the consciences that are now distracted, bee quieted, by ob­taining of true pardon: so shuld heresies be rooted out from amongst you, peace should be within your walles, and plen­tie within your gates: false-deceiuing smooth-tonged heart-stealing Spanish­Absolon (I deserue pardon, if my weake womanish nature in feare of my state, in loue to mine inhabitants, in care of so good a cause should carrie mee to tearme thee by worser titles) but an­swer Let Spaine answere. treacherous and state-corrupting golde-offering Spaniard, dost thou per­swade thy selfe (fondly deceiued to bee so perswaded) that my true inhabitants can be resolued of thy good meaning? Dost thou thinke that euer they hope for peace in the middest of strangers? For plentie in the middest of tirants? For religion in the middest of Atheists? Note this. Nay it neuer hath been nor neuer shall be: therefore resolue thy selfe, that how­soeuer some within my borders doe heartilie desire, and earnestlie expect a [Page] freedome of their conscience: yet these are neuer so foolish to thinke it possi­ble, to be obtained by your meanes; nor so profanelie wicked, to admit of so bad a cause. And although some few (and I perswade my selfe they are very fewe) may be found perhaps, as either being Atheists without God, or Iewes without Christ, or monsters without naturall af­fection, who can bee content to pearce my bowels through my Princesse side, and so let forth my peace, or laie vio­lent hands vpō mine anointed, to make my children to eate themselues: yet re­solue thy selfe (and vainelie foolish to resolue otherwise) that the most estran­ged Englishman from naturall loue, who hath lost his affection by long tra­uaile, or: the loose stchristian I harbor, Note this. who hath lent his affection to all plea­sure, or the most desperate, whom need and extremitie haue made careles, or the deuoutest Catholicke, whom deceiued­lie zeale and conscience haue made re­ligious Impossible to be so. shal euer so farre estrange them [Page] selues from an English minde? So much be alienated from my long bred loue? And lastlie so cruellie to wish me euill? That they would open my gates to strangers? Prostrate my wealth to the Spaniard; and exchange my peace for most cruell tirannie? Nay if they were all in armes and had vowed to admit a stranger, and the stranger readie (as per­haps you were, 1588.) to accept by po­licy, Let the Spa­niard credit me. what you intended to keep by cru­eltie: yet if I should but frowne as dis­contented, & say quid agitis? And name S. George. but England, the worthie loue of me, de­riued from their forefathers, would so farre pearce into the English harts, that their swordes drawne forth against mee their mother, would speedilie bee shea­thed in you their murtherers: for if in all ages (sauing onelie in this last, and amongst you) faith and promise hath been religiouslie obserued, to their ve­rie enemies, then can you thinke they will falsifie the same to mee that bred them? And as for you who haue surpas­sed [Page] the false punicane gaining that brand Fides His­panica. of trecherie, which once was Carthage due, resolue vpon this poynt, that hee which punished the faith broken to the Turkes (at the Popes perswasion by them of Hungarie) by putting to flight Sigis­mund the Emperor, and slaying Cardi­nall Iulian the Popes Legate (who God himselfe will punish traytors. brought the message) hee I say shall ne­uer suffer so great an iniurie vnpuni­shed, to me their mother. Let me then in kindenes perswade you (my deare countrie men) that if trecherie be most odious, thē that especiallie which ouer­turneth a Common wealth: if ingrati­tude Note this. bee hatefull both to God and man, then that which is of children to their mother: if credulitie bee a fault and ar­gues want of experience, then to trust a stranger, a false dissembling and deceit­full tirant, must reproue vs of great le­uitie: loue peace then & loue my peace, follow vnitie, but within my walles, for if neither inequalitie of condition, emu­lation of partakers, nor religion ought [Page] to disunite vs, then this onely remai­neth for you, that you be vnited with loue amongst your selues, tyed with affection towards your mother, bound with a sacred reuerence towards your Soue raigne, and carried with a wise sus­pition towards a stranger: so shall pro­speritie O happie England if this happen. bee mine inheritance; plentie the legacie bequeathed to my meanest friends; and England as a citie at vni­tie within it selfe: thus shall the vnion of Iuda & Israel make the people round about them to quake and tremble; this made Rome to cōquer Africa; the Greekes to preuaile against Xerxes; & the Prin­ces of Europe to preuaile against the Turke at Lepantho: which victorie had been farre more glorious, if vntime lie discord had not fallen amongst them. Discord fa­tall to great attempts. Thē banish this, vnite your selues, yeeld not to gilded colours and false preten­ces; whether of religion or of friends, or of promise, and especially with them whō we know to be our enemies: let vs bring against glittering hate-working [Page] gold, the anciēt magnanimitie of braue Fabricius, who would neuer bee moued by the offers of King Pyrrhus. Thus ought you couragiously to vnite your selues, if you loue the glorie of your conquests, the sweetnes of your liber­tie, the happines of your quiet, the liues of your wiues and children: and if none of all these can moue you, yet thinke that I weepe for your sake the milke that sometime was your foode: that I sweate for your feare the bloud that bred yours: that I sigh for your cause the ayre that gaue you breath. And as for my owne part (sillie destressed as I am) I haue considered the threatnings of God against my subiects liues: the to­kens The late mortalitie more lamen­table then the losse of Aegypts first borne. sent me not long since: the won­ders that heauen shewed: the lowde speech that the dumbe creatures vsed, and all onely for this end, that I fearing might perswade you, and you perswa­ded might make mee to liue without feare: yet I relie not so farre vpon A­strologicall reason, as vpon the strange [Page] starre 1572. the Comets that haue ap­peared since: the great thunder 1584. the terrible Earth-quake the first of March the same yeare: the strange in­undations not long since: the fearefull mortalitie that hath hewed downe my tallest Cedars, and moued (as it were) the lesser plants: yet I take these to bee meanes to humble me, least in pride of courage I ouerweiningly doe loue my selfe. And now (daughters) seeing I grow faint, I will cause two to speake in my behalfe, committed to me from e­ternities bosome: Religion and Loyaltie, (daughters) hearken, and these briefly shall speake vnto you.

AT what time, Loue Religion brought frō heauenly loue. brought mee from E­ternities bosome, and commaunded me like a Queene to dwell in earth, I then easelie foresawe (which I now finde) that all Religion falsly accu­sed. harmes, miseries, wants, tragedies, and what else soeuer the worlde deemeth hatefull, should bee falsely supposed to proceede out of my wombe: and seeing I haue now liued so long till I finde it Religions Apologie. trew, pardon mee to make mine apolo­gie thus farre, that since the day of my Religion no true cause of miseries in a common wealth. first birth, since I first shined weekely in these coastes, since the time I was called (as I am) by Religions name, I neuer [Page] caused either Kingdome to be desolate, Prince to bee distressed, people to de­spaire: or any priuate persō to be male­content. In deede I must needes ac­knowledge thus much, that at what time I was sent into earth, sinfull man by rea­son of his immortalitie, desirous of a Note this. deitie, and not able by the weakenes of Mans igno­rance makes false religiō. his vnderstanding to admit of me, for­ged vnto himselfe a false, cruell, irreli­gious, vaine, proud superstitious strum­pet, Superstition. and fondly deluded, tearmed her by my name; then seeing her to haue such prerogatiue, finding her to rule ouer so many subiects, and fearing shee would banish mee to Heauen, from whence I first came; wee haue been still in conti­nuall Religion and superstition at continuall warres. In England many religi­ous fanorers. warres: I found those who haue been forward in my cause, who haue plentifullie bestowed their wealth to maintaine mee, and who haue not fea­red to dye to doe mee good. And shee perswading, that Trueth sent her to di­rect them, hath so much preuailed with a great number, that howsoeuer for o­ther [Page] faultes (in the bloodie woundes of Harmes for religion grieue not either the dooer or the sufferer. an afflicted conscieuce) there is none either so careles without remorse, or so profanely wicked without feare, but that relenting at the faultes which they haue done, remaine grieued: yet false­lie suborned by her meanes, neither the most fatall warres, dragging the infants from their mothers breasts, drawing them from out their wombes, slaying them in their cradles, rauishing their wiues and daughters: wasting their countries, burning their houses, defa­cing their temples, violating their se­pulchers: performing all crueltie: for­getting all curtesie to those that were borne amongst them: nor the ciuill slaunders in the time of peace perfor­med Miserable blindnes. against them in malicious manner, who sought my prosperitie aboue their owne safety: these and such like I say So doth Ro­moaldus Scotus. (and if ought else can bee thought of greater then these are) are done (and Superstition is most zea­lous. without remorse) vpon the false sur­mife of true Religion. Iudge now, if e­uer [Page] creature of my innocencie (and I may boldly stand to iustifie my own in­tegrity) hath had greater cause to com­plaine of wrong: more iust reason to suspect violence: & more true grounds of vndoubted feare then I, that haue su­ed Among the Atheists of this age. and am not heard, haue lowdely spo­ken and not regarded, haue infinitelie deserued and not rewarded: It is obiec­ted against me that the first murder was committed by my meanes, that Cayn Afalse ac­cusation of religion. had neuer laide violent hands vpon A­bel, if in religion he had not been farre more righteous. And if the Persians had not supposed that to bee prophane which the Greekes beleeued to bee most holy, Xerxes had not come from Asia to Xerxes. Grecce, he had not spoyled their townes, burnt their temples, and done them Zealte false. thousand wrongs (but falsely supposed by my meanes:) Thus discord grew be­twixt the Egyptians and the Hebrues, and both contended which should bee my followers: but if I had not been proud­ly confronted with a base strumpet, and [Page] that my honour had not been therein Religion im­patient of an indignitie. hazarded, wherein it was infamie to cō ­tend, I had quietly rested, though with some disgrace, and had liued contented, though with losse of credit. Nay, rather giue me leaue womanlike to complain (though hopelesse without reliefe) of wrongs offered to my person; in stead of offering, I haue suffered; in stead of doing, I haue receiued such manifest violence, such apparant wrongs, such The wrongs are infinite which religi­on hath suf­fered for be­ing called re­lig. secret disgraces, such open iniuries; as when I shall make report what I haue indured for my names sake, the red sea shall disagree (as once it did) and part a sunder, the Sunne shall be amazed (as sometimes it was) and stand still: Nay, shame shall darken it, and it shall hide it Religion hath had cō ­tinuall and great ene­mies. selfe to heare the reports but what I haue suffered: at first I was put to flie out of Aegypt with sixe hundred thou­sand besides women and children, pur­sued Anno mun­di 1517. by Cencres the King of Aegypt: and if heauen in the middest of my distresse God knoweth how to deli­uer his. had not made the raging sea to be a drie [Page] land, so many had perished for my sake. But then I must needes confesse after a tempest came a calme, for humiliation I Affliction may endure for a time, but deliue­rance is not farre from Gods church. had honor, authoritie for feare, and in stead of Aegypt I possessed Canaan: and although the power of my almightie, from whence I came, casting a snaffle in­to the mouth of the red sea, made him that he durst not attēpt to doe me vio­lence, So the fier for the three children. yet I liued not long in the land of Canaan, but like a Nightingale, I had thornes to awake me, to keepe me sing­ing, and soone after false she that tear­med Superstition maketh dis­sention in the Church. herself by my name, caused dissen­tion amongst her children, & brought me in daunger by my owne followers; thē were my fauorers diuided, together with Roboam and Ieroboam their Kings: Libertatis amor stultū quid deci­pis orbem. not long after was I with Israel cut off from the house of Dauid, and first trans­ported into Assyria, where I remained captiue; then with Iuda making my ha­bitation within Ierusalem, I was pitifully afflicted, lamentablie spoyled, & cruel­lie taken by Nabuchadnezzar the King [...] King. 24. [Page] of the Assyrians, who pulled downe her walles, burned her temple & the Kings pallace, tooke away the golden vessels dedicated by Salomon to my vse, put out Sedechias eyes, bound him with brasen chaines, and spoyled the bookes of my 2. Chron. 36. lawe, which after miraculously were re­stored by my Scribe Esdras: thus was I Religion still perfecuted handled by the Greekes, Alexanders suc­cessors ruling in Syria, who would haue compelled my people to haue yeelded to their maners, especially that proud­ly famous (and so tearmed King Antio­chus, who tooke the ornaments and ves­sels of the Temple which had been re­stored by them of Persia, ruinating a­gaine Ierusalem new built, forbad my burnt offerings, sacrifices, and such like, How Gods enemies seek to deface all parts of reli­gion. to deface me, and make me basely an exile to the Greekish ceremonies: nei­ther was I onely thus handled by them, but those who at this day are my sworne enemies, I meane the Romanes, who ex­tended The Romans enemies to religion. their Empire into that corner where I dwelt, placing their Images [Page] within my Temple, setting their Eagles ouer my portals, from whence procee­ded abundance of superstitions: but I had been throughly wounded before that, by my owne countrimen at Christs death, who had giuen mee so great a blow, as that (in iustice) for my sake they The Iewes▪ sinne the cause of their punishment. were sacked by the Romanes, and to this present wheresoeuer they abide, they are poore, practising base trades, as U­surie, and Broaking, made subiect to ex­treame Iewes Vsurers. tributes, paying continual tasks, and yet without houses, lands, or other possessions, not retaining so much as the A miserable state where there is no religion. shadowe of a Common wealth, since that I cruelly was banished frō amongst them: yet notwithstanding all the cala­mities which they suffered, could not keepe them from contending amongst the Christians; they grounded their Many of thē still persist in their sinnes. false poynts vpon the old Testament, so that after al this they were chased from France, England, Spayne, by reason of blasphemies which they vomited out against Christ Iesus: thus the Mahome­tists [Page] tearmed my people Miscreants, & vowed themselues for their sworne e­nemies. And howsoeuer these were Religion in great danger amongst her owne friends. harmes, which in the weaknes of my fa­uourers I could not defende without flight, yet if among Christians them­selues, I had not been pursued with as great hatred at this time, I should not neede to haue complained of wrong: But now seeing bloudie warres haue happened betwixt those that were my owne children, where I their mother in­treating in most kind tearmes, was not Contention the ground of Atheism. free from daunger, nor could exempt them from spoyle, let the world iudge, if euer any receiued greater wrong, thē I haue suffered. The Greekes and the Ro­manes both contended so long for my fauour, till both were content to for­sake me quite, and to make me perish if it had been possible; (for vndoubtedly I had dyed but that I was immortall). Arrius: and so Heretikes grow mighty in the mid­dest of con­tentions. Arrius came from Aegypt to sheath his sword within my bowels; he had no soo­ner giuen alarme to assault me, but that [Page] multitudes flocked vnto him to bee his Heretikes neuer want followers. followers: the East Church wherein I sometime gloried, lost her beautie and her loue in so ample manner, by this meanes, that pitifully to my wrong, Constantius the Emperour became an Constantius an Arrian. Arrian. Iudge if it were not lamentable that I, who sometimes was highlie fauo­red, accounted of in their assemblies, & wholly relied vpon their integritie, be­came so distressed by his meanes, that openly to doe me wrong, 105. Bishops 105. Bishops Arrians. Holar. con­tra Constā ­tium. Alex. A­than. became Arrians: & if Alexādrias Bishops (religious Alexander, and learned Atha­nasius) had not encountered his forces with a matchles valour, I had then vtter­ly perished in those countries: from hence proceeded the fatall calamitie of my fortune: Councels against Councels: Iudge if reli­gion haue not suffered wrong. Confessions against Confessions; Accusatiōs, Defences, Banishments, and cruell Mar­tyrdomes. Doe you heare and credit me, and yet for all this take me to haue offe­red wrong, & suffered none? Nay, when I (fearfull) had taken my selfe into the [Page] inner parts of Europe, for feare of harme; Religion no where safe in earth. then came the Persians, Arabians, Syrians, and Aegyptians called Sarracins, vnder pretence to inlarge the honour of their Mahomet, occupied all Africke, pas­sed into Spayne, where they conquering, from thence came to Tours in France, where if they had not been discomfited, A famous victory. After King of France. of three hundred and sixtie thousand persons by Charles Martel, I had then pe­rished. After this I began to growe more Godfrey of Bolloygne. valiant, and my worthie Godfrey, with the rest of his Lordes confederate, at the instance of Pope Urban, drewe from France an incredible army, passed by sea Whereof sweet Tasso song. and land after many trauailes, to the furthest partes of the westerne coast, from Syria to the frontiers of Arabia and Persia, whereby my Godfreys true Martyrs all. valarous armie I wonne Ierusalem: nei­ther was there then droppe of blood shed, by any Christian in my quarrell, which I haue not intreated Fame to re­corde, to my posteritie: nor was it ei­ther lesse vēturous or honorable, which [Page] Englands first Richard against the Turkes attempted for my cause: and howsoe­uer Religion ha­teth discord. I may bee thought to loue discord, and to make dissention, yet in respect of the fauour that I found then, in re­garde of the kindenes (countrie men) I receiued at your hands, I haue been wil­ling to relie vpon you, and desirous to England the seate of reli­gion. dwell amongst you: that whilst other countries loosing their Religion haue lost their Peace, and lacking peace, their Religion hath quite perished; England hath beene a Garden of Oliue branches, The happi­nes of Eng­land by reli­giōs meanes. fensed with walles against violence, sha­dowed with a Cedar against heate; wa­tred like Paradise against barrennes, and preserued with true Loyalty against rebellion. And whilest Greece, Lacede­mon, and Athens haue been at discorde: Carthage, and Parthia, with thē of Rome, the French with the Italian, the Almayn with the Switzard: Africa with Spayn: The discorde of other countries. the Turke with the Christians, the Persi­ans with the Turke: the Zauolians with the Persians, the Muscouit with the Polon: [Page] and the Tartar with them both: in the England in peace. meane time England for my sake hath found a peace, hath sitten at ease, and had leasure to looke at their falles. And I earnestlie pray (as I haue good cause) Peace the child of reli­gion beget­teth plentie that kils the grand­mother. that peace being my childe, beget not plentie, and that be a meanes for to ba­nish mee: for when a countrie through Religion hath obtained peace, through peace hath plentie, and through plen­ty is growne rebellious; then God by se­ditions and change of state, by inunda­tions of floods, by famine, plague, and England note this. such like, he bringeth them (in fauor) to a smaller number, least in pride & mul­titude they should growe for to scorne mee. Thus haue I some times tasted of their harmes, and though I haue liued In the dayes of our dread Soueraigne. safe this 36. yeares, that no forraine e­nemie was able to roote mee from the land of mine inheritance: yet I haue bin stil so vnited to your dread soueraigne, Essex, Wil­lowbie, Nor­ris, Sir Fran­cis Uere, &c. so in fauour with my valiant champi­ons, that none opposed themselues a­gainst mee, but first committed treason [Page] against her: and though at my intreatie she was content to pardō them my fault, yet Iustice and conscience both would, that they all should perish that wish her euill. Then howsoeuer (thereby to bee A false slan­der to make traytors Martyrs. dearer to false religion) they make the worlde beleeue, that they dye for my cause, yet I cannot chuse but I must needes renownce them: Martyrs I haue had, that haue dyed in my quarrell; yet ne­uer Neuer mar­tyr was a traytor. any that intangled himselfe to destroye a Prince. I haue wept while tirants haue slaine my children: yet I neuer saw them to be found rebellious: giue mee leaue then openly to disclame those out of my fauour, to cancell them out of ho­nors booke, to renounce them from be­ing my followers, who haue traitorous­ly conspired with my sworne enemies: who treacherouslie haue intended their Iustitia Bri­tannica. Princes death: who rebelliouslie haue taken armes against my sides, who falsely haue expected to see mee fall: these I pronounce, not to bee my sonnes, and I must tell the Worlde, [Page] that they dyed not for my sake. And Campia. Martyrium. because Rome hath lately noted those with the title of Martyrs, whom re­bellious malice caused to bee treache­rous to their Prince; I must needes bee plaine that the world may see, Rebellion and not Religion, Treason & not Trueth, was the cause of their vtter ruine. Cu­stome hath made it a thing common, & the communitie hath made it a thing credible, that the worse things haue masked vnder good names, that singu­laritie Anvsuall fault. is tearmed zeale; disobedience freedome of conscience; rebellion, sin­ceritie of profession, and open treason to be pure religion. Thus was the noto­rious rebellion in England, (after affec­ting the Irish) supposed to be the signe of a Catholike trueth, wherein though many suffered the iust recompence of so foule desert, yet the Queene was mer­ciful and forgaue some. How can I then make an apologie in their behalfe? how can I say, these fauoured religion, who sought to roote out the Prince, & land, [Page] where I had dwelt of a long continu­ance? I conceale their names as loath posteritie should remember an English­man to be so disloyall. And herein the Pope, that should haue been most reli­gious, Gregorie 13. was a chief dealer to subuert me, sending ouer pardons, absolutions, and Pius 5. such like, to exempt the subiects of this realme from their true obedience. And the better cōtinually to performe what Sixtus 5. he intended, Seminaries were erected vnder pretence to doe me good, which haue harboured (howsoeuer some of them learned) such politique, subtile, treacherous, and disloyall people, that hauing swarmed from thence as from a Exceeding pittie. hiue, & pretending (as they haue said) the Catholique good of their owne countrimen, haue infected them with such pernicious poyson, moued them to such great treasons, perswaded them to those attempts; that if heauen had not withstood them with a mightie po­wer; Miraculous preseruation of Gods Church. if God had not detected them with a pearcing eye; if the Lord had not con­founded [Page] them with a mightie arme: then had I (in all likelihood) been ba­nished from this Iland, then had England I feare to thinke of it. perished, her Prince, her subiects, & that most cruelly by the meanes of her own countrimen. These were they, who iust­ly conuicted of treason, by lawes made 200. yeare since, in the time of Edward Iusticia Bri­tannica. the 3. do openly (but wrongfully) boast that they haue suffered for religion: & yet I may say this, that such as repenting A greater number. their follie, shewed a sorrowe, and were willing to performe amendment, were pardoned, a thing not to be expected in so great a fault; although (iniuri­ouslie) some of them haue not been a­shamed Stapleton. Parsons. to say, that neuer religion was persecuted more, then vnder the most vertuous, peaceable, milde, mercifull, & religious gouernment of Queene Eli­zabeth: nay, I can confidently say this, that in stead of punishing those who haue not offended, she hath suffered This can not be denied. many to keepe their religion stil, to liue without danger of law, and such as haue [Page] professed themselues to be Romish Ca­tholiques; aske but that graue and re­uerend father Nicholas Heath somtimes In Queene Maries time. Archbishop of Yorke, and Lord high Chancellor of England, he must needes confesse (and vndoubtedly would doe it, if he now liued) that he tasted of his Soueraignes clemencie in so great a measure, that those who for religion tearme her to be cruel, are such as seeke by all meanes possible to defame her gouernment. Pole the Bishop of Peter­borough: Slander is neuer tongue tied. Cutbert Tonstall a reuerend graue man, VVhite, Oglethorp, Thurlbie, VVatson, Turberuile, Fecknam, such as all of them had been zealous against mee, yet she pardoned them their liues, be­cause they had not traiterously sought hers: for since the beginning of her raigne to this present day, there is no man able to proue (howsoeuer some haue bin malicious to affirme the same) that Queene Elizabeth hath for reli­gion In their libel against the English Iu­stice. onely, put any to death of the Ro­mish sectaries. It were long for me to [Page] repeate (things alreadie sufficientlie knowne) wherein Rome hath so maliti­ouslie Papa pius moritur quintus, res mira tot in­ter pontifi­ces, tantum quinque su­isse pios. dealt to suborne her Iesuits, that from them, this 36. yeares, England hath had the greatest cause to feare the sub­uersion of her whole state. Pius the fift (vngodly and cruell in this poynte) in­tended to free the subiects of this land, from their allegiance to their dread Soueraigne: a thing abhorring against diuinitie, a matter neuer heard of, with any of my followers, and hated euen of the heathen themselues, who neuer ta­sted of my trueth: to graunt pardon, and openlie to auouch it: to subiectes and against their Prince, and to Eng­lish Leaue giuen to Parsons, Campion by Gregorie 13. 1580. April 14. to inter­pret the bull of Pius 5. men against their owne countrie, it is such a faulte as former time neuer thought of: the age present dooth ab­hor, and shall make thereat the dayes insuing to be astonished: & it were too lamentable to be thought of, Religions superstition should make any so feare­full of the Popes authoritie: Fraunce, howsoeuer thou art now distracted in­to [Page] small peeces, yet in the daies of thy second Henry, thou hadst little feare of Henry the 2. King of Fraunce his edict against the Pope. Anno. 1550. the Popes Bulles, when impatient of his proude and vsuall vsurping within thy territories, thou didst not onely by e­dict, decrees, parliaments, proclama­tions, disanull his supreame authoritie, but denied him stoutlie those yearelie reuenewes, which he exacted out of thy dominions. And Philip thou which now King Philip once feared not the Popes Buls. Duke of Al­bany with an armie a­gainst the Pope. gouernest Spayne, and fondly intendest to be the worlds Monarch, what minde then didst thou beare against the Pope, when sending with thy Duke of Albanie an Armie into the coasts of Italy, thou spoyledst their towns, destroyedst their fields, sackedst their cities, and with thy canons girt them within the compasse of their owne walles? This shewed to the world how little (being offended) thou esteemedst of the Popes Bulles: and thy father, that worthie Charles the 5. tooke Pope Clemence captiue, and the 1527. Whom he kept in A­drians tower 7 moneths. whole Colledge of Cardinals, & made him pay for his ransome 400000. Duc­kets, [Page] & valued the Cardinals at a higher rate. And least thou which art openlie my professed enemie, shouldest thinke that Englands Elizabeth wanteth presi­dents of her countrie, valiantly to with­stand, Let the Pope marke this. and scornfully to make account of the roring of thy Bulles: remember but the time of Queene Mary, (a gra­cious Soueraigne if she had not been blinded by thy meanes) when thou wert offended with her cosin Cardinall Pole, Cardinall Pole offen­ded with the Pope. and in disgrace of him sent vnto Petie a begging Frier, the Cardinals Hat: she crossed thee in thy purpose, and made small account of thy great threats. I could alleadge the worthie Henry the 8. Henry the 8. shaked off the Pope. regestred in Honors Catalogue to liue for euer: how couragiously to aduance me, he shaked off thy seruile yoake, and exempted his subiects from the Romish tyrannie. But to let these passe, (as mat­ter apparant without proofe) I must needes complaine of two notorious e­nemies, Religions e­nemies. such, as in the daies of peace, haue done me the greatest wrong that [Page] euer woman suffered: and least won­dering thou stande amazed how this should be, in the land of knowledge in Elizas raigne, I meane the prophane A­theist, and the zealous (but falsely) Puri­tane. The Atheist and the Pu­ritan so cal­led. And although I poore Religion am not so good a states man, that willingly I intermeddle with matters of the com­mon Religion no states man but of coun­sell with thē. wealth, yet I must say thus much in the true defence of my selfe, that since prophane Machiuell hath obtained so much credit amongst the greatest states men of all Europe, Atheisme hath per­swaded Dangerous for a Prince. the world of my death, & tolde Princes that there was no religion. Can any counsell bee more pernicious to a Common wealth? more dangerous to a Countrie? more fatall to a Prince? Machiuell confuted. then onely to relie in causes of greatest importance vpon his owne wisedome? to seeme to haue that religion in shew, which he neuer meaneth to imbrace in trueth? to preferre Heathens before me? to ascribe felicitie to fortune, and not to vertue and true religion? And [Page] these with diuers others of like impuri­tie that prophane A theist broched vnto the world, which was no sooner drunke by the states of Europe, but some of their States in Europe ru­inated by Machiuell. kingdomes haue come to ruine. Nay, I will take vpon me without presumptiō to prophesie thus farre, that the grea­test A certaine prophesie. kingdom that Europe hath; the most mightie people that euer was; and the Note this. most famous common wealth that euer florished, shall all of them by contem­ning religion, become desolate. And howsoeuer I will not presume so farre, proudly to make (with Bellarmine) tem­porall prosperitie a note of the true Church, seeing she is ordained to suffer many calamities, vnder the hands of ty­rants; yet I dare say thus much, that re­ligious Princes, while confidently in a Relig Prin­ces doe still triumph. good cause, they haue fullie relied vpon Gods assistance, they haue notablie tri­umphed ouer all their enemies: thus in Gen. Exo. Ios. Iudg. King. Machab. the old Testament, Abraham, Moses, Io­sua, Gedeon, Samuel, Dauid, Ezechias, Io­sias, and the Machabees, all triumphed [Page] ouer multitudes of their enemies, be­cause I (howsoeuer contemned by pro­phane Machiuel) was the sole conduc­tor of all their armies: thus almost (as Aug lib. 5. de ciuit. cap. 25. Moses did Pharaoh) in these latter times Constantinus ouercame Maxentius. The like might bee spoken of Theodosius the Cap. 26. elder, of whome Theodoret maketh ho­norable Lib. 5. histor. cap. 24. mention, of many priuiledged fauours he obtained for his true profes­sion: thus in the dayes of Theodosius the younger, when the Sarracins came to helpe the Persians, against whome hee fought, the Angels from heauen (like the starres against Sisera) troubled the Socrat lib. 7. histor cap. 18. Sarracens, that in Euphrates there was drowned a hundred thousand: thus Iu­lian whilest he was my friende, made I­talie Euagr. lib 4. histor. cap. 16. ibid. cap. vlt. & Afrike stoope to the Roman Em­pire, but sodainely perished whē he had reuolted: thus Heraclius conquered the Persians till hee became a Monothelite: I could alleadge histories of these latter times, but being a controuersie for the true religion (howsoeuer indeede it is [Page] without controuersie) I will not doe them that wrong, to grounde vpon a thing, that is not yet graunted: the con­tentions for my cause, and the apish pollicies of other countries hath pitti­fully perswaded them, to become Athe­ists. By sundry Doctors of great lear­ning. I haue encountred the Papists, and tolde him he mistakes the trueth: his re­ligion is meere erronious, and whilst I went about soundely to perswade this, Satan raised vp the lewde faction of ir­religious Brownists to tell the worlde, Brownists a sect to sup­port A­theisme. that England was not so happie to haue a Churche, that titles of honour were things impertinent to trew religion; that decencie was a matter of ceremo­nie; which was no sooner bruted in the worlds eare, but the Papists began scof­fingly, As since they haue written in their bookes. to contemne my trueth, and the Atheist prophanely to thinke there was none at all. But I am loath to rake in the dead cinders of polluted Machiuell, whō though Satan made an instrument to disgrace me, and with his dregges dan­gerouslie [Page] poysoned the best states: yet shall my trueth like the sunne from vn­der a cloude shine clearely in the dayes of Elizabeth. And men famouslie lear­ned Ambr. Ca­tharinus. Archiep. Cō ­pusonus. Ioh. Mola­nus. Ioh Boterus. Anonymos. Petrus Co­rotus. Posseuinus Iesuit. Learned Puritans. in all knowledge (as some haue done in other places) shall openly shew vnto the worlde, that such pollicies are but cankers to a Common wealth, such discordes, weapons sheathed in the wombe of true religion; and those great promises nothing but Cannon shot, to vndermine (if it were possible) the rocke where vpon I stand. And con­cerning the other, which in a forwarde pretended zeale haue desired to cleare the mudde that hath troubled the foun­taine: to roote out the weedes that haue hindered the corne, to trie out the drosse, that hath dimd the golde; haue vnawares (howsoeuer some of them politickelie malicious) stopped the fountaine; plucked vp the corne, and By wise au­thoritie and learned an­swers. confounded the treasure of true religi­on; so that if they might haue preuai­led [Page] (as they might haue preuailed if di­ligent L. Archb. of Canturbury. Bancroft. Bilson. Sutcliff. Hooker, &c. care had not been taken in this respect) the Churche must haue withe­red as wanting springs, the people must haue famished as wanting corne: and religion must haue begged as wanting treasure: In deede iust faultes haue been founde, for that many insufficient haue taken vpon them so great charge: that the Bishops haue paultered their liuings A true fault in Englands Church. in so base a manner, that forgetting their honor, they haue seemed to be fa­miliar with meane persons: that they haue suffered the patrons of their li­uings to present any: nay, that which is most intollerable, that they haue con­sented, whilest patrons haue paused so long (a thing needelesse so neere an V­niuersitie) to finde one sufficient to take Cruell pa­trons pittie the church hath not the fauour of an ordinarie ward. the charge, that either a haruest must quite the cost that the patron hath had by many suters, or if it can bee compas­fed, it shall bee plainelie temporall. I feele my selfe both too feeble to com­plaine [Page] and too farre spent to remedie so great a mischiefe: faultes will bee, yet religion must bee; the daies are e­uill, but my charge is not to leaue Eng­land whilest the world endureth; and if I must (being her companion) I will dye valiantly in her cause.

AFter abundant triall of my many fauours, giue me leaue not vp­brayding you with Loyaltie vr­geth her be­nefits. benefits you haue re­ceiued, only in equall comparison of other countries, to shew the wealth of Eng­lands subiects, the happines of her land, the increase of her honor, the content­ment and the euerlasting fame of her three children, and of all these obtained by my meanes. Now as the religious dutie to your Prince, the kind affection to your countrie, and the common care amongst your selues one towards ano­ther, are things not onely requisite for your good, but likewise commanded by the lawes of God and nature: so rebel­lion [Page] (a thing which I quake to heare of) Loyaltie can not abide to heare of treason or se­dition. sedition (a thing which I hope I shal ne­uer heare of) are both so capitall in themselues, and so detested of all ages, as the people must needs be barbarous that liue to doe them, and the Prince, land, and people lamentably miserable, that liue to suffer them. And if it were not that false pretences (an vsuall cloak Understan­ding misled, begets trea­son. for the greatest faults) did make men thinke they were lesse offensiue, neuer traitor would intend his Princes death, but take punishment of himselfe for so bad a thought: & neuer subiects would draw their swords in seditious manner, but sheath them in the guiltie intrals of their owne bowels. And therfore those who haue intended to alter, or vsurpe What is re­bellion. the state of their superiours (which we call rebellion) not to bee branded with so foule a shame; not to be noted with so blacke a marke; not to be called by so bad a name, haue indeuoured to sig­nifie their sinisters practises by a good pretence, and haue imployed such for [Page] the effecting of them, as inconstancie hath made desirous of a chaunge, A­theisme careles by what meanes, Prodi­galitie What men are traytors. beggars and full of want, and lastly want hath made them to growe desperate. The trueth hereof is appa­rantly knowne, both by ancient histo­ries, and of later time, not onely within these small dominions, hemmed with the narrow seas, but in populous and large Italie, within the walles of proud, stately and commaunding Rome, where the often Secessions of the cōmon peo­ple, to the Mount Auentin, may plainly testifie that malecontented, they pretē ­ded a reformation of the rich Nobilitie. So that the horrible, strange, and dete­sted practises of our time, which some most irreligiously haue plotted to ob­taine their purpose (being nothing in trueth but an ouerflowing ambition, & an insatiable desire to rule) haue been False preten­ses in tray­tors and re­bels. smoothed ouer with the fine tearmes of a common good, of the freedome of the people, of iustice, of religion, of re­formation, [Page] and such like, things onely mentioned in name, and no further in­tended, then in a bare shewe: thus delt they that sought to alter the Romane Empire, by lighting the torch of ciuill dissention, (pretending the more easily to winne the people) to free them from subsidies and oppression, which then seemed by their gouernours to lye vpon them, making a shew to the com­mon sorte, that they tendered their case in so great a measure, that they could not longer indure to see them afflicted in so bad a manner. These pre­tences wee reade to haue been made in France, these haue been made in our countrie: and there was neuer either subiect seditious in the Commō wealth, or heretike hatefull to Gods Church, but they desired to be accounted Euan­gelike and Apostolike reformers, their Note this. bad conuenticles (Cockatrices to hatch treason) they tearmed by the name of Gods Church, their phantasticall opi­nions, Gods knowne trueth, and their [Page] poysoned heresies, the inspiration of Gods spirit. It were tedious & too long to repeate their names, who continual­ly haue slaundered Loyaltie with base tearmes, when themselues haue deser­ued most badly, both of the Church and of the Common wealth. Thus might I with teares remember the wrong that I suffered in the Northerne Rebellion, where As may ap­peare by the six articles written in french. though the fact was so infamous, as the memorie is odious to this day, yet did they pretend a reforming of religion, a freedome of consciēce, and a bettering of the Common wealth. I passe ouer without speech (but neuer to be remē ­bred without sighes) the lamentable re­bellions made in Lincolneshire, the disor­der Sir Iohn Cheeke wrote of Sed. Alex. Ne­uill. in Norffolke by Ket & his bad com­panie, the intollerable boldnes in Kent by Iacke Straw and his accomplices. These and such like haue laboured to roote me from the place of mine abode, to pull out Loyaltie from the mindes of subiects, to make them offend & thinke there is no fault, to raise a flame that [Page] may giue light, whilest the Common­wealth shall burne; to stirre vp those vnder pretence of right, who haue de­sired to subuert the state of the whole land. Iosephus an ancient writer, setting downe the rebellious reuolting, which the Iewes made from the Romanes, vn­der colour of rude and vntoward dea­ling which they found in Florus their gouernour, he setteth downe the parti­cular remonstrance that King Agrippa Euer bad things haue good preten­ses. made, touching the small apparance of occasion which they had, rebelliously to exempt them from their lawfull obe­dience: the Iewes replied that it was on­ly against Florus, and not the Romanes, that they bare armes: whom Agrippa tolde it was easie to say so, but their ac­tions So may I say to the Eng­lish traytors. were such as worse could not haue been by the greatest enemies of the Ro­mane Empire: for the townes they sac­ked, the treasuries they robbed, the houses they burnt, the fields they wa­sted; neither were the townes, the trea­suries, the houses, the fields of Florus, [Page] and no man had wrong but the Ro­manes, to whom these belonged. In like manner, when in former times (for I am loth to mention these later faults) wrong openly was offered to them of our countrie, the townes takē, the chur­ches robbed, the houses burnt, the men slaine, and not so much sacred, as the very sepulchers of our forefathers, the By Ket. pretence was onely this, not a wrong or disobedience to the Prince, but a re­uenge and reformation of the oppres­sing cormorant. And thus lately (for I must needs touch it) whilest Lopez most Iewishlie, nay, Iudaslie had concluded with the Spanish Pharisies to sell his So­ueraigne, yet shamefully hee protested this, whereunto common sense will A thing vn­likely and impossible. hardly allow credit, that he onely ment to deceiue them of their coyne, and to saue her from harme. Can we thinke the Spanyard so credulous as in a matter of so great importance to credit without good cause? Can wee thinke it likely, that he, who had concealed it hetherto [Page] from her Councell, ment after to impart it to her Maiestie? These things and ma­nie such (howsoeuer smoothed ouer Reade the chronicles. with a faire shewe) haue been commit­ted by vnnaturall subiects, since her Ma­iesties raigne, that our very enemies for the state of our countrie, could by no meanes possible haue deserued worse. And howsoeuer the lawe tearme them, not enemies, but simplie as rebels and seditious to their owne countrie, yet they ought not to be honored with the name of peace, nor as subiects any way to be made partakers thereof, vnles the Mercy vn­deserued. infinitly ouerflowing mercie of their Prince vouchsafe them (vndeserued) so Peace to ene­mies but not to traytors. great a fauour. When Anthonie rose vp in armes against his countrie, he was iudged & condemned worthilie by the Senate to bee a rebell: and when some intended to send vnto him to intreate of peace, Tully thought it was most strange & farre differing from the state of the Senate, to affoord a rebel the pri­uiledge of an open enemie. France can [Page] testifie of the like when trayterous sub­iects vndeseruedly (giue mee leaue to tearme them by that name) haue been so mightie to withstand the King, that he hath sent without cōtrolling tearms as to an open enemie: England hath not now (and I happilie wish, as I hope it ne­uer shall) any cause to deale in the like manner. But the time was in the dayes of Edward the sixt, when a base pesant With open e­nemies out of her selfe. so braued the Kings armie, that they vouchsafed them parle, as if Rome had sent Ambassadors to the men of Car­thage. But rebellion being the canker of a Common wealth, time hath taught vs by lamentable experience in the warres of Rome, That sedition doth grow by suffe­ring, Rome fell by clemencie to traytors. and that clemencie is rebellions spurre: which if it had not bin a state so florish­ing had not so soone failed. And for France in the time of holie Lewes, sedi­tion had not been so soone cut off, no rebellion had been rooted out, if the sword had not been made sharpe for to cut them off: for it be commeth a Prince [Page] like a good Surgion, to cut off the pu­trified parts, least the sound bee infected with the like contagion. Furthermore, to groūd my seueritie vpon the tearmes of honor (for Loyaltie cā hardly indure clemencie towards treason) there is no Gentleman (vnles degenerate) that will If we can not suffer the lie, much lesse treason. indure the lye of his companion with­out recanting: and shall the Prince not onely suffer this, but wrongs, damma­ges, iniuries, & despitefully at the hands of traytors? Then band your selues An exhorta­tion. Honorable Lords, wise Prelates, braue Captaines, worthie Gentlemen, resolute Soldiers, trustie Citizens, and painful Co­minaltie, that the smallest part of treason may not take strength in our time, and all of you rather hazard the last droppe of your dearest bloud, then by treache­rous dealing, the least wrong may bee offered to her sacred Maiestie? This is a iust quarrell wherein Loyallie we are to vnite our selues: for loosing but the bridle to such dangerous treasons, our Prince, our liues, our Countrie, our for­tunes, A necessary caueat. [Page] are all indangered at the same in­stant. Besides, either to pardon these at home, or fondly to credit those abroad, can bring no other benefite to the land but this, a contempt of our authoritie, a certaine danger to the Princes person, a perpetuall and needfull feare of some new attempts: yet euer I must reserue a prerogatiue to my gracious Soue­raigne; for gracious clemencie (a wor­thie Mercy often cruell. vertue to a subiect) but dangerous to a traytor, giues them but leasure to fortifie themselues; graunts them but time to renew their force, & the storme is no sooner past, but there is present feare of as great a tempest. For it is great simplicitie to suppose, & (at least) the extremitie of follie to beleeue, that those who are once plūged in the gulfe Not safe to trust a tray­tor. of treason, and haue throughly plotted for a kingdomes conquest, can possibly be reclaimed with the greatest kindnes, or let goe their hope, before their liues giue vp the latest gaspe. If a kingdome were so weake, or a Prince so timerous, [Page] (as almost it was lately in the Realme of France) yet it were easie to proue out of the histories of al times, that traytors & seditious persons, howsoeuer they haue been so bold that they durst in the field incounter the Lords annoynted: yet he whom the scripture calleth the author of victorie and the God of battell, shall make them to flie, when no man follow­eth, shall cause ten thousand of them to bee chased with a thousand, and in the day of battell giue victorie to his owne annoynted. The rebelliō that was made in Spayne against the Emperour Charles Charles the fift. the 5. in the beginning of his raigne, to­gether with the happie successe of his Maiestie, may serue as apparant proofe to confirme this, seeing the seditious faction was foyled, and the most of thē taken captiue. It shall be needles to adde this, that in the daies of Queene Mary, when first she came vnto the Crowne, finding the people to be mutinous, and in the land nothing almost but flat re­bellion, in shorter time then the space [Page] of two moneths, worthely she was con­queror ouer all her enemies: such was the state of Flanders 1566. and three yeares after: yet neuer heard of that re­bellious sedition preuailed against a lawfull Soueraigne: all ages afoorde multitude of examples in this kind; the vnnaturall riot of Duras: the wonder­full successe of the battell of Dreux in France, and after of Poncenas: and not to stand in particulars of that country, the euent of things hath made known vnto vs, that rebellion builded vpon a weake foundation cannot possibly stand, if the Lord in anger do blow vpon it: neither speake I this to make a Prince more se­uere against his rebellious subiects, to make the Scepter of a King plow vp the bowels of his owne countrie men, but to shew that Loyaltie cannot brooke rebel­lion, that sedition is odious to a good subiect, & that treason is intollerable in a Commō wealth, if I lincked with Re­ligion, (a thing hardly to bee hoped for in this bad age) coulde but liue for a [Page] small time safe from treason, if some of Englands subiects had continuallie re­mained in my fauor, then durst I bold­ly Some of the nobilitie. haue compared with the proudest na­tion; and hauing religion a crowne, and loyaltie as a strong defence, she might valiantly haue incountered her stoutest foes; for I may confidently auouch (in the reuerend securitie of an vpright minde) that excepting treasons blowne into the heartes of her subiects, by for­raine enemies, England hath been as free Note this. from danger, as far from distresse, in as great prosperitie, as euer was Iland in so bad an age. Then countriemen giue mee leaue, to perswade thus much, that the benefite of treason shall bee this, if vnhappilie (which God forbid) you ob­taine your purpose, your countrie shall bee desolate, you your selues shall bee feared and suspected of your enemies, and these ample ornaments, garlands A thing la­mentable. of long peace, shall crowne your ene­mies, for the victories obtained in your conquest. I that haue made your chil­dren [Page] dutifull, in whose mindes the name What loyalty hath done. of a Father did extinguish disobedi­ence: I that haue made your friendes trustie, in whome the name of sacred Friendship was wont to banish all de­ceite: I that haue made your wiues, in the honorable reuerence of your loue, to respect no perswasion of stran­gers, thereby wantonly to commit a­dulterie; I (I say) intreate you by these fauours, that being children, in duetie you bee not disobedient to so good a mother, being friendes by promise (and that confirmed with a sacred vow) you bee not found deceitefull to so dread a Soueraigne: & lastly, being those whom nature, religion, time and countrie haue matched nearlie for this 36. yeares, with so gratious a Prince, that you bee not seene to prostitute your bewtie to a stranger, to admit Tarquin into your Plutar. in lib. de exi [...]io. fauour, and (neuer to bee vnpunished) to violate so great an oath: for what the seuen Ambassadors commended in [Page] their common wealths vnto King Pto­lomey, that England may iustly vaunt she professeth at this day: and where as they in three things compared which should excell, England possessing one & twentie, may iustly in comparison out strip the proudest that Europe hath. The Ambassadors of Rome boasted that their 1. Temples were honoured, their gouernours o­beyed, and their wicked punished; may not England doe it more iustly, if you com­pare it with those times? And yet for honouring our Temples, I cannot so much commend vs, but onely that that little honor (which they haue amongst some) it is in true sinceritie. The Am­bassadors of Carthage iustly boasted that 2. their Nobilitie was valiant to fight, their Cōminaltie to take paynes, and their Philo­sophers to teach: was there euer countrie (I except not Carthage in his best estate) where either the Nobilitie is more va­liant, the Cōminaltie more laborious, or the teachers more profound, then in [Page] England at this day? The Ambassadors 3. of Cicely boasted that their countrie exe­cuted iustice, loued trueth, and commen­ded simplicitie: neuer Common wealth I dare auouch, since the first societie that man had, was ruled with more vp­right iustice, was honored with greater trueth, and admired for more simplici­tie, 4. then generallie is the state of Eng­land: the Ambassadors of the Rhodians bragged, that the old men were honest, the young men shamefaste, and the women peaceable, and may not England iustlie boaste of all these? The Ambassadors of Athens, that they consented not that 5. their rich should be partiall, their people should be idle, their gouernours should be ig­norant, and is not all this now as true in England amongst vs; as euer it was in Athens amongst them? The Ambassa­dours 6. of Lacedemon, vaunted that there was no enuie because all were equall, no co­ueteousnes because all were common: no idlenes, because all did labour: and [Page] are not the same banished from our Enuied of o­ther nations. land, howsoeuer procured by a better cause? For England wanteth enuie in her selfe, not because all are equall, but all friends: England is not couetous, not by reason of communitie, but because of conscience. And idlenes out of this land was banished long since, with the Lorde Lourdane. Dane. The Ambassadors of Sictonia glo­rified 7. iustlie in these three (wherein England is supposed to bee farre shorte) that they admitted no strangers, inuentors of new toyes, that they wanted Phisitions to kill the sicke, and aduocates to make their pleas immortall, wherein I must needes confesse (for trueth onely becom­meth my talke) that howsoeuer in the aboundance of her wealth, England hath giuen strangers money for very toyes, yet it was not for loue of them, but to shew the world, that their plentie was not debarde from euery stranger: for Phisitions I may truly say thus, that the Aesculapins honoring Pad [...] in [Page] the aboundance of her skill, is vnequall Learned Iudges, Ser­ieants, Coun­sellers. to make comparison with vs in England; and lastly, for our aduocates (a slaun­der I confesse common, but yet most vntrew) men so learnedlie wise, so wise­lie religious, and so respectiuely lear­ned, wise and religious, as if Europe would seeme to contend in this, dout­les shee should bee found farre inferior. Now these (and benefites farre greater then these are) should England be rob­bed of by Treason, depriued of by Sediti­on, and quite spoyled of by Rebellion. And therefore in the colde quaking feare of so great an euill, when as I think how treason goeth about to supplant my state, to sel my honor, and make me perish with one wound, then doe I iust­ly wish the teares of King Anchises mourning for the fatall destruction of proude Troye, or of M. Marcellus for the citie of Syracusa, when hee sawe it burned or of Salust when he sawe Rome ill gouerned: or of King Demetrius, [Page] when hee saw his sonne in lawe slaine in the battaile of Marathone. But because mens harts are flintie, and not touched with iust sorrowe, breeding remorse of my fall, let me wish, and wishing obtaine the kinde and brinish teares of Queene Rosana, for her husband Darius, when he was conquered by the great Alexan­der, or of bewtifull Cleopatra, weeping without comfort, that her best beloued Anthony was conquered by Caesar: but if these teares be prophane, and not be­fitting to mourne for the wrong, to so vertuous and to so holy an Iland, then let me wish the teares of Ieremy for Ba­bylon, when it was made captiue, or Da­uids mourning for his sonne Absolon, or olde father Iacobs for his sonne Ioseph: this were tragicke matter, to write of treason, to thinke but of that (yet death to thinke) which they intended, after that day (if euer that then day shoulde enioy a sunne) (being darker then the blackest night) (as I wish and hope that [Page] it neuer shall) shall Englands wise and painefull Chroniclers write nothing but warres and bloodie fieldes: Poets Lucan-like begin with Bella per emathios plus quam ciui [...]ia Campos: and then those that like the Philosopher Ariminus, (who wrote of the aboundance of Ae­gypt) haue finelie discoursed of the plentie of this Iland, may sit downe, and shew a naked, bare, and fleshles Skele­ton to the whole worlde▪ and those that haue boasted (as Demophon of the fer­tiltie of Arabia) shall sigh and say that Englishmens teares hath shedde such a­boundance of salte, in the earths fur­rowes, that the Iland is become bar­ren: and they that like Thurilides (of the treasures of Tyrus) haue tolde the worlde by trauaile of Englands wealth, may sit downe and say, The rich betray­ed, are the richest spoyles: and those that like Asclepius (of the mines of Europe) haue written of the welthie bowels of the English earth, shall say that then she [Page] sendeth forth nothing but smoake, desi­rous to make an eternall night: And those that haue written like Dodrillus (of the praise of Greece) (or Leonidas of the triumphs of Thebes, or Eumenides of A­thens gouernment) shall tell posteritie, that Treason in one day depriued Eng­land of all these.

But least some should think, that then As they ac­count it. my sorrow should be greater thē cause why, and that the losse were nothing which England should haue by so foule a sinne; giue mee leaue but in plaine tearmes to set forth a naked trueth, and diuiningly to tell, what would bee Eng­lands miserie at that day: M. Crassus the renowmed Romane, valiant in warre, & wise at home, taking Syllas part against Marius and Iulius Caesar, that was then Dictator, who being taken prisoner spake a loude, I weigh not my harme, but Tell it not in Gath, &c. the pleasure that Crassus shall haue to heare this newes: And amongst other, surely this will not bee the least that Spayne [Page] should heare but of this harme, the Court which is now (like the eight Spheare) beautified fullie with fixt stars, should be nothing but like the ayre full of Meteors, sending downe lightning, thunder, raine, haile, and such like: and then should ancient Cato that in 86. The ancient and graue counseller. yeares was neuer seene to violate gra­uitie, so much as by a smile; who was wise in speech, sweete in conuersation, in correcting seuere, in presents liberal, in diet sober, in promise certaine, and lastly inexorable in iustice: leaue the Court at the age of 55. yeares, and be­take him to a little village neere Pilena, where the passinger might write vpon the porch of his poore cabinet, O foelix Cato tu solus scis viuere: O happie Cato thou onely knowest how to liue: then should Lucullus one of the valiantest Captaines that Rome had after the warre The misery of captaines. against the Parthians (seeing the com­mon wealth troubled with the ciuill fa­ction of Sylla and Marius) from Rome, [Page] betake himselfe to Lobo neere Athens; then might Dioclesian (although a ty­rant, Elius, Spar. which is seldome but ambitious) after 18. yeares gouernment, betake himselfe to spend the rest of his daies in obscure silence; whom if the Romanes would recall by ambassage, within two yeares after he would rather liue in his poore garden with Pericles his inscrip­tion, Inueni portum, spes & fortuna valete, nil mihi vobiscum, ludite nunc alios: (the same is ingrauen in the tombe of Fran­ciscus Pullicius) And then iustly should Scipio Africanus somtimes so highly ho­nored in Rome, which in the 22. yeares tha the made war with Asia, Africk and Spayne, neuer fought vnluckely, who gained Africa, sacked Carthage, ouer­came Numantia, and conquered Han­nibal: yet discontented liued in a poore towne for eleuen yeares, without euer entring into Rome or Capua. Such should be then the desolate state of this whole Iland: and greater calamities should [Page] fall vpon vs, then a heart not vsed to these, possiblie were able to vtter. But seeing I haue begun, giue mee leaue a little to reason the case further: Can Loyaltie ve­hement a­gainst trea­son. they preferre vnknowne, before those that are well knowne? vniust, before those that are most iust? strangers, be­fore domesticall? couetous, before so­berly moderate? wicked, before religi­ous? deadly enemies, before those that are sworne vnto the Common wealth? a Spanyard, before an Englishman, and Thilip before our dread Soueraigne? There was neuer nation found so bar­barous, so cruel, so without pitie, where­in not so many (nay not one) was found so cruell to his owne countrie. Tully (O if he liued now to inuey against those) thought Verres the worst man that euer countrie had: yet compare him with these, and he was meerely honest; hee stole but out of Apollos temple, secretlie and in the night, some fewe religiouslie Traytors cō ­pared with Uerres. honoured Images: but these (I feare to [Page] speake it) haue intended to take a sa­cred Prince from a holie land: he offe­red violence to the place where Apollo was borne, but these not to the place, but to a personage, farre more sacred then Apollos was. But let not deep scan­ning wisedome be offended that I com­pare her to Apollo: for whatsoeuer wrōg was offered to that, which trueth, or ig­norance, deemed in earth the dearest, that is contained in the treasons, which haue been intended against our dread Soueraigne; who all this while standing like a rocke of pearles (in the assured God. confidence of Englands watchman) is not danted to see her enemies to bee so malitious. After that Philip of Macedon had conquered the Athenians, hauing Philosophers at supper with him he pro­pounded this Question, VVhat was the greatest thing in all the worlde; one an­swered the water: another saide the sunne: another saide the hill Olympus: a­nother sayd the giant Atlas: another [Page] saide Homer: but the last and wisest an­swered (nihil aliud in rebus humanis mag­num, nisi magna despiciens) nothing is great in humane things, but a minde that contemneth great things. M. Cu­rius, whē the Ambassadours of the Sam­nites offered him golde in great abun­dance, answered, I had rather bee Lord ouer you, that are Lordes ouer it, then onely possesse it selfe: and did not this speech of his deserue better then the action of Lucullus to rob the Spartans? Did not Crates gaine more glorie by casting his riches into the sea, then King Nabuchadonozor for taking the treasure out of the temple? Is it not more ho­nor for the rich Indians to contemne their golde, then for the greedie Spany­ards so to couet it? which if it were not vsed to the preiudice of forraine prin­ces, all countries could wish him to bee glutted with it, and that the Iberian sands were like vnto golden Tagu [...], and their little riuers, like vnto Pactolus [Page] streames; but since hee makes it the si­new of his warre, and his warre no­thing but an intended triumph ouer the greatest Empyres; it behooueth Princes to crosse his Argoses, that goods lewdlie gotten, may not be worse spent: but whilest these ruinating ambitious plotts, grounded vpon treason, haue ri­sen vp like a Pyramides in the greatest Kingdomes, Englands Soueraigne hath A happie sight. sitten confident, without presumption, conquering without crueltie, and victo­rious without contention. Whilest in the meane time Sedition shalbe ruinous, Rebellion shall haue an end, and Treason shall be fatall to him that thought it: for when heathen writers haue flatteringly perswaded that treason may haue suc­cesse, then shall the Scripture say, That 4. King. 15. neuer traitor was mentioned and left vn­punished. Sellam conspired against Za­charias the King of Israel, and slew him, but within one moneth after, hee him­selfe was slaine of Manahem: Peka con­spired [Page] against Pekaiam, and after was slaine of Oseas, and Oseas the last king of Israel, was taken bound and brought into Assyria. Infinite might examples bee in this kinde, who vpon false per­swasion haue risen vp against the Lords anoynted, and haue perished like Iabin Iudg. 4. 23. in the day of battaile, and wee may sing with Deborah, They fought from heauen e­uen the starres in their course fought against Iudg. 5. 20. 21. Sisera: the riuer of Kishon swept them a­way, the auntient riuer, the riuer Kishon, O So the Spa­nish fleete. my soule thou hast marched valiantlie. Hi­therto haue I been tossed in the dange­rous waues of swelling Treason, where iust occasion was offered to speake of sundrie by name, famous to the worlde for such foule offences: but I am loath to rippe vp the hatefull memorie of our countries enemies, whome though ray­ling In confutat. Summarij Rat. brainsicke Romoaldus the Scot, seem to cleare by his fond defence, yet it is so friuolous, idle, without learning, rea­ding, or experience, as I can tearme it [Page] nothing but Catilins oration against Against my L. Keeper & others. Tullies Consulship: and when profanely by his defence hee hath encouraged traytors the best hee can: yet then with indifferent and wise readers he shall bee deemed foolish, and England florish o­uer all her enemies. I am willing Coun­trimen, The conclu­sion. to speake more largely vnto you, but fearing to bee troublesome, I onely desire but this fauour, that accor­ding to the Hon. Examples of your fa­mous forefathers, Loyaltie may dwell in the heartes of English subiects.