The doctrine of the Apostles expressed in Scrip­ture, and alleadged by M. Hall for the mar­riage of Priests, and his other proofes for their practise, are examined and refelled: the vow of chastity is proued to be lawfull, and not im­possible. §. 1.

BEFORE I descend to the particulers of M. Halls Apologeticall discourse for the marriage of A censure of M. Hals manner of wri­ting. Ecclesiasticall persons, this briefly in generall I must say thereof, that I haue not read a more loose, base, & ragged peece of worke, or so many impertinences couched togeather in so narrow roome in any matter, or writer of cōtrouersyes which I haue seene betweene the Protestants & vs, as in this; which made me wonder to be­hold one so busy of so little ability: for the lear­ning he euery where sheweth is lesse then meane though his malice be great, & doth still ouer reach his knowledge, and surpasse all modesty: but much more did I meruaile to see such passi­ons [Page 8] so predominant in him as he could not con­teyne them within some of the boundes of his owne Characters of morall Courtesy, but was transported by their violence so far as to trans­gresse not Christian charity only, but euen the prescript of common ciuility, as euery where you will see: for in this short Letter, vpon no occasion or ground at al, he breaketh forth into such base and reproachfull tearmes, vseth such insultations and insolencyes, such false accusa­tions and impostures against Catholikes, as will loath any modest man to read, and must needs argue little wit, and good intention in the wri­ter, who in so graue a matter is forced to stoop to so Ruffianly demeanour.

7. And truly this base spirit seemeth to be so habituall in M. Hall, as I can expect nothing M. Halls railatiue speaches taxed. from him in case she should reply, but whole cart loads of contumelies, so fast they do flow from him, and so little power he hath to bridle these impetuous motions of his discomposed mynd, that notwithstanding in his vowes and meditations he say: that if he cannot tame his passions Lib. 2. §. [...]. that they may yield to his case, yet at least he will smother them, by concealing that they may not appeare to his shame, yet so vnable he is to do the one or the other, as that euen where shame should haue withholden him most, I meane in the pulpit deputed for the word of God, and instruction of the faythfull (in deliuery of which we can neuer be to graue or modest) euen there I say, he could not con­teyn, but in two sermons hath vttered more vn­sauery filth, then the Iesuits, take them al togea­ther, haue done in two thousand, or in all the [Page 9] sermons of theirs extant in print (so different are their spirits, & therefore no meruaile if he beare them such implacable hatred) for thus in one sermon he sayth: If euer you looke to see good dayes of the Ghospell, the vnhorsing and confusion of that strumpet Pharisais­me and Christiani­ty pag. 55. of Rome &c. Againe, dost thou thinke he sees not how smoothly thou hast dawbed on thyne whorish complexions? and yet further, in belying the Iesuits, wherin he is copious without end, malicious without wit, and railatiue without measure. A poore ‘wid­dowes cottage (sayth he) fild the panch of that old Pharisy, how many faire patrimonyes of deuout yong gētlemen druryed by them (pardon the word, it is their owne, the thing I know & can witnes) haue gone down the throats of these Loyalists, let their owne Quodlibet and Catechisme’ report. And is it tolerable, trow you, thus with lying ribaldry to intertayne the people gathe­red to heare his sermon? is this the word of God which he doth preach? is this the modesty of the Gospell? and for the two books which he calleth their own, it is his own vntruth, for they were composed by their enemyes, I meane by men of as much credit as himselfe, and one of the writers publikly at his death recalled what he had written, and craued pardon of the Iesuits for the wrong; & of the world for the scandall which he had giuen by his bookes. But M. Hall himselfe will needs out of his kindnes forsooth enter for a wittnes in a thing which he doth know to be true, but this you must vnderstand to be only a Puritanical truth, which is nothing els but a starke lye, as in the last paragraffe shall be declared; for these men neither in printed [Page 10] bookes or pulpits are to be belieued if they speak against Catholikes, specially if they raile against Iesuits, wherein they vse all lawlesse liberty, and in despight of truth will lye for the aduan­tage.

8. Which point is not only the triuiall sub­iect of their ordinary sermons, I meane to lye, & M. Halls passionate sermon of our Saui­ours pas­sion. to vse such loathsome tearmes as none in such occasions would vse but themselues; but also in the most graue and holiest matters, as of our Sa­uiours Passion, of all theames the most sacred, & that on good friday, at Paules Crosse, they can­not refraine; so as no place, tyme, or theame i [...] able to bridle the vnbridled passions of our En­glish ministers: for this man speaking of par­dons or Indulgences (which I thinke he vnder­standeth not) in his Passion sermon, he very modestly saieth of the Catholike Roman Church, that strumpet would well neer go naked if th [...] were not: and further talketh or rather tatleth o [...] Antichristian blasphemy, furious bulles that bellow [...] threats, and tosse them in the ayre for heretikes, and th [...] like, much lesse beseeming the pulpit, then [...] fooles cap the preacher. But of this dealing of his, I shall after haue more occasion to warn [...] him, and by this little you may see how iustl [...] now and then I am moued to vse a rough wis [...] to scoure so vncleane a vessell. Let him be mor [...] temperate and I will neuer be sharp: if stirre [...] thereunto by his example I should obserue Lege [...] talionis, let him thanke himselfe who withou [...] all example or occasion offered did first prouo [...] me thereunto, though yet notwithstanding hi [...] prouocation I intend not paribus concurrere telis, [...] [Page 11] encounter him in the like stile with maledictum pro maledicto, leauing that as hereditary to Pro­testants: my words shall still beseeme my selfe, haue modesty and truth for their characters, they shall offend no chast eares, and as little as may be M. Halls patience (which yet I take to be very tender) vnles it be where he offends others of much better credit and esteeme then himselfe, and that also shall be rather for his correction that he may see his owne errour and amend it, then for any ill will I beare his person, or de­light I take in that veyne of writing. But to proceed.

9. Although that M. Hall be euery where M. Halls Thrasoni­call van­ting, though he performe nothing. virulent against vs as you see, yet is the man very fauourable and ouerweening towards himselfe, for albeit he scant vnderstand the true state of the question he treateth, albeit he produce no­thing but eyther by wrong interpretation mis­understood, or by corruption forged, or of it selfe counterfayt, and albeit he neuer bring true authority (one only excepted and that of no credit) that toucheth the controuersy, no argu­ment that concludes, nothing in fine of any weight or moment; yet doth he so vaunt euery where ouer his aduersaries, so aduaunce him­selfe, is so couragious and confident, as though he were some great Golias waging war with Pigmeyes, and that his aduersaryes were so far from withstanding his force, as they durst not stand before him, or endure his assault: for as though that God and man conspired in this without all contradiction, he telleth vs, that if God shallbe Iudge of this controuersy, it were soone at an end, [Page 10] [...] [Page 11] [...] [Page 12] and to vs he cryeth out, heare ô ye papists the iudgment of your owne Cardinall, and confesse your mouthes stopped: and of himselfe, that if I fre not this truth let me be puni­shed with a diuorce, yea so light doth this graue man make this controuersy, and the truth thereof on his behalfe so cleere, as though none but some Carpet knight did doubt of it, or dispute against it: some idle table talke (saith he) calls vs to pleade for our wiues, perchance some gallants grudge vs one who can be content to allow themselues more, & for a scholler to refute table-talkes, or yong gallants, is as you know no great maistery, nec habet victoria laudem.

10. But presently forgetting his yong gallants and table-talkes, he bordeth vs and neuer leaueth vs till the end of the epistle, so as his whole scope is to disproue the single life of Catholike priests, and thereby to impugne our doctrine in that behalf: in which fynding other aduersaries then yong gallants, or idle table tal­kers, and stronger arguments then he knew how to dissolue, being on the one side vnwilling to be silent, and on the other not able to performe what himselfe desired and friends expected, like a right Crauen flyeth out of the feild, neuer so much as looking on the proofs for our assertion which to much affrighted him, as being all en­dorsed with a noli me tangere: but seeing many ob­iections in Bellarmyne out of Caluin, Melancthon, the Magdeburgians, and others answered, and so ans­wered as he could make no reply, the poore man was driuen to that exigent, as he was forced to borrow from thence the obiections, but with­out any mention at all of any solution giuen by the Cardinall, and so he commeth forth with [Page 13] his answered arguments, as with broken shafts, and florisheth in the ayre, and vaunteth aboue measure.

11. You may thinke perhaps that I extenu­ate too much M. Halls learning, or exaggerate too M. Halls argumēts in Bellar­mine and their solu­tions dis­sembled. far his insufficiency, for being reputed and ta­ken for a scholler, he could not but see the dis­credit that would follow of such dealing: but in this I will make your selfe witnes, yea a iudge also, for the bookes themselues will speake, and there needeth no more in one who vnderstan­deth Latin, then to bring his eyes & reade both Authors: for what place of Scripture doth M. Bellar. de Clericis l. 1. c. 20. &c. 1. Tim. 4. 1. Tim. 3. Hebr. 13. Hall produce that is not there answered? there he shall see his text of the doctrine of Diuells explica­ted, there that other, Let him be the husband of one wise, there lastly, how marriage is honorable in all, and yet not lawfull betweene brother and sister, Father and daughter, frier and nunne, or in any person that hath vowed the contrary: there of the Apostles wiues in generall, & of S. Paules in 1. Cor. 9. Philip. 4. particuler: for Councells there the Canon of the Apostles, and the sixth Synod, there Pope Steuens decree, there in fine is the history of Paphnutius reiected, the letter of S. Vdalrick disproued, the examples of marryed Bishops answered: so as there is all the sap and substance of this letter re­futed, for on these thinges specially doth it rely, and yet as if nothing had beene sayd vnto them they are heer againe repeated, and Bellarmine not so much as once named in all the letter, but this silence proceeded of no ill policy: for he was loath to name the place from whence he had fetcht his store, least there the Reader should by [Page 14] his recourse haue found the answers, and disco­uered his weaknes.

12. And the like policy he vseth in pain­ting out his margent with Greeke & Latin sen­tences, Great va­nity and ostentati­on. which to the simple who vnderstand neither the one or other tongue maketh a great shew of sincerity and learning: especially being conioyned with so many resolute speaches, as when he saith, That he passeth not what men and Angells say whiles he heares God say, let him be the husband of one wife, that one word (saith M. Hall) shall confirme me against the barking of all impure mouthes. Againe, That if he conuince not all aduersaries, he will be cast in so iust a cause: with so many eager chargings of vs, with burning, blotting out, cutting away, and peruer­ting what we cannot answere. VVhat (sayth he) dare not Impudency do? against all euidences of Greeke copyes, against their owne Gratian, against pleas of antiquity? this is the readyest way, whome they cannot answere to burne, what they cannot shift of, to blot out, and to cut the knot which they cannot vntye: and last of all with beating vs backe, as he would seeme with our ‘owne weapons: For besides the Scriptures, you haue Councells and those sacred, Fathers and those ancient, the Popes decrees, Gratian the Ca­nonist, the later Cardinalls, the Greeke Church, and purer times: which names alone wherewith’ his text and margent is stuft, being thus ranged togeather, cannot but make great impression in the eyes of the ignorant, who without further enquiry (as being not able to search into these matters) take all for true which with these cir­cumstances are deliuered vnto them.

13. But these are now, haue heretofore bene, [Page 15] and wilbe alwaies the sleights of heretiks to co­uer Heretikes couer a wolfe with a sheepe skin. a wolfe with a sheeps skinne, and on the fowlest matters to make the fairest pretence, ne­uer making a deeper wound then where they would be thought to worke their greatest cure; or vsing more deceit, then when they most preach of plain dealing: for heer M. Hall would seeme to sticke to God against men and Angells when as he cleane leaueth him; he offereth to be cast in his cause if he do not euince it, when as he relateth a meer fable, a notorious vntruth; talketh of our burning of bookes, tearing out of places, and the like, where there is no shew or shadow therof; he alleadgeth Canons, Coun­cells, Fathers to no purpose but to delude his reader with their names, and to hide his hooke with a more alluring bayte, for without this art his wordes would be of no regard, or able [...]o perswade any. Nam nec venator seram (saith S. Greg. l. 7. epist. ep. 112. Gregory) aut auem auceps [...]ret &c. For neither [...]he hunter would catch the beast, or the fowler [...]he bird, or the fisher the fish, if either the hunter ‘ [...]r fowler should lay their snars open to be seen, [...]r the fisher with a bayte should not hide his [...]ooke: by all meanes we are to feare and beware [...]f the deceit of the enemy, least by a secret blow [...]e do not more cruelly kill, whome by open ten­ [...]tion’ he could not ouerthrow. So he, of the di­ [...]ls, and we of heretickes.

14. But now let vs come to the particulers [...] M. Halls proofes, and behold how well they [...]nclude, for somewhat you may imagine he Bernard. ep. 190. [...]th found out quod tot latuerit sanctos, tot praeterierit [...]ientes, or else he would neuer vse such cōfidence [Page 16] and Thrasonical vanting, & offer the hazard of a diuorce: and to the end there may be no mista­king you must know that our controuersy is not whether any Priestes and Bishops haue bene marryed, or had children, for of that there can be The true state of the question is set downe, which in this con­trouersy is much to be no­ted. no difficulty, it being euident the Father of S. Gregory Nazianzen, afterward Bishop, S. Hilary, S. Gregory Nassen, and others named in this epistle to haue had wiues, & some of them by their wiue issue, but our question only is whether any afte [...] they were made Priests or Bishops did euer ma [...] ry, or if they married not, whether yet they vse their wiues which before they had, & wheth [...] that vse was approued as lawfull. And this th [...] protestants affirme both in doctrine & practis [...] and we deny; and for our deniall bring the co [...] sent of all times, all places, all Authors of no [...] and credit for our assertion: whereas M. Hall [...] now you shall see, produceth little els but i [...] allegations, impostures, and meer vntruthe this we shall now examine.

15. After a few idle wordes to no purp [...] thus he writeth. But some perhaps mainteyn o [...] M. Hall beginneth with a cluster of vntruths. Mariage not to be lawfull out of iudgment, by them make much of that which Paul tells the [...] is a doctrine of diuells, were it not for this opini [...] the Church of Rome would want one euide [...] ‘brand of her Antichristianisme: let their shaueli [...] speake for themselues vpon whome their y [...] lawfull vow hath forced a willfull and imp [...] ssible necessity: I leaue them to scan the old ru [...]’ in turpi vote muta decretum. So M. Hall, making you see his first entrance with a fierce assa [...] being set as it should seem into some choller, [Page 17] ere we end, I hope we shall in part coole his courage, and shew his chiefest talent not to be in disputing, in which he is no body, but in rai­ling and lying, wherein we contend not with him, but willingly giue him the garland of that conquest: and as for vntruthes they will be very frequent with him when as euen heer he begin­neth with such a cluster togeather.

16. For truly if any one out of iudgment In few lines no lesse then fiue vn­truthes. doubted of the mariage of priests & clergy men, he cannot but be further off from beleeuing it, when he seeth M. Hall so, without iudgment learning, or truth, to mainteyne it: for omitting his railing in these few words are fine vntruths. 1. That S. Paul calleth the single life of priests the doctrine of diuells. 2. That this is a brand of Anti­christianisme. 3. That this vow is vnlawful. 4. That it forceth an impossible necessity. 5. That it is turpe votum, which are contradictory tearms, for a vow can neuer be turpe, because it is defyned by deuins to be promissio socta Deo de meliore bono, which can conteyne no turpitude in it. I see we shall haue a good haruest ere we come to the end, seeing he begins with so great abundance, for all this his entrance consisteth only of vntruthes.

17. Which vntruthes albeit I might with as great facility reiect as he doth aue [...]re them, The first vntruth refuted. seeing they haue no other ground then his bare assertion for their proofs▪ yet very briefly I will touch them all in order as they lye. I say therfore that it is vntrue, that S Paul calleth the single life Theodor. in Com. Haymo ibidem. of priests the doctrine of diuells, for he speaketh of those, as Theodore [...] doth expound him, qui execrabi­les nuptias & plurimos cibos appellabant, who called [Page 18] mariage and diuers meates execrable: he spea­keth Tract. 9. in loan. of those, as S. Augustine saith, who sayed: quod malae essent nuptiae, & quod diabolus eas fecisset, that mariages were naught, and that the Diuell had 3. Stroma­tum. made them: he speaketh of those according to Clemens Alexandrinus, qui matrimonium abhorrent, ab­hor matrimony: in one word he speaketh of the Manicheans, and other heretiks, as S. Ambrose, E­piphantus, Ambr. in comment. and others expound him, who held matrimony in it selfe to be vncleane and impute August. haeres. 22. Epiphan. haeres. 42. & 66. from which the Catholiks are so far, as they not only allow it as cleane, torus immaculatus, the bed vndefiled, but also approue it for a Sacrament.

18. And it followeth not as M Hall surmi­zeth, that because priests and Religious refuse to marry, therefore they condemne marriage, and teach the doctrine of diuells: for as S. Augustine well noteth: Si ad virginitatem sic hortaremini, quimadmo­dum Aug l 30. contra Paustum Manic. c. 6. hortatur aposto ica doctrina: Qui d [...]t nuptum, benefacit, & qui non dat nuptum meliùs facit: vt bonum esse nup [...]ias diceretis sed meliorem virginitatem, ficut facit Ecclesia quae verè Christi est Ecclesia, non ves spiritus sanctus ita prenuntiaret. dicens &c. [...]f you (saith he to the Manichees) did so exnort to virginity as the Apostolica [...]l doctrine doth, saying: he that matrieth his daughter doth well, and he who matrieth not doth better, that you would graūt mariage to be good, virginity to be better, as the Anselm. in comment. Church doth, which is truly the Church of Christ, the holy Ghost would not so forwarn vs of you; saying, prohibentes nubere, forbidding to matry: & then addeth this sentence which verba­tim S. Anselm in his cōmentary hath taken of him: I [...]e prohibet qui hoc malum esse dicit, non qui huic bono [Page 19] aliud bonum anteponit. He forbiddeth a thing ac­cording to S. Paul, who saieth it is ill, not he who before one thing that is good prefers ano­ther that is better: which is the very case of those mentioned, as is euident. And the selfe same hath S. Chrysostome in his Commentary. Aliud Chrys. in comment. (sayth he) est prohibere, aliud suae voluntatis dominium relinquere &c. It is one thing to forbid marriage, another thing to leaue a man free: for one (as the afore named Heretik) so far as he is able forbids marriage, another (to wit the Catholike) ex­horts vnto Virginity, as the more noble: nei­ther doth he do it as forbidding to marry, sed celsioris virtutis merita sectanda proponit, but sets be­fore ther eyes the pursuit of the merits of a more Fulgen. ep. 3. cap. 9. eminent vertue. So S. Chrysostome. And S. Ful­gentius in few words answereth this stale cauill, saying: Ne (que) sic virginitatem frumentis ascribimus, vt coniugium inter zizania deputemus. We do not so compare virginity to pure corne, as to cast ma­trimony amongst the vncleane cockle.

19. The second vntruth is, that this is the The se­cond vn­truth refu­ted. brand of Antichristianisme: belike none of Antichrist his Chaplyns shall haue wiues, or els I see not why this should be his brand: for if he meane as he seemeth to do, that to professe continency out of marriage is Antichristian, whether in widdowes, or virgins; with our Cleargy, and Religious he will brand also S. Paul, who in the very next Chapter after this cyted by him­selfe speaking of certayne yong widdows who after their vowes would marry sayth: damnatio­nem 1. Tim. 5. habentes quia primam sidem irritam secerunt, ha­uing damnation because they haue made voide [Page 20] or broken their first faith: where by the word faith all Fathers without exception vnderstand a Vow, or promise made to God of continency in the state of widdowhood. S. Chrysostome, Theophilact, and Oecumenius call it pactum, a coue­nant or accord. By which word that a vow i [...] meant is plaine by Theodoret, where he sayth: hoc autem (non peccat) dicit de ijs quae virginitatis pacti Theod. epitom. di­ [...] decre­to. cap. de virginet. conuenta seu vota nondum secerant: that which the Apostle sayth (he doth not sinne) he sayth of those who as yet had made no couenants or vows of virginity. S. Hierom calls it a promise, S. Ambrose a profession, and the same doth also Theo­doret saying: Cùm enim Christo professae sunt in viduita­te castè viuere, secunda Matrimonia contrahunt, when as they had professed to liue chastly in widdow­hood, they marryed the second tyme, and which is all one with the former. S. Augustine in many places calleth it a Vow, and sayth that these wan­ton widdowes were condemned for breaking their Vowes made of not marrying any more. Non quia (sayth he) ipsae nuptiae velut malum iudican­tur, August. serm. de bo­no viduitatis [...]. 8. & 9. sed damnatur propositi fraus, damnatur fracta voti fides. These widdowes are not therfore condem­ned for marrying because marriages are held to ‘be naught, but the transgression of their con­trary purpose is condemned, the breach of their vow is condemned. So he. Againe in another place, the Apostle speaking of certaine who vow chastity, & after will marry, which before their vowes was lawful for them to do, he sayth: they haue damnation, because they haue made voyd’ their first fayth. In this manner also Primasius ex­poundeth this Text: quia fecerunt sibi illicitum, quod [Page 21] licebat vouendo castitatem, they made that vnlaw­ful which before was lawful by vowing of cha­stity. The same hath Haymo, S. Ambrose, S. Thomas, and others, yea all that I could euer find to com­ment on this passage, as well Greeke as Latin.

20. But what need I stand vpon particuler Authors, when I may bring two hundred and Concil. Carthag. 1. Canon vltimo. fourten togeather, al Bishops, all sitting in Coun­cell at Carthage, all agreeing in this exposition, amongest whome S. Augustine himselfe was both present and subscribed: in this Councell, I say, in the very last Canon it is decreed, that if any widdow after shee hath receaued the habit and vowed thastity shall marry againe that she shalbe excomunicated, & the reason is assigned, because according to the Apostle damnationem habebunt que­niam fidem castitatis quam domino vouerunt irritam facere ausaesunt. They shall haue damnation because they presumed to break the promise of chastity which they haue vowed vnto our Lord. What more cleare?

21. Wherefore this being the vniforme opi­nion M. Hall hardly vrged. of all antiquity, auouched by so many, and neuer by any contradicted, of the sense of this place, I demaund now of M. Hall whether these yong widdowes in breaking their vowes did synne or not; if they did not, why shall they haue damnation? and why are they condemned by the Apostle for breaking their former promise? Why is their marriage reproued which they might lawfully contract? if they did synne, as indeed they did, then how is the vow vnlawful? how the brand of Antichristianisme? how doth it induce an impossible necessity? For no man syn­neth [Page 22] where there is eyther necessity or impossi­bility, much lesse in breaking a filthly vow, as this impure companion speaketh, which neuer bin­deth the maker: let him turne himselfe into all Pretheus his formes, he shall neuer auoyd the force of this reason. For eyther he must deny the word Faith, to signify a promise, vow, or couenant and then he condemneth the Auncient Fathers, or say that these widowes sinned not, and then he condemneth S. Paul; or graunt that they did synne, and then he condemneth himselfe. This Gordian knot requires more strength then M. Halls learning, and a sharper edge then Alexanders sword, to dissolue, or cut it asunder.

22. And herein I appeale to the iudgments of al schollers, whether this one inference of th [...] Apostle, do not forcibly ouerthrow all his vn­truths togeather: for supposing these widdowes to haue vowed, their vow to haue beene law­full, the transgression damnable, the obseruance laudable, who seeth not that it is no doctrine of Diuells, but diuine and Apostolicall; no brand of Antichristianisme, but a band of Christian perfection; no vnlawfull vow; no impossible necessity; no turpitude, but Angelicall purity to be conteyned therein, and the like. I know Caluins ridiculous cuasion. some Heretikes of our tyme, do vnderstand this first faith of the faith of Baptisme, but how can this faith hinder marriage? or how do they breake this faith, that thereby they should in­cur damnation? This alone might suffice for a full answere to all his first obiection, yet to deale more friendly with him, I will add a word o [...] two more touching the other three vntruthes.

23. The third vntruth is, that this vow is The third vntruth refured. vnlawfull which he proueth not, though it be a fundamentall point in this new Ghospell, & was the plea of M. Halles Heroicall Luther (for so he stileth him) when he became so wanton, as he In his Pas­sion Ser­mon. could no longer be without his woman, and so lewd as to make lawes to mainteyne his vnlaw­full lust: for by these good workes was the flesh­ly fancy of iustification by only fayth, first fra­med and set on foot, and therefore this point being so essentiall, deserued some better proofe, then a bare auouching, vnles perhaps M. Hall thinke to haue proued it to be vnlawfull, by af­firming it to be impossible, but that is nothing els, then to proue onelye by making of another, or to speake more properly, boldly without pro­uing anything to multiply vntruthes, & abuse his Readers: and indeed such Propositions de­serue no other answere then a resolute denyal, with some checke of the maker, for supposing the thing that most of al imported him to proue, & that against all the lawes of learning, which call this dealing petitionem principij, a fault vnwor­thy of a puny Sophister, who will shame to as­sume that as euident which is denyed by his ad­uersary, and insteed of prouing fal to supposing, by which kind of arguing he may proue what he list, and make an asse to haue eight eares, be­cause he may suppose him to haue foure heads.

24. Neuertheles that this new heresy be­gan with breaking of vowes, and pleading the vnlawfulles and impossibility of them, I meane vpon the occasion offered of M. Halls words, to discusse a little either member a part, and let [Page 24] you see both, what our Adu [...]rsaries now say, & what the Fathers, whose authority M Hall so much doth reuerence, haue sayd in this matter: although for the later none can be ignorāt who read their works, how vehemently they haue approued vowes, and without all disproofe of marriage, haue extolled single life both for per­fection and merit before matrimony: and M. Hall against vowes of virginity and chastity, from them fetcheth no testimony, but relyeth on his two foresayd supposed, and not proued prin­ciples, to wit, that they are vnlawfull, that they are impossible, and so being vnlaw [...]ull they may not be made, being impossible they cannot be kept: & for that the vnlawfullnes he mentioneth may be as well meant of that which floweth from the very nature and essence of such vowes, as from the surmized impossibility of the obiect, in regard whereof he calleth it turpe votum, a fil­thy vow, as including in it selfe some vnclea­nes; I will shew such vowes to be far from all impurity, far from impossibility, and conse­quently that they may lawfully be made, and inuiolably obserued by the makers.

25. Which point deserueth the greater discussion for the cause alleadged, I meane for that these later heresyes began by vow-breakers who to excuse their incontinency cōdemned al vowes, and made this in particuler to be worse Luther. l. de votis Monast. tom. 6. Ggr. pag. [...]32. then aduowtry, to be vnlawfull, to be impossi­ble: Quid igitur de voto castitatis (sayth lewd Luther) amplius dicam &c. What then shall I say more of the vow of chastity? my purpose is not to de­clare by what meanes it is to be kept, but by [Page 25] what meanes it cannot, or ought not to be kept. And what thinke you to be the cause heereof? no other truly but that which M. Hall doth heer alleadge, that it is an vnlawfull vow. Quomodo fieri potest (sayth Luther) vt tale votum non sit. pe [...]us quàm adulterium seu fornicatio? How can it otherwise be, but that such a vow of chastity is worse then adultery, or fornication? And in the same book he sayth, that a man doth mocke God by these vowes no lesse, then if he should vow to be a Bishop, and that God doth reiect these vowes no lesse then if he had vowed to be the mother Luth ep. ad VVolfgā ­gum Reis­senbusch. of God, or to create a new Heauen. Againe against Catharinus he sayth, that the tenth face of Antichrist is the single life of such as do vow cha­stity: planè Angelica facies, sed diabolica res; indeed it is an Angelicall face, but a diabolicall thing, & to vow the same is nothing els, then to con­demne and accurse matrimony. With this mad Martin, Pellican & Bucer two other marryed Friers In cap. 1. Matth do in iudgment and opinion accord: for they will haue the Law and Commandment of God to be to the contrary, that is, to inhibite the vow of chastity, and to command all men to be housholders, all women to be house-wiues.

26. And so far did Luther thinke men to be bound by the obligation of this law, as thus he In eollo­quijs Ger­man. c. de vita coniu­gali. writeth of himselfe: Ego priusquam matrimonium inieram, omnino mecum statueram &c. I before I was maryed had fully determined with myselfe that in case I should dye sooner then I expected, that euen in the agony or pang of death I would ‘be­troth my selfe to some young mayd. So sharp set’ was this wanton companion on marriage, as he [Page 26] thought it necessary, and that also necessitate medi to saluation: and he who will consider the quicke dispatch he made in marying, shall fynd that his hast was somewhat more then his good Epist. ad Patremsu­um Ioan­nem tom. 2. latin. VVittem­berg. Epist ad VVm [...]es­laum Lin­chium. Luther. ep. ad Ioan. Ruell, Ioā. Durr, & Gasp. Miller. tō. 9. German. speed, for hauing cast of the yoke of all regular discipline, and bragged in a letter to his father that now he was vnder none but Christ, ipse me [...] est immediatus (quod vocant) Episcopus, Abbas, Prior, Dominus, Pater, & Magister, alium non noui ampliùs Christ is my immediate Bishop (as they call it) he is my Abbot, Prior, Lord, Father, and Maister, now I know no more but him: the next yeare after he marryed (to vse his owne words) cum honesta virgine Catherina Bore, quae aliquan­do monialis fuit, with an honest virgin Catherin Bore, which once had bene a Nunne: and to make sure worke, ne quod impedimentum obijceretur, mox etiam festinatum adieci concubitum, and least any impediment should occur &c.

27. And he did well to mention his hasty copulation, or else the effect had appeared before the cause, and his Kate had shewed herselfe a mother before she had bene knowne to be his Erasm. ad Danielem Mauchium Vlmēsem. wife: for Erasmus writing to his freind Daniell Mauchius of Vlmes, thus reporteth the matter. Mōtini lepidissimis literis nescio an vacet nunc respondere &c. I know not whether I shall be at leasure now to answere the pleasant letter of Montinus, you shall The vn­luckines of Luthers ouer hasty marriage. tell him a prety iest: Luther laying aside his Phi­losophicall cloke hath marryed a wife, of the noble family of the Bores, a very faire mayd of six and twenty yeares of age: but he hath no dowry with her, and she had bene a Nunne; & that you may know this mariage to haue bene [Page 27] very lucky, a few dayes after the marriage was ‘celebrated, the new wife was brought to bed.’ so Erasmus: and more compendiously Iustus Baroni­us: Iustus Ba­ronius ope­re de praes­criptioni­bus. Lutherus heri Monachus, hodie sponsus, cras maritus perendie Pater: Luther was yesterday a monke, to day a bridegrome, to morrow a husband, the next day after a father. So he. Which as you se was somewhat to hasty indeed, and yet not­withstanding which is more strange, after he had knowne his harlot, and she was knowne to be great with child, he wrote a letter to one Spa­latinus, Epist. ad Spalatin. and calleth his wife a virgin: Spero (saith he) me os obtur asse ijs qui me vnâ cum mea desponsata mihi ‘ virgine Catharina de Bore traducunt & dissamāt: I hope now that I haue stopped their mouthes who staunder and defame me togeather with my es­powsed virgin Catherine Bore. And the like he’ writeth to Nicolas Amsdorsius, calling her after this againe virtuosam virginem, a vertuous virgin: but such vertue, such virgin: a fit matron she was for so mad a fryer.

28. Besides this precept and practise of mariage in these men, to add further that the vow of perpetuall chastity is impossible to be kept, may well seeme a thing impossible to be affirmed by a Christian man, but Africke was neuer so full of different monsters as these men are of prodigious opinions: for now nothing is so improbable but may fynd an Author, and this of chastity how­soeuer it be a brutish paradox, is affirmed by Lu­ther, and that in such blunt and beastly manner, as I am ashamed to put downe all his words, as vnwilling to let any thing passe my pen that may defile your cares, or by reading offend any [Page 28] chast mynd. Wherefore to omit other his base speaches to shew a vow of chastity for tearme of life to be impossible, thus he writeth: Ponamus quòd a­liquis Tom. 6. de votis. Monasticis pag. 221. & Epist. ad VVolf­gangum Reiss [...]nbus. voueat condere nouas stellas, montes (que) transferre, a [...] non iure vocares amentiam? sed enim vo [...]um castitatis à tali voto nihil differt. Let vs suppose that one should vow to make new starres, and to remoue moun­taynes, would you not worthily call this vow a meer madnes: but there is no difference be­twene ‘the vow of chastity and this vow. So Lu­ther, and againe to the same effect: Castè & integrè’ viuere tam non est in manu nostra quàm omnia reliqua Tom. 7. pag. 505. Dei miracula: to liue chastly and continently is as little in our power as are all the other miracles of almighty God: and so whereas it lyeth not in our power to worke all the miracles of God, to make new starres, to remoue mountaynes, & the like, no more is it in our power to liue chast, which sayeth this Epicure, homini à Deo nullo modo concedi­tur, Greg. Thauma­turgus vt referunt Basil. Gre­go. Nissen. Beda, alij. is not graunted by God to any man: and in­deed though I haue heard of one who remoued a mountayn, yet did I neuer read of any that made new starrs, though some by the reuolution of their Epicycles haue newly appeared, but they were made by the same hand which made the rest, and at the same tyme, and therefore by good illation it will follow, that as no man is able to make a new star, so by Luthers doctrine no man is able to liue chast.

29. And this might suffice to shew his opi­nion of this impossibility, and it is to monstrous as yowsee, but yet as though this were not more then inough, he further putteth downe for sur­plusage this position: Quàm parùm in mea potestate [Page 29] situm est, vt vir non sim, tam parùm etiam in mea potestate Luther. lib. de vita con­iugali Tom. 6. VVitem­berg. Germ. pag. 171. situm est, vt abs (que) muliere sim: ac rursum, quàm parùm in tua potestate est, vt mulier non sis, tam parùm etiam in tua potestate est, vt abs (que) viro sis, quia hac res non est ar­bitaria seu consilij, sed res necessaria ac naturalis, vt omnis vir multerem habeat, & omnis mulier virum &c. est (que) hoc plusquam praeceptum magis necess [...]rium quàm comedere & bibere, purgare & exspuere, domire & vigilare. ‘As little as it lieth in my power not to be man, so litle is it in my power to be without a woman: and againe as little as it is in thy power not to be a woman, so little is it in thy power to be without a man. Because this matter is not left in our owne hands, but it is both necessary and naturall, that euery man haue a woman, and e­uery woman haue a man &c. And this is more’ then a cōmandement, and more necessary then to eat and drinke ( purgare & exspuere are to homely stuffe to be Englished) to sleep and wake. So far this Christian Epicure: and some 6. pages after he counsaileth what is to be done in case the wife be froward, and will not come at her husbands call, and his aduise is to leaue her in her fro­wardnes and to take some other: to seeke some Hesther and leaue Vasthy, with other such beastly impertinencies.

30. By this you see how Luther, and M. Hall The first point is discussed, to wit, whether the vow of chastity be Vnlawfull or not. like Pilate and Herode though at variance betwene themselues, yet in this do agree against vs, that the vow of castity is vnlawfull and impossible: let vs now debate frendly the matter it selfe in eyther member, and see if this eyther in reason or from the warrant of Scriptures or the Fathers can subsist. And to begin with the vnlawfulnes: if [Page 30] the vow of chastity be vnlawfwll it must either be in respect of the vow, or of the matter vowed; but from neither of these two branches can this vnlawfulnes proceed, and consequently it is not vnlawfull at all. Not from the first, because Deuteron. 23. Eccles. 5. psal. 21. 49. 65. 75. vows in generall are lawfull, and as such are al­lowed in the old and new testament, and of the Messias it was prophesyed, that the Aegyptians should worship him in sacrifices and giftes: and further, Vota vouebunt Domino & soluent, they shall Isa. 19. make vowes vnto our Lord and shall performe them, and these vowes do more straytly bind vs vnto God, then any promises made amongst men do bynd them to one another. Quàm grauia Ambros. lib. 9. in Lucam in caput 20. sunt vincula (saith S. Ambroise) promittere Deo & non soluere &c. How grieuous are the bands to pro­mise to God and not to performe? It is better not ‘to vow then to vow and not to render what we haue vowed, Maior est contractus fidei quàm pecuniae, the contract or promise of Religion, is greater then the contract or promise of money: satisfy’ thy promise whiles yet thou art aliue before the Leo epist. 92. cap. 15. Iudge come, & cast thee into prison. So he. The same, to omit others, hath S. Leo: Ambigi non potest &c. It cānot be doubted that a great sine is cōmit­ted where the (religious) purpose is forsaken & vowes violated. The reason whereof he yeldeth saying: Si humana pacta non possunt impunè calcari, quid de eis manebit qui corruperint foedera diuini Sacramenti? If humane contracts are not broken without punishment, what shall become of them, who haue violated the cōtracts of their sacred promi­se made vnto God? So he. And this was the cause why the Apostle sayd, that the yong widdowes [Page 31] by violating their vow, had incurred damnati­on, because it was made to God, and so could not be made voyd at all. Quid est, sayth S. Augu­stine, August. in psalm. 75. primam fidem irritam [...]ecerunt [...] vouerunt & non reddiderunt. What is meant, that they made voyd their first fayth? they vowed and performed not their vows. What more cleare? And in another De virgi­nitate cap. 33. place: primam fidem irrittam fecerunt, id est, in eo quod primò vouerant non steterunt, they made voyd their first [...]ayth, that is, they remayned not constant in that which they had first vowed.

31. And this place, not only proueth a vow to be lawfull in generall, but euen in this parti­culer matter we now speake of, I meane of cha­stity. Because these widdowes were reprehen­ded of the Apostle, for that they would marry, and not liue chastly in widdowhood as they had vowed, as before I haue shewed: to which end, and to proue the perpetuall band of these vowes, it is applyed also by S. Fulgentius, when Fulgentius de fide ad Petrum cap. 30. he fayth: Quistatuit in corde suo firmus, non habens ne­cessitatem, potestatem autem habens suae voluntatis &c. He who hath determined in his hart being sted­fast, not hauing any necessity, but hauing pow­er ouer his owne will, and hath vowed chastity to God, he ought with all care, and sollicitude of mynd to keep the same vntill the end of his life, least he haue damnation if he shall make voyd his first fayth. So he. And to the same ef­fect before him wrote S. Hierom saying: Nazaraei Hierom. in caput 46. Eze­chielu. [...] sponte se offerūt, & quicum (que) aliquid vouerit & non imple­uerit votireus est &c. The Nazarites volūtarily offer themselues, and whosoeuer hath vowed any thing, & not fullfilled it, is guilty of his violated [Page 32] ‘vow, wherupon of widdowes it is sayd, when they waxe wanton in Christ they will marry hauing damnation &c. for it is better not at all to promise, then not to fullfil what is promised: Lib. 1. in Iouinian. and in another place against Iouinian: If Iouinia [...] shall say that this was sayd of widdowes, how much more shall it be of force in Virgins, and i [...] it were not lawfull for widdowes, for whom [...] shall it be lawfull? So S. Hierome.’

32. And further to proue the lawfullnes o [...] a vow in this particuler matter, to wit, of chastity either virginall, viduall, or of single life (the speciall subiect of our controuersy) to om [...] other arguments, I will only touch fiue, [...] which foure shallbe taken out of such Father [...] writings, as M. Hall doth acknowledge, and [...] whome he refers his cause. The first where [...] shallbe their comparing the state of such as liu [...] a chast life, with the state of Angells, and exhorting thereunto. Secondly their preferring of [...] before marriage. Thirdly their sharp rebuke [...] such as haue broken their vow. Lastly th [...] condemning of the marriage of vow-breaken calling it worse then aduowtry &c. To these will add the approuance of the Canon and punishments appointed by the Ciuill laws for such: abused Religious women, and then leaue it [...] any to iudge, whether it be turpe votum, a brand [...] Antichristianism, worse then aduowtry, a diabolicall thi [...] ▪ or the like, or whether this base assertion w [...] euer taught or belieued in the world by any [...] ther then Heretikes. And M. Hall if he will sta [...] to the triall of antiquity, shall I assure him [...] this be either forced to acknowledge his errou [...] [Page 33] or els to recall what he hath written: that the Fa­thers tryall it as reuerend, as any vnder heauen, & further: Hall decad. 4. ep. 8. to tippling Thomas of Ox­ford. certaynely it cannot be truth that is new, we would re­nounce our Religion, if it could be ouer lookt for time: let go equity, the older take both. So he. And we shal by this particuler see, whether this franke merchāt venturer that hazards so easily his fayth, and saluation vpon antiquity, although erroneous, will stand to his word in this doctrine of cha­stity: for if he will maintayne his former grounds, he must alleadge more ancient, & au­thenticall records, then those heere produced, or disproue such as we bring against him, which he shall neuer be able to do. Or finally deny what he hath sayd of the vow of chastity, in cal­ling it a filthy & vnlawfull vow, which by so great and so graue authority, is taught to be both lawfull, sacred, and Angelicall.

33. The prayses then giuen to Virgins, & single life by these renowned pillers of truth, The state of chast li­uers An­gelicall. August. l. 6. confess. cap. 3. Of S. Cy­prians booke of virginity, S. Hierom [...] maketh mention Epist. ad Demetriad. in sin [...]. myrrours of learning, and patrons of all purity, are so plentifull, as they take vp no small roome in the vast volumes of their renowned workes. S. Ambrose alone, whose chastity S. Augustine so much admired, hath three bookes of Virgins, besids one of widdowes, one of the trayning vp of a virgin, and another intituled, a persua­sion to Virginity. Of this S. Cyprian, S. Augustine, S. Basil, S. Chrysostome, S. Gregory Nissen haue whole bookes, of this S. Hierome to Eustochium, Demetrias and many others hath very long epistles, and as well these as diuers grounding themselues vpon the words of our Sauiour, that in heauen there is no marrying, because the Saints are equall [Page 34] vnto the Angells, shew the life of such as vow chastity to be Angelicall. S. Ambrose in the last booke aboue cited sayth: Audistis quantum sit prae­mium Ambros. tract. de hortat. ad Virgin. post initi­um. integritatis: regnum acquirit & regnum caeleste, vitam Angelorum exhibet &c. You haue heard how great the reward is of Chastity, it purchaseth a kingdome, and a heauenly kingdom, it exhibits vnto vs the life of Angells: this I perswade you ‘vnto, then which nothing is more beautifull, that among men you become Angells, who are not tyed togeather by any band of marriage. Because such women as do not marry, and men that take no wiues, are as Angells vpon earth; in so much, as they feele not the tribulation of the flesh, they know not the bondage, they are freed from the contagion of worldly desirs, they apply their mind vnto diuine matters, and as it were deliuered from the infirmity of the body, do not thinke of those thinges which belong’ vnto men, but which appertaine vnto God. So S. Ambrose, as contrary to M. Hall, as heat to cold, white to blacke, truth to falshood.

34. S. Bernard stiled by M. Hall deuout Bernard, vseth also the same similitude saying: Quid casti­tate Bernard. epist. 42. decorius? quae mūdum de immundo conceptum semine, de hoste domesticum, Angelum de homine facit &c. What is more beautifull then chastity, which makes Hall. De­cad. 4. ep. 3. him cleane who was conceaued of vncleane ‘seed, makes a friend of an enemy, an Angell of a man? For albeit a chast man, and an Angell do differ, yet is their difference in felicity, not in vertue: & although the chastity of an Angell be more happy, yet is the chastity of man of greater fortitude; only chastity it is which in this place [Page 35] and tyme of mortality, representeth vnto vs a certayne state of the immortall glory, because it alone, amongst the marriages heere made, fol­lowes the custome of that happy Countrey, in which (as our Sauiour sayd) they neither marry, nor are marryed; exhibiting in a certayne manner vnto the earth an experiment of that conuersa­tion which is in heauen. So S. Bernard. And a little after, hoc ita (que) tantae pulchritudinis ornamentum &c. This ornament of so great a beauty I may worthily say doth honour priesthood, because it makes the Priest gratefull, or beloued of God & man: & although he be yet on earth, makes him in glory like vnto the Saints. So he. With S. Am­brose and S. Bernard let vs ioyne him, who is all in’ all heauenly, S. Augustine, as M. Hall tearmeth him, August [...] serm. 24 [...]. who sayth, qui in castitate viuunt Angelicam habent in terris naturam, castitas hominem cum Deo coniungit, Angelis facit ciuem; they who liue chastly haue an Angelicall nature on earth, chastity conioyneth a man with God, & makes him a cittizen with Angells.

35. As with the same spirit, so with the same tongue do the other Fathers speake both Greeke & Latin. Tertullian sayth that Virgins are Tertul. l. ad vxorem cap. 4. Hieron. ep. 22. ad Eu­stoc. cap. 8. Athan. l. de virginit. Cyril. Ca­techesi. 12 [...] de familia Angelica, of the company, or household of Angells. S. Hierome, that the life of Virgins is the life of Angells. S. Athanasius cryeth out, O con­tinentia Angelorum vita, Sanctorum corona! O chasti­ty the life of Angells, the crowne of Saints: yea it is also an Angelical crown, as S. Cyrill of Hieru­salem sayth, and aboue the perfection of humane nature: & further he addeth that chast liuers are Angells walking vpon the earth. S. Gregory Na­zianzen [Page 36] speaking to a Virgin sayth, Angelorum▪ Nazian. orat. 31. tam elegisti, in eorum ordinem te aggregasti. Thou h [...] chosen the life of Angells, thou hast put th [...] selfe into their ranke. S. Ephrem, O castitas quae [...] Ephrem. serm. de castitate. mines Angelis similes reddis! o chastity which m [...] keth men like vnto Angells: and not only like but equall, sayth S. Cyprian, cùm castae perseueratis [...] Cypr. l. de discipl. & habitu vir­ginum. Basil. de ve­ra virgin. longiùs à fine. virgines Angelis Dei estis aequales, whiles you remay [...] chast and virgins, you are equall vnto Angell [...] yea most noble and eminent Angells sayth S Basil, qui virginitatem seruant Angeli sunt, non obscuri a qui sed sanè illustres at (que) nobilissimi, they who preserue their virginity are Angells, and not some i [...] feriour obscure Angells, but eminent and mo [...] noble: yea in one respect as S. Bernard aboue cited did note, and before him S. Cyprian, S. Ba [...] S. Chrysostome and others, they are more nob [...] then all the Angells togeather: Virginitas aequat [...] Cypr. de discipl. & beno pudi­citiae. Angelis, sayth S. Cyprian, si verò exquiramus etiam e [...] cedit &c. Virginity equalls it selfe with Angells and if we penetrate the matter further it also e [...] ceeds them, whiles in this fraile flesh whic [...] ‘Angells haue not, it getteth the victory euen against’ Nature. So he: Angeli carneis nexibus lib [...] Basil. l. de virginit. (sayth S. Basil) integritatem suam in caelis seruant &c The Angells free from all fleshly bands preser [...] ‘their purity in heauen, both in respect of th [...] place, and their owne nature inuiolable, being still with God the supreme King of al: but vir­gins by wrestling heere on earth with the allu­rements and pleasures of the flesh, and by con­tinuall combats ouercome the tentation of the Diuell, and with singular vertue before the eye [...]’ of their Creatour haue preserued their integrity [Page 37] equall euen vnto the purity of Angells. So S. Basil. But for that this point is more liuely set downe by S. Chrysostome, I will with his words end this matter: for he who by all these testi­monyes is not conuinced, will neuer be perswa­ded by the authority of Fathers.

36. Thus then writeth this flowing Father in the prayse of virginity: Bonum est virginitas, & Chrysost. l. de virgin. cap. 10. 11. ego consentio, & matrimonio etiam melior, & hoc confiteor &c. You say then that virginity is a good thing, and I do graunt it; it is better then matrimony, ‘and this also I graunt: and if you will, I shall shew you how much it is better, to wit, by how much heauen is better then earth, Angells then men, yea to speake more resolutly, more then this: for albeit that Angells neither marry, nor are marryed, yet are they not made of flesh and bloud, they dwell not on the earth, they feele not the sting of the lust, they need not meat, nor drinke, they are not allured with sweet songs, beautifull aspects, or any such like thing, but as at high noone we see the cleare heauen ouercast with no cloud, so their natures most cleare and lightsome, must needs be free from all lust: but mankind inferiour by Nature to Angells, for­ceth it selfe, and by all meanes striueth to match them, and this by what meanes? Angells marry no wiues, nor are marryed, no more doth a vir­gin; they assist, and serue alwayes before God, the like doth a virgin: Wherefore the Apostle putteth them from all care or sollicitude, that they may be continuall and not deuided: if so be that they cannot ascend into heauen as An­gells’ do, their bodyes keeping them on earth; [Page 38] ‘yet from hence they haue a noble recompense, because they receaue the Lord himselfe of hea­uen, because they are holy in body and mynd: do you see the honour of virginity? It striues to make the liues of them who liue on earth to resemble the liues of the heauenly spirits, it makes them contend with Angells, and not to be ouercome by these spirituall troops, it makes them com­petitours with Angels. And againe after allead­ging the examples of Elias, Elizaeus, and S. Ioh [...] Baptist he sayth: Etenim qua re, dic sodes, ab Angelis dis­ferebant Elias, Elizaeus, Ioannes germani hi virginitat [...] amatores? nulla nisi quòd mortali natura erant obstrich &c. For tell me I pray you, in what thing did Elias, Elizaeus, and Iohn these sincere louers of vir­ginity differ from Angels? in nothing, but that by nature they were mortall, in other thinges if you consider them well, you shall find then nothing inferiour, and this very thing wherein they seemed inferiour, doth much make to their commendation: for liuing vpon the earth and vnder the necessity of mortall nature, conside [...]’ what fortitude and industry was required to be able to reach to so great vertue. Hitherto S. Chrysostome.

37. Now this being the opinion of these Fathers touching this vow and vertue, I woul [...] An ineui­table con­sequence. aske of M. Hall, how the obiect can be of such purity, such perfection, and the act that tendet [...] directly thereunto be impure, and vnlawfull▪ That is, how chastity can be in it selfe Angeli­call, & yet the vow made of obseruing the same be filthy and diabolicall? Truly he may as we [...] tell me, that albeit adultery be a damnable sin, [Page 39] yet are the adulterers very honest men, & such as resolutly purpose to be naught in that kind, to purpose nothing els but an action of vertue: for if in this case he say, that the obiect is bad, and the intention of committing that act can­not thereby but be necessarily vnlawfull; so wil I on the other side answere him, that this obiect is Angelicall, and consequently the vow made for that end, hauing no other ill circumstances annexed, must needs of his owne nature be both lawfull, vertuous, and commendable: but these men measuring all matters by their owne man­ners, will commend no more then themselues do practise, or admit any other virgins, then such as hauing knowne their husbands, are now ready to be made mothers.

38. If M. Hall do say that in wedlocke there Marriage much in­feriour to Virginity. is also chastity, and that these prayses may be giuen thereunto: as I graunt the former part to be true, so I deny the later, and he shall neuer shew me in the ancient Fathers, the state of mar­riage to be called Angelicall, but stil to be inferiour to that title, as S. Chrysostome hath now declared who maketh as large a difference betweene the one and the other state, as there is between hea­uen and earth, Angells and men: Virginalis inte­gritas August. de sancta Virginita­te. cap. 12. (sayth S. Augustine) & per piam continentiam ab omni concubitis immunitas, Angelica portio est, & in carne corruptibili incorruptionis perpetuae mediatio: cedat huic omnis soecunditas carnis, omnis pudicitia coniugalis. ‘Virginall integrity, and freedome through pious continency from all carnall knowledge, is an Angelicall portion, and in this corruptible flesh a meditation of the euerlasting incorruption: [Page 40] to this the fruitfull issue of the flesh, and coniu­gall cleanes must yield, or giue place. So S. Au­stine; and so far doth this holy Father proceed’ heerin, as he sayth: Sacratae verò virginitati nuptias De Eccles. dogmat. cap. [...]8. coaequare &c. to equall marriage with sacred vir­ginity, & to beleeue no merit to accrew to such as for the desire of chastizing their bodyes ab­steyne from wiues and flesh, is not the part of a Christian, but of an hereticall Iouinian. So he.

39. S. Cyril and S. Hierome also speaking of Cyril. ca­teches. 4. Hier. A­polog. ad Pamach. c. 1. Lib. 2. ep. 13 [...]. the same thing say, that virginity or continency in respect of marriage, is like gold in respect of siluer, both are good, both are cleane, yet the one more pure, more pretious then the other, and Isiderus Pelusiota addeth: Bonum est matrimonium, sed melior virginitas, pulchra est Luna sed Sol praeclarior. Matrimony is good, but virginity is better; the Moone is fayer, but the Sunne more illustrious. And S. Ambrose, multò prastantius est diuini operis my­sterium, Epist. [...]1. quàm humanae fragilitatis remedium: the mi­stery of Gods worke (to wit virginity) is more noble then the remedy of human frailty (in mar­riage) but because this diuersity is more fully de­liuered by S. Fulgentius, omitting all the rest, I Fulgent. ep. 3. ad Probam cap. 9. will with his words alone decide this contro­uersy of the different dignity of marriage and virginity or single life: for thus he writeth: Dicimus, à sanctis nuptijs, vbi nubunt qui se continere non possunt, sanctam virginitatem merito potiore distare, quan­tum distant à bonis meliora &c. We say holy virgi­nity for more eminent merit to be so far aboue ‘holy marriage (where they marry who cannot liue continent) as far as the things that are better differ from the things that be good; the more [Page 41] blessed from the blessed; the more holy from the holy; the cleaner from the cleane; the immortal wedlocke from mortall marriage; as far as the spirit differs from the flesh, strength from weak­nes, the fruit of an euer enduring ofspring, from the issue of a transitory child, as far as security is from tribulation, tranquility from trouble, a greater good combined with an euerlasting ioy, from a lesser that is momentary, and accompa­nyed’ with anguish. So he. The ex­cellency of virgini­ty aboue marriage grounded on the Scripturs. Matth. 13. Augu. do virgin. cap. 44. & haeres. 82. & 15 do ciuit. Dei cap. 26. Hier l. 2. in Iouin. & Apol. ad Pam­mach. c. 1. Ambros. epist. 82. 1. Cor. 7. Chryso. de virg. c. 34.

40. And this great disproportion between these states, is not only grōnded vpon the autho­rity of Fathers, but their authority is warranted by the Scriptures, especially in two places of the new Testament. First in S. Matthew where our Sauiour speaking of diuersity of merits, vnder the names of a hundred, threescore, and thirty fold frutes, yielded according to the variety of the soyles that receaue the good seed, which are interpreted by S. Augustine, S. Hierome, S. Am­brose to signify the state of virgins, widdowes, and marryed folks; the first yielding a hundred, the second threescore, the last thirty: out of which is concluded the difference of these me­rits, to arise from the essentiall difference of the vertues themselues, and preeminent excellency of the one aboue the other: and more plainely is this deduced out of the seauenth Chapter of the first to the Corinthians, where the Apostle in ex­presse termes preferreth virginity, and the state of single life before marriage, & magnum inter vtrumq, ponit interuallum, makes a great distance be­tween them, sayth S. Chrysostome: with whome agree in the same exposition S. Serm. de virginit. Ephrem, In Le­uit. f. 330. [Page 42] Procopius, Lib. 1. ad vxo. c. 3 (d) In Io­uin. cap. 7. & ep. 22. ad Eustoc. Tertullian, S. (e) Hierome, and others.

41. Which doctrine is further confirmed by the practise of the whole Church: for who so listeth to search the records of antiquity, shal find many husbands to haue left their wiues, & wiues their husbands, and that with great and singular commendation, as S. Meta­phras. in vita. Alexius, S. Ambr. l. de virgi­nibus, hae­res. 78. Tecla, S. In hist. vitae S. Ce­ciliae. Cecily, Greg. l. 3. Dialo. cap. 14. Gregori [...], Hieron. apud Gra­tianum 27. q 2. cap. Scripsit. Epiphan. haeres. 61. The eager & sharp reprehen­sions vsed by the Fa­thers to­ward such as by in­continēcy did viola­tate or breake their vow. Macharius and others, but there is no one sentence or syllable to be found in them all, that euer it was held lawfull for one who had professed chastity, to returne to marriage, but the quite contrary, tra­diderunt sancti Dei Apostoli (sayth S. Epiphanius) peccatum esse, post decretam virginitatem ad nuptias con­uerti: the holy Apostles of God haue declared it to be a sinne after the vow of virginity to retur­ne to marriage, which argueth the vow of cha­stity, not only to be lawfull, but of far greater perfection, then the state of marriage, because such as haue left their husbands on earth, as S. Gregory noteth, haue deserued thereby to haue a spouse in heauen.

42. And to ioyne the two contrary extre­mes togeather, which will make the fairenes or filthines of either the better to appeare: he who shall reade the sharp inuectiue which S. Ambrose did write, ad Virginem lapsam, to a virgin who was fallen into that sinne, and consider with what vehemency he doth checke her inconti­nency, will better perceaue both the beauty of this chastity, by the basenes of the transgression ( nam priuatio optimi est pessima) and how different the spirits of these Saints were from the spirits of these new Maisters now adayes: seruare te opor­tuit [Page 43] fidem (sayth S. Ambrose) quam sub tantis testi­bus Ambr. ad virginem lapsam c. [...]. pollicitaes &c. it behoued thee to keep the pro­mise thou didst make before so many witnesses, and alwayes to thinke, to whome thou ‘hadst offered thy virginity; thou shouldst more easily haue lost thy bloud and life then thy chastity: and a little after: nam si inter decem testes &c. for if before ten witnesses when the spousalls are made, and marriage consummated, euery wo­man ioyned to a mortal man, doth not without great danger of death commit aduowtry, what thinkest thou shall be done, if the spirituall con­iunction (betweene God and thy soule) made before innumerable witnesses of the Church, before the Angells and hosts of heauen, be dis­solued by aduowtry? I know not if any condig­ne death or punishment can be deuised. Some will say it is better to marry, then to burne: but these words concerne not one that hath vowed, one that is veyled: for she who hath espoused her selfe to Christ, and receaued the holy veile, is already marryed, is already ioyned to an im­mortall husband. So S. Ambrose, and in the eight’ chapter he wills her to take on a mourning weed, to cut off the haire of her head, to weep, and bewayle her offence, to punish her body with fasting, and haire-cloath, and to vse other workes of a penitentiall life: and this was the sense and iudgment of diuine Ambrose, as M. Hall calleth him, touching the lawfullnes of these vowes.

43. Of the same argment, and in the same stile S. Chrysostome wrote two books to Theodorus, S. Basil three epistles to others fallen from that [Page 44] chastity which they had vowed, and both do vrge, and inculcate seuere pennance to be done for the fault committed: and the former to this purpose, because examples are more perswasiue Chrys. pa­ren. 1. c. 11. then words, recounteth the fall of a yong man, who although he sinned but once, yet returning to himselfe, the better to do pennance. and make satisfaction for his fault committed, shut him­selfe vp for the tearme of life in a little cell, his fellow euery other day bringing him bread and A rare ex­ample of pennance. water, and in this seuerity as long as he liued did he perseuere in ieiunijs, in precationibus, in lachri­mis, repurgans animam [...] sorde peccati: in fasting, in prayers, in teares, cleansing his soule from the filth of sinne: and to the same doth S. Chrysostome inuite Theodorus, though he were not so happy as to follow so good counsaile, but wallowing in filthy lust, became by fauour at length to be Bishop of Mopsuesta, and afterwards was maister of Nestorius the heretike: malus coruus, malum ouum. For this sensuall voluptuous spirit is the seed of heresy, and so infecteth the stalkes, that as S. Hierome sayth, difficile sit reperire haereticum, qui diligat Hier. in c. [...]. Oseae. castitatem: it is hard to find an heretike, that lo­ueth chastity, the cause whereof I shall after as­signe. Only heere M. Hall may see how different the doctrine of the Fathers is from that which he teacheth, and how contrary the Counsaile of these Angelical Saints, is to that which lewd Luther wrot of S. Hierome, saying: Sanctus Hierony­mus scribit detentationibus carnis, paruares est, vxor do­mi In colloq. Germ. ti­tulo de vita co [...]iugali. detenta facilè huic morbo mederi alicui potest: Eusto­chiū hac in re potuisset Hieronymo auxilio venire. O im­pure lips, and incircumcised tongue! o beastly [Page 45] beginner of this new beliefe.

44. Let M. Hall, if he be able, produce vs some proofe, although but one classicall authority of any one ancient writer, where he hath euer per­swaded such as hauing solemnely vowed cha­stity to vse marriage, as a meanes to ouercome tentations, and he shall haue some excuse for calling it a filthy vow, and his Heroicall Luther for tearming it a diabolicall thing: but this is to hard a taske, and his owne Trullan Councell in this al­lowes him no liberty, howsoeuer in one only point (as in the next Paragraffe shall at large be shewed) it do fauour him: for thus it defineth, Si quis Episcopus, vel Presbyter, vel Diaconus &c. cum Concil. Trullan, can. 4. muliere Deo dicata coierit, deponatur, vt qui Christi sponsae vitium attulerit: sin autem laicus, segregetur: It any Bishop, or Priest, or Deacon &c. shall ‘carnally know a religious woman, let him he deposed, as one that hath deflowred the spouse of Christ, but if he be a lay man, let him be separated, to wit, by excōmunication from conuersing with other men: and this was made against the secret abuse, for publike marriage was neuer permit­ted’ by any, but still condemned by all.

45. Which in my opinion is a matter so out of controuersy, I meane the not permitting and Marriage neuer per­mitted to votaryes. the condemning of these marriages, which is the last proofe I promised out of the Fathers, as he who denyeth the same, and yet will offer to stand to their tryall, may seeme to be either very ignorant, or impudent; ignorant, if he know not their doctrine; impudent, if he will with­stand his owne knowledge, and willfully reiect, as reuerend a triall as any vnder heauen: for heare I [Page 46] pray, what they teach touching this matter. Illis quae non se continent (sayth S. Augustine) expedit nu­bere, August. de adulter. coniugijs lib. 1. c. 15. & quod licet expedit: quae autem vouerint, nec licet, nec expedit: It is expedient for such women as cannot conteyne to marry, and that is expedient which is lawfull: but such as haue vowed cha­stity, for them is neither expedient, nor lawful: and in another place speaking of such a one as had vowed neuer to marry. He sayth: Non dam­naretur Praefat. in psal. 83. si duxisset vxorem: post votum quod Deo promisit si duxerit damnalitur; cùm hoc faciat quod ille qui non promiserat, tamen i [...]e non damnatur, iste damnatur: quare? nisi quia iste respexit retro? He should not ‘haue beene damned if he had before marryed a wife, but after his vow which he hath made to God, if he shall marry, then he shall be damned: when as he doth but the selfe same thing which the other doth who made no vow, and yet this other is not damned and he is; & this for what other cause, but for that he who vowed hath (with Lots wife) looked backward? So S. Augu­stine,’ whose heauenly opinion toucheth very neere the fleshly beginners of this new Ghospel, whether we respect the first root thereof in Ger­many, Luther, Bucer, Oecolampadius, Peter Martyr, and others, or our first English Patriarke Cranmer & his adherents, whome no vowes made to God, no shame of men, no conscience, or other band or bridle, was able to keepe backe from their fil­thy lust, coloured with the honest title of wed­locke, but this wedlocke of theirs in the Fathers writings hath another, but not so honest title as presently we shall see.

46. S. Iohn Chrysostome writing vnto Theo­dorus [Page 47] the relapsed Monke who presently thought Paraen. 2. cap. 2. vpon marriage, or how to haue his harlot sayth: Si militiae vincula non tenerent, quis sibi desertionis crimen obijceret? Nunc autem in te nihil penitus tui iuris est &c. ‘If the bands of this spirituall warfare did not hold, who wold euer obiect vnto thee the crime of this reuolt? but now thou hast no power or authority ouer thy selfe at all, because thou hast entred vnder the ensignes of Christ: for if a wo­man haue no power ouer her owne body, but her husband; much more those who liue more to Christ then thēselues, can haue no dominion’ ouer their bodyes. Thus he. And this reason moued the ancient Fathers, not only to condem­ne these marriages, but further to esteeme the vow-breakers, as adulterous persons, because they brake their first fayth, promise, contract & spirituall coniunction by purity of life with Christ, by a contrary fayth, promise, contract and carnall vnion with a mortall creature, an iniury too grosle to be offered vnto our Sauiour, a vow to sacred to be violated by so base a mo­tiue, an obligation too great so rashly to be bro­ken: Si de eis aliqua corrupta fuerit deprehensa, sayth Cypr. ep. [...]2. S. Cyprian, agat poenitentiam plenam, quia quae hoc crimen admisit non mariti, sed Christi adultera est. If a ‘virgin that hath vowed chastity be found to haue beene deflowred, let her do full pennance, because she who hath cōmitted this crime is an aduowtresse, not of her husband, but of Christ.’ So S. Cyprian.

47. And to Theodous the Monke who made lococitato. the common obiection of our lasciuious Mini­sters, that marriage is for al, and denyed to none, [Page 48] S. Chrysostome answeres: Ne (que) vllus te fortè decipiat di­cens, nihil de non accipienda vxore Dominus praecepit &c. ‘let not any perchance deceaue you saying, God hath commanded a man nothing for not taking of a wife, I know very well he hath forbidden adultery, not prohibited marriage: but you shal commit adultery in case (which God forbid) you should euer thinke vpon marrying: & what S. Chrysostome wrote to this Apostata Monke,’ S. Basil wrote to a corrupted Nunne, to whome Basil. ep. 18 [...]. ad vir­ginem lap­sam. speaking in the person of God he sayth: Ipsa an­tem dilexit alienos, & viuente me viro immortali adulte­ra appellatur, & non timet alteri viro commisceri. She ‘hath loued others, and I her immortall husband being aliue, she is called an aduowtresse, and she feareth not to be naught with another ma [...] for which cause the sayd Father in his Canon [...]’ to Amphilochius putting downe the pennance of Epist. 3. can. 60. such who after the vow of chastity had falle [...] into that sinne sayth: peccati adulterij tempus con­plebit: such a one shall fulfill the penitentiall time of the sinne of adultery: which thing is more exaggerated by S. Ambrose vpon the like occasi­on, who doubted whether any pennance be Ambros. ad virg. lap. cap. 5. great inough for so foule an offence, for thus be writeth: Quae se spopondit Christo & sanctum velam ‘ accepit &c. she who hath betrothed her [...]selfe to Christ, and hath receaued the holy veile is al­ready marryed, is already ioyned to her immor­tall husband, and now if she will marry by the common Law of wedlocke, she committeth ad­uowtry, she is guilty of death. So S. Ambrose’ And would these Saints, trow you, euer vse su [...] vehemency, or shew such zeale, if these vowe [Page 49] were filthy, vnlawfull, or diabolicall? No, no. Their saintly spirits abhorred such sensuall vn­cleanes, and brutish doctrine.

48. Neither were the Fathers content to call this sinne aduowtry, but they further added that it is worse then aduowtry. So expresly S. Loco cita­to. Marke this M. Hall. Chrysostome: Legitima & iusta res coniugium &c. Wed­locke is a lawfull and good thing &c. but to you it is not now lawfull to obserue the lawes of wedlocke: for one who is ioyned to the hea­uenly bridegroome, to forsake him, and ‘entan­gle himselfe with a wife, is to commit adultery: and although a thousand tymes you will call it a marriage, yet do I affirme it to be so much worse then adultery, by how much God is grea­ter and better, then mortall men. By which pro­portion we may see, of what sanctity the im­pure’ marriages were which Luther, Bucer, and other renegate Friers did make with Nunnes, how lawfull it is to breake these vowes, and finally what is to be thought of such marryed Apostata Priests, as still speake honourably of matrimony, that therby they may seeme not out of frailty good men, but out of meere deuotion, to commit adultery, or rather a greater sin: planè August. de bono vidu­it. cap. 11. non dubitauerim dicere (sayth S. Augustine) lapsus & ruinas à castitate sanctiore quae vouetur Deo, adulterijs esse peiores. Certainely I dare affirme the falls and slidings away from that more sacred chastity Basil. hom. quo pacto amit [...]imus & recupe­ramus ima­ginem Dei. which is vowed to God, to be worse then adul­teryes. So, and in so playne tearmes S. Augustine.

49. And this so grieuous a sinne is tearmed by S. Basil, & S. Ambrose sacriledge: Quando se Deo semel authorauit (sayth the former) per vitae continen­tiam [Page] ‘ ac perpetuam castitatem, hoc detrectare non licet &c. When one hath bound himselfe by vow vnto God by continency of life, or perpetuall cha­stity, is it not lawfull for him to slide back: and so warily he must keep himselfe, as he would keep a present, or sacrifice offered to God, least’ our Lord at the day of iudgment condemn him, as guilty of sacriledge. So S. Basil: and against him, who had abused the virgin before mentio­ned out of S. Ambrose, thus doth the same Father Ambros. ad virg. lap. cap. 8 exclayme: De te autem quid dicam, fili serpentis, mini­ster Diaboli, violator templi Dei; adulterium vti (que) & sa­crilegium ‘ &c. What shall I say of thee, the sonne of a serpent, the minister of the Diuell, the de­flowrer of the temple of God, who in one filthy act hast committed two sinnes, to wit adultery and sacriledge? sacriledge, for that through thy mad rashnes thou hast polluted the vessel offered to Christ, dedicated to our Lord &c. Neither is it only a double, but a threefold sinne: for be­sides’ the adultery and sacriledge, they also com­mit incest: Christus Dominus noster cùm virginem suam Cyprian. Epist. 62. sibidicatam, & sanctitati suae destinatam iacere cum alter [...] cernit quàm indignatur? & irascitur? & quas poenas in­incestuosis eiusmodi coniunctionibus comminatur? Christ our Lord and Iudge how doth he abhorre, how ‘is he offended when he seeth his virgin dedica­ted (by vow) vnto himselfe, and deputed to his holynes to lye with another? and what pu­nishment doth he threaten to these incestuous copulations, sayth S. Cyprian? Quae post consecratio­nem Lib. 1. Iouinian. nupserint, non tam adulterae sunt quàm incestae. Such virgins as after their vowes and veiles shall mar­ry, are not so much aduowtresses, as incestuous,’ [Page 51] sayth S. Hierome.

50. Finally this base thing, either for pra­ctise or opinion, was neuer vsed or taught, but by the enemyes of Christ his Church, which point is worthy of speciall consideration: for as we in this, and all other points do adhere vnto the ancient Saints and Fathers, whome we re­uerence, admire and follow: so doth M. Hall & his vnto such as they haue censured, discarded, & condemned, that is, we ioyne with Catho­likes, they with heretikes; we tread the plaine The pro­genitours of our En­glish Pro­testants in the breach of vowes. beaten path of truth, they of errour; such as we follow were the lights and shining lamps of the world, their progenitours were the shame and steyne of Christianity. The first that I can find recounted in particuler to haue put this filthines in practise was one Tiberianus who hauing wri­ten a booke to cleare himselfe from the heresy of Priscillian, reuolted againe vnto the same: Tiberia­nus Boeticus (sayth S. Hierome) taedio victus exilij, Hier [...] de vi­ris illustr. in Tiberia­n [...]. mutauit propositum, & iuxta sanctam Scripturam canis reuersus ad vomitum suum, filiam deuotam Christo virgi­nem matrimonio copulauit. Tiberianus of Andalusia in Spaine, ouercome with the tediousnes of his ‘ba­nishment, according to the holy Scripture, like a dog returning to his vomit, caused his daugh­ter that was a Nunne to marry: and he who first’ taught this to be lawfull was Iouinian: Formosus Monachus (as the same Father painteth him out) crassus, nitidus, dealbatus, & quasi sponsus semper ince­dens. A fayer Monke, fat, neat, white, & going alwayes as gay as a new marryed man. And a little after: Rubent buccae, nitet cutis, comae in occipitium Lib. 2. [...] Iouinian. frontem (que) tornantur, protensus est aquiliculus, insurgunt [Page 52] humeri, turget guttur, & de obesis saucibus vix suss [...] ‘ verba promuntur. His cheekes are red, his [...] fayre and smooth, his locks behind and befo [...] are frizeled, his belly beares compasse, his sho [...] ders rise aloft, his throat swells, and his st [...] gled words can scarce find passage through [...] fat chaps.’

51. This man so fine as most of you Min [...] sters, & so fat perhaps as Marcus Antonius de Do [...] (that could not passe to the pulpit) a [...]beit [...] proceeded nothing so far as M. Hall doth, to [...] the vow vnlawfull, filthy, and a brand of Antichrist [...] nisme, much lesse so far as Lu [...]her, as to marry Nunne, yet for that he did equall the merit [...] marriage with the meed of virginity, & cause some to marry, was by all condemned for an heretike, of whome thus writteth S. Augustine Virginitatem etiam sanctimoni-lium, & continentia [...] xus August. haeres. 82. virilis coniugiorum castorum, & fidelium meritis [...] ‘ qu [...]bat &c. He did equall the virginity euen [...] Nunnes, and continency of men chosing a sin [...] life with the merits of the chast, and fay th [...] marryed folke: and certayne old virgins in R [...] where he taught this doctrine, were sayd [...] hearing of him to haue marryed: himselfe true neither had, nor would haue a wife, which [...] sayd, he did not teach for any greater merith held to be in virginity before God, that mig [...] auaile vs in the kingdome of euerlasting life but for that it did more auaile the present necesity of this, that is, least a man should be co [...] bred’ with the troubles of marriage. In which words of S. Augustin we see two things graunter by our Aduersaries, and denyed by this Fathe [...] [Page 53] & vs; the first, that it is lawfull for such as haue vowed to marry; the other, that virginity is not meritorious to euerlasting life: for M. Hall, as after we shall see, can endure no merits of our workes: and C [...]lu [...] [...]n this will haue virginity only to be better then marriage, because it is lesse subiect to worldly entanglements, not for any merit or sanctity that he will haue to be in the same, wherein he agreeth with Iouinian, as you see, as we with S. Augustine. And this much out of the Fathers.

52. There resteth to shut vp this matter, that we also alleadge the Canon and Ciuill laws Proofes out of the Canon & Ciuil law. which for that I haue beene so prolix in the for­mer authorityes of the Fathers, I wil the sooner dispatch, and hast to come to the other part of the Impossibility, auouched by M. Hall, in which I shall be forced to make some little de­murre. The Canons therfore shew how Eusebius Gratim. causa▪ [...]. q. 2. cap. d [...]ponsa [...]ā & cap. De [...]reta. Greg. l. 6. epist. 20. the Pope decreed, that if a virgin be betroathed to one, her parents cannot force her to marry with another, but it is lawfull for her to enter into a monastery and become Religious: which case happening after in the tyme of S. Gregory the Great at Naples, where not the parents, but the party to whome the virgin was assured, either of griefe, or despight kept al her goods from her, S. Gregory commaunded the Bishop Fortunatus to see all restored, because sayth he, the decrees of the Canon law do no wayes permit any to be punished with whatsoeuer mulct who will be­come Religious. So he. And heere as you see the state of virginity is preferred before mariage and the monasticall life exalted without any [Page 54] touch of vnlawfullnes, filthines, or Antichristian brand.

53. In the ciuill is that resolute degree of Iouian successour to Iulian the Apostata, still ex­tant in the Code: Si quis, non dicam rapere, sed attenta­re Codice de Episcop. & Cleric. lege si quis. tantummodo iungendi causa [...]atrimonij sacratissimas virgines ausus fuerit, capitali poenaferiatur. If any one I will not say shall rauish, but shallbe so bould ‘as to attempt only to sollicite the most holy vir­gins with intention to marry them, let him be put to death. So the law. And the occasion’ whereupon it was made, is very remarkable: for Iulian the Apostata attayning to the Empire, & reuolting from Christian fayth vnto Paganism, dealt with holy Virgins, as our King Henry the eight with all the Religious of England (so well did these two Princes agree,) for he per­mitted certeyne lewd companions to marry some of them, and without all checke or rebuke to solicite others to that vncleanes: the matter by Sozomen is thus related: Istam legem ideotulit quod Sozomen. l. [...]. cap. 3. quidam improbi viri &c. Therefore did Iouian (or Iouinian as some call him) make this Law, be­cause ‘some wicked men vnder Iulian the Empe­rour had marryed some such virgins; making them eyther by force or persuasion to yield to this abuse, as it vsually falleth out when in the’ troubled state of Religion filthy lust findes free­dome The sin­guler zeale of Iouian in defen­ding the purity of Religious Virgins. without punishment, to commit such vil­lany. So he.

54. And in setting downe the wordes of the law this Historian expresseth one clause omitted in the Code, which sheweth with how great zeale this worthy Emperour imbraced this thing; for he not only made it death to per­swade [Page 55] such a virgin to marriage, & much more to rauish her by force, but further added that the same punishment should be extented to whoso­euer els, that lasciuo solùm obtutu aspiceret, should but as much as cast a wanton looke vpon them: and we may conceaue, what he would haue sayd and done, had he but found Fryers marryed to Nunnes, or a lay man in his Empire vnder the title of his Vicar generall (as was Thomas Crom­well Thomas cromwel. to King Henry) visiting all the Abbeyes, Prioryes, Monasteryes, Nunneryes of his domi­nions, putting forth all Religious persons that would go, and forcing all vnder the age of 24. to go whether they would or no, and that in secular attyre, to seeke their fortunes: doubtles this puissant Prince had neuer expected so long another occasion to cut off the head of such an impure monster, as King Henry did, who after diuers yeares charged him with heresy, treason & robbery: for this alone had suffised, this had beene more then inough if King Henry the eight had not beene more like vnto Iulian the Apostata, then deuout Iouian; and others about him at that tyme, like the Heliotropium which bendeth al­wayes his head to the Sunne, had not flattered and followed him, I meane in all his wicked designes: among which sort of people it was no miracle to find such base spirits, because men of that stamp, as Iouian was wont to say: Non Deum sed purpuram colunt, make the Kings robes the rule of their Religion, seeke to rise by other mens ruines, procure their priuate aduancement by publike spoile, and without al care or conscien­ce transgresse and breake all lawes of God, or [Page 56] man, rather then they will withstand the vniust pleasure of any licentious Prince, by whome they may expect to be preferred.

55. This iust and rigorous decree of Iouian is further seconded by another in Iustinian, where there is extant a law against those that should Lege 41. de Episcop. & Clericis. by violence rauish virgins, diaconesses, or wi­dowes, that if such were taken, adhuc flagrante de­licto, they should being conuinced by the parents of the sayd virgins, widdowes &c. or their kinsfolkes, tutors, or procuratours, be put to death: and then further it is enacted, vt huic poena omnes subiaceant &c. that all be lyable to the same punishment, whether the fact were committed with the consent, or against the will of the sayd Religious woman, Diaconesse, or widdow. So as not only the sinne of rape, but their vo­luntary lapse is also punished by death, in such as had abused virgins &c. Wherof I conclude all manner of authority to stand for vs for the law­fullnes of vowes. And continent life: and he who listeth to see this matter more confirmed, and all arguments solued, which the Protestants obiect to the contrary, may read the same very learnedly and largely handled by the Author of the worke, entituled of Policy & Religion in the se­cond M. Tho­mas Fitz­herbert Priest now of the So­ciety of Iesus. part, and third Chapter, of which if I had not beene ignorant, and taken my first view thereof after that I had ended, what I haue now written, I should haue vsed his labour, and spa­red myne owne, and remitted M. Hall to that graue and learned Author for a sincere, full, and resolute satisfaction.

Of the testimoryes and examples of the ancient Fathers, Councells (especially the Trullan) and Historyes produced by M. Hall for the marriage of Priests and Clergym [...]n. §. 2.

FROM the Scriptures and Apostolicall tymes M. Hall drawes vs to the Fathers of the Pri­mitiue Church & succeding ages, & as though in the former he had giuen vs a deadly blow, he entreth into this with more courage, and means as it should seeme to knocke on a pace while the iron is hoate: for as if he were afrayd to loose the aduantage if he did not closely pursue vs, he sayth: Follow the tymes now, what did the ages succeding? search records: whatsoeuer some palpable soysted epistles of A vaine florish. Popes insinuate, they marryed without scruple of any con­trary iniunction: many of these ancients admired virginity, but imposed it not. So M. Hall: feigning as you see golden ages of mirth, and marrying vnder the most grieuous yoke of tyrannicall persecution, when as euery where innocent bloud was shed, and Christians sought for to the slaughter. That marriage al tymes without contrary iniunction was lawful, is not denyed, nor will it be proued in hast, that Priests or such as had vowed the [Page 131] contrary, might vse that liberty: and we say not that virginity is violently to be imposed on any, for it commeth by free election, but where the vow is free, the transgression is damnable: for we are bound to render our vowes to him, to whome we haue made them. I need not make my self a souldier, vnles the Prince do presse me, but if not pressed I put my selfe vnder pay, I am bound to march to the field, to fight, and follow the campe. The cause is free, the necessity sub­sequent.

2. And it seemeth M. Hall to be halfe afrayd M. Halls starting holes when he shallbe pressed by authori­ty. notwithstanding his facing, to stand to this try­all, in that like a malefactour he presently see­keth for a citty of refuge to retyre vnto when he shallbe pressed: for if you bring him any re­cord of a Pope, though a Martyr and Saint, and neere the Apostles tymes (and the same we may imagine of others) he blots out his authority with one dash of his pen, and sayth: that they are palpably soysted epistles, you must not put him to the proofe, for that were too too much to his disre­putation: he takes himself for another Pithagoras, whose word without other warrant must be your best assurance: and for authors to plead for his marriage, you must thinke he findeth great scarcity, when as for the first foure hundred years, he could only find but three, Origen, S. A­thanasius, and S. Cyprian, of which the first sayth not word for him, the second is against him, & Origen falsly al­leadged by M. Hall. the third is most shamefully abused, of which abuse the first also wanteth not his part.

3. For to begin with Origen, who though him­selfe a willfull Eunuch (sayth M. Hall) yet is faine to [Page 132] perswade the Sonnes of Clergymen not to be proud of their Origen. tract. 9. in Matth. parentage. Graunt it be so, what thereof will he inferre against vs, who will graunt further that the same perswasion might haue beene made to S. Peters daughter (as many are of opinion that he had one) and yet will it not follow, that he knew his wife after he was an Apostle, as it nei­ther doth in this case, that these parents were Priests when they begot these sonnes: and that indeed they were not, we shall need no better interpreter to explicate Origen then Origen him­selfe, Origen. hom. 23. in Numer. who telleth vs: Certum est quia impeditur sa­crificium indesinens &c. It is certaine that the con­tinuall ‘sacrifice cannot be offered of these who attend to the works of wedlocke. Wherefore in my opinion he alone is to offer the euerduring sacrifice, who hath vowed himselfe to an euer­during’ Lib. 7. and perpetuall chastity. So Origen. And in his booke against Celsus, shewing the force and efficacy of Christian doctrine, and what chang of life it worketh in such as imbrace it, he sayth of them: Tantùm absunt ab omni lasciuia, spur­citia, turpidin [...] libidinum, vt in morem persectorum sa­cerdotum ab omni coitu abhorrentium &c. They are so far from all wantones, vncleanes, and fil­thy ‘lust, that after the manner of perfect Priests abhorring all carnall knowledge, many of them do altogeather liue chastly, and purely from all conuersation, yea though otherwise lawfull,’ with women. So he. By which it is euident, what he thought of single life of Priests, and that in the place cited by M. Hall he did speake of the children they had before they were either Bi­shops, Priests, or Deacons which nothing at all [Page 133] toucheth our Controuersy, as in the beginning I obserued.

4. Though this some what touch M. Halls credit that he vntruly deliuereth the sense of O­rigen, M. Hall vnderstā ­deth not Origen. when he maketh him to perswade the sonnes of Clergy men not to be proud of their parentage: for that is not Origens perswasion, but that they should not be proud, that they had always byn brought Matth. 19. vp in the Christian fayth, and insult ouer o­thers, who had byn conuerted from Paganism, seeing our Sauiour sayd, Multi erunt nouissimi primi, & primi nouissimi: Many who were first shallbe last, and many who were last shalbe first: which would haue beene apparent, had M. Hall permit­ted him to speake out of his owne mynd, & not as though he had beene troubled with a chyn­cough, to speake some words, and leaue others vnspoken: were these three wordes, M. Hall (in ipsa Christianitate, in the Christian fayth) such rough burrs as they must needs sticke in your throat? or so troublesome vnto you to write as they must be cut off with an &c. for whereas Origen hath: Qui à Christianis parentibus enutriti sunt in ipsa Christi anitate, maximè fi fuerint ex Patribus sa­cerdotali sede dignificatis &c. Who are brought vp of Christian parents in Christian fayth, especially of Fathers dignifyed with priesthood &c. M. Hall citeth all the other sentence at full length, but stumbleth at these three words, in ipsa Chri­stianitate, saying: Qui à Christianis parentibus enutriti sunt &c. maximè si fuerint ex patribus sacerdotali sede di­guificatis, as though he had spoken of carnall edu­cation, whereas he speaketh of their education in fayth and beliefe: and then falsely telleth vs. [Page 134] that he had perswaded them not to be proud of their parentage, whereas the pride he speaketh of, is not of their parentage, but of the priority of their calling to Christ, for that they had al­wayes beene Christians, and the other not, but had first beene Pagans, as is euident to any who will read the place.

5. His second author, as I sayd, is S. Athana­sius, before whose wordes he maketh this Enco­miasticall 5. Atha­nasius made to speak the quite con­trary to that which he intēdeth. Atha. ep. ad Dra­contium. entrance, Holy Athanasius a witnes past ex­ception, shall serue for a thousand histories till his age. So M. Hall, and one would thinke he had found somewhat in this worthy Authour (for you shal not find him easily to prayse, where he is not beholding) that wil directly conclude & supply all histories, or whatsoeuer defect of other au­thority. But as men in their sleep do dreame of­ten of great wealth, & when they wake do find nothing, so M. Hall as it should seeme not in his sleep (though perhaps in some slumber) but in serious study dreameth of great wealth and ad­uantage, where he doth find nothing els but his owne shame, beggary, and confusion.

6. The wordes he citeth of S. Athanasius are these: Many Bishops haue not marryed, and contrarily Monkes haue beene fathers of children, as contrarily you see Bishops the fathers of children and Monkes that haue not sought posterity. So out of S. Athanasius, which so little serueth to our purpose, as M. Hall might haue been ashamed to alleadge it: for what will he infer of these wordes? that Bishops & Monks may lawfully marry? S. Athanasius sayth it not, but only recounteth the fact that some marryed of both sorts, but whether they did well or ill, [Page 135] or whether himselfe did approue or condemne the same, there is no word in this sentence: but if M. Hall had not taken his authorityes by retayle of some blind note-booke, but had fetched them himselfe from the originalls, this witnes without exception that must serue for a thousand histories, had The true sense and meaning of S. A­thanasius. neuer beene alleadged to testify any thing in this matter. For so far is S. Athanasius from allowing Bishops and Monkes to haue wiues, as in this place he reprehendeth the lewd behauiour of some who liued in the one and other state, I meane Episcopall dignity, and Monasticall pro­fession, the occasion whereof was giuen him by Dracontius, who at the perswasion as it should seeme of the Monkes, would not yield to S. Atha­nasius to be made Bishop, but obiected that many incōueniences followed that state, which draw diuers into danger, & many to perdition, from which the retyred repose of a Religious life was free and secure. S. Athanasius answereth heere un­to by shewing these dangers to be no lesse in Monasticall, then Episcopall profession, and that as well by the scandalous examples which had fallen out in both, as eminent vertue which had beene found in either: for thus he discour­seth: Nec dicas, nec dicentibus credas Episcopatum esse causam peccati, aut quod inde nascantur occasiones deliu­quendi &c. Tell me not, nor belieue them who tell you that Episcopality is the cause of sinne, or that from thence proceed the occasions of ‘of­fence: and a little after: Ne igitur talia obijciant tui Consiliarij. Let nor those who counsaile you ob­iect these thinges: for we haue knowne Bishops fasting, and Monkes feeding; we haue knowne [Page 136] Bishops not drinking wine, and Monkes drin­king; we haue knowne Bishops working mi­racles, and Monkes working none; many Bi­shops not to haue marryed, and Monkes to haue had children; as likewise you may find Bishops to haue beene fathers of children, and Monkes not to haue sought for marriage; Clergy men to haue tipled, & Monkes to haue beene abstinent.’ So he. Shewing both the one & the other state, by their bad members, to be subiect to abuse, & concludeth: Non enim coroha pro locis, sed pro factis redditur. The crowne of glory is not giuen for the place, or profession we liue in, but for the good workes we do in that profession.

7. By which it is euident that the wordes so barely brought forth by M. Hall, were not spoken by way of simple narration, but of mis­like Priests were not marryed in time of S. A­thanasius. and reprehension: for it was neuer lawfull for Monkes or Bishops to beget children, & that neither Priests might do the like in the tyme of S. Athanasius, is demonstrated by the testimony of S. Hierome, who liued in the same age, & de­mandeth of Vigilantius the sworne enemy of vir­ginall chastity, and [...]ho no lesse then his chil­dren our Protestants, would haue al Clergy men to marry: Quid facient Orientis Ecclesiae? quid Aegypti & sedis Apostolicae? quae aut virgines c [...]ericos accipiunt, aut Hier. l. 1. in Vigil. continentes, aut si vxores habuerint, mariti esse desistunt. If all Clergy men must marry, what shall the Churches of Greece, of Aegypt, and the sea Apo­stolike ‘do, who receaue into the Clergy, either virgins, or such as be continent, or if they haue had wiues, do cease to be husbands? So he. Wher’ so expresly naming the Church of Aegypt, of [Page 173] which Alexandria was the chiefe seat, & the pra­ctise therein, he taketh away all doubt or scru­ple: for if marriage were there denyed to Priests, much more to Monkes, & Bishops, whose cal­ling requires greater perfection, and more singu­lar vertue.

8. Wherefore when S. Athanasius sayth: that Of what Monkes S. Atha­nasius speaketh. he hath knowne Monkes the fathers of children, he spea­keth of lewd licentious Monkes, that by loose life fel from the seuerity of their order, of which euen yet in fresh memory, we haue likewise knowne some, and those marryed also to Nuns, and to haue beene the fathers of many children. For thus the first Progenitour of your new Ghospell Martin Luther speaketh of himselfe: Anno Tom. 2. latin. col­loq. tit. de morbis Lutheri. 25 in seditione Rusticorum 12. Iunij vxorem duxi &c. In the yeare 25. (to wit after a thousand fiue hundred) in the sedition of the Boots (when all Germany was in armes and vprore) the 12. of Iune (to driue care away) I marryed a wife: in the yeare 26. my eldest sonne Iohn was borne: in Luthers brood. the yeare 27. my daughter Elizabeth: in the yeare 29. on the eue of the Ascension Magdalen: in the yeare 31. the 7. of Nouember Martin: in the year Augu. de bono vidu­it. c, 11. & Chrys [...]. ep. 6. ad The­od. lapsū. 33. the 28. of Ianuary Paul: in the yeare 34. Mar­garet. Thus Luther of Catherine Bore his sow had six pigs: for had he not beene a beast, he would ne­uer haue gloryed in his sacrilegious marriage (worse in the iudgment of S. Augustine then ad­uowtry) and his vnlawfull issue.

9. But for multitude of children we haue another Patriarke of a more plentifull grogeny, who will for number twice ouergo Luther, and contend with Iacob himselfe, yea ouerbeare him [Page 138] by one, and that is Martin Bucer another renega [...]e Grees [...]rus com. [...] ­ [...]getico in Iacobum Regem c. 1. Apostata, and Apostle of Cambridge, who of one Nunne is sayd to haue bad thirteen children: & yet as though these generations did not multi­ply fast inough, he who by the Duke of Somerset Seymour was called into England with this Mar­tin, to preach in London, was cōtent to allow them Bernardi­nus Ochi­nus. as many wiues togeather, as the former had chil­dren, if not more: so as when these men were sent forth to sow the seed, or tares rather, of these later heresies, they obserued the rule of the A­postle, but in a wrong sense: Non prius quod spiritua­le, 1. Cor. 15. sed quod animale, nature went before grace, the carnall generation before the spirituall, the first care to satisfy their owne lust, and then to in­struct their followers. I omit other of the same stampe as Peter Martyr, Oecolampadius, Pellican &c. all husbands of one wife at least, but vnworthy of further mention, as being famous for nothing so much as their owne infamy.

10. You must thinke that for the last proofe by authority he hath kept a sure carde, seeing neither of the former to make for him, and for that end he seemeth of purpose to haue displa­ced [...] Cypriā shameful­ly abused. it: for if we respect the tyme S. Cyprian is more ancient then S. Athanasius, and yet heere he is put after him, and made to say, that Numidicus the Martyr was a marryed Presbyter (for Priest he will not name him) and then citeth in the Cypr. l. 4. epist. 10. margent the words of S. Cyprian thus: Numidicus presbyter qui vxorem concrematam & adharentem lateri laetus aspexti Numidicus the Priest who cheerefully saw his wife sticking fast to his side, to be bur­ned. So S. Cyprian, as M. Hall hath made him [Page 139] speake: and this testimony I confesse seemeth to vrge more then the former, because he was a Priest, was marryed, & his wife adhaerebat lateri, so as it should seeme they liued not asunder. A­gaine the Authour is without exception, the tyme most ancient, the case cleare: and truly if the matter stand as heere it is declared, I wil not withstand him heerein, but graunt (which is yet more then I need) that he hath by this ex­ample euinced his cause, and will neuer any more mention his diuorce.

11. But if in this passage he cog notoriously, if he affirme the quite contrary to that which is in his author, if as before out of Origen, he cut off three wordes with an &c.: so heer he do add one word which quite altereth the sense, then I hope his friends will bethinke them well how they trust such iugglers, who with the Aegyp­tians looke them in the face, whiles their fingers be in their purse, and I wish that with his false­hood he did but picke their purses, and not se­duce their soules, bought & ransomed with the deere price of the precious bloud of the sonne of God. And that there be no mistaking betweene What M. Hall doth affirme out of S. Cyprian, and I do deny. vs, remember I pray what M. Hall doth affirme, to wit, that Numidicus was a marryed Priest, and that S. Cyprian auoucheth so much: I on the o­ther side deny both the one and the other, and say that he was neuer a marryed Priest, and that S. Cyprian neuer sayd any such thing, but the quite contrary, that he was made priest after his wiues death. Let S. Cyprian decide the doubt be­tweene vs.

12. This Numidicus then being a marryed [Page 138] [...] [Page 139] [...] [Page 140] man was by the persecutours carryed togeather with his wife and others to be martyred, the rest When Numidi­cus was made Priest. were put to death before him, & with them he cheerefully saw his wife burned, making no o­ther account but to drinke of the same cup, and to follow her into the flames: he dyd so, & was left for dead: Ipse (sayth S. Cyprian) semiustula­tus, Epist. 35. iuxta Pa­melum. alias l. 4. ep. vltim. & lapidibus obrutus, & pro mortuo derelictus &c. He halfe burned, couered with stones, and left for dead: whiles his daughter out of filiall duety sought his body, he was found not to be fully ‘departed, and being taken out, and by carefull attendance somewhat refreshed, he remayned a­gainst his will after his companions, whome he had sent before him to heauen: Sed remanendi’ vt videmus haec fuit causa, vt eum Clero nostro Dominus adiungeret. But this as we see was the cause why ‘he remayned behind, that God might make him of our Clergy, and adorne the number of our priesthood, made small by the fall of some, with’ glorious Priests. Thus far S. Cyprian, whose wordes are so plaine, as they need not explica­tion: for he plainely testifyeth that he was made Priest after his wiues death, and for that cause to haue beene preserued aliue, and he sayth not as you see: Numidicus presbyter vxorem suam concre­matam &c. Numidicus the Priest saw his wife bur­ned, but only Numidicus saw his wife burned, & A foule corrupti­on. the word Priest is added both in the English text and Latin margent by M. Hall, and that as you see for his aduantage cleane contrary to the mind of his authour.

13. For without that word what doth this testimony auaile him? what doth it proue? will [Page 141] he reason thus, Numidicus after his wife was bur­ned was made Priest, therfore he was a marryed Pbesbyter, and his example proueth the marriage of all Priests to be lawfull? these extremes are too far asunder to meet in one syllogisme, and he shall neuer be able to find a medius terminus, that can knit them togeather: I wish that I were neere M. Hall, when some or other would shew him this imposture, to see what face he would make thereon, whether he would confesse his errour, or persist in his folly: for I see not, but turne him which way he list, he must be con­demned Protestāt [...] neuer write a­gainst Ca­tholikes, but they corrupt Authors. for a falsifyer. I know not what fatall destiny followes these men, that whatsoeuer they treat of in any controuersy betweene vs & them, they cannot but shew legier-du-mayne, fraud, and collusion, and yet notwithstanding pretend all candour and simplicity: for heer on the word Priest standeth all the force of M. Halls argument, and that is foysted in by himselfe, & not to be found conioyned with the wordes he cyteth in S. Cyprian.

14. If M. Hall say, which is all he can say, that in the beginning of the epistle S. Cyprian hath these wordes: Numidicus presbyter ascribatur presbyterorum Carthaginensium numero, & nobiscum se­deat in Clero &c. Let Numidicus the Priest be num­bred amongst the Priests of Carthage, and let him sit with vs in the Clergy: & then goeth on with the description of his merits, of the courage he shewed in seeing his wife dye &c. this plaister cannot salue the soare: for this epistle S. Cyprian wrote after he had ordered him Priest, and his ordination, as there he declareth, and you haue [Page 142] now heard, was after his wiues death: Numidi­cus himselfe giuing by his rare constancy, & his so resolutely offering himselfe to dy for Christ, occasion of his promotion, yea of further pre­ferment: for in the end of the same letter, S. Cy­prian sayth, that at his returne to Carthage, he meant to make him Bishop, as Pamelius doth rightly interpret him. So as there is no euasion left for M. Hall to escape.

15. I haue purposely transposed the fact of Paphnutius in the Councell of Neece, the authority The fact of Paph­nutius in the Nicen Councell is discus­sed. whereof although it be more ancient then S. Athanasius, who therein albeit present, was not Bishop, but Deacon, yet are the Authors who recount the same much more moderne, and all the credit lying on their relation, no writer more ancient so much as mentioning any such matter, the Councell if selfe disclayming from it, & these Authors in other things being found vnsincere & fabulous, I thought it not worth the answering: but seeing that M. Hall notwith­standing he saw it fully answered in Bellarmine, and others, will needs bring it in againe, as though nothing had euer beene sayd thereunto, Answered by Bellar­mine l. [...] de Clericis cap. 20. §. argumen­tum 5. & vltimum. and out of his wonted folly and vanity insert heere and there his Greeke words, which haue no more force and emphasis then the English, with this conclusion in the end: His arguments wone assent, he spake and preuailed, so this liberty was still continued and confirmed I will briefly deliuer what hath beene answered thereunto, if first I shew what legier-du-maine is vsed by this Epistler in setting it down with aduantage to make it serue his purpose the better.

16. For whereas Socrates recounteth the fact Socrates l. 1. cap. 8. S zom. l. 1. cap. 22. of Paphnutius in a particuler matter touching the wiues of such Priests only, as were ordered whē they were marryed men, whether such should be debarred from their wiues & bound to con­tinency as the rest, this man from the particuler draweth it vnto the generall, & from only mar­ryed Priests, to all Priests whatsoeuer. When the Fathers of the Nicen Councell (sayth M. Hall) went about to enact a law of continency, Socra­tes the historian expresseth it thus: It seemeth ‘good, sayth he to the Bishops, to bring in a new law into the Church: it was then new, & they but would haue brought it in: therfore before it’ was not. So he. But I must pull him backe by the sleeue, and before we go further aske him what this new law was, that is heere mentio­ned? M. Halls vnsincere setting down the narration of Socra­tes. of what subiect? was it in generall for the continency of all Cleargy men, which is the ar­gument of this his letter? so it should seeme: for so without any restriction he reports it, and makes Paphnutius to withstand the same: when as his Author in this very chapter hath the quite contrary, and only speaketh of such as in the state of wedlocke were ordered, excluding in plaine tearmes the other from all marriage, and that according to the ancient tradition of the Church.

17. And this M. Hall could not but see; seeing after the words he citeth vz. It seemeth good to the Bishops to bring in a new law into the Church, it followeth immediatly: vt qui essent sacris initiati, sicut Episcopi. Presbyteri, & Diacon [...] cum vxoribus quas cùm erant laici, in matrimonium duxissent, minimè dor­mirent. [Page 144] That such as were in holy orders, as Bi­shops, It was ne­uer law­full for Priests af­ter their ordinatiō to marry. Priests, and Deacons should not compa­ny with their wiues, which they had marryed before, when they were lay men. So he. Which words euince the cōtinency he speaketh of only to be in this particuler case, and not of all con­tinency, as heere he is made to speake, which yet is more cleare in the same chapter, where he ex­presly denyeth that such as tooke holy orders in single life (which as we haue shewed out of S. Hierome, and S. Epiphanius must needs be the grea­ter part) may marry at all: Vt qui in Clerum (sayth he) ante adscripti erant quàm duxissent vxores, hi secun­dum veterem Ecclesiae traditionem deinceps à nu tijs absti­nerent. That such as were made of the Clergy ‘before they had marryed wiues, should accor­ding to the ancient tradition of the Church ab­stayne from marryage. So Socrates, and we see’ that besides the aspersion and touch of falshood, without which this man deliuers nothing, that the authority cited, reacheth not halfe way home, for proofe of that wherfore it is brought although all were granted which this Author reporteth.

18. Yea further this testimony duly weigh­ed maketh more for vs then our Aduersaryes: for if we make this first proposition out of So­crates, no Clergy man after his orders taken can marry: and then out of S. Hierome, and S. Epipha­nius add this other, but in the Churches of Greece, Aegypt, and Rome all Bishops, Priests, Deacons, were chosen virgins, or widdowers, or after their priesthood for euer continent; the con­clusion will follow that for the most part, as I [Page 145] sayd, euen according to the ancient tradition of the Church, the Clergy consisted of single men, an the other marryed who claymed their wiues after their ordination in respect of them, to haue beene very few, which yet is more plaine by S. Epiphanius, who speaking of such as were made Priests, saying: Sanctum Sacerdotium ex virginibus Mark [...] this M. Hall. quidem vt plurimum procedens, si verò non ex virginibus, at ex solitariam vitam agentibus: si verò hi non suffecerint ad ministerium, hi qui continent à proprijs vxoribus accipi­antur. Holy priesthood for the most part proce­ding of Virgins, or if not virgins, yet of such as liue a solitary or single life, or if these suffice not for the Ministery, let those be taken who liue continent from their owne wiues. So he. And this alone abundantly sheweth in what ranke and number marryed men were in the Clergy.

19. And all this haue I sayd as supposing the truth of that history, but there want not more then seeming coniectures to disproue this The re­port of Socrates and Sozo­men tou­ching Pa­phnutius is reiected as fabu­lous. narration, and to shew it to be false, whereof that may passe for the first, which I last alleadged out of S. Hierome, and S. Epiphanius, both more ancient, more learned, and of far more credit then Socrates: for they liuing so soone after the Councell, and writing in so generall manner for the single life of Priests, and continency of such as in wedloke were ordered, without the least mention of any contrary custome, which if it had beene in vse and that vpon so famous a plea of so renowned a Saint, they could not but haue knowne, the one being a Grecian borne, and the other brought vp vnder S. Gregory Nazi­anzen in Greece, argueth most clearly no such [Page 146] pleading, no such custome euer to haue beene: for had it beene so notorious as in the open Councell by so remarkable a man as S. Paphnu­tius, in a cause of this consequence, it could not haue beene concealed, but must needs haue byn most publique, most famous, and known to the whole world: neither could these Saints haue durst to gainsay it, and deny that to haue beene practised, which in the Councell had been con­demned: & great meruaile it were if Socrates li­uing so long after, should better know what the Nicen Councell had determined, then S. Hierome and S. Epiphanius, who liued in the same age, and that no one Author before of those tymes (al­though Ruffinus write both of that Councell and Saint) could be found to register, or at least to insinuate this counterfait conquest left only to Socrates & Sozomen both heretikes, as many hold, Bellar. loco [...]itato. to be deliuered to posterity, and from them a­gainst the credit of all others to be taken vp as an vndoubted truth to M Hall, and they by him to be made to speake far worse then they did.

20. Againe S. Gregory taketh Sozomen with vntruthes, and sayth that in his history, multa mentitur, and the Reader may see (where M. Hall would not be seene) in Bellarmine I meane, three grosse vntruthes related by Socrates, euen in one chapter, and in the history of his owne tyme, as Epiph. haeres. 70. Ambr. l. 10. ep. 83. Athan. de synodis Arimin. & Seleue. that it was lawfull to keep Easter when any one listed, the Church hauing determined no­thing therof, Leo serm. 4. de quadrag. Greg. ho. in Euang. that in Rome they fasted but 3. weekes before Easter, Aug. ep. 86. & 118. that in Rome they vsed not to fast on the Saturdayes: all which are con­uinced by S. Athanasius, S. Epiphanius, S. Ambrose, S. [Page 147] Augustin, S. Leo, & S. Gregory to be false: so as in this also of marryed Priests, seeing he is the first rela­tour, and that against the relation of others, we may worthily suspect him, & without the pre­iudice of truth reiect him also, vnles some other of more fidelity had likewise affirmed the same.

21. Moreouer there are in the Councell it selfe two Canons, the first and the third, made vpon one occasion, to wit, for that Leontius a Priest the more freely to keep a yong mayd in The Councell of Neece allowed not mar­riage of Priests, Can. 1. Can. [...]. his house, had made himselfe an Eunuch, for which he was deposed, and after became an Ar­rian: the Councell in the first Canon prouideth that none vnder paine of deposition, offer vio­lence to his owne body, as Leontius had done: & then to put the axe vnder the root of the tree, and remoue all occasion of whotsoeuer disorder heereafter in that kind, the third Canon for­biddeth all Bishops, Priests, & Deacons to haue any woman in their houses, vnles it be their mother, sister, or aunt by the Father, or such on­ly of whome there can be no suspition: and where is the wife in this enumeration? truely if Priests may liue freely with their wius, I see not why their wiues may not as freely haue what mayds they list to tend their children, and wait on themselus besides their husbands, aunt, sister, or mother, who I thinke will not so easily be drawne to stoop to that attendance. Let our Bi­shops try, and they will find my wordes true: & if the Councell had allowed these wiues, why doth it only speake of the Priest, his mother, sister, aunt, and nothing of the sister, Mother, aunt of his wife? Doubles for no other reason, [Page 148] but for that these wiues were vnknowne, & no The Pro­testants haue none to adhere vnto for the mar­riage of Priests but con­demned heretiks. man then dreamed of the Protestāt Heteroclital Clergy, so dislonant from others, as it is with­out example, vnles it be of such whome though they shame not to follow, yet may they blush to name, Iouinian Vigilantius, and other heretikes.

22. Last of all S. Leo the Great, liuing at the same tyme with Socrates & writing to the Greke Bishop Anastasius of Thessalonica, sheweth the pra­ctise then iointly to conspire with this now, and he writeth in such manner, as if the thing were out of question, without contradiction, knowne, & acknowledged by all: for speaking of the excellency of Priesthood, he bringeth this for proofe thereof: Sacerdotum tàm excellent est ele­ctio, Leo. ep. 84. cap. 4. vt haec quae in alijs Ecclesiae membris non vocantur ad culpam, in illis tamen habeantur illicita &c. The calling ‘of Priests is so eminent, that those things which in other members of the Church, are not repu­ted for a fault, are yet in them vnlawfull: for whereas for such as are not of the Clergy, it is free to marry and beget children, notwithstan­ding to shew the purity of perfect continency, carnall wedlocke is denyed vnto Subdeacons, that both those who haue wiues may be as if they had them not, & they who haue them not, may remaine single: but if this be worthy to be kept in this order, which is the fourth from the head, how much more is it to be kept in the first, second, and third, least any should be thought fit for the Leuitical ministery, or Priestly honour, or Episcopall excellency, who is discouered not yet to haue refrained from coniugall carnality?’ Hitherto S. Leo.

23. And this not only concludeth against the former Historian, the testimony being so di­rect, and the writer so graue, but refuteth also the other example, which M. Hall doth produce out of Socrates, concerning Heliodorus Bishop of Trica (deposed from his Bishopricke, as Nicepho­rus writeth for his wanton verses) and made to be the first author of single life in the Clergy of Thessulia, because in the same chapter he hath the Many mista­kings of Socrates in one Chapter. other three vntruthes aboue rehearsed, and this may be numbred for the fourth; and we may ad for the fifth his Paradoxe, when like an honest Protestant he affirmeth that fasting is free, and to be vsed only when we list our selues: so as I meruail not if he were so great a friend to wiues that so little fauoured abstinency: and all these vntruthes being found in this chapter cyted, it may well be tearmed a lying chaprer, but how­soeuer, he being an Heretike and contradicted in this by S. Hierome, S. Epiphanius, S. Leo, and others deserueth no credit at all, or further refu­tation.

24. Yet before I leaue this lying chapter I must needs adioyne one more which the same Author maketh therein, and M. Hall doth also alleadge, that al which he hath of him may passe togeather vnder one view: thus then he maketh him to speake concerning the practise of the East Church: Socrates (sayth he) thus flatly ‘writs of those Bishops of his tyme: for many of them in the place and function of Bishops beget chil­dren of their lawfull wiues. I graunt that Socra­tes’ writeth the words, but with three other cir­cumstances which M. Hall should not haue con­cealed, [Page 150] the one that these Bishops were marryed before their ordination, the other that the fa­mous Bishops and Priests did the contrary, so as these seeme to haue been some infamous obscure Bishops, and of no account among the rest: lastly that the other custome was more general in the East, especially in Thessalia, Macedonia, and Greece, and Nicephorus relating the same thing almost Nicephor. lib 12. c. 34. verbatim out of Socrates sayth, that this custome of deposing Priests, who after their orders taken, did againe know their wiues: Thessalonicae, at (que) in Macedonia & Graecia omni seruata est: Is obserued at Thessalonica, and in Macedonia, and in all Greece, though both take Greece for that speciall Pro­uince so properly called, & both in this do erre, which I meruaile M. Hall did not mention whē they auouch this chastity, although vsuall, yet to haue beene meer arbitrary, and not imposed by any law, and Heliodorus as I haue sayd to haue beene the first Author therof in Thessalia, neither of which can stand with that which S. Hierome, S. Epiphanius, S. Basil, S. Leo and others haue wri­ten: neither is it likely that Heliodorus, who ra­ther would loose his Bishopricke, then recal his lasciuious booke, would be so eager aboue the Heliodo­rus his wanton booke entituled Aethio­pia. rest for the continency of his Clergy: and it can­not but moue laughter to see M. Hall tearme him in his margent, Author of the Aethiopicke historyes, as if Heliodorus had written some history of Aethio­pia, whereas he only intituled his wanton work Aethiopia, and wrote no more history thereof, then Syr Phillip Sidney did of Arcadia, or Apuletus of the Arcadian Nightingale, that sings so sweetly to the Harp.

25. But not to stand on this, but on the mayne point in question, that there was no law for the cōtinency of Clergy men, especially Bi­shops in Greece, is clearely refuted by the Fa­thers alleadged, and S. Epiphanins expresly men­tioneth Epiphan. haeres. 59. Canons heere denyed, and the continu­all vse and tradition of the Church might haue suffised for a law, had Canons wanted, which yet in this behalfe are very abundant, & M. Halls sacred Councel of Trullū doth yield vs two, Concil. Trullan. Can. 10. & 48. the 10. and 48. and before that the Councell of Ancyra, Neocaesaraea, and Neece haue others as I shal afterwards shew, and as these manyfold autho­rityes do much ouerweigh the single credit of Socrates, so the notable case which hapned in his Nicephor. l. 14. c. 55. tyme doth cleerely conclude the prohibition mentioned to haue had a larger extent, then Thessalia, Macedonia, or Helladian Greece: for thus it hapned. Synesius a famous Philosopher being A notable example of Synesi­us Bishop of Ptole­mais. made a Christian, and soone after chosen by the Clergy, and sought for by the people to be made their Bishop, Theophilus then Patriarke of Alexandria approuing the election, went about to or­deyne him Bishop of Ptolemais, which the other refused in so vehement manner, as that, omni ar­te & robore, by all art and force he laboured to withstand the ordination, saying that he did ra­ther desire to dye, then to be made Bishop, and Synes. ep. 11. & 57. that on his knees he had prayed for that ex­change, I meane of his Bishopricke with death, to which end he vsed all the sleights, excuses, stratagems that he could deuise (as S. Ambrose did vpon the like occasion at Millane) to diuert Theo­philus Patriarke of Alexandria from approuing his [Page 152] election, or proceeding further to his ordinati­on: but what thinke you did he obiect.

26. Truly many excuses he made, and some of them vntrue: for he not only pretended that he was a new Christian, not yet fully in­structed Synes. ad Euopsium ep 105. See Ba­ron. anno 410. in the doctrine of his beliefe, but fur­ther that as yet he belieued not the resurrection of the flesh, and other points taught, professed, and acknowledged by all Christians, that his other studyes, & incombrances would not per­mit them to be Bishop, that his want of health Synesius very vn­willing to be Bishop. and disposition of mynd made him altogeather vnfit for that calling, & the like: but most of all he vrged the matter of his marriage, as the pro­per & speciall meanes of his hinderanc or deli­uerance rather from that burthen, & the manner of his vrging well sheweth the cleer incompos­sibility he conceaued to be betweene the one & the other state: for in this earnest manner doth he deliuer the same: Mihi & Deus ipse (sayth he) Loco cita­ [...]o. & leges, ipsa (que) sacra Theophili manus vxorem dedit &c. Both God himselfe, and the lawes, and the holy ‘hand of Theophilus hath giuen me a wife: where­fore I fortell all men, and will haue it recorded, that I will not forsake her, neither as an adulte­rer will I secretly know her; for the one (to wit to leaue her) stands not with piety; the other (to know her after his Episcopall ordination) is not lawfull: but I will and desire rather to haue ma­ny honest children borne of her, and of this the Author and chiefe dealer in this election ought not to be ignorant: let our friends Paulus and Di­onysius whome I vnderstand to be chosen by the people for Embassadours in this matter know’ [Page 153] so much. So Synesius, and how can this plea made by so famous a man vpon this occasion at the ve­ry tyme when Socrates liued, and that euen in Greece, stand with the arbitrary chastity heere surmized? How can it be that there was no law, nor Canon of the continent life of Bishops, and yet that this renowned Philosopher, and most learned man should vrge his marriage, and the not dissolution thereof as an essentiall impe­diment vtterly vnabling him to be Bishop? and the thing it selfe to be vnlawfull in one of that calling?

27. And in case the matter had beene, as Socrates in that lying chapter doth relate it, then had the folly, or rather stupidity of this reason beene very singular, which will the better ap­peare if we apply it to some domestical example Socrates proued to be vnsin­cere. of our English Superintendents, among whome that is taught for true doctrine, which Socrates heere deliuereth, and these lewd Bishops (if ther were any such) are sayd to haue practised: and to single out one amongst many to exemplify in, let vs suppose that M. Iohn King, now by an Equi­uocall M. King with my Lady his wife of London. title surnamed of London, had beene vn­willing to be made Bishop, and to hinder his e­lection should haue exhibited to his Metropoli­tan of Canterbury a memorial concerning the rea­sons of his refusall, and among the rest he should haue stood stiffe on this point, that forsooth he was a marryed man, that he meant not to leaue his wife, that he intended to haue more children by her, and that it importeth much that M. Ab­bots should not be ignorant of this his resolution, least perhaps he should vnaduisedly by making [Page 154] him Bishop, go about to separate the poore effe­minate man from his wiues company, whome he would in no case (for that he loued her much better then his Bishodricke) forsake,

Could any forbeare laughing to heare this ridicu­lous reason, that seeth so many marryed Bishops in the land, and no prohibition to the contrary? Whereas therefore Synesius so eagerly vrged this point, and our aduersaryes are ashamed to men­tion it, we may wel discouer a presupposed pro­hibition to haue been extant, & that Socrates, at­tent Lib. 5. c. 23. only to the matters of Constātinople, where he was borne, and brought vp, either to haue been very ignorant of the customes of other places, if not also of his owne citty, where in all the row of these Patriarkes this could not be speci­fyed Nicephor. lib. 6. c. vlt. by any one example, or els, as a Nouatian he­reticke, for which Nicephorus taxeth him, out of the knowne lasciuious spirit of such men, to haue dissembled, and willfully contradicted the truth.

28. And these being all the testimonyes, that M. Hall bringeth for the first foure hundred yeares, and all wide of the marke, whiles we ex­pect that he should according to promise follow the tymes and shew in all ages succeeding the marriage of Priests to haue beene lawful, he ma­keth a foule skip from Origen, S. Cyprian, S. Atha­nasius, and the Nicen Councell, vnto Gratian the Canonist, & leapeth ouer well neere eight hun­dred years togeather, though after leauing three or foure hundred yeares vntouched, he recoile a little backe to the Trullan Councell, S. Vdalricke, [Page 155] and others, but with what effect we shall after see: and in this place insteed of the testimonyes M. Hall mistaketh the state of the question and in saying much proueth nothing. of writers, he brings vs in an idle bedrole of na­mes, to wit, of such Bishops as had beene once marryed, which being all graunted as they lye, proue nothing against vs, because he sheweth not that then they vsed their wiues, when they were Bishops, which is our controuersy, and we both say and proue that for euer they were di­uorced from them, and liued in perpetuall con­tinency apart: this M. Hall should infringe, and not produce some few marryed Bishops of the Primitiue Church, few in number, and ordered for the most part after the death of their wiues; or if before, yet were these Bishops dead to them because touching al coniugal dutyes they ceased to be their husbands.

29. And this was so knowne, so confessed, so vncontrolled a truth, that the first enemy and impugner of Clericall continency, could not deny it, and therefore S. Hierome boldly sayd vnto him ( Iouinian I meane) Certè confiter is non posse Hier. l. 1. in Iouin. esse Episcopum, qui in Episcopatu filios faciat, alioquin si deprehensus fuerit, non quasi vir tenebitur, sed quasi adul­ter damnabitur. Doubtles thou dost confesse that he cannot be a Bishop who begets children in ‘that state: for if he be taken in the manner, he shall not be reputed as a husband, but condem­ned’ for an adulterer. So S. Hierome, and so plain­ly Baro. tom. 1. ann. 58. Basil. ep. 17 in addit. as you see he pleadeth for vs, that his wordes refuse all commentary, and refute M. Halls con­tradiction and practise. S. Basil writing to one Peragorius an old Priest rebuketh him sharply for taking his Presbiteram, she-priest, or wife into his [Page 156] house, vpon perswasion that his great age would take away all suspition of incontinency, and threatens excommunication, vnles forthwith he dismissed her, vrging the obseruance of the Nicen Canon: and if this were not permitted vn­to a Priest, much lesse vnto a Bishop.

30. But what need we stand vpon threats, where exampls are not wāting of sharp punish­ments inflicted on Bishops, either by themselues The pen­nance which Vr­bicus Bi­shop of Claramōt did for knowing his wife after that he was made Bi­shop. or others for transgressed continency, and that euen with their wiues: of either kind I will alleadge one, & for the former of a Bishop, who liued with S. Basil, or soone after called Vrbicus. The story is related by Gregorius Turonensis, who writeth how this man of a Senatour before was made of the Cleargy, and after the death of Stre­monius (whome he succeeded) Bishop of Clara­mont, his wife all this while being aliue, but af­ter the Canonicall custome separated from him: Vxorem habens (sayth the Author) quae iuxta consue­tudinem Ecclesiasticam remota à consortio sacerdotis religi­ose Greg. Tu­ronen. l. 1. Histor. Fran. cap. 44. viuebat: Hauing a wife which according to the Ecclesiasticall custome religiously liued a­part from the company of the Priest: whome as the weaker vessel the Diuel tempting to returne to her husband againe, so far preuailed, as she al­so tempted the Bishop, but not without a Text of Scripture of the Diuels prompting, reuertimi­ni ad alterutrum ne tentet vos Satanas: returne to ech other, least Sathan tempt you, and with often & importunate recourse, made him relēt from that Ecclesiasticall vigour, which should haue beene in one of his ranke and calling, and yield to her desire. But what? did he thinke it lawful? did he [Page 157] plead M. Halls impossible necessity? or the posse & nosse of the old Germans? No such matter: But ad se reuersus, & de perpetrato scelere condo [...]ens, acturus poenitentiam Diecaesis suae Monasterium expetit, ibi (que) cum gemitu & lachrimis quae commiserat diluens ad vrbem pro­priam est reuersus: Entring into himselfe and re­penting for the wicked fact he had done, went ‘to a Monastry of his diocesse to do pennance, and there with sighs and teares blotting out the of­fences he had committed, returned to his owne’ towne. So this Author.

31. And in this one example two thinges are very remarkable, and cleerly conclude for vs Ecclesiast­icall men liued a­part from their wius & vowed chastity. in this behalfe: first that the Ecclesiasticall cu­stome was, that when any was made Bishop if he were a marryed man, his wife was to liue a­part from him: and secondly that both were bound to keep perpetuall chastity, and neuer to claime any more matrimoniall dutyes one of the other: and this later is gathered by necessary and ineuitable deduction: for els why doth he cal it a wicked fact? why did he do pennance for it? if no prohibition entred, no sinne was commit­ted, they remayning lawfull wife and husband as before: which example alone is so hard a bone for M. Hall to gnaw vpon, as he shall neuer be a­ble to rid himselfe handsomely thereof, & being so ancient, sheweth what wiues the Bishops had and what liberty in vsing them was allowed in those dayes: if our Superintendents and Mini­sters of England had no more, this controuersy had neuer byn raised, but then were other tims, other lawes, other Bishops, other beliefe.

32. And least M. Hall obiect that this pen­nance [Page 158] was voluntary, and proceeded of the too much scrupulosity of this Prelate: let vs see an­other A notable example of the pennance Canoni­cally im­posed on Genebal­dus, for knowing his wife after that he was made Bi­shop of Laudun. wherein by Canonical sentence and iudi­ciall seuerity it was inioyned: Genebaldus Bishop of Laudune, as Hinckmarus Archbishop of Rhemes in the life of S. Remigius reporteth, being marryed vnto the Neece of the sayd Saint, betaking him­selfe to a religious life left her to whome he was marryed, and not long after was made Bishop of Laudune, and consecrated by S. Remigius himselfe, but by the frequent recourse of his wife to him, was tempted in the end, yielded, and knew her carnally againe, whome for the attaining of spi­rituall perfection he had forsaken: but Gods cals were not wanting to reclaime him, nor he to Gods calls to returne backe from his errour, wherefore sending for S. Remigius, casting him­selfe at his feet, with many tears deplored his of­fence, and that with such vehemency, as he was checked for his so deep distrust, which seemed to draw to despaire, or to diminish that confi­dence which all sinners though neuer so great ought to haue in the abundant mercy of our most louing Redeemer, if they be truely repen­tant.

33. Notwithstanding this his griefe so ex­cessiue, yet did this his Metropolitan put him to S. Remi­gius dyed anno 545. seue repennance, made him a little lodg to lye in, with a bed in manner of a sepulcher, with very narrow winddowes, a little Oratory or praying place, and therein shut him vp, sealing fast the dore for seauen years togeather, in which obscure den he did lead a most strict & peniten­tiall life: in so much as the same Author who is [Page 159] both graue and ancient relateth, that at the end of the seauenth yeare, when on the Wednesday in the holy week before Easter, he had watched all the night in Prayer, and with tears bewailed his offence, he was comforted by an Angell, and aduertised that his prayers were heard, his pen­nance was accepted, and the sinne forgiuen, & so was deliuered from that prison, and restored againe to his Bishopricke, liuing al the residew of his life, as the Author sayth, insanctitate & iusti­tia, in holynes and vertue, alwayes preaching the mercyes of God, which to himselfe in such abundant measure had beene shewed.

34. What thinke you of this M. Hall? Was Sanderus l. 1. de Scis. mat. Aug. it free in these tymes for Bishops to vse their wiues as you pretend? If in these dayes had byn foūd a lasciuious Crāmer with his Dutch Fraw, whome when he had vsed for his harlot a while in his old age, after for his comfort (poore man) he must needs marry being then Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of England, or els (not to rake further into the infamous ashes of our first parents) as Thorneborough of Bristow, with two wiues at once, what think you would they haue sayd? what pēnance would they haue enioyned? with what vigour and rigour also would they haue chastized such Ministers, or rather mon­sters of the Clergy? And truly these two exam­ples being so directly against the vse of wiues, and M. Hall being not able to bring one to the contrary, wherein it was allowed as lawfull for any Bishop or Priest after holy Orders taken to haue any, let the Reader iudge which doctrine and practise best agreeth, or disagreeth most, [Page 160] with the former tymes, and purer ages (as our Aduersaries sometymes will cal them of the first six hundred yeares) ours or theirs: for heer you haue nothing brought for them, but that some Bishops had beene marryed men, others made Bishops in that state, which is not denyed: but that then they might vse their wiues M. Hall pro­ueth not, and these examples do euince that they did not, which point out of diuers Councells, we shall a little after further declare.

35. And for the catalogue he heere maketh of marryed Bishops, it hath no more truth, and Many grosse mi­stakings. sincerity in it, then the rest: for besides that he citeth Authors at randome as Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 29. when as there be there but 26. chapters, and for things which are not to be found in him, which I passe ouer as petty faults, besides this I say to increase the number of his Bishops, he maketh S. Basils Father a Bishop, who was neuer such, and further sayth the same of Gabinius brother of Eutichianus Bishop (sayth he) of Rome, whereas Gabinius was neither brother of Eutichianus, nor Bishop of Rome, or of any place els: but hauing beene once marryed, and by his wife hauing had one daughter, to wit S. Susanna the virgin and Martyr, after the death of his sayd wife was made Priest, and in the persecution of Diocletian, the same yeare with Caius the Pope his brother, but not the same day, was also martyred. So as heere is nothing but mistaking, and whether I will or not, I see M. Hall must haue a sentence of Diuorce giuen against him out of the Court of Arches, for pleading no better for the marriage of Clergy men, which he promised in the begin­ning [Page 161] either to free, or els to vndergoe the law, there is no remedy I say, if iustice preuaile, but that he must part from his wife, or which I soo­ner thinke he will do, must breake his promse with M. VVhiting: for hither to besides vntruths, abusing of Authours, mistaking the question & other impertinēcies nothing hath byn brought to free this matter.

36. Now if as I haue shewed the practise of the Primitiue Church, so I would also set Bellar. l. 1▪ de Cler▪ cap. 19. Coccius tom. 2. Thesaur l. 8. art. 6. downe particuler testimonyes of al the Fathers, both Greeke and Latin▪ I should ouerwhelme him with multitude; I will remit him only to the places cyted in the margent, where he shall find store, and that so great, as M. Iewell confes­seth in this cause our aduantage notorious, say­ing: Heere I graunt M. Harding is like to find some good aduantage, as hauing vndoubtedly a great number of Iewel de­fence pag. 164. Fathers on his side. So he. But my intention is to disproue only what M. Hall doth bring, and not to vrge against him: to answere I meane, & not to dispute: wherefore he hauing spent all the small store of his authorityes, as little boyes who M. Hall playeth small game. when they haue in play lost their money will stake their points, and when all his gone fall to play at picke straw: euen so this man after the Fathers words, after the examples of their pra­ctise, in which both as you see he is foyled, and hath lost all, he commeth now to play at pick­straw indeed, & to vrge the palea, or chasse which is in Gratian, as though it were good corne, and out of that will proue, that as one man begets another, so Popes to haue begotten other Popes, who succeeded them in the Episcopall Sea: and [Page 162] albeit this fond fiction haue been long since re­futed for a fable by D. Harding, as it might haue Harding in his de­tection fol. 237. ashamed any man euer to haue mentioned it a­ny more, yet seeing it is againe brought on the stage, let vs see a little what it is. Thus M. Hall deliuers it.

37. To omit others (sayth he) what should I speake of many Bishops of Rome, whose sonnes not spurious as now a dayes, but as Gratian him­selfe Many vn­truths in one passa­ge. witnesses lawfully begot in wedlocke, fol­lowed their Fathers in the Pontificall Chayre? the reason whereof that Author himselfe inge­nuously ‘rendreth: for that marriage was euery where lawfull to the Clergy before the prohibi­tion (which must needs be late) and in the Ea­sterne Church to this day is allowed. What need’ we more testimonyes, or more examples? So M. Hall. In which wordes that is the first vntruth, that Gratian himself witnesseth these to haue byn lawfully begotten in wedlocke: for he witnes­seth no such matter: the witnes for this thing is the Palea, or Chasse, the Author whereof is diffe­rent from Gratian, and a more moderne writer, Baronius in anno 1152. in fine. as Baronius truely auoucheth, and so his credit the lesse, and in this particuler fancy nothing at all, as now we shall see.

38. The second, that the sonnes of Popes now adayes are spurious, which with the lye conteynes an iniurious slander: for what sonnes doth this man know of Popes of our dayes? I feare me in An iniu­rious ca­lumnia­tion. our dayes these men will change our old Gram­mer, and make mentiri of a Deponent to become a verbe Common: for no man can passe the im­pure tonges and lying lips of these men without [Page 163] misreporting or villany. We know what Nicetas Nietas in vitalgnat. Constant▪ writeth: Nihil ita capit animos inuidia odie (que) imbutos quàm sinistra de, eo quem oderis narratio. Nothing so much draweth the minds of such as are possessed with enuy and hatred, as a false report of him whome you hate: and so knowing M. Hall your hatred, we wonder lesse at this slanderous and shameles reproach: yea following the rule of S. Bernard, we draw from your wicked wordes flowing out of the malignant rancour which aboundeth in your hart, the contrary perswasiō to that which you pretend: for as he very truly obserueth: Non potest bonus non esse qui bonis placet, nec Bernard. epist. 24 [...]. minùs validum argumentum mihi videtur quòd bonus sit, si malis è regione despliceat. He cannot but be good, who contenteth the good, and it is with me no lesse forcible an argument, that he is likewise good, if on the other side he displease those who be bad. So S. Bernard. Wherefore when you charge Popes with incontinency, all Priests with treasons, & the like, we find that good men loue them the better for your hatred, and in ma­ny things we say of you and yours, as S. Augustin of Herod in respect of the infants he slew in and about Bethleem: Plùs prosuit odio, quàm prosuisset obse­quio: He did them more good by his hatred then he could haue done by his fauour: so in the later accounting day, these ranke breaths patiently endured, will not want their euer enduring re­wards, as he hath promised who cannot deceaue vs, and your persecutions in the end will crown the sufferers with the stole of immortality.

39. And by this occasion to speake of this present Pope Paulus the fifth, and that not for re­ceaued [Page 164] courtesies (for I neuer in respect of my The sin­gular con­tinency of this pre­sent Pope. selfe haue had farthing of him) or expected hops (for I pretend nothing) much lesse for flattery, (which I abhorre, and where I neuer seeke to be beholding, why should I flatter) but only and meerely for truth, and loue of the vertue of pu­rity which I admire, & which in all the course of his life hath beene in him most resplendent: We see Princes faults to be more conspicuous then other mens, by reason of their place, wher­by they are made the cōtinual obiect of curious eyes, and ordinary subiect of licentious tongues, because men soone espy & easily speak of what Princes do: but such is the integrity of this wor­thy Pastour, and hath euer beene in the whole course of his life, as euen those who yet in other things little affect him, neuer speake but with admiration of his chastity, which none more commend then those who most know the man, and my selfe haue heard diuers meruaile at the vniforme, constant, & singular opinion which all men haue of his purity of life, and how that euen from his infancy, he neuer hath yet had the least stayne or touch of contrary imputation, & therefore this malicious aspersion might well haue beene spared of spurious sonnes of the Bishops of Rome in these dayes, which only concerneth your Superintendents of England, of whose impuri­ty we want nor certayne records, which vpon these iniurious slanders, we may perhaps be moued to set forth, which els euen for very shame, and credit of our nation, we could haue beene contented to conceale.

40. The third vntruth, and that a very [Page 165] grosse one is, that many Bishops of Rome lawfully begot in wedlocke followed their Fathers in the Pontificall chayre. For in this Chaffe in Gratian we find but one na­med, A notori­ous lye. & that in these words: Siluerius Papa filius Silueri [...] piscopi Romae Siluerius the Pope son of Siluerius the Bishop of Rome: & how then doth this man tell vs out of Gratian of many Bishops of Rome fol­lowing their Fathers in the Pontificall chayre? What Hyperbolicall manner of speach is this to make one only man, and his sonne to be many fathers and many sonnes? doth this man heed what he writeth? Nothing lesse: for such is his stupidity, as looking with bleare eyes, he not on­ly taketh one man for many, but is mistaken also in that very one, and thinketh that to be which is not all: for who euer heard of a second Siluerius Pope of Rome? What record, or mention is there thereof? Truely non at all: & suppose there had beene, yet would it not haue followed, I trow, that he had begot that child whiles he was ei­ther Pope or Priest, which as I must often tell him is our only question.

41. And the weaknes of this citation would haue appeared the better, if M. H [...]ll had but al­leadged the Canon it selfe, and the first Pope na­med in that Catalogue, which had been inough to haue shamed all: for thus it begins Osius Papa fuit filius Stephani Subdiaconi, Osius the Pope was son M. Halls strange Steuen the Sub­deacon. of Steuen the Subdeacon. But who euer heard of a Pope Osius? let M. Hall read ouer all the row of Popes from S. Peter to Paul who now siteth in the chayre, and he shall find no such name, and his Father seemeth to be some indiuiduum vagum, Ste­uen a Subdeacon in the ayre: for of what place, or [Page 166] whose Subdeacon he was, he sayth nothing: and it should seem this Subdeacon Steuen was a very cha­ritable man, a friend to orphans, and father of the fatherles: for Deusdedit the Pope wanting as is should seeme a Father, this Steuen steppeth in againe, and standeth for his Father also. Doubt­les he was husband to Pope Ioan, that could be­get Popes so fast, and I wish that when any of your frinds ( M. Hall) print that table againe, to put downe this particuler, which will much grace the whole tale, and you may if you list the better to please fooles, follow your Father Fox in giuing her a picture betweene her two sonnes Popes, Osius, & Deusdedit: but to leaue these toyes, and to end this matter.

42. Only the Reader must further note, that this Palea to make vp a full number, being as it M. Halls Chasse of small memory. seemeth of a short memory telleth the same men ouer twice: for so he dealeth with Felix, whom he putteth in the third place, who is brought in againe vnder the name of Felix the third, which addition of number might haue beene put as well in the first place, because the thing only a­greeth vnto the third Felix, and none of the rest: for the Father of the first was Constantius, of the second Anastasius: and likewise Agapitus named in the fourth place, is numbred and named againe in the last to make vp the score: and the Father of Gelasius the first of that name made Bishop of a lay man, such graue Authors doth M. Hall pro­duce against vs: and supposing all were true, yea and that they had been many, yet he might haue had the answere vnto them all, where he bor­rowed the obiection: for the glosse explicateth [Page 167] the Text saying: Omnia ista exempla intellige de ij &c. Vnderstand al these examples of them, who ‘were borne of their parents being in the state of lay men, or the lesser Orders, when they might lawfully vse their wiues. And what is this to M. Halls purpose? what doth this proue against’ vs?

43. You will say that this Author ingenu­ously as M. Hall sayth, doth render a reason heer­o [...], because that marriage was euery where lawfull to the Clergy before the prohibition (which must needs be late) and in the Easterne Church to this day is allowed: and I answere that the glosse as ingenuously altogea­ther, & much more truly reiecteth this opinion with an, id verò minimè ita esse: there was no such matter, & in another distinctiō excuseth Gratian The name of Priest extended by Canon lawyers to all that are in ho­ly orders. as taking the word Priest in a larger significatiō, as including all in holy Orders, and meaning therby Subdeacons only and not Priests, which acception is familiar with Canon Lawyers, & founded euen in the Canon it selfe, where it is sayd: Si quispiam Sacerdotum, id est Presbyter, Diaconus, vel Subdiaconus &c. If any of the Priests, that is to say a Priest, Deacon, or Subdeacon &c. in Dist. 31. ini [...]. can. 1. q. 1. Si quispiam. in glossa dist. 33. cap. 1. dist 81. c. si quispiam Dist. 31. Greg. l. 1. epist. 42. which sense we may graunt that the tyme was when some who were marryed were made Sub­deacons, which is further confirmed because in another distinctiō before, Gratian putting down the title: Nondum erat institutum vt Sacerdotes conti­nentiam seruarent: It was not yet ordeyned that Priests should conteyne from their wiues, he presently cyteth a place of S. Gregory, touching Subdeacons, of which we shall speake in the next Paragraffe.

44. But whatsoeuer he meant we are not Bellar. l. de script. Ec­cles. in Gratian. Baron. in annis 341, 774. 865. 876 964. Posseuin. in appara­tu §. de Gratiano id sciendū ist eum saepe erras­se &c. bound to follow him as an infallible wryter, but may with free liberty reiect, whome so many graue Writers vpon diuers occasions haue so sharply censured: that he gathered so many laws decrees, & Canons togeather, argueth great lear­ning, great labour, in so large a matter & cō used heape of different authorities to be mistaken is no meruaile: wherin he did wel we prayse him, where otherwise we pitty the errours, but fol­low them not: if therefore he were of opinion as is wordes seeme to sound, that Priests were first permitted to marry, and were after restay­ned from that liberty, we follow the glosse & not the Text, because al Authors of credit main­teyne the contrary: and as for the commentary Gratian of no in­fallible authority. of M. Hall, that this prohibition must needs be very late, I must needs tell him that it is another vntruth, & that also refuted by Gratian himselfe through­out all his 31. Distinction, which falsity because I shall touch after againe in due place, I heere for­beare further to stand vpon, and from Gratian come to the mayne bul warke and fortresse of M. Halls defence: I meane the sixth Councell, as he calls it of Constantinople, in answering of which The au­thority of the I rul­lā Synod cyted and most insi­sted in by M. Hall at large re­futed. because he relyeth so much thereon, I will be more particuler.

45. And for that M. Hall in vrging this Councell is no lesse eager in charging vs, then resolute in affirming, that marriage of al Clergy men to be decreed therein, and the testimony not to be lyable to any exception, as of a generall Councell as he stileth it, I will first touch the au­thority of this Councel, then what he sayth for [Page 169] himselfe against vs out of the same, and last of al what as well by generall as prouincial Councels hath beene defined against the marriage of Cler­gy men, by which I hope it shall appeare what little cause there was of triumph before the con­quest, & how much our poore aduersaryes make of a little, who like petty Pedlars lay open their pynnes and poynts, obtruding copper for gold, and peeces of glasse for pretious stones.

46. This Councell then heere cyted, is not See Baron. in ann. 692. the sixth Councell, which made no Canons at [...], but another Conuenticle made some ten years after the sixth was ended, & that at the procure­ment of Iustinian the yonger, none of the best Em­perours, The Councell of Trullū not the 6. Coun­cell. God wot, who calling togeather cer­taine Greeke Bishops, made them sit in a place of his pallace called Trullū, because it was made round and vaulted, and there to gather Canons out of the fift and sixth Synodes, which indeed they pretended to do, but with many erroneous additions of their own, and because it made the collection out of these two Councels it was cal­led Quinisextum, as much to say as of the fift and sixth: the chiefe suggester of this seditious mee­ting was Callinicus Patriarke of Constantinople, and that for extreme hatred of the Westerne Church, by which we see, which in many historyes we obserue, that it is easy for a Prince who inten­deth to be naught, to find some one or other Clergy man of the same disposition to second him. Iustinian had his Callinicus, the fourth Henry Emperour his Benno, and our King Henry the 8. his Crammer, and others the like.

47. And further we see all the circumstan­ces [Page 170] occurring in this Councel, to demonstrate it rather to haue beene a seditious conspiracy then The Trul­lan Synod no lawful Councell but a sedi­tious con­spiracy. any lawful sinod: for i [...] had no forme of a Coun­cell, no legats of the Pope, no inuiting of the La­tin Bishops, no authority but imperiall, no law­full conuocation, and in fine did out of arrogant presumption that which appertayned not vnto it to do: for if in the Councell of Chalcedon after the last session was ended, when presently Anato­lius to further the better without contradiction his ambitious claime ouer the other Patriarches (the Patriarch of Alexandria Dioscorus who should haue withstood him being then newly deposed) gathered the Greeke Bishops to make another Decree, the same, as not done in Councell, was annulled: what is to be thought of this meeting, when not one day, but ten yeares after a general Councel was ended, these men who were but one part, and that the least and lesse sincere, without calling the rest, or being lawfully called them­selues, layd hands on two generall Councells at once, cut out Canons, chopped, changed, added and altered at their pleasures?

48. And how generall this Councell was and how generally accepted euen in the Greeke Church where it was held, Anastasius Bibliotheca­rius Anastasi­us Biblio­thecarius. will testify in his dedicatory epistle vnto Iohn the eight before the seauenth Councell which he translated into Latin, where after he had sayd that all these Canons were vnknowne in the Latin Church, he addeth: Sed nec in caeterarum Pa­triarchalium sedium (licet Graeca vtantur lingua) reperi­untur archtuis &c. Nor yet are they found in the treasuries, or places where publike charters or [Page 171] records are kept of the other Patriarchall Seas: The Trullan Synod not ad­mitted by the other Patriarks. because none of these Patriarks did promulgate, cōsent, or was present when they were set forth, notwithstanding the Grecians report those pa­triarches to haue promulgated them, but this they cannot proue by any certayne arguments. So Anastasius. So as the credit and authority of this Councell was confined like our Catholikes in England to their fiue miles, I meane within very narrow bounds, and was euen in the very birth like a base brat branded in the forehead with shame, both of the matter and makers.

49. And this is further euicted by two graue Authors of that age, whereof one, to wit Vene­rable Bede was then liuing, and Paulus Diaconus the other, not long after, who both write of it as of It was pre­sently cō ­demned by Pope Sergius. a scismaticall and no true Councell, and that Sergius the Pope condemned it, for which cause the furious Emperour sent Zacharias his Embas­sadour to Rome, to bring the Pope prisoner to Constantinople, which had byn effected if the soul­diers of Rauenna had not resisted and forced the Embassadour not without shame, and feare also of his life to returne backe without him: Hic be­atae Beda l. de sex aetat. in lustin. iuniore. memoriae Pontificem Romanae Ecclesia Sergium &c. Iustinian the yonger (sayth Bede) commanded Ser­gius Bishop of Rome of blessed memory, to be car­ryed to Constantinople, because he would not ‘fa­uour and subcribe vnto his erring Councell ( er­raticae Synodo) which he had caused there to be made, sending for that purpose Zacharias his chiefe captaine; but the garryson of the Citty of Rauenna, and soldiers of the places adioyning, re­iected the wicked command of the Prince, and [Page 172] made the sayd Zachary not without reproach & iniuries to recoyle. So S. Bede. And the same in the’ same words Paulus Diaconus: and so far was Sergius from approuing it, as he sayth of him that Iusti­nian The rare constancy of Pope Sergius. in another embassage before that now re­counted had sent vnto the Pope, as to the head of all Priests the sayd Councel written out in six tomes to be subscribed vnto: Qui beatissimus Ponti­fex penitus eidem Iustiniano Augusto non acquieuit &c. Which most holy Pope yielded not a iote to the ‘Emperour Iustinian, neither would he vouchsafe to take or read them Moreouer he reiected them as of no force, and cast them away, choosing rather to dye, then to yield to the errours of these noueltyes. So Paulus Diaconus, who also recoun­teth’ how the same Emperour taking afterwards a contrary resolution, sent two of his Metropo­litans to Rome to Pope Iohn to confirme or correct these Canons, but neither the one or other was done.

50. In fine after much wrestling in this matter, for Constantin the Pope, with Gregory who succeeded him (then a priuate man) went to Constantinople, disputed, answered, refelled the er­rours, Gods iust reuenge vpon Iustiniā the Empe­rour and Callini­cus the Patriarke. declared the truth, when notwithstanding the Emperour still persisted, God shewed at last which part pleased him best: for the first Au­thor or instigatour Callinicus had both his eyes pulled out by the Emperours command, & was banished to Rome where he knew full well what his intertainement would be, and the Emperour himselfe hauing first lost his nose, then his Em­pyre, last of all lost also his life, hauing first his sonne Tiberius butchered, and then his own head [Page 173] cut off by one of his rebell souldiers, and sent to Philippus his mortall enemy and successour in the Empyre: so as we see iust reuenge sooner or later ouertakes them who are to busy in laying their hands on the sacred Arke of Ecclesiasticall af­fayres, and out of their arrogancy will teach & direct those of whome they are themselues to be taught & directed: for in matters of this na­ture Bishops or Pastours haue alwayes taught Kings, and no Christian Kings in the Primitiue Church haue prescribed vnto Bishops, vnles such alone as with their scepters haue violently ouer swayde all reason and Religion togeather.

51. This is the true narration of this ba­stard Councell, which of purpose I haue exactly promised, and that both for the better perspicu­ity of the thing it selfe, and my answers which depend thereon, as also for that you may the better know the vaine humours of our Aduer­saryes, & how they can face out a matter when they intend to deceaue, or are not able to shew what they would pretend to proue: for heer M. Hall tells vs what this Counsaile sayth: To the confusion of all replyers, in spight of all contradiction, that Singular impuden­cy in fa­cing out matters vpon so small proofe. the Catholiks seeing themselues pressed with so flat a decree, confirmed by authority of Emperours, as would abide no de­nyall &c. And againe: that this one authority is inough to weigh downe an hundred petty Conuenticles, and many legions (if there had beene many) of priuate contradictions. And what will you say to this pedlar, who thus pratleth of his small wares? If he had any argu­ment against vs as he hath none, how would he vaunt? do these men speake out of conscience or knowledge, trow you, or els ad populum phaleras, [Page 174] to entertaine tyme, and deceaue their Readers? in my iudgment this is impudency in the super­latiue degree, and for this alone he deserueth for euer to be discredited; seeing he could not but know what we had answered to this Synod, & and that himself was not able therunto to make any reply, but this his tallent of shameles dealing will better appeare in all the other particulers, which I will now in order discusse.

52. First then he sayth that this was a ge­nerall Councell, and so he still tearmeth it the sixt generall Councell, but this we haue now shew­ed The Trul­lan Con­uenticle no gene­ral Coun­cell. to be false: for it was neither the sixth, nor yet generall, as not called by the Bishop of Rome, but by him who had no authority, no Bishop, Priest, or Deacon sent from the Sea Apostolike was there, which in no generall Councel law­fully assembled was euer wanting, none of the rest of the Patriarches of the East were present, none of the West inuited, and the Canons by supreme authority at their first appearance con­demned, which things cannot agree to a true generall Councell: and if it were Prouinci­all (as M. Hall shall neuer make more of it if he make so much) then can it not make lawes to bind the whole Church, but that particuler pro­uince wherein it was made, and if these also by higher power be condemned, as in this case it happeneth, then doth it not bind that neither, or any place els, but is to be refused of all, as was the Councell of Carthage called by S. Cyprian, which allowed the rebaptizing of infāts which had beene christened by heretickes, which M. Hall might as well haue vrged against vs, as this [Page 175] of Constantinople, and better also for that S. Cyprian is of a greater authority, more antiquity, sancti­ty and learning, then Callinicus was: for he dyed a renowned Martyr, and the other neither Mar­tyr, nor Confessor, nor scant an honest man.

53. Nor is M. Hall contented with that title of generall falsely and vniustly as Binnius noteth vsurped by these schismaticall Bishops, but fur­ther will haue it to be a sacred Councell▪ for so he The Trul­lan Synod no sacred Councell but a pro­phane as­sembly. sayth: But this sacred Councell doth not only vniuersally approue this practise &c. which point before vpon another occasion I haue spoken of, when I shew­ed these men more to care for their wiues, then for any conscience or Religion at all, which there I did only insinuate, and heere as in the proper place I meane more fully to prosecute, and to shew that in this Councell nothing is di­rectly decreed for M. Hall and his, but that Priests may sometymes vse their wiues, all other Ca­nons being either of things indifferent, or for vs against him, or els for some errour against vs both, which if I shew it will take away al doubt in this matter, and proue that in this mans opi­nion the only granting of a wise is sufficient to make a Councell, that hath defined neuer so ma­ny Canon. 4. Carnall knowled­ge of Re­ligious women punished by the Trullan Councel. other things against him to be both generall & sacred.

54. First then in the fourth Canon it is de­fined, that if any Clergy man, haue carnally knowne a Religious woman (as Luther, Bucer, & others did) that he be deposed: which article if M. Hall will insist on his owne grounds he can­not defend, because he calls the vowes of Reli­gious filthy vowes, and will haue their obseruance [Page 176] to inuolue an impossible necessity: and no doubt should he be permitted to preach in any Mona­stery of Nunnes, his first Sermon should be to perswade them to set open the dores, run their wayes, and take husbands: so as in this the sacred Councell standeth more I trow for vs then him, yea quite condemneth his first parents, who al­lowed no virgins, but deflowred them: & how in our Countrey this new Gospell fauoureth Monasteryes heer mentioned appeareth by this, that the first corner stone thereof was layd by King Henry in the ouerthrow of all Monasteryes of England, and the same spirit still remayneth in all the children and posterity of these parents.

55. In the 32. Canon it is commanded that Canon 32. water be mingled with the wine in the sacrifice and that in this forme of wordes: Quoniam ad no­stram Mingling of wine & water in the sa­crifice. cognitionem peruenit &c. because we are giuen to vnderstand that in the countrey of the Armeni­ans they offer only wine on the holy table, not mingling water therewith who celebrate the vnbloudy sacrifice, alleadging the Doctor of the Church Iohn Chrysostome, saying thus in his com­mentary vpon S. Matthew: Where Christ after his Resurrection dranke not water but wyne, ‘pulling vp by the roote another wicked heresy, because there were many who vsed water alone in the mysteries &c. And a little after▪ Wherfore because the wicked heresy of water defenders was ancient, who for wine vsed only water in the proper sacrifice, this diuine man refelling this wicked succession of that heresy, and shew­ing it to be directly contrary to the Apostolical’ traditiō, he confirmed that which is now sayd, [Page 177] ‘and because in his owne Church where he was Bishop, he appointed, when the vnbloudy sacri­fice was offered, water to be mingled with the wine, prouing this doctrine out of the pretious soueraigne bloud, & water which issued from our Sauiours side, & was shed for the life of the’ world, and redemption of sinners.

56. And then further shewing the same out of the practise & ordination of S. Iames, the Apostle in Hierusalem, of S. Basil in Caesarea, and expresse mention thereof in the 3. Councell of Carthage (in which was S. Augustine) all these I say mentioning the sacrifice and mingling of water with the wine in the same, this sacred Councell maketh this cautelous, resolute, & ful decree: Si quis ergo Episcopus vel Presbyter non secundū traditum ab Apostolis ordinem facit &c. If therefore any Bishop or Priest obserue not the order deli­uered by the Apostles, and mingling water with wine so offer the vndefiled sacrifice, let him be deposed, as proposing the Mystery imperfectly and foolishly, & innouating those things which An vn­bloudy sacrifice mingling of water with wine at Masse, Apostoll­call tradi­tions grā ­ted by the Councell of Trul­lum. haue beene deliuered to the Church. So there. Which wordes I haue cyted more at large, for that they make so directly for vs against our Ad­uersaryes, and that in three speciall points in Controuersy.

57. For heere we haue an vnbloudy sacri­fice, not Metaphoricall, which only the Protestants allow, of prayers and praysing God, but reall and that in bread and wine: that there is water to be mingled with the wine, which they also both in doctrine and practise deny, and both the one and the other are proued by Apostolicall [Page 178] tradition, which with M. Hall makes no proofe and for al this we haue the authority of another Councell of S. Basil, and S. Chrysostome, so as this one Canon of this sacred Synod allowes vs as I sayd three Catholike truths, and hath nothing for Ministers, but that they are not defenders of water alone without wine in their communi­ons, with which heresy no man who knoweth well their natures will euer charge them: for they are so far from that errour, as they will tast as little water as they may, and drinke nothing but of the pure grape without any other mix­ture to allay the heat: but let vs see some few more Canons.

58. I omit the very next Canon which To [...]ura Cl [...]ricalis. warneth all Priests to haue their haire cut, and that none vnles he be cut after the Priestly man­ner, nisi is Sacerdotali tonsura vsus sit, be suffered to preach: so that what authority soeuer M. Hall M. Halls modesty. giue vnto the decrees, and make them sacred, yet the decreers must needs in his iudgement be all sh [...]u [...]linges, as it pleaseth the modest man to tearme all Catholike Priests and Religious per­sons: but for that this more concerneth manners and Ecclesiasticall policy or gouernement then fayth, I will no further mention it, as neither the 49. Canon, wherein it is decreed, that no Monasteryes be euer made secular houses, or gi­uē ouer to be inhabited by secular men, which if it were in vse in Englād, would ouerthrow ma­ny gentlemen who are in possession (but by what right will be seene at the last day) of Abby lands and houses: for to omit other reasons, heer they haue a seuere decree of a sacred Councell, if M. Hall [Page 179] may be credited against them, which puts them all vnder the penall laws of the Canons made in that behalfe.

59. In the 73. Canon the worship of the Can. 73. Crosse is deliuered, & we are taught to ad [...] the same, the words are perspicuous & effectuall, & The wor­ship of the Crosse ac­knowled­ged beare this sense, that by reason it is the banner of our saluation, & instrument wherby we were deliuered from the sal we had in our first parents that therefore, & mente, & sermone, & sensu adora­tionem ci tribuentes &c. in mynd, speach, and affe­ction adoring the same &c. and for this cause al crosses be forbidden to be made on the ground, or pauement, least by the passengers feet walking thereon, victoriae tropheam iniuria assiciatur, the tro­phey of our victory be abused. Is this obserued in England? do you ministers teach the people for reuerence of our Sauiours passion to make the Crosse in no place, but where it may be wor­shipped? and not on the ground, least it be tro­den vnder foot? or els do you pull them downe from the Churches where they were worship­ped, and tread them vnder your feet? you shall not need to answere, for your facts do speake, & shew you to be as perfect Iconoclasts as euer liued, and enemyes of these Crosses, whereof these Bi­shops were so great friends: and further where you hold the worship of the Crosse Idolatry, how can that Coūcell be sacred with you which so plainly commandeth it? I see the loue you beare your wife, M. Hall, is a potent passion and far transports you; seeing it forceth you to call that Synod sacred which defendeth Idolatry.

60. And as in this Canon they reuerence Can. 30 [Page 180] the Crosse, so with no lesse respect do they speak of all other holy images in the 82. calling them The vse of holy images appro­ued. venerabilium imaginum picturas, the pictures of vene­rable images: and forbidding the painting of Christ according to the shaddowes of the old law, they giue order how he is to be described; which care neuer troubles your thoughts who as much reuerence the picture of the Diuel, as of Iesus Christ: for you deny all reuerence to either, and although in shops or chambers you permit them both to be painted, yet within your Churches Christ his picture is as much exclu­ded as the image of Beelzebub, and sometymes it happens that in walls and windowes we see our Sauiours and his Saints pictures defaced, razed, and broken in peeces, whiles the picture of the other stands entire and vntouched, which practise in those tymes were vnknowne when images were worshipped by Christians, and image breakers condemned for heretikes, which hapned in the very next generall Councell held after this Trullan cōuenticle, as al the world doth know.

61. Of the vse of holy chrisme, what bet­ter testimony can be required then the 95. Ca­non? Can. 9 [...]. & 101. and of the reall presence in the 101. where in the Communion the faythfull are sayd to re­ceaue immaculatum corpus, the immaculate body, Holy chrisme, and reall presence. and before in the 28. where a Priest entangled with vnlawfull marriage is forbidden ne Christi corpus alijs distribuat, that he distribute not the bo­dy of Christ to others by communicating them, and the power of remitting and retayning sins in the last, where the Priest is sayd to haue re­ceaued [Page 181] power of binding and loosing, and is willed to consider the quality of the sinne, and sinner, that thereby he may be the better able to help him: all which points in our English Sy­nagogue are paradoxes, and either repugnant to the Word, or wanting sufficient warrant of truth, but in this Councell they were not doub­ted of, but are all and ech of them acknowledged and approued as Catholike and sincere.

62. Besides these Canons which by vs are acknowledged, & impugned by our Ministers, there is one Canon which we do both condem­ne, Can. 76. Forbid­ding of meates which haue bloud in them. to wit the 76. where al meate that hath bloud in it is forbidden, according to the old decree in the first Councell that euer was called in the A­postles tymes, wherin it was defined that Christians should absteyne à suffocato & sanguine, from strangled things and bloud, which being but a temporall law made to exercise the obedience of the Gentils, and support the weaknes of the Iewes for a time, vntill they were fully vnited, and the law of Moyses had yielded to the Ghos­pell of Christ, and all legall ceremonyes ceased, these men as if we were still vnder that yoke, forbid the eating of bloud, which yet the Pro­testants do eate, and feed also their seruants with blacke puddings, though in Suffolke some are found to be more scrupulous, as is reported in the Book of the prophane schisme of the Brow­nists.

63. I may seeme to want compassion thus to crush one so far vnder, as that he can neither go, stand, nor creep, and indeed I could be con­tented with these Canons alleadged, which [Page 182] shew the sanctity of this Trullan Synod so much magnifyed and extolled, as you haue heard, to shew some pitty to this poore man, but that ere I end, I must perforce cope closer with him, and that in the very matter controuerted: which combat requirs the better attention, for that M. Hall aduentures far, and offers if he be cast to be esteemed as faythles: and I offer no lesse if I ouerbeare him not therein to vndergoe the same in [...]my, so as now we both must stand to our tackling, or els loose all our credit. M. Hall as a M. Hall [...] at his word. champion casting vp his Gantlet, with more courage then wit, maketh this challenge. If any Protestant Church (sayth he) in Christendome can make a more peremptory, more full and absolute, more cautelous de [...]rce for the marriage of Ecclesiasticall persons, let me be condemned as faithles. So he: a bold proffer, and I take him at his word, & will proue him faithles by this very Councell, yea this very Canon which he doth cyte, or els I giue him leaue to bestow that infamous tytle on my selfe.

64. And to the end there be no mistaking in the tearmes: I vnderstand by a full and abso­lute What is to be pro­ued against M. Hall to proue him faithles. decree, such a decree as comprizeth what­soeuer belongeth to all the things in controuer­sy in that matter wherein it is made: for if it should touch one only part, and not another, it were neither full nor absolute, but rather defe­ctiue and limited: so as when M. Hall sayth, that this decree of Vrullum is full and absolute for the marriage of Ecclesiasticall persons, and that no Protestant Church in Christendome can make one more full, it must necessarily follow that it absolutly and fully concludeth all this matter of [Page 183] the marriage of Clergy men in most ample man­ner, and that if it be defectiue in any one point, it is not so full and absolute, but that a fuller & more absolute may be made by Protestants if they should meet togeather to make one, as in King Edwards dayes they did: this he must vn­derstand, or els he vnderstandeth not himselfe, and this if I disproue, I proue him faythles: I meane if I shew this Canon not to be so full, but a more full and cautelous may be made, as supplying that wherein this is wanting, which is very much of that which this man pretendeth as now you shall see.

65. And for the better decision of this point & vnderstanding of this Canon, it will be ne­cessary What in general i [...] decreed in the Trullan Councell touching the marri­age of Priests & Clergy men. to know what touching the marriage of Clergy men hath beene deliuered in this Coun­cell, all which may be reduced to foure heads, whereof the first concerneth their wiues, the rest themselues. Touching the first in the 4. Canon one restrictiō is made, that if any Bishop, Priest, Deacon, Subdeacon &c. shall haue carnall co­pulation with a Religious woman, that he be deposed: if any lay man, that he be separa­ted, and the reason is, vt qui Christi sponsae vitium at­tulerit: because he hath deflowred the spouse of Christ. And in the next precedent Canon is made another, wherein it is defyned, that who­soeuer hath twice beene marryed, or hath had a concubine, can neither be Bishop, Priest, or Deacon, and likewise that none can be Bishop, Priest, or Deacon, who haue marryed a wid­dow, or one put from her husband: and truely if marriages be free for Clergy men without all [Page 184] restraint, and the Councell haue made so full a decree, as none can make a fuller, why may they not haue as much liberty heerein as other men haue, and marry toties quoties their wiues shal dye and they haue list to take others? And if Eccle­siasticall men by this Councell haue an expresse prohibition to the cōtrary, then I infer that they are restrained: for if this prohibition were not, the decree of their marriage were more ful, more peremptory, more absolute, as he hath more ful peremptory and absolute liberty who is free to go where he will, then he who is forbidden many places where els willingly he would go: this needeth no more proofe, then this other: heere it is midnight, ergo heere it is not noone day.

66. The second point defyned is in the 6. Canon, where according to the constitutions of the Apostles it is determined: Vt deinceps nulli peni­tus None per­mitted to marry af­ter ordi­nation. hypodiacono, vel Diacono, vel Presbytero post sui ordina­tionem contrahere liceat &c. That heereafter it be not lawfull for any Subdeacon, Deacon, or Priest to marry after his ordination, and if he presume to do it, let him be deposed: but if any who are to be Clergy men will by the law of matrimony haue a wife, let him marry before he be eitheir Subdeacon, Deacō, or Priest. So there, which particulerly toucheth M. Hall if he haue any orders: for I vnderstand that he was Mini­ster first and marryed after, which heere to such as be in holy orders is absolutely forbidden, and thereupon it followes that such as were made Priests, Deacons, or Subdeacons of marryed men after the death of their wiues, were for e­euer [Page 185] debarred from marrying againe.

67. The third thing decreed is, that which Bishops forbidden to vse their wiue which they had before their ordi­nation. before I mentioned out of the 10. and 48. Ca­nons, in both which Bishops are forbidden not only to vse their wiues, but also to dwell with them, yea their wiues are commanded to liue in a Monastery, which must be procul ab Epis­copi habitatione exstructum, built far off from the house of the Bishop, where the sayd Bishops are commanded to prouide for them: and that if any do the contrary he be deposed.

68. The 4. and last thing is, that which M. Hall hath painted out in his margent, setting it The Coū ­cell allow­ed marry­ed men to be made Priests, but with some re­striction. downe at full length, and it is only the mayne proofe of his epistle, of which he so much brag­geth and vaunteth as you haue heard, and sayth that it is as full and absolute a decree as any Prote­stant Church can make, or els he will be condemned as faithles: and to the end he may not complaine that I extenuate or diminish the force of his ar­gument by following another translation, as lesse fauouring him, although in the thing it selfe I find no difference in any edition: I will take the Text out of his owne booke, truly tur­ned out of Greeke into Latin (as he sayth) by Kemnitius, though I need not to take all for truth, which M. Hall (whome presently by his owne testimony I shall condemne for faithles) propo­seth for such. Thus then it runneth.

69. Quoniam in Romana Ecclesia loco Canonis, seu Can. 13. decreti traditum esse cognouimus &c. For that we haue knowne it deliuered in the Roman Church by way of Canon, or decree, that such Deacons or Priests as are to be esteemed worthy of ordering [Page 186] ‘professe for the tyme to come neuer to know their wiues, we following the old Canon of the Apostolicall, sincere, exquisite, and orderly constitution, will haue the lawful coniugal co­habitation of holy men (or men in holy Orders) euen from this day heereafter to be valid & firme no wayes dissoluing their coniunction or copu­lation with their owne wiues: therefore if any one be found worthy &c. he is not to be prohi­bited to ascend to this degree, for that he dwel­leth with his lawfull wife, neither let it be de­manded of him in the tyme of his ordering, or be compelled that he would or ought to abstayn from the lawful vse of his owne wife. So he out of the Councell. And this is that rare iewell he hath found in scraping the dunghill of this con­demned’ Synod.

70. All these things then being defyned in this Councell, let vs now see whether this one decree be so full, absolute, peremptory, and cau­telous, No Bishop named in the Trul­lan Coun­cells Ca­non cyted by M. Hall. as that no Protestant Church in Christē ­dome can make a more full, for the marriage of Ecclesiasticall persons: for first no Bishop is heer named, and by other Canons they are by name excluded. Againe heere is no graunt for Priests to marry after their ordination, nor yet is that recalled of hauing but one wife, or debarring such as haue marryed widdows &c. and cannot this in your opinion M. Hall be more full, more absolute? I hope you will graunt Bishops to be Ecclesiasticall men, and likewise Priests, who are ordered out of wedlocke, as you were your selfe, if that disorderly promotion of yours may haue that title, and then vpon that concession I [Page 187] make this argument, or demonstration rather to conclude you faithles: No Canon is so ful and ab­solute for the marriage of Ecclesiasticall persons as a fuller cannot be made which allows not all Bishops (the chiefest of the Clergy) & all single Priests leaue to marry, & such as may marry, not to take what wiues they last: but the Canon cy­ted by M. Hall is such a one, ergo it may be more Two most euident demōstra­tions. full and absolute. And then further: If that Ca­non may be more full and absolute, then is M. Hall proued faythles with his owne consent, but it may be more ful & absolute: for it may graunt marriage as well to Bishops, as single Priests, & liberty to take what wiues they list, ergo M. Hall is faythles. I see not what other answere he can giue heereunto, then concedo totum: for it is in per­fect forme and figure.

71. And in my iudgment none can suffi­ciently admire the rare impudency of these men who vse so much boasting where they find so little occasion: for whereas of foure things de­termined in this Trullan Councell touching these marriages, three of them make directly for vs; he as though all stood full on his side, offers very desperately to be condemned as faithles, if any Protestant Church can make a fuller decree then that which he cyteth, when as not only they can make, but de facto haue made in England, as now I will shew, where Bishops and Ministers, euen in their ministery marry and remarry, & toti in hoc sunt, which dealing of his, is as much as if some ridiculous souldier should vantingly brag of his horse, to be the best and swiftest in the land, and offer to pawne his life on any race [Page 188] he should runne, and yet that horse of his should be found to haue but one leg, & that also lame, Bedlam bragging. on which he could neither go, nor stand; who would not think such a one more fit for bedlam then any sober company? and truly so it fareth heere with M. Hall, who pawneth all his credit (which to an honest man is more deere then his life) if any Protestant Church can make a more full decree for Ecclesiasticall mens marriages, when as yet in foure points decreed by the Coū ­cell touching that matter, three are flat against him, and the fourth also doth want of full mea­sure as is euident.

72. For after the words cyted before by M. Hall, it followeth in the same Canon, Scimus & qui The vse of wiues for­bidden to Priests whiles they did serue in the Church. Carthagine conuenerunt &c. we know, as the Fathers also who assembled at Carthage, hauing care of the grauity and honesty of the Clergy haue sayd that Subdeacons who touch the holy mysteryes, as also Deacons, and Priests in their turnes, ab­stayne from their wiues, and to the end that we may likewise obserue the custome deliuered by the Apostles, & obserued in al antiquity (know­ing the tyme for euery thing) let this especially be kept in fasting and prayer: for they who [...]ssist the diuine altar in the tyme they touch these sa­cred things, must altogeather be continent (or ab­stayne from their wiues) that they may obteyne that of God, which they humbly demand. So in this Canon, at the making wherof it seemeth these marryed Subdeacons, Deacons, Priests to haue beene ordered for the want that was of o­thers in supplying the offices of the Church, and so were not bound alwayes, but at certayne time [Page 189] & by course to yield their attendance, at which tyme they were as you see debarred from their wiues: and if they had alwayes been imployed, their wiues had for euer beene forbidden, and so the graunt heere giuen is not so full as it should be for M Hall, and his, who will endure no such restrictiue limitation.

73. But when it pleased God whose iudg­ments are vnsearchable to permit our countrey to make a reuolt from the knowne Catholicke Church, and to submit the same to the maledi­ction Isa. 3. mentioned in the Prophet: Dabopueros Prin cipes, & esseminati dominabuntur eis. I will giue them children for their princes, and effeminate com­panions The de­cree for the marri­age of Clergy men vn­der King Edward the 6. far more full absolute, and per­emptory then tha which was made in the Trullan Synod. shall rule ouer them: then I say vnder a yong child, an effeminate Metropolitan, and a seely simple Protectour the fullnes of this lewd liberty did enter, and the reynes were let loose to all licentious life: I meane in the tyme of K. Edward the sixth, when Only fayth couered all sinnes, satisfyed for all villany, and supplyed all good workes, and when there was no mirth a­mong Ministers but in marriage; then I say in the first parlament (albeit King Henry the 8. by the same authority some 7. years before had made it to be enacted, that Priests after the order of priesthood by the law of God might not marry) it was decreed that whosoeuer should be after­wards, or were already of the Clergy, that the same person or persons should be from thence forth admitted, & allowed to haue his or their Anno 1. Eduard. cap. 12. Clergy, although they or any of them had been diuers or sundry tymes marryed to any single woman, or to any widdow or widdowes, or [Page 190] ‘to two wiues or more, any law, statute, or vsage to the contrary whatsouer. So the Parlament.’ And this is more full, absolute, and peremptory, then the Canon of Trullum as you see: for heere that is granted, which is there denyed: there was a limitation to one wife, a prohibition from a widdow; heere hell gate it set wide open, and leaue giuen to the Clergy to take more wiues, or widdowes, no lesse then for any other men, without any limitation or prohibition at all.

74. But the statute albeit fuller then the Ca­non, yet commeth short of another made in the 2. and 3. yeares of the same King, when at one blow they chopped off all these points togeather which either in the Trullan, or other Councells whatsoeuer had beene defined against them: for in despight of all the world besides, contrary to to the whole course of the Christian Church, Generall Councells, and continuall practise of all tymes and places, especially of our owne country thus it was determined, and set downe for a law. Be it eneacted by our Soueraign Lord the King with the assent of the Lords Spiritual ‘and Temporall &c. that all and euery law and lawes, Canons, constitutions, and ordinances heertofor made by authority of man only which’ doth prohibit, or forbid marriage to any Eccle­siasticall A most full, per­emptory and abso­lute de­cree. or spirituall person, or persons of what estate, condition, or degree they be, or by what name or names soeuer they be called, which by Gods law may lawfully marry in all and euery article, branch, and sentence concerning only ‘the prohibition for the marriage of the persons aforesayd, shallbe vtterly voyd, and of none [Page 191] effect. And that all manner of forfeatures, payns, penaltyes, crymes, or actions which were in the sayd lawes conteyned, and of the same did fol­low concerning the prohibition for the marri­age of the persons aforesayd, be clearly and vtter­ly voyde, and of none effect, to all intents, con­structions, & purposes, as well concerning mar­riages heeretofore made by any Ecclesiasticall or spiritual persons aforesayd, as also such which shallbe duely and lawfully had, celebrated, and made betwixt the persons which by the law of’ God may lawfully marry. So there.

75. And now who so will paralell this parlament with M. Halls sacred Councell of Trul­lum, The de­crees of the Coū ­cell and parlamēt paralel­led. shall soone see how short the one commeth of the other, the Synod I meane of the Statute: for that in the former is only leaue giuen to Priests to keep their wiues which they had mar­ryed before their ordination, and in the Parla­ment is an absolute leaue giuen to all, and that whether they were marryed before or after. In that Councell Bishops were to put their wiues far from them, heer they are permitted to keep them at home, or if they had none, to seeke and marry them: there the second marriage, or els the taking of a widdow made men incapable of holy orders: heere no multitude of wiues or widdows do hinder at all: there to haue known a Nunne was sacriledge, heere if she list to mar­ry, there is open freedome and no prohibition: there (euen in M. Halls Canon) Subdeacons, Deacons, and Priests that did serue by course in the Church, where to forbeare their wiues for the tyme of their attendance: heere is no [Page 192] more restraint for that tyme then for any other: there it was a constitution of the Apostles not to marry after they were in holy orders; heer wher all things went out of order, Gods law is to the contrary: in fine this reuerseth all that was or­deyned in that Councel against the Protestants, and therefore in the behalfe of the marriage of their Clergy men, this is without comparison far more full, and absolute then that.

76. And as for peremptorines, that was heer very singular: for what could be more peremp­tory The Par­lament in K. Edw­ards dayes very per­emptory and reso­lute. then for a few Sectaryes of a little Iland, to sit vpon all Councells, Canons, Constitutions, and all Ecclesiasticall lawes made and allowed by the whole Christian Church (a few loose Grecians excepted) and without all controle practised for so many ages togeather, and to pro­claime them all inualide & of none effect? and further to call them, though defyned againe and againe in neuer so many Councells, Generall, Prouinciall, National as after shallbe shewed, to be the Lawes, Canons, Constitutions, and or­dinances made by authority of man only, as if the authority of the whole Church were but the au­thority of man which is subiect to errour, and had not the warrant of Christ for her direction and infalibility: and as though that Parlament had had more authority then of a man only, to wit, either Angelical or Diuine, when as many therein assembled were not Angels, God wot, & the chiefe dealers in this broken matter were scant honest men: and as for diuine authority it was inough for them to name the law of God, which righly vnderstood made as much for [Page 193] them, as the lawes or our land doe for theeues, murtherers, and other malefactours.

77. Which desperate attempt was some­what Iacke Straw in the tyme of K. Ri­chard the second. like the proceeding of Iacke Straw, VVat Tiler, Iohn Bull &c. in the tyme of Richard the 2. when without authority they sate in Councell to suppresse al the nobility, Bishops, Canons &c to kill all the lawyers, and burne the lawes of the realme, and of the Clergy to leaue none a­liue but only begging Fryers: for as that attempt of subiects was seditious & treasonable, because done against the authority, dignity, person of the King, and lawes of the land, so was this of [...] few schismaticall Bishops, and other lay men, who stil haue beene striuing to meddle in Eccle­siasticall affayres▪ [...]o lesse rebellious, schismatical and hereticall against the Church of Christ: for they who sat in this Councell, had no authority ouer the Church, but were subiect to her lawes as members thereof, and such Pastours as were present in the same, were subordinate to others of higher calling, without whose consent, au­thority, and approbation they could not con­clude any Ecclesiastical new law preiudiciall to the former, more then Iacke Straw & his consorts against the Ciuill: much lesse could they ouer­throw a law by diuers Synods so often confir­med and still in vse from the first planting of the The Par­lament only a ci­uill Court. fayth in the Iland; that also being no tribunall to decide Ecclesiasticall, but temporall and Ci­uill, for which only all nationall Parlaments are summoned: a Parlament may confirme by decree what the Bishops in Synod haue defyned for the better execution of Ecclesiasticall lawes, [Page 194] but make laws, or define matters of that nature, being only a Ciuill Court, it cannot.

78. Wherefore to end this matter, hauing shewed the large difference that is between these two different decrees, which is as much as I did vndertake to do against M. Hall, or els to be cast in this cause, it resteth now that out of these pre­mises & his owne graunt I conclud against him, and say as our Sauiour sayd to the wicked ser­uant in the Ghospell, ex ore tuo te iudico serue ne­quam: I iudge thee wicked seruant out of thyne owne mouth: for thus if you remember he sayd. If any Protestant Church in Christendom can make a more M. Hall cōcluded to be faithles. peremptory, more full, and absolute, more cautelous decree (then the 13. of the Trullan Synod) for the marriage of Ecclesiasticall persons, let me be cond [...]ed as saythles: to which maior, or first proposition set downe in his owne wordes, I add this minor: bue the sta­tutes of Edward sixt are more peremptory, more full, more absolute, more cautelous (for they take away all scruple and remorse) then that de­cree: the conclusion w [...]ll necessarily follow, ergo he is to be condemned as faythles, or els he must shew wherin this syllogisme, either for matter, forme, or figure doth faile, which he shal neuer be able to do.

79. The Apostle amongst other notes of an heretike putteth this for one, that he is proprio iu­dicio Tit. 3. condemnatus, condemned by his owne iudg­ment, or a S. Cyprian in diuers places conforme Heretikes condem­ned by thēselues. to the Greeke readeth à semetipso, is condemned by himselfe, which may very fitly be applyed to M. H [...]ll, who is taken as you see in his own turne, and condemned by himselfe, and that either to [Page 195] want honesty, if King Edwards lawes be more ful, absolute &c. then the other which he allead­geth, or els to be deuoyd of all shame, if he stand in denyall of that which euery one perceaueth to be so manifest, and notorious. He shal neuer be able so to direct his barke, though he were neuer so skillfull a Pilot, as to passe between this Scylla and Carybdis without falling into the gulfe and perishing in the froth of his owne precipi­tate folly: and in case this of King Edward were not full inough (as it is too full and runneth o­uer) yet may the Protestant Churches deuise a fuller, & so he no lesse then now remaine faith­les, witles, and shameles.

80. And as though he meant to be faithles, witles, and shameles indeed, presently after the words of his rash and rechles promise, he faceth out so palpable an vntruth, as in all the writing [...] I haue read of Protestants, or all the lyes they haue made, which are both grosse and many, I neuer to my knowledge haue seene any de [...] [...]e­red with such brauery or lusty bragging as this: so as if any list to know the mans speciall tallēt, or the liuely character of a shameles writer, he shall not need to seeke for any other example: A slaun­ting lye conioy­ned with singular impuden­cy. for speaking of this his sacred Canon which san­ctifyed in his opinion the whole Councell thus he ruffleth. A place I graunt (sayth he) misera­bly handled by our aduersaries, and because they cannot blemish it inough, indignely turne it out of the Councells: what dare not impudency do? against all euidences of Greeke copyes, ‘against their owne Gratian, against pleas of antiquity? this is the readiest way, whome they cannot an­swere [Page 196] to burne, what they cannot shift off to blot out, and to cut the knot which they cannot’ vntye. So M. Hall. And who would not thinke that it were impossible, that one so earnest, in such riot of wordes, with an exclamation of what dareth not impudency do? in so direct, so eager, so confident, so resolute a charge, to vse such vil­lany (pardon me if I be earnest for this his beha­uiour is so base, as I know not what other title to giue) as to report a meere vntruth, & charge vs with a lye?

81. For let this man tell vs if he can, how we haue blemished, how terne, how burnt, how cut off, how blotted out, against Greeke copyes, Gratian, and All editi­ons of the Trullan Councell haue M. Halls Ca­non. pleas of antiquity, this Canon? when the same as it is cyted by Gratian, as it is in Greeke copyes, as alleadged by authority, is as ful, as entier, yea as aduantagiously set down for our Aduersaryes in our Councells, as is the translation of Kemni­tius which he hath giuen vs in his own margēt? and of my denyall, because it is not set downe with such brauery of wordes, be not a sufficient answere to his affirmatiue slanderous charge, let the Reader but see these editions which are all that at this present I haue by me, to wit of Seue­rinus Binnius, which of all the rest is most ample, in his third [...]ome set forth in the yeare 1606. the edition of Venice printed by Dominicus Nicolinus, in the yeare 1585. the Roman edition printed in the Popes Vatican 1612. and before all these, the e­dition of Paris printed by Audoënus Paruus in the yeare 1555▪ and if all these editions haue it (and I suppose the like of others which haue printed that Synod) how do we cut it out? how do we [Page 197] teare, burne, or blemish it? and why doth this man so tragically exclaime and declaime against vs for that which we neither do nor pretend?

82. And so far we are from burning, or tearing out this Canon, that in case all the Coū ­cells that are extant in the world were burnt & torne, yet this Canon would be found both in Gratian, Baronius, Bellarmine, and others: and for pleas of antiquity it is set downe by wicked Photius in his epistle to Pope Nicolas at large, which is extant in Baronius: and for the Greeke copye, that he shall also find printed in the Vati­can Baron. to. 10. anno 863. Nico­lai 6. edition, where euery page hauing two co­lumnes, one is the Greeke, and the other is the Latin: and to go about to cut, burne, blemish, teare, or deface a Canon cyted, vrged, answered by so many Authors were ridiculous, and im­possible: and this man should haue proued that we teare, and burne as he sayth this Canon in­dignely, and not insteed of prouing which he What da­reth not M. Halls impuden­cy do? could not do, crye out like a Bedlam: what dare not impudency do? For we know that impudency will do any thing, if it meet with one that will be as impudent as M. Hall: for then it will euen charge vs, as he doth, most vauntingly with do­ing that which we do not, but the contrary, as in this particuler instance I haue clearly decla­red.

83. I am sorry to vse this sharpnes, were it not that I launce such a festred so are, as leniti­ues would but hurt, and corrasiues must cure: let M. Hall be lesse impudent, and he shall find me more respectiue: I loue his person, but hate his heresies, and will not see my cause, which [Page 198] is common with all Catholikes betrayed, or Heretikes not to be spared where their dea­ling is to impudēt. truth by painted falshood to be misprized: and if he forget all modesty so far, as vpon a false & iniurious charge to taxe vs also with impu­dency, and that euen when he sheweth it him­selfe in the highest degree, he must haue patience if we vse so vehement a reiection. Catulus the Ro­man Oratour earnestly pleading, was demanded by his Aduersary, cur latras Catule? why dost thou barke Catulus? and he answered, quia lupum video, because I see a wolfe. And if I for the same cause barke more then I would for such intollerable dealing, where truth is trampled vnder foot, & insolency aduanced, I deeme it better to be too earnest, then with too much mildnes to incurre the checke of the Prophet, Canes muti non valentes Isa. 56. latrare: be like dumbe dogs not able to barke, or encounter with the wolfe, where his behauiour is so vnmasked and open, as heere it is. I hope this warning will make him more wary, & if he write any more to see that it be with such cha­racters, as need not make the writer to blush, his friends to shame, and aduersaryes to disgrace him: but to draw to an end of this Councell.

84. After this charge (which now to his shame we haue discharged) it followeth in his ‘epistle. The Romanists in the next age (sayth he) were somewhat more equall, who seeing themselues pressed with so flat a decree, confir­med by authority of Emperours, as would abide no denyall, began to distinguish vpon the point, limiting this liberty only to the Eastern Church and graunting that all the Clergy of the East might marry, not theirs. So Pope Steuen the se­cond’ [Page 199] freely confesses. The tradition, sayth he, of Answered by Bellar­mine cap. 21. §. ad 5. dico. the Easterne Church is otherwise then that of the Roman Church: for their Priests, Deacons, or Subdeacons are marryed, but in this Church or the Westerne no one of the Clergy from the ‘Subdeacon to the Bishop hath leaue to marry. So M. Hall. And then after his manner vauntingly sayth: Liberally, but not inough: if he yield this’ why not more? with other such interrogatories as I shall after set down, when I haue refuted the former passage.

85. Where first to pretermit the false inter­pretation of Deacons or Subdeacons, as if they were not different orders, because now in En­gland there are no Subdeacons, and the Latin word at (que) doth not signify or, but and, and so he should haue sayd Deacons, and Subdeacons, and not haue confounded them togeather as he doth: besides this peccadillo, there are three other mayne vntruthes in these wordes, and all the ground whereon it relyeth is false. For where he sayth: that Catholikes saw themselues pressed with so flat a decree The first vntruth in M. Hals wordes. confirmed by authority of Emperours, as would abide no de­nyall, we haue before made it abide a denyall, and to be so far from a flat decree of any Councel which bindeth all to imbrace it, as that hitherto it hath neuer beene receaued in that kind for flat or round, and that by authority of such as then li­ued, as S. Bede, or not long after, as Paulus Diaco­nus, and Anastasius: and for the confirmation of Empe­rours, the matter is smal, vnles it had first had an­other confirmation which could not be gotten, but was flatly denyed. Councells take not their authority from Emperours, but Emperours se­cond [Page 200] Councels with their power, that all vnder them may obey what they who are in spiritual authority ouer them haue decreed: and M. Halls Emperours in particuler, to wit Iustinian the yonger, Philippicus &c. being such as they were, we will not much enuy ( M. Hall) their confirmati­ons, whose liues and actions were such, as they were staynes to Christianity, and their deaths so disasterous, as well sheweth by whose heauy hand and indignation they were chastized.

86. And if M. Hall will haue all Councells confirmed by Emperours to be lawful, and their decrees Canonical, thē let him imbrace another Councell of Constantinople, called soone after the Touching the confir­mation of Councells by Empe­rours. former by Philippicus Bardanes the Emperour, wherein the heresy of the Monothelites (who will haue our Sauiour not to haue had any humane will) was defyned, and the true sixth Synod of Constantinople condemned: and as well may M. Hall pleade for himselfe out of this Councel as of the former: for in this was the authority of the Em­perour who called, who confirmed it, there was Iohn Patriarch of Constantinople, and far more Bi­shops then in the Trullan Conuenticle: wherfore in the doctrine of this man, the decree is flat, confirmed by the authority of the Emperours, admits no denyall. The Monothelite heretiks will thanke you, M. Hall, and remaine your debtour. How much the Church hath gotten by Impe­riall Synods, too lamentable experience hath taught vs as well in these, as in diuers others, whereof one was within few yeares after this of Philippicus, called by Leo the Iconoclast, who with our Protestants condemned, defaced, razed, pul­led [Page 201] downe, abused and burned all sacred images of our Sauiour, and his Saints: and (to omit o­thers in the later tymes as the Conuenticles of Henry the fourth against Gregory the seauenth &c.) it is not the authority of Emperours when we speake of Councells which makes them so firme as they can abide no denyall, but the promise & assistance of the holy Ghost with the Pastours of the Church, without any reference to the ciuill magistrate, or els the first Apostolicall Councell had beene void and of none effect, when not­withstanding they sayd, visum est Spiritui sancto & Act. 15. nobis: it seemed good to the Holy Ghost and vs: the scepter in this must yield to the myter, the sheep to the Pastours, the ciuill Magistrate to the Ecclesiasticall, Kings and Princes vnto Bishops and Prelates. The causes are different, and the Courts diuers. The second vntruth is that Pope Steuen granted that the Clergy of the East might marry, which after shall in due place be refuted.

87. The last vntruth is touching Steuen the seconds decree: for whereas in Gratian there is The vn­truth of M. Halls touching Pope Steuen. no number of second, or third, or any els, M. Hall (as none are more bold then such as know least) without more ado resolutly affirmes it to be the second Steuen, but truth so reclaimes against it, or rather ouerbeareth it so violently, as it cannot subsist: for the second Steuen liuing but three Gratian. distin. 31. can. aliter. dayes Pope, or foure at the most, had no leasure to call a Councell or make decrees: and that this was done in Councell, Gratian witnesseth, who sayth that he made the decree in a Councell held in the Lateran Church, and three dayes being too short a tyme euen for the very intimation, the [Page 202] falshood of this charge doth refute it selfe, and demonstratiuely shew this decree not to haue beene made by this Steuen.

88. If M. Hall to help himselfe will take the third for the second as some do, who by rea­son of the short life of the second Steuen, do not number him among the Popes, that will also as little auaile him: for in all his tyme there was no Councell held in the Lateran Church, or any where els: for such were the troubles of those tempestuous tymes, Aistulphui raging in the West, and the furious firebrands of the Iconoclasts or image-breakers, being in perpetuall care & tra­uell from one place to another, to compose all se­ditious tumults, and to cancell the decree of another Councell gathered by the Emperours What manner of Councels heretikes do bring for confir­mation of their he­resies. authority, to wit Constantinus (your friend M. Hall though scant sweet) for suppressing of images, and called the seauenth Oecumenicall, but with as good reason as your Trullā was called the sixth, for no other Patriarch was present, none of the West inuited, no Legat of the Popes, or au­thority required, no law or forme of a true Coū ­cel obserued, al went by force, fury, and faction, & such commonly [...]re the Councells you bring for confirmation of your heresy.

89. I confesse that Steuen the 4. held there a Councell, but that was only called for the de­posing of the false Pope Constantine, and deposing of such as were ordered by him in that schisme, and preuenting the like inconuenience of cho­sing a lay man to be Pope againe: for such was this Constantine chosen by popular tumult, with­out all order or forme of Canonicall election, [Page 203] by the seditious and tyrannicall procurement of his brother Toto then in Rome, whose power and violence at that tyme none could withstand; & last of all it disannulled the decree of the false Synod of Constantinople against holy images: but of Priests wiues, either in the East or West, there is no mention, nor yet in any Author of these tymesym. When M. Hall is more particuler in his charge, he shall haue a more particuler answere: in the meane tyme I say with Bellarmin, that Ca­non perhaps to be of no authority, but an error of the collectours, and that for the reasons al­leadged, and the cause is poorely defended that is grounded on the errours or mistakings of o­thers.

90. And in case we graunted all the words which M. Hall bringeth out of this Canon, no­thing Gratians Canon nothing maketh for M. Hall. would follow thereof against vs, but that the Greeke Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons were marryed, which is to be vnderstood before their ordination, as the Glosse expoundeth, and the Councell as before you haue heard did de­fine: and it is ridiculous to say, as M. Hall doth, that then they began to distinguish: for wheras the Grecians de sacto had in this separated themselues from the Latin Church, had made Councells, or rather Conuenticles of their owne, and were borne out in al by the sword of their Emperors, where the fact and practise was so different, as all might see it with their eyes, little need there was that any should inuent a distinction or li­mitation of liberty, as this man dreameth: and the Canon he cyteth out of Gratian (if it be a Canon) is but a declaration of the fact (which [Page 204] was so conspicuous as could not be denyed) shewing only what was don in the East Church what not permitted in the West.

91. And wheras M. Hall auerreth, that this Canon graunted that all the Clergy of the East M. Halls want of Logicke. might marry, but not of the West, his glosse fouly corrupteth the Text, and conteyneth an euident vntruth: for neither all the Clergy, nor any of the Clergy could marry in the Easterne Church: and this man seemeth to be of very grosse capacity that will haue these two propo­sitions to be equipollent, or to beare the same sense; Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons in the Greeke Church are marryed, and this; all the Clergy of the East may marry: for first Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons make not al the Cler­gy, or els Bishops, Archbishops, Patriarches, Metropolitans shall not be Clergy men, which yet are the chiefest of that ranke, and to whome all the other as inferiours to their betters are subordinate and depend, which yet are debar­red from marriage. Againe, that Priests, Deacons and Subdeacons in Greece were then marryed is cleare, but it is no lesse cleare that they were not marryed when they were Priests, Deacons, It was lawful for marri­ed men in Greece to be made Priests, but neuer lawful for Priests to marry. and Subdeacons, but before, as the Councell de­clared: for although it were permitted that mar­ryed men might be made Priests, yet was it for­biddē that Priests should be made marryed men, and the same of Deacons, and Subdeacons: and so I conclude with M Hall, that not only all the Clergy of Greece might not marry, but that no Clergy man in holy orders (for such only are spe­cially so tearmed) might marry at all. I hope M. [Page 205] Hall that your brayns are not so far spent, but that if you pause a while, and scratch your head where it doth not itch, you will conceaue this difference, that marryed men may be preferred to the Clergy, but not Clergy men permitted to marry: the first by the Trullan Councel was gran­ted, the other neuer allowed: and therfore these words of yours, all the Clergy of the East might marry, may be crowned with a siluer whet-stone.

92. By that which I haue sayd vnto this obiection of Pope Steuens Canon, that it is of no authority, as hauing no certayne Authour, that it maketh not against vs, in case it were true that M. Halls collections thereon are false, you may well of your selfe without any further discourse be able to iudge what regard is to be had to his vaunting demands and interrogations, multi­plyed without cause: for after the words of Pope Steuen, thus he writeth: Liberally, but not inough: & if he yield this, why not more? shall it be lawfull in the East, which in the VVest is not? do the Ghospells or lawes of equi­ty Many idle wordes. alter according to the foure corners of the world? doth God make difference betweene Greece and England? if it be lawfull, why not euery where? if vnlawfull, why is it done any where? so then you see we differ not from the Church in this, but from the Romish. So M. Hall. And by this you may perceaue the veyne of the man, and his Thrasonical boasting: he would fayne be crow­ing, & if he had but any aduantage, there should need no other trump to sound out his prayses, conquests, and triumphs then his owne pen: but all this noyse wil proue but the sound of anemp­ty tubb, and powder shot without bullet, a froth I meane of idle wordes, and childish cla­mours [Page 206] as full of vanity, as deuoyd of wit.

93. If he yield this, sayth this wise man, why not more? but of what yielding doth he dreame? in the words cyted in Steuen the seconds name▪ I find no yielding nor resisting, no fighting nor vanquishing, no battaile nor conquest, there it is only related what the Grecians did vpon their false Councell, what liberty they vsurped, in so much as their Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons were marryed, but that it was not permitted in the Latin Church: & what is that more which this Epistler would haue him to yield? he answ­ereth very wisely by another demand: shall it be lawfull in the [...]ast, which in the VVest is not? I answere him yes: and further to gratify the man, do add that one & the selfe same thing at one tyme may be vnlawfull, and yet lawfull at another. And if he know not this his parishioners are trou­bled with a seely Minister, who haue him for their Curate: though this in the meane tyme I must tell him, that Steuen sayth nothing of this fact of the Grecians, whether it be lawful or vn­lawfull: and therefore M. Hall frames collectiōs out of his fingers ends, without any ground or graunt of his authors: I know he stretcheth far and maketh him to say, that they might marry, but he sayth not so much, but only that they were mar­ryed, whether well or il, he defyneth not. But to come to our case.

94. He cannot be ignorant what our Sa­uiour answered the Pharisies touching the que­stion propounded about putting away their Matt. 29. wiues in S. Matthews Ghospell, which they vr­ged to shew that it was lawfull to marry ano­ther, [Page 207] euen during the life of the former, so there had beene a bill of diuorce made between them, our Sauiour replyed: Moyses ad duritiam cordis vestri permisit vobis dimittere vxores vestras, ab initio autem non fuitsic. Moyses permitted you for the hardnes of Euen the law of God did bind at one tyme & not at another. your hart to dismisse your wiues, but from the beginning it was not so: as if he had sayd: in the beginning euery one was bound to one wife, & so long it was not lawfull to haue more, but in the end Moyses permitted diuorces, and then vpon his permission it was lawful: if heere some light head should dally, as M. Hall doth, & aske, what, is Gods law changed by tymes? shal that be law­full to day, which yesterday was vnlawfull? if it be Gods law, it endureth for euer, if it be a­brogated by a contrary permission, it cannot be the law of God, and so forth, all were idle ba­bling, because God being the Author of his own law may alter, change, dispose, and abrogate the same at his pleasure.

95. So in this present question the single life of Priests being an ecclesiastical law, though Marriage of the Greeke Priests why per­mitted. Apostolicall and still in vse from their tymes, to saue the Greeke Church from further reuolt, be­ing so carnally giuen, and so forward to imbra­ce all heresies, as the Arrian, Macedonian, Nestorian, Iutichian, Iconoclasts, Monothelites, and diuers others begun and nourished amongst them, the Church to stay them in the rest, permitted them with the former restrictions to take wiues before their or­dination: for in Ecclesiasticall laws the Church can dispense if they conteine matter of fact and not of fayth or beliefe, as this doth, & that only ad duritiam cordis corum, for the hardnes of their [Page 208] hart: for heere no other reason entred, because as now we shall shew, ab initio non suit sic, it was not so frō the beginning, euen in the Greek Church, and therfore the collection of this man is fond and ridiculous, when after these brags he sayth: that vntill the tyme of that Councell the marriage of Clergy men was free, he might aswel haue concluded thus: in King Edward the sixt his tyme it was enacted by Parlament that all Clergy men and Religious might marry, ergo before that tyme there was ne­uer any prohibition to the contrary: a noble ar­gument and worthy of the maker.

96. And of this it doth proceed, that this thing is lawfull in the East, and not in the West, because that the permission is graunted to that Church and not to the other: and euery man li­uing vnder the lawes of one certaine Church, A thing may be lawfull in one place which is not in an­other. some permission by the whole may be graunted to that part, which is not graunted to the rest, as in France for some Saturdayes after Christmas it is permitted to eate flesh, which permission is not in other Countryes: and therfore in that Countrey I may lawfully eate, and in others I should sinne mortally by eating, because I do vi­olate the contrary precept which forbids me to eate and there doth bind, vnles sicknes or some other like necessityes do excuse me. But sayth this seely man: Do the Ghospells or lawes of equity al­ter according to the foure corners of the world? No, gentle Syr, nor is your marriage, God be praysed, yet become the Ghospell: for not one of the foure Euangelists, or any other giue testimony for your wiues; neither haue you brought any one place out of any one of them to that purpose, [Page 209] which in such penury of yours had not beene O­mitted, if any could haue beene sound to fauour you, as I suppose.

97. And for lawes of equity, who seeth not The law of the marriage of Clergy men was no law of equity but of great iniquity. that different Kingdomes haue also their diffe­rent statuts and manner of proceeding, either in criminall or ciuill causes? And if vnder that title you include the law of marriage of Priests, it was so far from all equity, as I neuer knew any made with more iniquity, or wherein one Par­lament did more fight with another, and both so tossed the law of God as a tennis ball, now ban­ding it to one part, now beating it backe againe to the other, as in this; and the other fiue articles decreed by Kin [...] Henry the eight togeather with this in the year 1540. though repealed by his son King Edward in the very first yeare of his reigne.

98. For in King Henryes Statute it is sayd that the King in his owne person came into the Court of Parlament, and there like a Prince of ‘most high prudence, and no lesse learning, ope­ned and declared many things of high learning and great knowledge touching six articles, for which godly study, paine, and trauell the whole Parlament, that is the Lords spiritual, temporal, and commons, thought themselues bound to thanke the King, and intreat that they might be’ enacted by authority of the Parlament, as they were: the first was the reall presence by transub­stantiation: The sta­ture of si [...] Articles anno 1540. the second that the Communion vnder both kindes by the law of God was not necessary. 3. that Priests after their orders taken might not marry by the same law. 4. that vows of chastity ought to be obserued by the same [Page 210] law. 5. that priuate Masses by the same law also were to be allowed. 6. that auriculer confession was to be reteyned. These were then out of the high learning and great knowledge of K. Henry determined, and seuere penaltyes imposed vpon the transgressours.

99. There had passed but six whole yeares, when the same Metropolitane, Prelats, & noble men, in the same place vnder a King, who by reason of his yong age, and feeble constitution, A notable example of our Parlamē ­tal incon­stancy. could not be of high prudence or learning, and his vncle the Protectour, who also for want of both prudence and learning, could declare no­thing of any great iudgment or knowledge, the same was reuersed, and made voy [...], and of no ef­fect, with this similitude premised to the decree which well suted the matter in hand: that as in a tempest or winter one course, or [...]arment is conuenient, in calme or warme weather a more liberall race, or lighter Fine similitudes. garment, both may and ought to be vsed &c. So these good Taylers could shape out new fashions of sayth for all tymes, in the rough winter of K. Henryes raigne one forme was cut out; in the calme sommer of King Edward another: in King Henryes tyme the best course was to go fair & soft, ‘— Velut qui Iunonis sacra ferrent,’ Horace. To flatter the King, to admire euery thing he sayd, as proceeding from high learning, and great knowledg, to thanke him for his godly study, paine and trauell, to desire that all might be enacted which he had deuised: but vnder his sonne ha­uing gotten the reynes into their owne hands, the tymes were altered, and they meant to runne a more liberall race, to giue the bridle to al loose [Page 211] liberty, and hereticall nouelty, & therefore they began to laugh at Kings Henryes paynes, & lear­ning, and to esteeme him not only a very foole, but the wickedest man aliue, in forcing them, and in them all the land to subscribe, imbrace, acknowledge, & reuerence that to be according to the law of God, which in their iudgments they thought to be quite opposite, contrary, and repugnant to that law, and so by that Parlament were declared to be repealed, vtterly deuoyd, & of none effect.

100. And not to digresse from this parti­culer controuersy, some six yeares after the for­mer Parlament, notwithstanding that K. Henry had declared many things of high learning and great knowledge, touching the marriages of Priests, and had deliuered in plaine tearmes that Priests after the order of Priesthood receaued might not marry by Gods law: yet did his sonne by another act declare, that all Priests or Eccle­siasticall Gods law in two parlamēts made to affirme two con­tradicto­ryes. persons by the law of God might lawfully marry: and all contrary decrees are repealed and made voyd. And what will you say to such Par­lamēts? one sayth that by the law of God Priests may not marry; another, that by the law of God it is lawfull for them to marry: and yet this law of God is but one law, and cannot be repugnant to it selfe: and it may be noted how far Cranmer dispensed with his owne conscience, dissembled Crāmers deep dissi­mulation. in Religion, and preuaricated in this K. Henryes Parlament, who hauing his own Trull, & desi­ring opēly to enioy her, yet for feare of the King, not ōly kept her close, but so also collogued with the rest, or rather aboue the rest, being the chie­fest [Page 212] in place and authority in that Court vnder the King, as he not only commended his high learning and knowledge, but did also crouch & creep to haue that confirmed which in his hart he did abhorre, and vpon the first occasion offe­red did vtterly condemne. I see he could make his garment to serue the tyme indeed, his horse to trauell according to the weather. O constant Prelate, and worthy founder of our new English Ghospell!

101. These then, M. Hall, being the first Tay­lers that framed this wedding garment of yours, and tanke riders who taught you to runne this liberall race, to let loose the reynes to all carnall delights, and yet still to keep the name of spirituall Pastours, you haue little cause to call it the law of equity, which in the first making con­demned the makers of so great inconstancy, and faythles leuity, as you haue heard: but let vs fol­low you further in your demands. Doth God, say you, make difference between Greece and England? Ecclesia­sticall and ciuill laws may be altered by such as are in suprem authority in the one and other causes. I answere you that he doth, and if they make an ill law in Greece, you are not bound to follow it in England, but to eschew and auoyd it: or in case they be dispensed in some Ecclesiastical law by supreme Ecclesiasticall authority, propter duri­tiam cordis eorum, and to auoyd a further inconue­nience, it will not presently follow that you or yours in England may do the same: as our Soue­raigne in England can exempt a man from any law in particuler, & it will not I hope presently follow, that all other subiects may clayme the same priuiledg: againe if his Maiesty make some fauourable and beneficial law for all his subiects [Page 213] in generall, which the Emperour in Bohemia would not allow; were it not a wise question to demand: Doth God make difference betweene King Iames and the Emperour Matthias? between Prage & London▪ England England & Bohemia? These things M. Hall which depend on Ecclesiasticall or Ciuil lawes, may be dispensed or altered when the oc­casions are very vrgent, by them who haue su­preme authority in the one and other Courts.

102. Your last demand well bewrayeth your ignoaance, and sheweth that you want the first grounds or principles of Philosophy, or els you would neuer haue framed so impertinent a M. Hall ignorant demand. question: If it be lawfull say you, why not euery where? if vnlawfull, why is it done any where? I see now that we must take heed, for this argument cornu ferit, yet shall I with your leaue shew it to be much weaker then you take it for, yea to be altogea­ther loose and impertinent, and it may be answ­ered in one word, that such thinges as of their owne nature are intrinsecally euill, as to kill, steale, lye, slaunder and the like, are vnlawful in all tymes, places and persons: but this is not so in other things, which being of their owne na­ture and intrinsecall essence indifferent, are made vnlawfull by some positiue law to the contrary: and that either diuine, as is working on the Sa­both day in the old law, marriag of more wiues at once, and the like, which therfore are vnlaw­ful because they are prohibited, but yet so as that they may by God the maker of them be dispensed in, as not ill of their owne intrinsecall nature, but as they haue annexed his prohibition & re­straint: or Ecclesiasticall, as of breaking of fasts [Page 214] commanded, of neglecting feasts, or omitting the ordinary ceremonyes, rites, or ordinances of the Church: for as all men are children of this Mother, so they ought to obey her precepts, and no priuate authority can infringe which by so generall and publicke is imposed: or els finally Ciuill, for if the King command that none beare armes in the night tyme, that they carry not corne to other Countreyes, that they transpose no cloath, or the like; these things of their owne nature free, are now made necessary by the ciuill command of the Prince: and as he may dispense in the one, so may the supreme spirituall Pastour in the other: the one as chiefest in ciuill, the o­ther in Ecclesiasticall causes.

103. This difference M. Hall not obseruing (as he is dull in distinguishing) confoundeth & M. Halls confuse hudling of thinges togea­ther. huddleth vp things togeather, and supposeth ei­ther all things to be of their own nature good or euill, or commanded a like by God for all to ob­serue, which is not so: for some things are left to the temporall Magistrate, others to the spirituall to dispose: and as Kings are to be obeyed accor­ding to S. Peter, so also the Church according to our Sauiour: and as to disobey the King in ciuil Matt. 28. matters is capitall, so it is schismaticall not to o­bey the Church: and as he is held a traytour who rebelleth against the King, so he an Heathen or Publican who will not heare the Church: and hence it commeth, that as one King is of equall authority with another, and so may recall any edict, proclamation, decree, or iniunction made by his predecessours, so likewise may one su­preme Pastour, when vrging necessity shall so re­quire [Page 215] reuoke, or repeale any Ecclesiasticall law made before his tyme, and that eyther in all, or in part as the nature of the thing shall require, or a Generall Councell determine, or he and his Councell shall thinke expedient: and this pro­hibition of the marriage of Priests being of this nature, I meane Ecclesiasticall, it may be dispen­sed for one place, and not for another, and so it may also be lawfull or vnlawfull in one place, and not in the other, as the prohibition or dis­pensation in different places doth either bind or excuse. The title which M. Hall giues vs of Ro­mish Church I passe ouer as not worthy of refle­xion, this poore man must needs shew his nature and be contemptuous in all things.

104. At length he commeth to the conclu­sion of this his obiection out of the Trullan Coū ­cell, which is that it giueth leaue to all to marry: This sacred Councell (sayth he) doth not only vniuersally approue this practise (with paine of deposition to the gaine­sayers) but [...]uouches it for a decree Apostolicall. Iudge now whether this one authority be not inough to weigh▪ downe a hundred petty Conuenticles, and many legions (if there had beene many) of priuate contradictions: thus for seauen hun­dred yeares you find nothing but open freedome. So he. Which words and others the like, when I read in this man, it seemeth to me that a problemati­call question may be made, whether he be able to speake the truth or not, for hitherto he hath The cause why M. Hall doth multiply so many vntruths. still beene taken tardy: and heere in these words are two or three vntruths and these radiant: but not to bring that into dispute (for perhaps if he had a better cause he would be able by better meanes to defend it) I rather doe interprete [Page 216] these his frailtyes to proceed from the necessity of the matter, then from any impossibility in the man himselfe.

105. We haue before shewed this Councel not to be sacred, and the approuance not so vni­uersall as M. Hall maketh it: for whereas in the very beginning they oppose themselues to the Latin Church, and make decrees only for the Church of Greece, it cannot be sayd to be vni­uersall for al, which only includeth but one part with the exception mentioned of the other: nei­ther could a particuler Patriarke make a law in a Nationall Synod to repeale another in vse vn­der his equall, ouer whome he had no iurisdicti­on, much lesse to recall the lawes of his Superi­our, & disallow their practise: for if par in parem non habet potestatem, much lesse had the Patriarcke of Constantinople ouer the Bishops of Rome, who (I meane the Patriarcke) was alwayes his inferi­our, and subordinate vnto him, and so in the very Canon it is sayd: Nos antiquum Canonem &c. we obseruing the ancient Canon &c. So as they re­straine this liberty to that Church & themselues alone, without any determination preiudiciall to the other, which had not beene if they had v­niuersally without distinction of places or per­sons allowed this freedome. The Trul­lan Coun­cell neuer permitted that al the Clergy of the East mig [...]t marry.

106. But when you talke of vniuersally ap­prouing this practise, which practise do you meane M. Hall? is it that you mentioned a little before, that all the Clergy of the East might marry? if so (and so you must take it, or els you talke at randome) then againe I must tell you that this your Synod wholy disalloweth that custome, & permitteth [Page 217] no Clergy man to marry: for although it per­mitted some marryed men to ascend so high as to be made Priest, yet it neuer permitted any Clergy man to stoop so low, as to be made a husband, neither did it euer auouch that basenes in any Clergy man to be a decree Apostolical, & therefore if with better attention you read that Councell, you shall find it to be as I say, & more­ouer the paine of deposition to the gainsayers to be only against such as denyed the vse of their wiues to Priests marryed before their ordinatiō ▪ and out of the tyme excepted by the Synod.

107. Neither doth the name of an Apostoli­call decree, where there is nothing els but the name only, much trouble vs: for if the decree mentioned be taken in the right sense, it maketh not against vs: if in the sense which M. Hall pre­tendeth it ouerthroweth the Councell, and so he pulleth down with one hand, what he had built vp with the other: for if for any decree the Coū ­cell graunt the carnall knowledge of wiues to be Apostolicall, it is for that which M. Hall cyted be­fore, that no Bishop, Priest, or Deacon, shal put The Coū ­cell of Trullum gainsayth the Apo­stles con­stitutions euen in that thing on which it would seeme to relye. away his wife vpon pretence of Religion, vpon paine of deposition: if this be the decree, then I demand why the Councell decreeth against the same? For heer Bishops are allowed their wiues, which in the Trullan Synod by two decrees are debarred from them: either M. Hall will allow the decree, and then he condemneth his sacred Councell that desines against it, or will sticke to the Councell, and then he must condemne the decree not to be Apostolicall, as conteining in it an euident errour condemned by so sacred, so ge­nerall [Page 218] a Councell.

108. Moreouer if he follow the Councell, whereas the Bishops assembled therfore allow­ed The Trul­lan Coun­cell ouer­throwne by it selfe in the matter Priests marriage. marryed Priests to enioy their wiues because of the Apostolicall decree, & yet condemne that very decree in the first branch of Bishops, and decree against it, what ground was this to build vpon, and to contradict the Roman Church? & what drowsy decree was this which is groun­ded on that which is by the very Councell it self contradicted? can one and the selfe same Canon of the Apostles be a warrant for the wiues of Priests, and not Canonicall for the wiues of Bi­shops, when as in your opinion the one no lesse thē the other is alike to be allowed without any distinction, limitation, or exception at all? O how feeble is falshood that thus falleth of it self, and is ouerthrowne by the same grounds on which it would seeme to stand. M. Halls chiefe ground is this Synod, the warrant for the Sy­nods definition is the Apostles Canon, and the Apostles Canon ouerthroweth the Synod: this is the maze or labyrinth of errour, and heerunto all M. Halls florishes, brags, and assurances of the weight of this authority ouerbearing a hundred Conuenticles, and many legions of priuate contradictions are brought: for this heauy weight is as light as a fether, contradicteth it selfe, was condemned by the Church, and more hurteth then helpeth the cause for the which it is brought.

109. And truely the triumphant conclusion of the authority of this seditious assembly that it weigheth downe a hundred petty conuenticles, and many legions of priuate contradictions, is [Page 219] worthy of M. Halls wit and learning, and resem­bles that Poets prayse of Epicurus the Philosopher in Lactantius, Lactant. l. 3. diuin. Instit. cap. 17.

This is he who for wit surpassed all other men and obscured the stars, rising like the heauenly sunne: by reason of which immoderate and vn­deserued Immode­rate pray­ses where there was no desert or cause. prayse that author sayth that he could neuer read the verses without laughter: Non de Socrate aut Platone hoc dicebat qui velut Reges habentur Philosophorum, sed de homine quo sano & vigente nullus ae­ger ineptius delirauit: ita (que) Poeta inanissimus leonis laudi­bus murem non ornauit, sed obruit & obtriuit. He sayd ‘not this of Socrates or Plato, who are esteemed the Princes or chiefest of the Philosophers, but of a man then whome being sound and in health, no sicke man euer more foolishly doted: therfore the sottish Poet did not so much set forth a mouse with a lyons prayse, as ouerwhelme and crush’ him in peeces. So he, and so say I no lesse fittly of M. Hall then he of Lucretius, that he commen­deth not the Councell of Neece, Constantinople the first, Ephesine, or of Chalcedon, or such like general Councels, but a bastard Conuenticle not worth the naming, and with the false titles of vniuersal, sacred, authority weighing down a hundred conuenticles, & legions of priuate contradictions, with the like, he co­uereth but a mouse vnder a lyons skin, and a a skar-crow of clouts with Achilles armour.

110. But the man if I mistake him not hath a further fetch in this matter, and will I feare me shew vs a tricke of legier-du-maine, and by [Page 220] crafty conueyance cast that off by contempt, The reasō why M. Hall gi­ueth so great vn­deserued praise vn­to the Trullan Conuen­ticle. which he saw that by learning he could not an­swere: for hauing perused in Bellarmine so many Councells cyted of all kingdomes, so many au­thorityes in him & Coccius, for cleering this con­trouersy, as euinced the Catholike truth, refelled his nouelty, and faythfully deliuered the practise of all tymes, places, authors, Churches, Synods; this man sayth of his bastard Councell alone: Iudg now whether this one authority be not inough to weigh down a hundred petty conuenticles, & many legions (if ther had beene many) of priuate contradictions, so as with this Gētleman al Councels you shal cyte against him, though neuer so ancient, al Fathers though neuer so graue, all historyes though neuer so au­thenticall shallbe but petty conuenticles and priuate contradictions: and this counterfeit Trullan Councel shallbe generall, sacred, and of authority to weigh them all downe whatsoeuer.

111. This is a short maistery, and easy con­quest by giuing more authority then it deserueth vnto one to make riddance of all the rest, and to accept nothing for proofe, but that your selfe list to allow. M. Hall in this saw the Fathers and Councells to be against him, & that for one bro­ken M. Hall only prai­seth them who can pleasure him, and disprai­seth the rest. allegation of the Trullan Conuenticle, we could bring a whole army of more ancient, more authentical records, and for three Fathers of the foure first hundred yeares, though not one of all the three make for him, the testimonyes of al the Fathers of these ages, which he saw at length layd downe in Coccius and Bellarmine, but durst not behold them, nor yet the answeres to his owne arguments in the Cardinal; only he pray­seth [Page 121] such as himselfe produceth, and setteth them out with honourable titles, as Paphnutius a virgin, famous for holynes, famous for miracles: S. Athanasius a witnes past exception, who may serue for a thousand hi­storyes till his age: S. Huldericus B. of Auspurge both learned and vehement &c. but for all the rest that be against him, they make but priuate contradictions, & so if they bring his cause no helpe, he casteth thē all off with a Writ of,

112. Neither is M. Hall the first authour of this inuention, but scholler rather and follower of M. Iohn Iewell, who made and vnmade Fathers M. Iewels making and vn­making of the Fa­thers. at his pleasure, as they stood for or against him: in citing once the schismaticall Councell of Basil for himselfe, he sayth the Fathers of the Councell of Basil say &c. but when a far more ancient Coun­cell was cyted against him by D. Harding, then were all these Fathers ignorant men, & lead away with See the Returne of vn­truths of D. Staple­ton art. 4. the blindnes of that age: when S. Bernard in his books of Consideration to Eugenius, declaimeth against the vices of the Court of Rome, then is he holy Saint Bernard: but when he sayth in the same worke, that the Pope is for power Peter, for his annointing Christ, the supreme Pastour of al Pastours, then is he but bare Bernard the Abbot: when S. Gregory the Great rebuketh the proud title of Iohn of Constan­tinople stiling himselfe vniuersall Bishop, then he is holy S. Gregory, but when he writeth of the miracles of Saints, of purgatory, and other the like Catholike articles, then he is Father Gregory the dreamer: Ori­gen if he speake against M. Iewell hath presently many errours and heresies, but when he speaketh for him, then he is old Father Origen, and M. Iewell [Page 222] will be his white sonne.

113. So if one Father speake for M. H [...]ll, he is past exception, and shall serue for a thousand, if ano­ther M. Hall submits all autho­rity taken from an­tiquity to his owne tribunall. though of later tymes, he must answere all ca­uills, satisfy all readers, and conuince all not will full aduer­saryes: if a schismaticall Councell though neuer so base, neuer so much branded fauour his mar­riage, it is generall, sacred, and shal proclaime in spight of all contradiction: but if we for one or two Fathers misunderstood, as I haue shewed, bring the whole torrent and vniforme conspi­ring agreement of them all, it shall make against him but priuate contradiction: if we alleadge the Councells gathered in all the coasts and corners of Europe, Asia, and Affricke, they are all but petty Conuenticles, because M. Ioseph Hall as an arbiter chosen not by man, or of man, but by some grea­ter power, defines all to be so, and will haue all Councells, Fathers, historyes, records to be al­lowed or disallowed, accepted or refused, good or bad, authentical or counterfeit, as it shall like himselfe, which supereminent authority and in­dependence if you graunt him not, all his argu­ments fall to ground: and if you graunt him, who will not pitty your folly, and thinke you worthily deceaued, who leaue the brasen pillers of truth, sanctity, antiquity, to leane on the bro­ken and rotten reed of this seely simple Minister, in learning very little, lesse in sanctity, and on­ly in his owne opinion and imagination great?

114. He who will not be deceaued in iud­gement, must not weigh the matters controuer­ted by the scales of partiall affection towards ei­ther part: for that were to make truth subiect [Page 223] to priuate fancy: where two are in sute at law Priuate affections do hinder vpright iudgmēt. the one against the other, if the Iudge be byazed by one party, and will pronounce sentence for him without so much as hearing the aduersary speake, as Seneca in Medea well noteth, the senten­ce may fall out to be right, but the iudgment was wrong. He that will iudge vprightly must beare an vpright mind, not inclining to the right or the left: for truth is compared by Cas­sian Cassian collat. 23. cap. 9. to a straight line, and as he who walketh on a rope cannot stand or go, if he leane to one side or other, so neither he find the truth who hath tyed his affection to any particuler, as without further discussion will take all for good, which he on the warrant of his word shall suggest: in this question if you draw your opinion from M. Hall and me, and that so far as neither of vs both may be belieued, but according to the proof we shall bring, the truth soone will shew herselfe in her natiue colours, & you shall know where to find & follow her: but then you must not let M. Halls bare word make white blacke, nor blacke white, nor his sayings be an [...], and able to make a Conuenticle a Synod, a seditious As­sembly a generall Councell, or his reiection bring disparagement to any true Councel, vnles it be seconded by better authority of more an­cient and sincere writers. And the like of myne to him which indifferency is so equall, as more cannot be desired, or let M. Hall if he can pro­pose it, and I bind my selfe to imbrace it.

115. To know then whether Councells be true and lawfull to be admitted or refused, de­pendeth vpon all the circumstances of their cal­ling, [Page 224] & determining according to the analogy of fayth belieued and deliuered by the Church: such A necessa­ry rule. Councells as haue not swarued from this rule, nor haue beene noted of errour, schisme, or fa­ction, nor contradicted by the writers of that tyme, and succeeding Councells, are to be held for good and lawfull, because they are knowne to agree with the common, vniuersall and Ca­tholike beliefe, and that spirit which knitteth al the members of this mysticall body togeather, & if in any thing they had swarued, they had not past without due checke & reprehension, which is much in this matter to be pōdered: for wheras M. Hall bringeth but one poore petty conuenti­cle, and painteth it out like Esops Daw with ma­ny stolne fethers to make it seeme a fayre bird, I haue by the authours of that tyme disproued the same as schismaticall, & of no credit: let M. Hall shew the same in the Councells produced by vs to the contrary, and he shall do somewhat, let him name the authour that condemned, the histories that mention them to be schismaticall, other Councells that reiected them and the like: but if he cannot do this, then must our Coun­cells be allowed, their authority sacred, their te­stimonyes irrefragable, & the least of them able to ouerbeare millions of the Trullan, or such like exorbitant conspiracyes.

116. And this supposed which by the laws of equity cannot be denyed, we bring for this truth, I meane against the marriage of Clergy men, Councels gathered in all the parts of Chri­stendome, all called and kept within the first seauen hundred yeares after Christ, that M. Hall [Page 225] if yet any sparke of grace be in him, may with blushing recall his wordes with which he con­cludeth this matter saying: for seauen hundred years A shame­les asserti­on. you find nothing but open freedome, to wit for all Bi­shops, Priests, & Deacons to take wiues, which is so grosse an vntruth, as it may serue for seauen hundred togeather: for all the Fathers he hath brought, are either against him, or corrupted shamefully by him, and this Councell is of no proofe, or if it were, it maketh far more for vs, then for him: and whence then commeth this freedome? in what places and persons? in what Church or Prouince? for I am sure that neither in Asia Europe, and Africke hath it had this conti­nuance and freedome. I feare M. Hall in the end wil runne to Terra Virginea, Guiana, Chyna, Mexico, or some other regions vnder the Antarticke Pole to find it out.

117. For to begin with Asia vnder which I Asia. include all the Greeke Church, that hath yiel­ded vs against M. Hall three Councells, two pro­uinciall, one generall: the first held at Ancyra in Corcil. Ancyra [...]. Can. 10. Galatia, wherin it is defined: Quicum (que) Diaconi con­stituti, in ipsa constitutione testificati sunt &c. What Dea­cons soeuer that are ordered, if in their ordina­tion they did testify and say, that they must ‘mar­ry wiues, because they could not remaine in sin­gle life, if such shall afterwards marry, let them remayne in the Ministery, because it is graunted them by the Bishop, but if any say nothing & in their ordination they are receaued with con­dition so to remaine, if they afterwards do mar­ry, let them cease, or be deposed from their Dea­conish.’ So the Councel: and by Deacons to mar­ry [Page 226] as Binius wel noteth, are to be vnderstood such The vow of chastity where no exception is made annexed vnto or­ders. as were perforce made Deacons, as some were al­so in the same manner made Priests (though they neuer had this permission) as before I haue shewed out of S. Augustine: and if such Deacons did not expresse this exception, by force of the order they were held vncapable of marriage, a [...] hauing annexed vnto it tacitum votum, an im­plyed vow, of perpetuall chastity. And if in Deacons, much more in Priests, Bishops &c.

118. M. Francis Godwin in his Catalogue of English Bishops, amongst other his mista­kings, Francis Godwin in his Ca­talogue pag. 136. and 137. attributeth this Canon to the second Councell of Arles in France, in the yeare 326. but in that Councell it is not extant, nor was it e­uer lawfull in the Latin Church especially of Europe, as far as I can find, after the taking of ho­ly orders to marry: and the note he addeth, that Restitutus Bishop of London was marryed, needeth more proofe then his bare affirmation, vnles perhaps he liued apart from his wife, as the Trul­lan Councell after ordeyned, and S. Gregory of Towers sheweth to haue beene the Ecclesiastic [...]ll custome before: for no Church either Greeke or Latin euer permitted Bishops to accōpany with their wiues, but commanded them to liue apart from them in perpetuall continency, and the very first Canon of this Councell is: Assumi ali­quem ad Sacerdotium non posse in vinculo coniugij consti­tutum, Can. 1. nisi fuerit promissa conuersio. One cannot be made Priest in the band of wedlocke, vnles he promise conuersion, that is, to abstaine from his wife, liue apart from her, and vow chastity. Which explication of the sense and meaning of [Page 227] the word conuersion is warranted by two other Councells, to wit, the first of Arausica, where of Arausic [...]. 1. an [...] 4410 c. [...] Deacons it is sayd: Non ordinentur coniugati, nisi quiprius conuersionis proposito professi suerint castitatem. Let none be ordered Deacons, but such as haue first of purpose or intention of conuersion pro­fessed or vowed chastity: and againe in the Councell of Agatha: Si coniugati inuenes consenserint Agath [...]. Concil. anno. 5 [...]. c. 16. ordinari, etiam vxorum voluntas ita requirenda est, vt se­questrato mansionis cubiculo, religions promissa, postea qui pariter conuersi fuerint ordinentur. If any marryed yong men (so they be not vnder the age of 25. yeares, for such are excluded by the same Ca­non) shall agree togeather to take orders, the intention of their wiues is so first to be required that they separate themselus from the chamber of their husbands, promise to liue chast, and then let such as haue made their conuersion to­geather be ordered. So these Councells, and so little freedome did they allow in this matter.

119. The second Councell is of Neocasa­rea in Cappadocia, which no lesse then the for­mer was held before the Councell of Nice, and in the very first Canon it is decreed: Presbiter si Concil. Neocaes [...] ▪ Can. 1. vxorem duxerit ordino suo moneatur. Let a Priest if he marry a wife be deposed. Is this the open freedome you meane M. Hall, that possessed the world for seauen hundred years? haue Ecclesiasticall men no more liberty now in England? and indeed this decree is renewed in the Trullan Councell: so little help can you find of the Greeke Church which yet in this seemeth most to fauour you. The third Councell is the first of Nice celebra­ted in Bithynia, the third Canon wherof I haue [Page 228] before in answering the obiection of Paphnu­tius alleadged, and vrged to this purpose.

120. From Asia let vs come to Africke, where this continency was exactly kept, and Afrike. there we haue also foure Councels: the second, third, fourth, and fifth of Carthage, defyning for vs: in the second it is sayd: Gradus isti tres conscrip­tione Ann. 396. Concil. Carthag. 2. cap. 2. vide Concil. African. sub Caele­stino Can. 37. quadam castitatis per consecrationes annexi sunt &c. Those three degrees are linked within the band of chastity by holy orders (Bishops I mean Priests, and Deacons) for it is expedient that Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, or those who are imployed about the diuine Sacraments be chast in all things &c. And to this of the Coun­cell is added: Placet, vt in omnibus, & ab omnibus pu­dicitia custodiatur, qui altari deseruiunt. It pleaseth the whole Councell, that chastity be kept in al, and of all who serue the altar: so there, & beer is chastity annexed to Orders, heere are Altars, heere is consecration by imposition of hands: and in the third Councell the Nicen Canon is Ann. 397. Carthag. 3. cap. 17. confirmed, and such women assigned, as may dwell with Priests, as their mothers, aunts, sisters, and the like. In the fourth to Bishops Priests, Deacons, are added Subdeacons.

121. In the fifth is this concluding Ca­non: Cùm de quorumdam Clericorum, quamuis erga v­xores Ann. 398. Carthag. 5. cap. 3. proprias incontinentia reserretur &c. Whereas relation was made of the incontinency of Cler­gy men, although with their owne wiues, it ‘was decreed Bishops, Priests, and Deacons ac­cording to the former decrees to liue continent­ly from their wiues, which vnles they performe let them be remoued from all Ecclesiasticall’ [Page 229] function: other Clergy men are not to be for­ced heereunto, but the custome of euery parti­culer M. Halls freedome for all Clergy men to marry ne­uer drea­med of by the Fa­thers. Church is to be obserued. So the Coun­cell. So as heere we haue an expresse restraint from the vse of wiues, and this freedome dreamed of by our English Clergy, whiles they are a-awake, was neuer so much as dreamed of by them in their sleep, or els let M. Hall tell vs what now we say more for our selues, then these in the purer tymes of the primitiue Church, as M. Iewell calleth the Fathers of the first six hundred yeares, haue sayd for vs.

122. In Europe we haue many more: where Europe. as the Christian faith hath still continued, so hath it in all points by many Councells beene 14 French Councell [...] for the single life of Clergy men. most confirmed: and to leaue our Nation, of which I shall speake in the end of this letter, in our neighbour Church of France, we haue no lesse then fourteen Councells within the com­passe of 700. hundred yeares to confitme this point, one of Arles, one of Arausica, one of Angiers, two of Towers, foure of Orleance, one of Agatha, Coccius lo­co citato. one of Aruerne, one of Masson, one of Lions, & one of Challon. The wordes of all which were to long for my intended breuity to set down: the learned may read them in Coccius at large, only I will abridge the summe of that they haue de­termined: The sum­me of the Decrees of the French Councels. for by that you will be able to decer­ne whether this chymericall liberty were euer in practise in that Countrey.

123. The summe of their decrees is: 1. That no marryed man can be made Priest, vnles he leaue his wife, so the Councells of Cap. 16. Agatha, and Arel [...]. 2. c. 2. Orleance: he must take her for euer after as [Page 230] his sister, so of Cap. 12. Aru [...]rus, Turon. [...]. cap. 1;▪ Towers, and Cap. 11. M [...]s­son: if euer any Priest know his wife againe, he can neither offer sacrifice, or minister Sacramēts, so of Turon. [...]. cap. 2. Turon. 2. cap 20. Towers: he is to be deposed, so of Aure­lian. 4. c. 4. Or­leans, and Cap. 21. Arau [...]ica: by carnall knowledge of his wife he committeth incest, is to be deposed, so of Cap. 11. Aruerus. Moreouer not only Priests, but Deacons also are not to be ordered, vnles they vow chastity, so the Councell of Cap. 22. Arau [...]ica: if after they do marry they are to be Aurel. 3. cap. 7. excommu­nicated, Aurel. 2. cap. 8. Aurel. 3. cap. 2. Cap. 3. to be deposed, so of Orleance: and the same in the third Councell of the same place i [...] extended to Subdeacons, who if they know their wiues are likewise to be deposed, and the Bishops dissembling their faults are also to be punished: lastly the 3. Canon of the Nicen Coū ­cell is renewed, that none haue other women about them, but their mothers, aunts, sisters, and the like, so the Councell of Angiers in Baroni­us Anno 453. and the second of Orleance: that their wiues who haue vowed chastity liuing in the house with them, haue their beds and chambers apart, vnder paine of excommunica­tion, so the Councell of Aurel. 4. cap. 17. Orleance, Turon. [...]. cap. 10. & 11. Towers, Lugdū. 2. cap. 2. Lyons, and Cabilo­uen. cap. [...]. Shallan: other Councells of this countrey I might produce, but for that they are after seauen hundred yeares of M. Halls preten­ded free liberty, I do pretermit them.

124. In Spaine there are nine Councels that [...]. Spanish Councells for the single life of Clergy man. haue decreed the single life of the Clergy, one and that most ancient of [...]liberis, one of Se [...]ill, one of Gerunda, and six of Toledo, which being the Metropolis or chiefe Citty of all that king­dome, the Archbishops haue still endeououred [Page 231] to make it more famous by the frequent calling of Councells thither, and these Councells so a­gree with the French, as they may seem to speak with one mouth, as they were indeed guyded by one spirit, who directed them all, and they do specially insist on this, that no women do dwel with men in holy orders, but such as haue beene often mentioned in other Councells, so of Toletā. 2. c. 3. Toledo the second, the first of Hispal. 2. cap. 3. Seuill: that they vow chastity, so the 4. of Toletā. 4. cap. 26. Toledo, and the eight Tolet. 8. cap. 5. of the same place, where the Canon sayth: Quosdam Sacerdotes & Ministr [...]s obliuiscentes mai [...]rum ac veterum constitutorum, aut vxorum aut qua­rumcum (que) feminarum immunda societate, & execrabili contagion [...] turpari &c. They had vnderstood cer­taine Priests, and other Clergy men forgetting their ancestours, and old decrees to be defi­led with the impure company, and execrable Where was M. Hals open freedome when this Canon was made▪ contagion of their owne wiues, and other wo­men. So there. And this sauours little of open freedome for all Ecclesiasticall persons to mar­ry, or enioy their wiues as you see, & these Fa­thers were so far from thinking any impossible necessity to be in the vowes of Priests, as our impure Ministers do teach, as they held the re­turne to their former wiues to be a defiling impuri­ty, and execrable contagion.

123. Furthermore in the 9. Councell of Toledo, there is a Canon, which if it were in pra­ctise Toletan. [...]. cap. 10. in England, would much coole this feruent lust of our wanton Ministers: for it is determi­ned that from the Bishop to the Subdeacon, if any by detestable wedlock being in that degree should beget children, that the Fathers of these [Page 232] children should be put vnder Canonicall Cen­sures, A cooling Canon of the ninth Councell of Tole­do. and the children borne of that polluted copulation should inherit nothing of their Fa­thers goods, but for terme of life be seruants of that Church, or Churches wherof their Fa­thers were Priests, and neuer to enioy more freedome. So as the Father was deposed, the child was a slaue, such was the liberty which euen within the seauen hundred years possessed these parts.

126. I may not pretermit the Councell of Eliberis, the first that was euer held in Spaine, in The de­cree of the Councell of Elibe­ris. the yeare 313. in which ancient Synod is this decree, which may seeme rather to be made in the Councell of Trent, such vnity and vniformi­ty there is in doctrine, manner of speach, and practise of the primitiue Church with this of our tyme, of that Councell with ours, and no lesse repugnance and contradiction with that of our aduersaryes: for thus they decree: Placuit in totum prohibere Episcopis, Presbyteris, Diaconis, & Concil. Elibert. cap. 33. Subdiaconis positis in ministerio abstinere se à coniugibus suis, & non generare filios: quod quicum (que) fecerit ab ho­nore Clericatus exterminetur. It seemed good to the ‘Councel, altogeather to forbid Bishops, Priests, Deacons & Subdeacons appointed for the my­nistery of the Church, to abstayne from their wiues, and not to beget children: which who­soeuer begets, let him be deposed from the ho­nour’ of the Clergy. So these Fathers. And this testimony in the iudgment of any that hath any iudgment left him, is able to ouerweigh ten thousand Trullan Conuenticles, being for tyme far before it, not made in schisme, neuer contro­led, [Page 233] neuer condemned in this point: nor shal M. Hall euer be able to shew me that euer in Spaine his imaginary freedome was tolerated, much lesse permitted in that Clergy.

127. In Germany within the prescript of this tyme were no Councels kept, that people being not wholy reclaymed to the Christian fayth, vntill some yeares after by the worthy endea­uours of S. Boniface a most renowned Martyr, & by birth an English man, after whos death which hapned in the yeare 754. there was a Councell kept in that Citty whereof he had beene Arch­bishop, and to shew that new Church to agree Concil. Mogunt. Can. 10. with the old: they defyned that Priests should study to preserue perpetuall chastity, and in the same forbid them to haue any women in their houses, but such as were allowed by the Canōs. So this new Church lately conuerted to Christ togeaiher with her Christianity imbraced this purity; and in alleadging the licence graunted by the Canons, confirmed what we haue pro­duced of all the former Councells.

128. To conclude with Italy, where this practise euen by the confession of our Aduersa­ryes Single life of Clergy men al­wayes in vse in Ita­ly. hath euer inuiolably beene obserued, and none can shew at what tyme, in what part, vn­der what Pope, or Emperour, the contrary cu­stome was euer in vse, much lesse allowed: in the Roman Councell called soone after the first appearance of peace in the Christian Church, to wit, the same yeare with the Nicen in Greece, it is defined, that no Subdeacon do marry, or presume to violate that decree, and if in this of all sacred orders the lowest and least, perpe­tuall [Page 234] chastity be required, much more in the o­ther which being of themselues higher, require more eminent purity, chastity, and if it were Chrys. l. 3. de Sacerd [...] ­ [...] i [...]it. possible, as S. Chrysostome well obserueth, more cleanes then is in Cherubim or Seraphim, or a­ny other Angelicall nature: and the same for Deacons and Priests, as Baronius noteth, was ex­presly confirmed in another Councell of Rome, held in the thirtenth yeare of the Emperour Mauritius, and ninth of S. Gregory the Great, in which is this Canon: Si quis Presbyter, aut Diaco­nus vxorem duxerit, anathemasit. If any Priest, or Deacon marry a wife, let him be accursed. So as still curses and not blessings haue followed the marriage of Clergy men, euen in this tyme of M. Halls prescription.

129. Wherefore now to end this matter, hauing against the Cōuenticle of Trullū brought A collecti­on vpon the pre­mito. one and thirty Councells, all more sacred, all more approued, all without any contradiction of these tymes, and ensuing ages more accepted then the Councell of Trullum, it will need no great deliberation to resolue, or discourse to iudge, or learning to decide this Controuersy in hand, whether for the space of seauen hundred yeares, there is nothing to be found, but open freedome for all Clergy men to marry, or whe­ther this freedome were debarred: when as all these Councels were held within the compasse of that tyme, which condemne it, & this Trullan false Synod, not vntill some yeares after: for all is resolued to this, that for seauen hundred years M. H [...]ll finds not one Councell, or ancient Fa­ther (vnles perhaps some lying Heretike) to [Page 235] make for him, & we haue all the Fathers with one and thirty Councells against him, so as this poore soule like a naked child without any thing in his hand, commeth forth to fight with a whole army well appointed, and although he be not able to strike a strocke, but must needs be beaten to the ground, and crushed in peeces, yet doth he crake that the victory is his, and that al the mayne army hath defended him, and his cause: what will you say to such madnes?

130. And truly to me he seemeth not to be M. Hall ouer­throwne by his owne groundes▪ more mad then blind: for otherwise he would neuer haue proclaimed this freedome of 700. years, seeing the very forme of wordes vsed by his owne sacred Synod, doth so strongly withstand his fond collection: for there it is decreed in these wordes: Qui sunt in sacris coniugia deinceps ex Concil. Trullan. cap. 13. hoc temporis momento firma & stabilia esse volumus. We will that the marriages of such as be in holy orders from this tyme forward, be firme and valid: for in case this freedome had beene before common, neuer doubted of, but acknowledged by all, why did they vse this forme of wordes [...] why did they say from this tyme forward? for why did they name the tyme forward, which in al the tyme backward had beene still in vse, neuer in question? were it not a ridiculous decree, if it should now by act of Parlament be enacted; & that from this tyme forward the King of Englād should be reputed to haue title to the Crowne of France, which for almost three hundred years he hath taken and possessed? If he say that the Roman Church withstood this pretended custo­me, and against that this decree was made, I [Page 236] graunt both the one and the other, and thereof inferre this freedom to be counterfait, as neuer in vse in the Latin Church, and as then the Roman vse contradicted the Grecian so doth the French King now contradict our Soueraigne about this title, not permitting any booke to be prin­ted there, wherin he is stiled King of France, and yet doth not this opposition hinder, but that such a decree in England were foolish: and so is this in Greece, if still they had beene in free posses­sion of their wiues, as they were neuer before that tyme, when by too much flattering the Emperours they layd the first foundatiō of their future schisme, which hath brought them to that most miserable thraldome in which now they liue, and may both be an example and ter­rour of Gods iust reuenge to all others that make the like attempts.

131. It is pitty M. Hall, that when you got the Rethoricke lesson in Cambrige, you had not got the Logicke: for in case you had taught Logicke, you would haue seene the folly and feeblenes of your inference, & rather haue made the contrary illation to that which you haue heere made: for I appeale to all puny Sophisters in Cambrige, whether it be not a better inference to say: this thing is decreed from this instant, for the tyme forwards to be obserued, Ergo be­fore it was not in vse, then to dispute as you do thus: from this instant forward this shall be al­lowed, Ergo alwayes before it was approued. All the walls and windowes from the Hall to the Kitchen, may mourne to see an Vniuersity man to haue so little wit, as to conclude so fon­dly: [Page 237] and yet you do much worse, when you ar­gue, that the Trullan false Councel allowed mar­ryed men to be made Priests, Ergo before it was lawfull for Ecclesiasticall men to marry; when as before that tyme it was alwayes vnlawfull, and in that very Councell it is not permitted, but in plaine tearmes prohibited for any Clergy men to marry.

132. This then being so, that this Councel maketh not for you, that it contradicteth it self, that it brought in a new law in despight of the Roman Church, that it was not only a prouinci­all, but a false and schismaticall meeting, that it was neuer allowed, that the Authors were se­uerely punished by God, as well the Patriarcke as the Emperour, that the chiefe Pastour con­demned it, that your selfe do not vnderstand it; and on the other side, that all the other Synods are beyond exception, sincere, Catholike, law­full, and authenticall: I may say to M. Hall as S. August. in Iulian. l. 2. cap. vltim. Augustine did to Iulian the Pelagian: Vs (que) adeo per­miscuit imis summa longus dies? vs (que) adeo tenebrae lux, & lux tenebrae esse dicuntur, vt videant Pelagius, Celestius, Iulianus, & caeci sint Hilarius, Gregorius, Ambrosius? Hath tract of tyme so confounded all things to­geather, & turned them vpside downe? is dark­nes so far forth become light, and light darknes that the Trullan Councell alone could see, & the others of all Asia, Europe, and Affricke were blin­ded? And in the precedent booke hauing allead­ged some few Fathers of speciall note, he tur­neth his speach vnto Iulian, and sayth as I now Lib. 1. in Iulian. c. 4. say vnto M. Hall, and therefore put his name and errours insteed of Iulians: Introduxi te in sancto­rum [Page 238] Patrum pacificum honor andum (que) conuentum▪ sit op [...] ­rae pretiū obsecro te, aspice illos quomodo aspicientes te &c. ‘I haue brought you into the peacable and ho­nourable assembly of the holy Fathers: I pray you let me not leese my labour, behold them as it were beholding you, and meekely and gently saying vnto you, is it so indeed M. Hall? are we mainteyners of the marriage of Clergy men? I pray you, what will you answere them? how will you looke vpon them? what arguments will you deuise? what predicaments of Aristotle with which as a sharp disputer that you may as­saile vs, you desire to be esteemed cūning? what edge of glosse of your feeble arguments, or leadē daggers will dare to appeare in their sight? what weapons of yours wil not fly out of your hands, and leaue you naked? will you say per­chance that you haue accused none of them by name? But what will you do, when they all shall say vnto you, that it had beene better you had railed at our names, then at our Religion, by the merit of which our names are written in’ heauen? And a little after: Iterum te admoneo ite­rum rogo, aspice tot ac tales Ecclesiae Catholicae desensoret, Ibid. at (que) rectores: vide quibus tam grauem tam nesariam irro­gaueris iniuriam. Againe I warne you, againe I ‘intreate you, behold so many and so worthy defenders, and Gouernours of the Catholike Church: see to whome you haue offered this’ grieuous and wicked iniury. So S. Augustine.

133. And heere to end: if so many lawfull Councells against one schismaticall, so ancient against so moderne, so expresse decrees against one so intricate, as that it maketh more against [Page 239] our Aduersaries then for them, so many holy The con­clusion of all this Trullan Contro­sy. Bishops against a few seditious and turbulent Prelates, so many Countreys against one Pro­uince, yea all Asia, Europe, and Affrike against one corner of the world, if the purer ages and Apo­stolicall tymes against the later, when through the pride of those Princes, Patriarches & people they began to kindle the coles of that whereof now we see the flames, and execrable combu­stion, be not sufficient to moue M. Hall to looke backe, but that copper if he list shall still be pure good, light darknes, and darcknes light, there will be no disputing against such willfull and precipitate pride, and hereticall arrogancy. But others I hope are of a more vpright iudgment. and will not disesteeme so sacred, so constant, so generally receaued authority: to which I might add our owne nationall Synods, but M. Halls method causeth me to put them ouer to an­other place, and therefore heere I end this Con­trouersy of the Trullan Synod, and there with all this whole Paragraffe.

The later Part of M. Halls Letter is examined. The fiction of S. Vdalricus his Epistle to Pope Nicholas the first is refuted. Gregory the VII. defended: and withall is declared the practise of our owne Countrey, euen from the Conuersion vnder S. Gregory. §. 3.

AS men in their dreames do often conceaue great wealth, and golden mountaynes [Page 240] with many prosperous and fortunate euents, that are befallen them, which afterwards proue nothing els, but idle motions of their vnsettled fancy, which being to be directed by reason, is then left to her owne operation, and hauing no determinate obiect or end, produceth strange Chimeras & monsters against nature, to which like Iohn Dunns Pse-domartyr, nec pes, nec caput vni Dunns Pseudo­martyr a meere bundle of rotten rags ill fa­uouredly bound to­geather. reddatur formae (as being a disioynted gall-ma-frey of many things hudled vp togeather, whereof no one part or patch agreeth with another) so it seemeth to haue fared with M. Hall, who (like him of Athens, that perswaded himselfe that all the ships which came into the hauen were fraught with his goods, & so still fed his mind with ioy of imaginary riches, although neither ships, nor any thing in them appertayned vnto him) not out of reason, but strong phantastical imagination thinketh all Authors to stand for him, and still beateth on this string that for the first seauen hundred yeares all Priests were in possession of their wiues, & all the world went for him, in full liberty and freedome; when as the quite contrary is so euident, as nothing can be more, so many Fathers, Historyes, Councels, giuing testimony for the truth, as you haue heard: and M. Hall himselfe if yet his reason be returned home after his sleep, and be able to o­uer beare his fancy must needs acknowledg, see­ing himselfe so destitute of all authority but his owne, or such as is to be regarded no better then his owne, that none at all stand for him in this plea against vs.

2. And truely in respect of M. Hall, little [Page 241] help is needfull to refute him, because he so re­futeth M. Hall ouer­throwne by his owne Au­thours. himselfe, as his aduersary shall need no better weapons to ouerthrow him, then his owne words: for euen heere he telleth vs: That all the scuffling arose in the eight age, wherein yet this vio­lent imposition sound many and learned Aduersaryes, and durst not be obtruded at once. So he, and al in his drea­me: for in case he had beene waking, he could not but haue knowne, what himselfe wrote be­fore out of the Trullan Synod, where the very first words of his sacred Canon are: Quoniam in Romana Ecclesia loco Canonis seu Decreti traditum esse Concil. Trul [...]an. Can. Can. 23. cognouimus &c. For that we haue knowne it desi­red in the Roman Church by way of Canon, or Decree, that such Deacons or Priests, as are to ‘be esteemed worthy of ordering, professe for the’ tyme to come neuer to know their wiues &c. Which words alluding no doubt to the former Canons, cyted out of the Latin Councells, shew the continency of Clergy men, to haue beene long in vse before that Synod.

3. Wherfore the scuffling if there were any, was not as he fancyeth to take away wiues, and bring in single life, but the contrary by preser­uing single life, to debarre from marriage, or vse of wiues such, as of marryed men, were made Ecclesiasticall. And whereas the Trullan Synod contradicted this custome, and in their decree against it sayd: that from that day forward such as were marryed before, might keep and know their wiues, they brought in a new law, & be­gan to scuffle and ruffle for the graunt of that which was before forbidden, though yet they did shoot short of M. Halls buts, and not yield [Page 242] the halfe of what he would haue: so as in his a­foresayd words, are three vntruths. The one that Three vn­truths in one short sentence. this scuffling was to bring in the continency of Clergy men, which was brought in before, and was neuer out of vse, and this was only to pre­serue it, being already in possession, against the violent opposition of incontinent Grecians, and others, who claimed marriage. The second that this found many and learned aduersaryes: for against this long and laudable custome of the single life of Clergy men, none but Heretikes, or Schismatikes opposed themselues, of whose wickednes we read much, of their learning no­thing. The third that it was not obtruded al at once, but by degrees. Where M. Hall? and when? in the Latin Church? So you insinuate by that you add out of Pope Gregory the third, and that also in his tyme: but fye on this impudency, which affirmes that to be begon by Gregory the third, which by more then thirty Councells was defyned before his tyme: I cannot but heer say with S. Augustine: Miror si in sacie hominis tan­tum August. lib 1. in Iulian. c. [...]. in fine. interuallum est inter frontem & linguam, vt in hac causa srons non comprimat linguam. I wonder if there be so great distance betweene the forhead and the tongue, that in this matter the forehead doth not keep the tongue backe from such ouer lash­ing.

4. And this the more for that in all the te­stimonyes, which he hath raked together to proue this liberty, and freedome in the first sea­uen hundred years, he hath not brought one out of the Latin Church but S. Cyprian of Asricke, whome he maketh to speake that of Numidicus, [Page 243] which he neuer thought nor sayd: all other his M. Hall could find no Latin Fathers of the primi­tiue Church for the marriage of Ecclesi­astical per­sons. allegations are of the Greeke Fathers of the Greek Church, and for defect of Latin Fathers, he stuf­feth his paper with the names, and authorityes of Panormitan, Caietan, Gratian, Pius secundus, and other late writers: and yet heere, as though all the Latin Fathers and Church, no lesse then the Greekes had ioyntly conspired in this controuer­sy, he speaketh o [...] the violent imposition, and obtrusion of this law, as though that Gregory the third first of all by little and little would haue brought it into the Church, but was afrayd to be too bold in the beginning, and therefore is faigned to giue a disiunct charge; which is a meere dreame, falshood and foolery, and hath not so much as the least shaddow of any probability: but let vs heare his words.

5. Lo euen then (sayth he) Gregory the 3. A meere forgery▪ writing to the Bishops of Bauaria, giues this dis­iunct charge: let none keep a harlot or concu­bine, ‘but either let him liue chastly, or marry a wife, whome it shall nor be lawfull for him to forsake. So M. Hall. Putting the words downe’ in latin in his margent, but without further re­ference where to find them, and I thinke he must seeke long that can find any such wordes: for there is extant but one epistle in Baronius, Binnius, Serarius, Surius, and others, of this Gregory vnto the Bishops of Bauaria, and in that there is no such clause, or any thing tending to this pur­pose, so as vntill M. Hall shew vs his Authour from whence he hath taken it, we will vrge a­gainst him the Cornelian law, which so seuerely punisheth impostors, who to get credit to their [Page 244] leasings, obtrude their owne forgeryes, vnder the name and title of the vncontrolled autho­rity of other men.

6. But let vs suppose some such words be extant, as I thinke verily there are none, yet doubtles the Pope meant them of such lay man M. Halls citation proued to be coun­terfait. as kept concubines, and not of Clergy men: for otherwise this testimony had appeared long before this tyme in other mens bookes, and not first haue peeped out of M. Halls Epistles, being so vrgent as it is for this matter, and yet I haue not seene it obiected by any: which negatiue if it suffise not, at least this affirmatiue with me will conclude, that Zacharias Pope, and imme­diate successour vnto this Gregory, in the very Zacharias Papa ep. 1. ad Bonifa­cium. first epistle he wrote vnto S. Boniface the Apostle of Germany, hauing occasion to speake of this matter, so writeth as though the thing were ‘vndoubted of▪ and sayth: Apostolus vnius vxoris vi­rum &c. The Apostle will haue him to be made Priest, that is the husband of one wife, & this is lawfull to do before priestood, but from the day of their priesthood they are forbidden from their proper wedlocke, or to liue with their wiues. And againe speaking of the lasciuious Priests in Germany he sayth: Isti verò è contrario &c. But contrarywise these men do not only ab­staine from one wife, but being wholy giuen to lust, commit greater offences then secular men, in so much as they presume to haue more’ wiues, who after their orders taken are not permitted to touch one. So Gregoryes successour, and he also a Grecian, who further appoyn­teth them to be suspended from the practise of [Page 245] their function, accordint to the Canons and decrees of the Fathers: and this being so contra­ry vnto the other wordes, and not mentioning any reuocatiō of his predeessours decree, which alwayes in such cases is accustomable, M. Halls forgery is lyable to no excuse, but addeth a new confirmation to that which needed no other, that as well in this as in his Trullan decree, and almost in all things els he is to be condemned as faythles.

7. And his conscience as it should seem ac­cusing him of perfidious and faythles dealing he seeketh to ward the blow, and auoyd the charge by laying the like fault on vs, bet in such con­fused manner being as it seemes in some chol­ler, as he vnderstandeth not himselfe: for after the forged testimony of Gregory, that none keep harlot or concubine, but either liue chastly, or marry a wife, whome it shall not be lawfull for him to forsake, he adioyneth immediatly: Ac­cording A foolish & imper­tinent charge. to that rule of Clerks▪ cyted from Isidore, and re­newed in the Councell of Mentz to the perpetuall shame of our iuggling aduersaryes, nothing can argue guiltines so much, as vniust expurgations. Isidore sayth, or let them mar­ry but one, they cyte him, let them conteyne, and leaue out the rest, somewhat worse then the Diuell cyted Scripture. Hitherto M. Hall, in which words he chargeth vs as you see very hoatly, to our perpetual shame of vniust expurgations to cyte Authours worse then the Deuills Scripture, to be iugglers, and guilty of the greatest crime of all others, which is vniust Expurgations, more grieuous in this mans opinion, then to frame forged testimo­nyes, and father them on other Authors, as he [Page 246] did now immediatly on Gregory the third, and is ready to do againe at a pinch, if he be vrged thereunto.

8. But this clamour is only superfluous babling proceeding from an inflamed heat of contradiction, hauing no other ground besides the malice and ignorance of the writer, and exceeding negligence in not seeing the places in the Authours from whence they are taken, but receauing thē vpon trust out of other mens M. Hall either did not read, or not vn­derstand S. Isidore. notes, which the very title he giueth the booke doth bewray: for he cyteth him Isidor. reg. Cleric. whereas no such worke vnder that title is ex­tant, and the place he alleadgeth is out of his second booke de Ecclesiasticis officijs, and second Chapter, & had he but read the Author, the ob­iection would haue carryed the answere in his forehead: for S. Isidore in the beginning of his booke, speaking of Clergy men in generall, whether in sacred or in the lesser orders, sayth of them all togeather, that either they must conti­nually liue chast, or els liue in the band of one marriage, which after when he commeth to euery particuler order, he doth more fully de­clare: and of Bishops, Priests, Deacons & Sub­deacons he sayth, they are bound to continuall chastity, of the rest he sayth nothing at all in this matter, and therby insinuateth, that they might marry, as indeed they might: and that he taketh the word Clerici, Clergymen in this most ample signification is euident by his first Chap­ter of his second booke, and very first wordes thereof: for thus he beginneth: Omnes qui in Ec­clesiastici ministerij gradibus ordinati sunt, general [...]er [Page 147] Clerici nominantur. All who are ordered in the de­grees of the Ecclesiasticall ministery, are com­monly called Clerks or Clergy men, which de­grees in the ensuing Chapters he doth particu­lerly specify, and that both sacred and others: for he hath one Chapter of Bishops, one of Priests, one of Deacons, one of Subdeacons, one of Lectours, one of Exorcists, one of those who are called Ostiarij, or attend to the keeping of the dore &c.

9. Of the foure first he concludeth, that they must liue continently, I meane either in S. Isidore contrary to M. Hal. single life, or a part from their wiues in case they were marryed when they tooke these orders: for this of Subdeacons alone, which alone con­cludeth for all the other Superiour orders, he writeth: Isti quo (que) vasa corporis & sanguinis Christi Isidorus l. 2. de E [...]cl. offic. c. 10. Diaconibus ad altarium offerunt &c. These Subdea­cons do offer to the Deacons at the altar the ves­sels of the body and bloud of Christ, of whome Subdea­cons. the Fathers haue decreed, that because they touch the holy mysteryes that they be chast, & conteyne from their wiues, and be free from ‘all carnall vncleanes, as is commanded them by the’ Concil. Cartha. 4. l cap. 5. Prophet saying: be yee cleane who beare the, vessels of our Lord. So S. Isidore of Subdeacons, and so like­wise the Councell of Carthage, and if these were bound to chastity, none I thinke will deny this band more properly to appertayne to Priests, & Bishops, who do not only touch the vessels, but as S. Hierome sayth, Corpus Domini sacro ore conficiunt, consecrate with their sacred mouth the body of Hier. ep. 3. our Sauiour, and the higher degree in all reason requireth more sanctity, cleanes, and perfection [Page 248] then the inferiour.

10. Of Deacons he sayth: propterea altari albis Deacons. induti assistunt &c. Therfore they assist at the Altar in their albes, that they may liue a celestial life, Cap 8. lo­co citato. and come white, and without spot to the sacri­fices, ‘to wit cleane in body, and for purity vn­defiled: for it beseemeth our Lord to haue such Ministers, that are not stained with any corrup­tion of the flesh, but rather shine with the per­fection of Chastity: and a little after explica­ting the words of S. Paul he sayth: Diaconi similiter irreprehensibiles. Let Deacons be irreprehensible, or blameles, that is without spot, as are Bishops, that is chast, conteyning themselues from all’ lust. So S. Isidore of Deacons: and of Bishops, Bishops & Priests. and Priests he sayth as we haue cyted him in the first Paragraffe vpon the words of S. Paul: Vnius vxoris virum, the husband of one wife: Sacerdotem quarit Ecclesia, aut de monogamia ordinatum, aut de vir­ginitate sanctum &c. The Church seeketh for a Priest or Bishop (for the word in S. Isidore is ta­ken for both, especially the later) either for single marriage decent, or holy from virginity: he who hath beene twise marryed cannot be Bishop. So he. And this being the iudgment and doctrine of S. Isidors, let vs according to the same examine M. Halls charge, and see of what weight and moment it is. M. Halls vntruthes in vrging the testi­mony of S. Isidore.

11. False then it is that the sentence of Gregory, or rather of M. Hall in Gregoryes name is according to the rule of Clerkes of S. Isidore: for betweene the one and other is no semblance, no coherence, no dependance, but open contra­diction and repugnance, because he brought [Page 249] that sentence to proue that Priests might marry, at least vnder a disiunct charge, but this is not al­lowed by S. Isidore, by any disiunction, or co­pulation, but disproued in all holy orders from the Subdeacon to the Bishop, from the highest to the lowest, and it is nothing els in M. Hall, then meere iuggling, and most shamefull dea­ling to apply that vnto Bishops, Priests, Dea­cons, and Subdeacons, which S. Isidore meant of others, and to restrayne the word Clerke to such only as are in holy orders, when the other extendeth it to all the lesser, and to any whoso­euer serue the Church.

12. Another falsity it is, that this rule is re­newed in the Councell of Mentz, and that to Concil. Mogun. 1. cap. 10. our perpetuall shame, whome he calleth his iug­gling aduersaryes: for that Councell is so far from renewing that rule, as that part which alone concerneth M. Halls purpose, to wit, aut certè v­nius matrimonij vinculo soederentur, is pretermitted, & the other disiunctiue part of preseruing per­petuall chastity is only expressed: for which this man is so eager in his crimination: and al­though his words seeme to touch vs alone not the Councell, when he sayth: that this is renewed in the Councell of Mentz to our perpetual shame: for (sayth A false & iniurious charge. he) nothing can argue guiltines so much as vniust expur­gations: for Isidore sayth, let them conteyne, or let them marry but one, they cyte him, let them conteyne and leaue out the rest, somewhat worse then the Diuel cyted scripture. Which accusation of his, if it be meant of Ca­tholikes, as at the first sight it may seeme, that they cut out this passage out of S. Isidore, the thing is no lesse false then iniurious, as appea­reth [Page 250] by this booke it selfe printed at Rome in the the Popes Vatican, and annexed vnto the last tome of S. Gregoryes workes in the yeare 159 [...]. where the pallage is word by word, as M. Hall hath cyted it, and the like I suppose of all other A contra­diction. editions: if his meaning only be that the Fa­thers of that Councell omitted it, then as I sayd he contradicteth himselfe, in saying that this Councell renewes the rule of S. Isidore, for the marrying of Priests, when as by omitting that clause it doth rather ouerthrow it, and allow only the single life of the Clergy.

13. The third falshood is of the guilty­nes of the Councell in this vniust expurgation: wherein M. Hall, because it left out the sacred The Coū ­cell of Mentz cleared for omitting the later part of S. Isidores sentence. clause of marriage (a heauy case) sayth, that they cyte it worse then the Diuell cyted the Scripture. Watch I deny, and further auerre that supposing the end of the Councell, for which as well that in Ger­many, as two or three more of France were called, which was for the reformation of Priests, Bi­shops, & Religious persons in these Countryes, the Fathers assembled tooke that out of S. Isi­dore, which S. Isidore alone meant of such, as omitted the other clause which concerned o­thers, which as by S. Isidore, speaking in general was well expressed, so the Fathers in the Mo­guntine Councell speaking more strictly, did ne­cessarily pretermit, and that according to the true sense, drift and meaning of the author, as now we haue heard: so as all bitternes of words against vs, sheweth M. Hall to be like a waspish child, that vpon euery occasion would shew re­uenge, but wanteth strength to do any hurt: for [Page 251] all his blunt bolts are but sagittae paruulorum, darts [...] bull rushes, fitter for women and children, then for graue and learned men to skirmish with all.

14. The last falshood is in the translation of S. Isidores words, for vnius matrimonij vinculo foe­derentur, doth not signify let them marry but one, as if S. Isidore had giuen leaue to Priests to marry once: for so M. Hall will haue him to be vn­derstood, M. Hall helpeth himselfe by false translatiō. but rather is to be Englished pass [...]ely, let them be marryed but to one, according to that of the Apostle, vnius vxoris vir, the husband of one wife, in which sense albeit he had spo­ken of Priests and Bishops, he had sayd nothing against vs, who graunt that such may be orde­red, but deny that they may marry after: so as betweene my translation and M. Halls, there is as great a difference, as between these two pro­positions: he who is once marryed may after be made Priest, and he who is made Priest may af­ter be once marryed. The first is allowed by S. Paul and all others, the other by all manner of authority is denyed: and M. Hall cannot in any one particuler, euer shew vs the contrary pra­ctise in any place wheresoeuer to haue been ob­serued in the Latin, or Greeke Church: and this supposing S. Isidors words to be spoken of Priests and taken in their most rigorous and Gramma­ticall sense, although I preferre the former opi­nion as more true, & most agreable to the whole contexture of that second booke from whence it is taken: so as you see nothing can passe this mans pen without many dashes of vnsincere & faythles dealing.

15. There followeth in M. Hall another au­thority, or rather as he sets it forth a mayne pil­lar M. Halls mayne pillar of S. Vdal­ricus his epistle to Pope Ni­cholas the first at large re­futed. or ground of his cause, which by so much the more deserueth exact discussion, by how much M. Hall doth confide on the same, as on a matter for truth vndoubted of, and for this present controuersy (supposing the truth) so forcible, as it admits no reply, & which alone so potently doth beare and beate vs downe, as if all arguments fayled this by it selfe were able to supply for all, and not without our deadly wound yield the cause and conquest to our Ad­uersaryes, in respect wherof I will stand a litle the longer on the matter, and let nothing passe either of his text or margent, which cōcerneth this matter vndiscussed: & that I may not seem without cause to make this so curious inspecti­on, and stand vpon all particulers of the same, I will first set downe the thing out of M. Halls owne words, and that without any alteration of any sillable, that you may both see the thing it selfe of what force it is, and how much he doth repose thereon, and then answere euery part and parcell thereof. Thus then he wri­teth.

16. But I might (quoth he) haue spared all Answered by Bellar mine lib. de Clerc. c. 22. init. this labour of writing, could I perswade who­soeuer doubts or denyes this, to read ouer that one epistle, which Huldericus Bishop of Auspurge wrote learnedly, and vehemently to Pope Nicho­las the first in this subiect, which if it do not an­swere ‘all cauills, satisfy all Readers, and con­nince all (not willfull) Aduersaryes, let me be cast in so iust a cause. There you shall see how [Page 253] iust, how expedient, how ancient this liberty is, togeather with the feeble & iniurious groūd of forced continency: reade it and see whether you can desire a better aduocate. After him (so strongly did he plead, and so happily) for two hundred years more this freedome still blessed those parts, yet not without extreme oppositi­on: historyes are witnesses of the busy and not vnlearned combats of those tymes in this argu­ment. Hitherto M. Hall.’

17. And heere before I enter further into this fable, I cannot sufficiently meruaile that any one who would be taken for learned, a sin­cere writer, and searcher of the truth, would e­uer M. Halls indisere­tion very singular. aduenture in such phrase of speach, with such certainty, such confidence to gull his cre­dulous Reader with a meer fiction, a counter­fait toy, and most childish imposture: is it pos­sible, M. Hall, that this fond inuention so often answered, and refuted by so many learned men, as Bellarmine, Baronius, Eckius, Faber, Staphilus, and in our English tongue by Father Henry Fitzsimons and others, shall againe without all proofe for approuance, or disproofe of what is obiected a­gainst it, be againe so earnestly vrged, so deliue­red as an vndoubted and infallible verity, and testimony beyond all exception? truely you are of a very weake wit if you see not, or prodigall of your credit if you regard not, or of a scared Hall. cha­ract. of Pharas. & Christ. pag. 39. conscience and iron forehead if you feele and feare not the sinne and shame, which before God and man will follow of this insolent dealing. I meruayl not that you are so cager against such as read Bellarmine and others of the subtilest [Page 254] Iesuits, as you [...]earme them: for writing as you do, the policy is good, and you may take the larger scope to coyne lyes, whiles you turne your Readers eyes from the authors where they should find them detected, and read the answer before euer you had made the obiection. But to the thing it selfe.

18. After that the Lutheran liberty through The first occasion of this fable. the dissension of the German Princes had taken away true fayth from men, and ouerthrowne the ground of all vertuous actions, the better to couer the lewd lechery and filthy incestuous marriages of their first founders, & to open the gate to all lasciuious behauiour, which they saw was far more easy to practise then to per­swade, seeing the Apostle so plaine for virgins, 1. Cor. 7. and naturall reason to shew the excellency of that state aboue marriage, all the endeauours of these new flesh-wormes was to bring the thing in hatred, by making many fictions of the il ob­seruance of this vertue in such, as by speciall vow had bound themselues to keep it, Priests I meane, and all Religious persons: and for that examples moue the multitude whereof some of fresh memory perhaps were true, that in other times the like inconuenience came of vowing virginity, they inuented this prodigious histo­ry The tale which is related in the coun­terfait e­pistle of S. Vdalri­cus. related in the letter of S. Vdalricus, whereof now we shall speake.

19. And although these companions a­gree in the end for which this tale should be de­uised, yet in setting downe the circumstances, and the particulers of the fact, as it commonly happeneth in things of this nature, there were [Page 255] among the brethren diuers opinions: first for the pla [...]e where it should happen, then who should relate it, and at what tyme. The case rela­ted in that epistle is this in effect, that S. Gregory making a law for the continency of Clergy men as S. Vdalricus is made to say, whiles his men went to his po [...]d to catch fish, they found more then six thousand heads of yong children, which be­ing presented vnto S. Gregory, he saw the law that he had made to haue beene the cause heer­of, and that the Priests to couer their inconti­nency, had committed this murther, whereu­pon he reuoked the law, and permitted Priests to marry. So S. Vdalricus in his letter to Pope Nicholas the first, as M. Hall, or second, or third as M. Fox will haue it: and thus now they tell the t [...]e.

20. But in the beginning these heads were F. Henr. Fitzsimons Cath. Con­futa. pag. 3 9. Sta­phil. in de­fens Theo­logia tri­membris sect. vltim. sayd to be found in Sicily, and that the mothers of these Children might not seeme to be inferi­our to their Fathers, Flaccus Illyricus, as Staphi­lus writeth, sayth that all of them were found neere vnto certayne Monasteryes of Nuns, but where these Mōasteryes were he sayth nothing: and for the author of this letter some say it was S. Vdalricus, others, as Binnius reporteth, that it was not the Saint, but another Bishop of the Binn. tom. 1. in notis ad vitam Gregorij magni. same place and name, but in all the Catalogue of these Bishops, no second Vdalricke is to be found, others as Benefild against M. Leech say, that he who wrote this letter was one Volusianus, but who this Volusianus was there is no mention, M. Hall sayth that Volusianus and Huldricke is all one, which to me seems incredible, there being [Page 256] so little affinity in the names, and not one euer writing that S. Vdalricke was termed Volusianus, only they of Basil, who first printed this lye, ‘— Populo vt placerent quas fecissent sabulas:’ Terentius. haue made the fiction very forma [...]l, and lay that the place was Rome, the present of 6000. heads & more was made to S. Gregory the Great, the au­thour of the letter S. Vdalricke, and that he wrote it vpon the same occasion to Nicholas the first, who would haue renewed S. Gregory his de­cree, and haue forced continency vpon all Ec­clesiasticall men.

21. But the whole narration is so fabu­lous, so ill patched togeather, so false and for­ged, The thing euidently demonstrated to be a lying fiction. as it disclaimeth from all truth of tymes, persons, and things, no one part agreeing with another, or subsisting in it selfe; so well had they tippled who deuised this drunken letter: for els they would haue seene it impossible, that euer S. Vdalricke should write vnto Nicholas the first; seeing Nicholas dyed in the yeare 867. and the other was not borne till the yeare 890. so as betweene the death of Nicholas and birth of S. Vdalricke there are 23. years: and as though that this were not ridiculous inough for one to writ Non sat commodè diuisa tem­poribus. a letter to another, who was dead 23. yeares before the writer was borne, they add in the beginning of the letter, that he wrote it when he was Bishop: for thus he writeth: Nicolao Do­mino & Patri peruigili S. R. E. prouisori Huldericus solo nomine Episcopus amorem vt filius, timorem vt seruus. To Nicholas his Lord and Father, the vigilant ‘prouisor of the holy Church of Rome, Huldericke only in name a Bishop, sendeth loue as a sonne,’ [Page 257] feare as a seruant: and to omit this manner of greeting not in vse in these tymes, you see that he wrot the letter when he was Bishop, vnto which dignity he was preferred in the yeare 924. or as the Chronicles of his owne Church say 923. so as betweene the death of Nicholas, & his election, there are more then fifty years: and can any but laugh to heare of a letter written vnto one, who was dead more then fifty yeares before? M. Hall shall do well to tell vs who car­ryed this letter, where it was deliuered, & what answere the dead man returned thereunto, for that will serue as well as the other for old wo­men to tell children at the fire side, and to make fooles pastyme.

22. Moreouer in the tyme of the first Nicho­las, The mar­riage of Clergy men neuer mētioned in the time of Pope Nicholas the first. although diuers other tumults were raysed, especially by the wicked Patriarke of Constanti­nople Photius, Michael the Emperour, Iohn Bishop of Rauenna, Lotharius King of France, Hin [...]marus Arch­bishop of Rhemes and others, yet in the matter we now speake of, there was neuer any Con­trouersy made, no decree, no mention at all in the life of this Pope, exactly set downe by Ba­ronius, & how then is it possible that any should write vnto him such a letter as heere is mentio­ned, and no mention thereof to be made in his life, or any record left, that euer he dealt one way or other in that matter, vnles it were in some particuler case, which was resolued accor­ding to the custome then in vse, without all tu­mult, noyse, or resistance, when as this letter mentioneth not a priuate resolution, but a pu­blike decree, either to haue beene made, or in­tended [Page 258] to be made for all in general, & that with publique opposition, of which there is no men­tion or memory in any Authour but in this let­ter: and it is a lye worthy of the maker in Iohn Fox, whē speaking of this Nicholas a most famous and renowned Pastour: by this Pope (sayth he) Priests began to be restrayned from marrying:

23. Againe Antonius Monchia [...]enus Democares a Sorbon Doctour, recounting all the Bishops of Auspurg, and the tyme when they liued, of all o­thers The fable is refuted by the Chronicle of the Church of Auspurg. that I know most exactly, he putteth in the yeare 858. when Nicholas was made Pope, one VValterus who liuing but two years, Adelgerus succeeded him, who remayning Bishop sixten yeares, dyed the yeare 866. one yeare before Ni­cholas, whom S. Neodegarius following ouer liued the Pope, and betweene him and S. Vdalrike, were Lanto, Vdelmanus, S. VVidgarius the Apostle of the Switzers, S. Adalbertus, & Hildinus, so as this being taken out of the very Registers, there can be no errour, or not so great as can make so no­torious difference in the tyme, especially when as other Authours, as Sebastianus Munsterus, Gaspar Bruschius, Henricus Pantaleon, and Aubertus Myraeus, and with them Martinus Crusius the Lutheran, & others agree in the same number of yeares, and order of succession, and our Aduersaryes are able to bring no Authour, or authority to disproue it, or to make so much as any seeming appearan­ce for this conuiction of tyme betweene S. V­dalricke & Pope Nicholas the first, which maketh the whole tale more incredible, and in the iud­gement of any wise man impossible.

24. And wonderfull it is to see how M. [Page 259] Fox in this matter playeth the goose, and forget­teth M. Fox his con­tradiction in this matter. himselfe, graunting and denying, now af­firming one thing, and then another, and that as it were with one breath, without any pause betweene: for speaking of this Pope Nicholas the first, thus he writeth: by this Pope Priests began to be restrayned from marrying, whereof Huldricke Bishop of Ausborough (a learned and holy man) sending a letter vnto the Pope grauely and learnedly refuteth and reclai­meth against his vndiscreet proceedings touching that mat­ter: the copy of which letter, as I thought it vnworthy to be suppressed, so I iudged it heere worthy and meet for the better instruction of the Reader to be inserted. So he of Pope Nicholas the first, whome he chargeth as you see with restrayning of marriage, and of being reprehended by S. Vdalricke, who because he fa­uoured as they suppose their marriages, which is with them the lapis lydius to try all learning, & only square of holynes, is intituled a most holy & learned man. Thus before the letter.

25. But hauing set downe the letter at ful length according to his own translation, which is none of the best, forgetting what he had sayd in the beginning, he giueth presently this caueat to the Reader, that heere by the way (sayth he) the M. Fox was of a very short memory▪ Reader is to be admonished that this epistle which by error of the writer is referred to Pope Nicholas the first, in my mind is rather to be attributed to the name and tyme of Nicholas the second, or Nicholas the third. And is it so indeed Syr Iohn? then why do you put it out of the due place, vnder a wronge Pope? why did you tel vs that the first Nicholas restrayned marriage, and for that was reprehended by S. Vdalricke? Did the Saint grauely and learnedly refute and [Page 260] disclaime against the vndiscreet proceeding of Pope Nicholas the first before the letter, and after was proued not to haue sayd one word vnto him at all, but to haue spoken to another, who was Pope more then a hundred yeares after his death? which of these Foxes will you beleeue? these are such riddles, as I cannot vnderstand them, and no more as I suppose did he himselfe when he wrote them, and so I leaue them to M. Hall to answere, who for this matter in his mar­gent remitteth his Reader to M. Fox, and yet he in his last admonition contradicteth M. Hall, who is resolute that it was written to the first, and not to the second, or third Nicholas.

26. And M. Fox like a bad tinker whiles he would mend a little hole, by knocking he The cor­rection of M. Fox refuted. beates out the bottome of the kettle, or at least makes the hole much larger then it was before: for whereas most▪ Authours agree that S. Vdal­ricke dyed in the yeare 974. as Herm annus Contra­ctus, Vrspergensis, Baronius, and others, or 973. as Crusius, how could he write to Nicholas the second who was made Pope more thē fourescore years after S. Vdalricks death? For as Platina, Baronius, & others affirme, Nicholas the second was not made Pope vntill the yeare 1059. such a foole or pro­phet do these men make this Saint to be: for if he wrote to the first Nicholas, he wrote to one buryed more then twenty yeares before he was borne, if to the second to one not made Pope till more then fourescore years after he was bu­ryed: and as for the 3. Nicholas, he is so far off that I thinke his great grand-father was not begot­ten, when S. Vdalricke dyed: for he was made [Page 261] Pope in the yeare 1278. and the other departed this life the year 973. so as there are almost three hundred yeares betweene the death of the one, and creation of other, so exact are these men in historyes, and such regard they haue to deliuer the truth, or rather are so impudent and shame­les, as they care not what they write, or what they auouch.

27. For whereunto now are all M. Halls boasts come of the force & warrant of this testi­mony, M. Hall cast in his cause. that it is able to answere all cauills, satisfy all readers, and conuince all not willfull Aduersaryes, or els that he would be cast in so iust a cause? For who seeth him not only to be cast, but crushed also in this matter? who seeth nor, on what sliding sands he placeth the chiefest foundations of his surest proofs? for now all his fayre words and resolute assurance of his so potent Aduocate is proued to be nothing els, but light smoke, false coyne, a meere cogging collusion, which bewrayeth in the writer to too much vanity, conioyned with affected ignorance, or intollerable stupi­dity, in so much as I may conclude this first ar­gument against M. Hall, with the words of the Authour, who some yeares past set out S. Hulde­ricks life, and in this matter thus writeth in the Preface: Scio ad haec impuram nescio cuius nebulonis ept­stolam Vdalrici aliquando nomine venditam, sed cùm [...]a ad Nicolaum Pontificem scripta sit (Nicolaus autem primus plusquam viginti annis ante Vdalricum natum suerit mor­tuus, secundus Pontificatum octogesimo, & quod excurrit anno post eum mortuum inierit) ferrei sit oris oportet qui tantum mendacium ausit asserere, plumbei cordis cui possit imponere. So he. Which wordes for courtesy [Page 262] I leaue vnenglished, least M. Hall should thinke that I applyed these discourteous tearmes vnto him in particuler, which I will not: and that authour speaketh to the first framer of this fan­cy alone, or to all in general that will be decea­ued by such fooleryes.

28. Besides this argument of tyme (an e­uiction vnauoydable) other presumptions there are which seeme to me to be very effectuall, and No such epistle to be found amongst the Epistls of S. V­dalricus. not answerable, wherof that is one which Sta­philus relateth of the epistles of that Saint, all re­gistred and reserued in Auspurg, amongst which there is not the least signe, or shew of any such letter: neither doth Martinus Crusius the Lutheran in his Sueuicall History (of which Auspurg is the chiefest Citty) so much as once infinuate any such thing, which yet should not haue beene omitted if it could haue beene found, that au­thour taking all occasions where he can to ca­lumniate Catholikes, and gather vp all scraps of any antiquity, which may seem to make against them: & which yieldeth to this argument more perswasiue validity, no Author of those tymes when it was written, or any other after vntill our age, euer mentioned the same, or so much as heard thereof till our late Sectaryes set it forth, and many reasons there were to haue vrged the authority thereof, in case such a thing had byn extāt, written by a man of that fame for sancti­ty, as S. Vdalricke, to such a Pope as Nicholas the first, in such a matter, so often, so earnestly deba­ted, with such circumstance of more then six thousand childrens heads (a lye fit for Lucian) and the like, which yet none euer did, and their [Page 263] silence is to me a sure signe, that no such thing was extant in their dayes. Two or 3. yeares before the death of S. Vdalrick [...] was the contentiō of the in­continent Priests be­gun in En­gland and yet none euer men­tioned this letter.

29. And to make this more plaine, whereas with S. Vdalricke in Germany, at the same time liued S. Dunstane in England, who also out liued him for some yeares, and there that contention was then hoatly pursued by that Saint & others against the licentiousnes of Priests, it seemeth to me very strange, that such an epistle should haue beene written, whils that conflict was on foot, which lasted for diuers yeares, and no acknow­ledge thereof to haue beene had in England, where it might most auayle, and with the au­thority of the Authour, haue giuen more credit to the cause, then the others should haue beene able to infringe: but no such thing was then e­uer alleadged, not one syllable therof in Malmes­bury, Houeden, Huntingdon, Matthew VVestminister, VVilliam Nubrigensis, Florentius, or any other: and thereof I inferre that there was no such letter e­uer written, which vpon so vrgent an occa­sion, ar so opportune a tyme, and so directly for the purpose of the lewd Clergy, could not haue The incō ­tinent Clergy men of Germany though li­uing in the same age yet neuer mentio­ned S. V­dalricks epistle. beene concealed, but againe and againe beene produced, insisted on, and vrged to the vtter­most.

30. Or in case there had then been so smal intercourse betweene England and Germany, as in more then ten or twelue yeares a matter of this brute and fame should be written in one Coun­trey, and nothing thereof heard of or known in the other, our Kings at that tyme being of the Saxon race, yet how came it to passe that in the tyme of Henry the fourth Emperour, when this [Page 264] practise was by him permitted, and the Priests no lesse insolent then against the impugners of their incontinency, then our Ministers are eager now for their wiues; in two Synods, one at Erphorde 1074. and the other the next yeare after at Mentz, to omit other combats against Gregory the seauenth, all which happened within the compasse of one age after S. Vdalricke; how came it I say to passe, that none of these Germā Priests could find this letter, or so much as giue any no­tice therof, especially Auspurg it self being taken by that wicked Emperour, rifeled by the soul­diers, and razed to the ground? No man there is which seeth not what aduantage they had gotten thereby, and the thing hapning in their owne Countrey, could not but haue beene knowne to some or other, if not to all of that incontinent company, and so many fauourers of theirs writing for them against the Pope, some one or other had registred it in their behalfe, which yet hitherto was neuer done, and the Emperour would haue been most glad to haue had such a record, to haue vexed the Pope with­all, and checked his decree, in case any such had beene knowne, or heard of in his dayes. In the tyme of S. Vdalricke there was no contro­uersy in Germany about the marriage of Priests.

31. Againe in all the tyme that S. Vdalricke was Bishop, no Pope euer had any occasion to deale, or treat of this point in Germany, and no­thing was euer done therin by any vnder whom he liued, which were diuers: for he was Bishop fifty yeares, and many Popes in that time liued but two or three, & some not so much, but one yeare only, so as there was no cause why any such decree should be made, or thought vpon, [Page 265] or that such a letter should be written: for all the variance that was in his tyme about the marri­age of Priests was in England only, where three yeares before the Saints death a Councell was held, and the decrees which were made against the incontinent, by all the Bishops of the whol land assembled about the same, were after sent vnto Pope Iohn the 13. who confirmed them, wherof the chiefest was, that either they should put their women from them, or themselues be put from their Ecclesiasticall possessions, which nothing concerned S. Vdalricke, and by all likely hood he neuer so much as heard thereof, and if on this occasion he had written this letter to Nicholas the first, it had byn of a very stale date, to wit of more then a hundred years after that Pope his death.

32. And as these things demonstrate S. Hul­dericke not to haue beene the writer, so if we a little examine what is written, the contents I S. Hulde­ricks let­ter against the Pro­testants. meane of this letter, we shall find how far it is from all learning, wit, and truth, as no man would offer to be cast in his cause therein, vnles it be some out-cast indeed, that careth for nei­ther cause, credit, or conscience at all: for to o­mit Supema­cy. that this letter acknowledgeth the Popes Supremacy against all Protestants, and band of obseruing the vows of such as haue vowed ‘con­tinency against M. Hall: for of the first the Au­thour sayth: I doubted what the members of the body should do, their head being so greatly out of frame, for what can be more grieuous, or more to be lamented touching the state of the Church, then for you being the Bishop of the [Page 266] principall Sea, to whome appertayneth the re­giment of the whole Church to swarue, neuer’ so little out of the right way? So he. And yet this now in England is treason by Parlament, to say I meane, that the Bishop of Rome is head & Vowes of chastity to be obser­ued. supreme Gouernour of the whole Church, which heere as you see by this graue and learned authour, as M. Fox calleth him, is so plainly confessed: of the other also thus: truth it selfe speaking of continency not of one only but of all togeather (the number only excepted of them which haue professed continency) sayth, he that can take, let him take. Which exception ouer throweth M. Hals impossible necessity togeather with the do­ctrin of their Church, where the practical expo­sition of the former words is the Fryer or Priest that can take a Nunne to his wife, let him take her, and that without any exception at all.

33. To omit this I say, what a grosse and palpable vntruth is that which the Authour a­uerreth against such as vrged the testimony of A notori­ous lye in the coun­terfeit epi­stle of S. Huldrick S. Gregory for the continency of Clergy men, when he sayth: whose temerity I laugh at, and igno­rance I lament: for they know not being ignorantly decea­ued, how dangerously the decree of this heresy was (being made of S. Gregory) who afterwards well reuoked the same with condigne fruit of repentance? But this re­uocatory decree, this repentance, or that the continency of Priests was an heresy, in S. Grego­ryes opinion, are no lesse monstrous, then ma­licious assertions, neuer knowne or heard of til this letter came forth, or recorded by any for the space of more then nyne hundred yeares after S. Gregoryes death that euer we can read of, and so much being written of his life by Ioannes Diaco­nus, [Page 267] by S. Bede, Ado, Freculphus, and others, that this by them al should be forgotten, which hap­ned vpon so remarkable an occasion as neuer the like before, or since hath euer hapned, is a thing that exceeds my capacity to conceaue, or any man els of iudgment to imagine: and if such rotten rags may be once admitted for solid ar­guments, there is no ground so sure, but will soone be shaken, and all proofs from authority will be quite taken away: for any light head may soone frame more of these fictions, then there are heads feigned to haue beene found in S. Gregoryes pond.

34. And wheras the Councell of Rome be­fore S. Grego­ry still vr­ged the continen­cy of the Clergy. cyted was held not long before his death, in which it is decreed, that if any Priest, or Deacon marry a wise he be accursed. And of Subdeacons he so often had determined, that they should not marry, nor be marryed when they were made, and that no women should dwell with Priests, but such as the Canons allow, it well sheweth Greg. l. 1. ep. 42. l. 3. ep. 5. & 34. l. 7. ep. 112. what his opinion was: which againe is expres­sed in his answere to the second question of S. Augustine: and all this being in S. Gregory, and no memory of the contrary in any epistle of his, or other mens writings of him, or in what other Authour soeuer, we may well laugh at their teme­rity, or rather, lament their ignorance and simplicity, who will belieue such toyes, and offer to be cast in their cause vpon so friuolous and fabulous a tryall, no poeticall fiction in all Ouids Metamor­phosis, no dialogue in Lucian, or tale in Esop being more fond, false, and improbable, then this of the infants heades, or that S. Huldricke was the [Page 268] Authour of that fantasticall Epistle.

35. Furthermore that more then six thousand heads in so short a tyme after S. Gregoryes decree, More then six thousand heads in one pond. should be found in one pond, and all these to haue beene the base children of Clergy men, may be told more then six thousand tymes to any man of iudgment in the world, & ne­uer be belieued, much lesse of any who know Monstrum horrendū informe, ingens. Rome, about which now there are no ponds, and I thinke verily there were as many then, & that so many heades should be found without the bodyes, & all to be knowne (by their looks belike) to haue beene the children of Priests, & other Ecclesiasticall men, is a fit fable for Fox to insert into the Acts and Monuments of his Church, for similes habent labra lactucas, the truth of the Church of Protestants, and these histo­ryes is alike: and this may be told in Virginiae (if euer any more Ministers be sent thither to preach) or in some other parts of the West In­dyes, where the people being rude and sauage, willbe easily induced to beleeue any thing that is brought them by trauellers, who talke of things done in other Countryes a far of, they hauing no meanes nor list to examine the truth of the things reported.

36. And if all other arguments fayled, the stile and phrase of this Satyricall epistle, well The stile of this ba­stard epi­stle. sheweth the Authour to haue beene no Saint, or of any saintlike disposition: for who would euer vse such tearmes vnto his Superiour, vnto the chiefe Pastour, and Gouernour of Christ his flocke as to say, through your imperious Tiranny▪ for is not this to be counted a violence and tyranny &c. who [Page 269] would euer twyte the Pope with cruelty, persecu­ting, and despightfully handling of the Clergy? such base and rebellious dealing may better beseem M. A. de Dominis, that lewd lost renegate, then meeke S. Vdalricke: what Saint finally would say: For so much then, o Apostolicall Syr, as no man which knoweth you is ignorant, that if you through the light of your dis­cretion had vnderstood, and seene what poysoned pestilence might haue come into the Church through the sentence of this your decree &c. Moreouer there are so many Ministeriall phrases in this letter, as the institu­tion of the Ghospell, the word of the Lord, and the like, such mad application of the Scripture, such sp [...]use aduertisments from the Lord, graced in the margent with M. Foxes notes, whereof one is, what it is to marry in the Lord, with a solemne shutting vp of the letter, as it were of a sermon with these words, seeing that no man without chastity (not only in Virgins state, but also in the state of matrimo­ny) shall see our Lord, who with the Father and the holy Ghost liueth and reigneth for euer, Amen: as any may see it was neuer written by the holy and lear­ned S. Vdalricke, but was inuented by some igno­rant Minister, who scant knew the lawes of a letter, which is not to be ended like a sermon, although otherwise in lying and rayling he were very practicall, and his crafts maister.

37. For notwithstanding all M. Halls en­comiasticall The proofs of that letter weake, simple, & ridicu­lous. prayses of conuincing all aduersa­ryes, of being so potent an aduocate, & the lik [...]: whosoeuer will examine the proofes there al­leadged, and analize the whole letter, shall see how far he wes to seeke for sound grounds of learning, who wrote the same, and how feeble [Page 270] his reasons are for this purpose, the greatest part of that epistle being also spent either in some bitter inuectiue, or other, as in the beginning against the Pope, & presently after against such as liue incontinently in single life, and commit sinnes against nature, as though marryed men did not the like, and therfore as well marriage as single life were to be taken away, because both are subiect to abuse: & in all the later part, which is more then the halfe, no one place, or argument is brought or vrged of any moment, but these wordes, he that can take, let him take, which we allow, and according to that rule square this consequence, he tha [...] can liue a single life may be a Priest, and he who cannot may refuse, there is no enforcement, no compulsi­on, all passeth by free choice, and voluntary e­lection: and this Authour in the words imme­diatly before sayth, that such as haue vowed continency, are excepted from this rule, and are bound to conteyne, it being now no more in their power to take or leaue: and so if Priests (as they do) make a solemne vow or profession of chastity, why should not they be bound also to the obseruance of the vow they haue made, as well as the other? what reason can there be assigned, why the vow which Religious persōs make of chastity should bind them, and the selfe same vow made by Priests should not bind at all, but leaue them as free as they were before?

39. All the rest of that letter is in documēts bitter Satyrs, and other such trash, and the proof Small proofe. for the marriage of Clergy men from the begin­ning to the end is very little, and to no purpose [Page 271] at all: he beginneth with the permission of the old law not recalled, as he sayth, in the new, to which before we haue answered, and heere add further the testimony of Venerable Bede, more Beda in il­lud Lucae 1. & cùm implaren­tur dies officij [...]ius. ancient then S. Huldricke: Hoc est quod dixi quod vi­cis sua tempore P [...]ntifices templi tantum officijs mancipati &c. This is that which I sayd, that the Priests, when their course came being tyed only to the offices of the Church, did forbeare not only ‘from the company of their wiues, but from the very entring into their houses, wherby is giuen an example to the Priests of our tyme, to keep perpetuall chastity, who are alwayes comman­ded to serue the Altar. For in the old law be­cause the Priestly succession was preserued in the stocke of Aaron, it was necessary to allot them some tyme for preseruing their issue, but now because there is no carnall succession sought af­ter, but spirituall perfection, the Priests that they may alwayes attend vnto the Altar, are al­wayes to conteyne from their wiues, & chasti­ty’ is imposed vpon them for euer to be obseued. So S. Bede. And his reason carryeth so great force with it, and refuteth so well the idle obiection of Protestants, as there needeth no commentary to explicate it, no authority to confirme it, or other reason to be adioyned to make it more This epi­stle brin­geth no­thing of moment but the ordinary tr [...]ial ob­iections. forcible.

39. The other arguments drawne from authority or antiquity in that Rapsody, are so barely alleadged, so weakely followed, & some so impertinently applyed, as will pitty any iu­dicious learned Reader to behold, and in effect they are the same which M. Hall hath brought, [Page 272] and my selfe haue answered, and therefore in praysing this epistle, he closely also seemeth to prayse himselfe: for he bringeth the Text of the husband of one wife, the doctrine of Diuells, the Aposto­licall Canon, the story of Paphnutius, S. Isidore of contayning, or marrying of one, & that Saint is there stiled the writer of the rule of the Cler­gy, from whence perhaps M. Hall tooke his er­rour in cyting it vnder the same title: and to this is added to conclude the whole matter, the imaginary reuocation of S. Gregoryes decree by occasion of more then six thousand infants heads neuer found in his mote, but only in the muddy head of that tipling German, who halfe drunke, & halfe in a dreame first deuised that fa­ble, and M. Hall as it should seeme was ashamed to mention it, as seeing it out of common rea­son not only improbable, but also impossible, and set forth with such circumstances, as well shew the whole thing to be incredible, and a ly in print.

40. One place of Scripture that epistle hath more thē is in this epistle of M. Hall, which is, let A strange argument but in no mood, nor figure. euery man haue his owne wife, which that honest Man will haue the Apostle to haue meant as well of the Clergy, as of the laity, and the Ca­tholikes who deny it, are false hypocrits, do lye, and faigne, and that the Priests are not afraid to abuse other mens wiues, & to commit out­rage in the foresayd wickednes: which is a Bedlam proofe, that any lewd companion, though neuer so base may obiect against the most innocent man aliue, and the Iews against our Sauiour himselfe sayd, that the was, Homo [Page 273] vorax & potator vini, a glutton and drinker o [...] Matth. [...]. wine, a friend to Publicans & open offend ours, but Catholiks (poore men) vnderstand not the Scripture, sayth this authour: and why good Syr? Heare him I pray you in lesse then six lines pleading against vs and for vs, and ouer throw­ing that which he would take vpon him out of this text to put vp. These men, sayth he, haue ‘not rightly vnderstood the Scripture, for the saying of the Apostle: let euery man haue his owne 1. Cor. 7▪ wife, doth except none in very deed, but him only which hath the gift of continency, prefi­xing with himselfe to keep and to continue his’ virgin (or virginity) in the Lord. Be it so. And then if the Priests haue this gift, and haue prefixed this course to themselues in the Lord, then they shall not need to marry, and the Apostles words shall not concerne them, or bind them to haue their own wiues [...]s it doth other men. And this indeed is the very case of all Clergy men who vow chastity, and the obseruance of their vow resteth in themselues, assisted with Gods grace to performe it, as before I haue sayd, & so the wordes of S. Paul appertayne not vnto them, but to the Laity.

41. M. Hall will perchance demand what if one who hath vowed chastity find that he hath not this gift, notwithstāding he hath prefixed the same to himself in the Lord: shalbe then be in­continent & not marry? I lay that neither the one or other is allowable, not the first which is neuer lawfull, not the later which is vnlaw­full to him: and this is decyded euen in the ve­ry next words of this Epistle, where the Author [Page 274] thus speaketh to the Pope: Wherefore, o reue­rend Father, it shall be your part to cause and o­uersee, M. Halls S. Hulde­rick plea­deth a­against him. that whosoeuer either with hand or mouth hath made a vow of continency (as all Clergy men in holy orders haue) & afterwards would forsake the same, should be either com­pelled to keep his vow, or els by lawfull autho­rity should be deposed from his order. So there: in which words you see both a compulsion for the obseruance of the vow, & deposition from their order in the transgressours, both which suppose an ability in the vowmaker of perfor­ming his vow, or els the suggestion of M. Hall his S. Vdalricke had beene very iniurious, vnlaw­full and tyrannicall, as imposing a punishment where there was no voluntary offence, and the thing for which he is punished was impossible for him in our Protestants opinion to perform: as that Prince should be a tyrant, who should put any subiect of his to one of these extremes, either to leese the office and dignity he hath in the common wealth, or els to pull the Sunne downe from heauen, or remoue the earth into a higher place within three miles of the conca­uity of the Moone.

42. And seeing this doctrine deliuered in the Epistle fathered on S. Huldricke is so contrary to the doctrine of this Epistle of M. Hall, who will haue such vowes to be filthy, & the keeping of them to include an impossible necessity, it was great temerity & inconsiderate dealing in him to offer to be cast in his cause, if this epistle do not satisfy all Readers, when as it is so far from sa­tisfying all Readers, as it doth not satisfy him­selfe, [Page 175] who wil haue all such votaryes to change their vowes as filthy, and to purify themselues by marriage, and make practicall tryall of Iohn Fox his note, what it is to marry in the Lord, con­trary to this Epistle, as you haue seene: which being so I make this collection as euident to me as any mathematicall demonstration, that M. Hall neither careth for his wife, nor for his fide­lity, M. Hall neither careth for his wife, nor for his credit, nor for his cause. nor for his cause. Not for his wife, because he offered to be punished by a diuorce, if he e­uicted not all Clergy mens marriage, which he hath not done, or is able euer to do whils he li­ueth: not for his fidelity, which he pawned to leese on any decree to be shewed more ample then that of the Trullan Councell for the marri­age of Ecclesiasticall men, which now he hath seene, & that in such excesse, as in respect ther­of the Trullan Canon was but like the positiue degree in respect of the superlatiue: not for his cause, which he aduentureth on this Epistle, in which notwithstanding euen in the point in controuersy debated between vs, he is both cast and condemned: for we graunt a solemne vow of chastity to be made in taking of orders, which this epistle will not haue broken, but eyther by compulsion to be kept, or punished by deposition, so carelesse a husband, so bad a Christian, so weake a protectour he is, or els which I rather thinke so light witted a man, as he will offer vpon any occasion to aduenture all he hath, be it his wife, cause or credit, though the conditions on which he doth it be neuer so vnequall, disaduantagious, or preiudiciall vnto him.

43. Before I end this matter, I will come from M. Halls text vnto his margent, where first he maketh this note saying: Whether Huldericus Extreme folly to make no doubt of that which is only doubted of. or (as he is some where intituled) Volusianus, I enquire not, the matter admits no doubt. So he. But this is extreme folly: for it importeth all in all to know the true Author, when all the credit of the thing reporteth, lyeth thereon, as heere it doth, or els any may obtrude whatsoe­uer broken peece of a letter they shal find on the dunghill to be written by some Father, & the thing shall challeng authority from the writer: and this thing neuer hauing beene seene, or heard of in the world before can haue no credit if it were only written by some late sectary, as we haue inst cause to suspect, and M. Hall cannot disproue, whereas if he could proue it written by S. Huldricke, we should more esteeme it, and answere it with more regard, the authority be­ing greater in the behalfe of our Aduersaryes, then if it had beene coyned by some Magdeburgiā or el [...] by some Sacramentary, either moderne or more ancient. To auoyd the suspition of this imposture, M. Hall cyteth againe his learned Pope Pius 2. or Aeneas Siluius in sua Germania, which title Iohn Fox setteth downe more fully saying: Aeneas Si­luius hath no menti­on of the counter­feit epistle of S. V­dalricus. Meminit ciusdem epistolae Aeneas Siluius in sua peregri­natione, & Germaniae descriptione. Aeneas Siluius ma­keth mention of this letter in his pilgrimage, and description of Germany: but it should seem that Iohn Fox his wit was gone in pilgrimage, or or els a woll gathering when he made this note: for after some search I haue made of his bookes (& I thinke I haue better meanes to find them [Page 277] out, then Fox had) I can find none extant vn­der the one or other title, nor yet vnder the title of his Germany, as M. Hall expresseth it, neither doth Trithemius in his catalogue, or Posseuinus in Apparatu, where they set downe all the bookes they could find of this Pope, mention any such worke, and so the mention made of this letter in this Pilgrimage is a meere idle toy, framed out of the wandring imagination of Iohn Fox, and vpon to light credit taken vp by M. Hall. There is in his workes extant an answere to one Martin Mayer, for defence of the holy Roman Church, in which he describeth some parts of Germany by which he had passed, and speaking of Aus­purg he sayth as the Germans haue printed him in Basill: S. Vdalricus huic praefidet qui Papam arguit de concubinis &c. S. Vdalricus is patron of this place, who reprehended the Pope for concubines: it lyeth by the riuer Licus. So he, as these Sacra­mentaryes haue set him out. Which being all graunted belongeth not to this matter in hand, but concerneth only the bad life of the young Pope Iohn, then thrust by force of friends, and maintayned by tyranny in that seat, which a­buse the Church is forced sometymes to suffer as temporall states do ill Princes: but in the one and the other personall crimes, as they tend to the impeachment of priuate fame, so nothing derogate from publike authority: in such the office is to be considered apart from the life, as Moyses his chayre from the Pharisyes who sate thereon, their power we reuerence, their liues we abhorre, no state so high, no calling so holy, no function so laudable, but ill men haue beene [Page 278] found therein: and if once we confound the life with the office, and out of the vnworthynes of the one inferre the denyall of the other, we shall leaue no Pope, Bishop, Priest, Emperour, King or other Magistrate whatsoeuer: and this, supposing these to be the words of Aeneas Siluius, of which I haue some cause to doubt, both for that I haue seene a printed copy without them, and moreouer I haue seen three Manuscripts, of which as two were lately written & had them, so the 3. which was much more ancient, in the text had them not, but in the margent only, by which meanes forged glosses so creep in often tymes, as they com at length to be printed with the wordes of the Author: but howsoeuer, to this purpose they make nothing, and the other whom M. H [...]ll ioyneth with him, to wit Gaspar Hedio a late heretike, is of no credit to iustify this matter, no more then M. Iohn Fox, Ioseph Hall, or any other professed aduersary.

44. Againe, it is another vntruth to say, that somewhere he is intituled Volusianus: for though Benefild against M. Leech call the Author of that letter Volusianus, yet doubtles he meaneth The Au­thor of the forged epistle vn­certains. another man distinct from S. Vdalricke who was neuer named Volusianus by any writer, and this maketh the whole tale more to reele, seeing it is obtruded as a base child that knoweth not his owne Fathers name: and if once we remoue it from S. Vdalricke (to whome as I haue proued it cannot agree) the thing leeseth all credit, and proueth nothing but the corrupt dealing of such as alleage it: for this Volusianus is a name inuen­ted to make fooles fayne, no man knowing [Page 279] what he was, where he was borne, when he li­ued, of what calling or credit in the world, whether of kyt or kin to the man in the Moon, for he neuer liued on our inferiour orbe vnder the first, second, or third Nicholas: if I might in­terpose my ghesse, I should thinke him to be brother to Steuen the subdeacon before mentio­ned out of Gratian, for that he is so ready to fa­ther the fatherles, and take a child to his charge which he neuer begot.

45. But, sayth M. Hall, the matter admits no doubt: which is another vntruth: for whe­ther by the word matter M. Hall vnderstand the Authour of the letter, or the contents themselus, both are doubted, yea both are denyed, and to take that for graunted which resteth in contro­ [...]ersy to be proued, is a foule fault in Philoso­phy, and called petitio principij: as if one to credit Petitio principij a foule fault in [...] Philoso­pher. M. Hall, and to proue that for his learning he deserueth to be estcemed against one who shold deny him to be learned at all, should thus con­clude: All learned men deserue to be esteemed: but M. Hall as I suppose is a learned man: Ergo he is for such to be esteemed: no man will al­low that he suppose the Minor as graunted, which only is called in question and alone nec­deth no proofe, which if we apply to the pre­sent matter, we shall find in a different subiect the same argument. We deny that euer S. Hulde­ricke wrote any such epistle, how doth M. Hall proue it? thus, whether you call him S. Huldericus or Volusianus the matter admits no doubt but that he wrote it, to which put this Minor, but he who wrote the letter is Authour thereof, Ergo S. [Page 280] Huldericke is the Author. An argument more fit for some Grillus, Corebus, Alogus, some Patch, Ioll, or VVill Sommer, then M. Hall.

46. There resteth one more vntruth in the A foule Chrono­graphicall errour touching the tyme when S. Hulderick liued. margent, which is Chronographical about the tyme when S. Huldricke liued, that you may perceaue how this man in all things is rash and negligent: if he dispute his arguments be loose, if he cyte Authours their authorytyes are either mistaken or corrupted, if he inferre one thing out of another, it is by wrong illation, & takes quid for quo, the contrary to that which doth fol­low of his premises, if for more exactnes he go about to reduce things to their proper tyme, 20. or thirty years difference is not to be regarded: for to be exact is against his reputation, he will not be taken for such a precision, and therefore heere he telleth vs, Huldericus Episcopus Argustae an­no 860. which is iust thirty yeares before he was borne, and yet after his birth he liued ei­ther thirty three, or thirty foure before he was made Bishop: so as he is heer made to be Bishop of Auspurg more then three score years before his tyme: are not these men exact writers trow you on whose fidelity so many men with such assu­rance may rely their saluation?

47. And to end all this matter as though An vn­truth ioy­ned with a contra­diction. he had not hitherto giuen vs vntruths inough, he addeth for the finall vpshot one more, & that also combyned with a contradiction when he ‘sayth: after Vdalricus (so strong did he plead and so happily) for two hundred yeares more this freedome still blessed these parts, yet not with­out extreme opposition: historyes are witnesse’ [Page 281] of the busy and not vnlearned combats of those tymes in this argument. So he. And I cannot but tell him out of the Comicke: Non sat commo­dè diuisa sunt temporibus tibi Daue haec: These tymes agree no better then did the other of S. Vdalricks letter to the first Nicholas: and vntrue it is that e­uer he pleaded so happily, so strongly, who ne­uer opened his mouth in this controuersy, vn­true it is that this carnal freedome blessed these parts for two hundred yeares more after his death: for vnder Pope Gregory the seauenth he confesseth presently after, that this cause was vt­terly ruined, and betweene the death of these two, I meane S. Vdalricke & Gregory the seauenth there is but one hundred and twelue years, and whereas that Pope dealt in that matter some yeares before his death, it will follow euen by the graunt of M. Hall himselfe, that this cause so strongly, so happily pleaded for, in the com­passe of one age was quite ouerborne, and vtter­ly ruined, so as by this account M. Hall in setting downe two hundred years, reckoneth only but one hundred too much, which is not much in him, so subiect euery where to errour, and so careles in his assertions, as almost nothing co­meth from him out of any learning or truth, that is in Controuersy betweene vs. The ima­ginary pleading of S. V­dalricu [...] neither strong not happy.

48. Againe there is a manifest contradi­ction in these words: for if vpon this strong and happy pleading this freedome blessed the parts of the Latin Church, how had it such extreme op­position? for before this tyme there was nothing els in M. Halls iudgment, but full possession of this freedome, and the contrary not to haue pre­uayled [Page 282] till more then a thousand yeares after Christ, so as all the blessing was before S. Vdal­ricks pleading, and all the opposition after, and how is not that pleading to beheld rather weak and vnlucky, then strong and happy, which had no other effect then extreme opposition, and quite ouerthrow of the cause defended by that plea? For what successe could be more vn­fortunate, then to be cast in a cause so vehemēt­ly vrged, debated with such heate, and that be­tweene the supreme Pastour for authority, and a most eminent Bishop for sanctity of those tims? which contradiction is made more palpable by the next ensuing words in his letter: for thus he writeth.

49. But now when the body of Antichristi­anisme A heap of vntruths. began to be complet (so it pleaseth this ‘light Companion to prattle) and to stand vp in his absolute shape after a thousand yeares from Christ, this liberty which before wauered vn­der Nicholas the first, now by the handes of Leo the ninth, Nicholas the second, and that brand of hell Gregory the seauenth was vtterly ruined, wiues debarred, single life vrged. So M. Hall.’ And truely if Leo the 9. and Nicholas the second ruined this matter, this plea had so short a bles­sing, and so quicke a crosse, as it remayned on foote little more then fifty yeares, and that still in continuall contradiction vntill it was extin­guished, and so, as before out of two hundred we rebated one, so out of that one we must take another halfe, & leaue him but fifty if his owne words be true, that this was ruined by Leo the ninth, as heere he pretendeth, and the blessing he [Page 283] talketh of is resolued to this, that presently this marriage matter was contradicted, and the con­tradiction so followed as it preuailed: and this supposing what he sayth to be true of these men and matter, which yet are so false, as they con­teyne in them, to speake the least, more lyes, then lines, which I will briefly touch in order.

50. The first is, that vnder these Popes the body of Antichristianisme began to be complete, for all The first vntruth. the Popes he nameth, to wit, Nicolas the first, Leo the ninth, Nicolas the second, and Gregory the 7. were all very holy men, all learned, al excellent Gouernours of Christs Church, and, the second Nicolas excepted, all registred in the Catalogue of Saints: and our Protestants of the primitiue Church in England were wont to tell vs, that this body was complete in the tyme of Bonisace the third, whome idly they would haue to be that singular Antichrist descrybed in Daniels pro­phesy, and the Apocalyps of S. Iohn, & some haue much laboured to draw the number of his name to agree vnto the tyme whē he was made Pope, with other impertinencyes: and if M. Hall make the denyall of Priests marriage the complemen­tall perfection of this body (for all the heauen and happynes which these men haue, is in their wiues, and whatsoeuer sauours or fauours not, that is Antichristian) then was it complete for some hundreds of years before any of them were borne or thought on, as the authorityes of Fa­thers and Councels before alleadged do demon­strate.

51. The next is, that this freedome was still allowed, vntill a thousand yeares after [Page 284] Christ, to wit, that all Priests might marry, but A lye in print. this is to grosse a lye, and fitter for him to make who is father of lyes, then for any of his chil­dren or schollers. I see the Philosopher well to haue aduised a lyar (though M. Hall follow not his aduise) oportet mendacem esse memorem, he who will lye must haue a good memory, & re­member what he hath sayd in one place, that he do not contradict it in another, and so be taken in the manner, as heere this honest man is, who M. H [...]al of a very weake memory. two leaus before told vs out of Steuen the second that in the Western Church no one of the Cler­gy from the Subdeacō to the Bishop had leaue to marry, & whereas this Steuen was made Pope in the yeare 752. that is two hundred forty and eight yeares before the thousand, how doth he heere tell vs, that after thousand yeares from Christ this liberty which before wauered was ruined &c. what liberty do you meane M. Hall? of Clergy mens marriage? then your memory is very short: for what freedome was there in Steuens tyme, when none from the Subdeacon to the Bishop might marry? or what did all the Popes you heere name add vnto this restraint? Againe, the first wordes of your Trullan decree made more thē forty years before this Steuen was Pope, do cleane cast and condemne you, as con­fessing euen then the Church of Rome to haue decreed the single life of the Clergy.

52. The third vntruth is, that this feeedom The third vntruth. wauered in the tyme of Nicholas the first, who was made Pope in the yeare 858. for in all his tyme, as before I sayd no such matter was euer mentioned, none discussed, and it seemeth to [Page 285] me very strange to heare M. Hall to talke of Free­dome Single life of the Clergy long in vse euen by M. Hals own Authours before the tyme of Nicholas the first. vnder this Nicholas for marriage that should wauer, when as out of Steuens testimony and his owne Councell, a hundred yeares before, no Subdeacon, Deacon, Priest, or Bishop was per­mitted to marry: for where at that tyme was this freedome? in the Greeke Church perhaps? but how was their marriage ruined by these Popes, their wiues debarred, single life vrged, when as stil that incontinent Clergy continued as before, as still borne out by their violent Emperours, and schismatical Patriarkes? if he meane of the Latin Church, as needs he must: then I aske him againe in Pope Steuens tyme where was this freedome? where in the tyme of the Trullan Synod? where before? where after? when did it first come in? when went it out? by what authority was it done? by what Au­thour recorded? and can such great mutation be made, and no memory left thereof to posterity? I thinke not.

53. The fourth is, when he sayth: Now by The 4. vntruth. the hands of Leo the ninth &c. for what in this mat­ter did this Leo? truely no more then Nicholas: for there is extant in his life set out by Baronius in his history, but one decree of his touching this matter, which M. Hall may be ashamed to apply to this purpose, vnles he meane to plead for the freedome of all harlots, as well as for his wife: for these are the words of that decree as Petrus Dam. ep. ad Cunibertū Episcopū Taurinen. S. Peter Damian relateth them, in whome only they are extant, and who perhaps was present at the Councell: Leo Papa (sayth he) constituit vt quaecum (que) damnabiles feminae intra Romana moenia repe­rirentur [Page 286] Presbyteris prostitutae, ex iunc & deinceps Late­ranensi palatio adiudicarentur ancilla. Leo the Pope or­deyned ‘that whatsoeuer wicked women should be found within the walls of Rome to haue byn naught with Priests, from thence forward should be condemned as seruing mayds to the’ Lateran pallace. So he. And in this place as the same Authour sayth, they were to remaine vn­der a penitentiall habit and rule: and that such were truely harlots appeareth out of the same letter, where after he sayth: Quas deprehenderit sacrilega Presbyteris admixtione prostratas. I hope M. Hall will make some difference betwixt his wife and such a one, and then I inferre that Pope Leo of Priests marriages made no decree, but only punished their concubines, and that only in the citty of Rome: and this Minister deserues little thankes of his fellowes, that in pleading for their wiues, taketh all lawes made by any Pope against lewd harlots, to haue been also made a­gainst them, as though Ministers wiues & such people did conuenire vniuocè, and were all of one predicament.

54. The fifth vntruth is, that he maketh Ni­cholas The fifth vntruth. the second to be one of those who denyed marriage to Priests, or rather who ruined their marriages with Leo, and Gregory: for he like­wise neuer dealt about marriages at all, and concerning the incontinent Clergy in his tyme one decree of his touching Priests we find in Gratian: Nullus Missam audiat Presbyteri quem scit con­cubinam indubitanter habere &c. Let no man heare Gratian. dis. 32. c. Nullus. the masse of a Priest, which he certainly know­eth to keep a concubine: which point is there [Page 287] put vnder excommunication by the Synod. M. Hall seems to be of toto iealous a disposition, that can heare nothing spoken of concubines, but presently his mind runnes on Ministers wiues: and there was no need for Nicholas to deny mar­riage vnto Priests, when as such in the Church of Millan as after holy orders had knowne their wiues, or had maintayned that they might be knowne, accused themselues of the heresy of the Nicolaits, before S. Peter Damian sent thither vpon the report of their scandalous incontinency, & that without al cōpulsion or inforcemēt in this forme of words: Nicolaitarum quo (que) haeresim nihil­ominus condemnamus &c. We do notwithstanding ‘condemne the heresy of the Nicholaits, and as much as lyeth in vs vnder the oath aforsayd do promise to keep backe not only Priests, but dea­cons and subdeacons from all filthy copulation of their wiues, or concubins. So the Bishop of’ Millan: to his Clergy.

55. Last of all it is another vntruth, that The six vntruth. vnder Gregory the seauenth (whom this rayling companion calleth the brand of hell) the mar­riage The mar­riage of Priests more rui­ned by o­ther suc­ceeding Pops then by Gre­gory the seauenth. of Priests was ruined, because it neuer had so deep roote in the Latin Church as in his time: for Henry the Emperours variance with this Pope, gaue liberty to that loose Clergy, to put themselues out of order, and withdraw their necks from the yoke of Ecclesiasticall disciplin, as the turmoyls of our Conquerour caused the like in England at the same tyme, the Diuell taking the aduantage of such occasions to breake the peace of the Church, as well knowing his best fishing to be in troubled waters, and by setting [Page 288] debate betweene the Ecclesiasticall Gouernours and the temporall, to put all the members, and whole frame of the one & other body into mu­tiny, tumult, and disorderly confusion: neither did this end with Gregory, but continued after his death, as we see in Vrban the second, Paschalis the second, and others, who insisting on the steps of their famous predecessour Gregory the seauenth, still by censures condemned that bea­stly abuse, neuer so much in vse in the Latin Church as in their dayes, and therefore Gregoryes successours may better be sayd to haue ruined M. Hals freedome and felicity, then Gregory, who left the matter more on foot perhaps then he found it, and by reason of the great hatred the Concil. Constant. Melfitanū Can. 2. Placentin. Can. 4. Claramon. Can. 9. Emperor bare his person, & sway which he had in Germany, was not able to cure this festered wound, though afterwards the constant cou­rage of other Popes succeeding, especially of Vr­ban the second in whose tyme by foure Councels it was expresly condemned, got the victory, & quite cut it off by the roote.

56. Which thing much troubleth M. Hall, and therfore that you may know the mans mo­desty, thus out of Auentine a late Gospelling bro­ther he inferreth of their famous endeauours in preseruing the Ecclesiasticall state in her won­ted cleanes by excommunicating such who af­ter their vows tooke wiues. A good turne for whore­maisters, sayth Auentine, who now for one wise might M. Halls modesty. haue six hundred bed-fellowes. So M. Hall: but I see not how this inference can hold, vnles M. Hall meane, as he seemes to do, that though Clergy men were debarred wiues, yet they were per­mitted [Page 289] to haue concubines: for so his wordes import, that by the debarring of Priests marria­ge, they gaue them leaue that euery one might The con­cubines of Priests lesse con­demned then their wiues. now haue six hundred bed-fellowes, but that is a most impudent vntruth: for all the former Popes who had any contradiction with Eccle­siasticall men in this kind, except Gregory the 7. made all their Canons and decrees against con­cubines only, and thereupon began all his com­bat in England, and els where, though after­wards vice taking deeper roote, some of those who kept concubines shaking off all shame (the ill gouernement of Princes, and lacke of vigour in the Bishops giuing way to this wantonnes) began to take them for their wiues, & this most of al in Germany in the tyme of this Gregory, who therefore made his decrees against both, as well such as kept concubines, as the other who were marryed, and put them both vnder the like cen­sures, because both did violate the vow they had made of perpetuall chastity: and if the promise made in marriage bynd eyther part to be true to other, and neuer during life to be separated by a second marriage; why shall not a promise made to God who neuer dyeth, perpetually bind him that promiseth during his life, seeing the pro­mise The band of chastity by vow, and the band of matrimo­ny com­pared to­geather. is voluntary, the thing promised laudable, the performance easy, the reward glorious?

57. Againe, if one already marryed do marry another, the second marriage is inualide and of no force, because his former wife is liuing (& the same of the woman in respect of her hus­band) but is to be esteemed aduowtry, because the former band still knitteth him and the first [Page 290] wife togeather, and cannot be dissolued or bro­ken, but by the death of the one or other party: so this kno [...] of chastiiy, whereby such as receaue holy orders, do by solemne vow bind themselus to God during their life, doth still bynd them for all that tyme, and to offer to breake the same, either by keeping a concubine, or (to colour their filth with a fayre cloke) by taking a wife, is sacrilegious incest, as before we haue shewed: for as the first is vnlawfull to all, and especially (by reason of the annexed scandall) to Clergy men, so is the other as impossible with the for­mer band of his voluntary & premeditated vow as is the second wife in wedlocke with the first: and as this second marriage is no marriage but aduowtry, so is this marriage of Priests no mar­riage at all, but an honourable title of a most dishonest filthines, with which whils these men would couer their turpitude, Damnationem (sayth 1. Tim. 3. the Apostle) habebunt, quia primam fidem irritam se­cerunt: They incurre damnation, because they haue broken their first vow, which they made of perpetuall chastity vnto Almighty God.

58. And it must needs seeme strange in the eares of all morall men, to heare these mens col­lections, who measuring alothers by themselus, no sooner heare that Priests are debarred wiues, but presently gather that they must haue concu­bines, or as beastly Bale writeth (who in this matter euery where beleheth out ribaldry) Dun­stanus Balaeus centur. 2. script. Bri­tanniae in Osualdo. perpetuo decreto firmauit, vt Clerici deinceps sub specioso caelibatus titulo Sodomiticè riuerent, aut Ecclesia­rum suarum, curas omnino dimitterent. Dunstan by a perpetuall decree appointed, that Clergy men [Page 291] for the tyme to come vnder the beautifull title of single life, should liue Sodomitically, or alto­geather forsake their Churches. So he. And who euer read such lying villany? where was this decreed? where mentioned? but there is no meane with these men, either you must marry, or els haue for one wife a hundred harlots, or liue Sodomitically, as though there were no Stapleten. in vita. purity out of wedlocke, but extreme turpitude, when as chastity is better, and more easily kept in single life, as Syr Thomas Moore was wont to say, then in wedlocke, and marriage is not so sure a bridle, but that besids one wife men will haue more concubines, as appeared well in the first parents and planters of the new Ghospell in England, King Henry and Queene Anne Bullen, for neither could that King be cōtented at once with one wife, or Queene Anne with one hus­band: for besids the King she had other false lo­uers, of which all our historyes make mention, as Marke Smeton the musitian, Henry Norrice, VVil­liam Brierton, Francis VVeston Gentlemen, & George The incō ­tinency of the first progeni­tours of the En­glish Gos­pell. Bollen Lord Rochsord her brother, all which had carnally knowne her, al which were arraigned, condemned, and executed for their aduowtry, and incest committed with her, and she for the same was beheaded in the tower, & that with­in lesse then a yeare after that Bishop Fisher, and Syr Thomas Moore had lost their heads, for not approuing her impure marriage, & that which flowed out of that source, for denying the mon­strous title of the Kings Ecclesiastical suprema­cy, neuer before heard of in the Christian world.

59. And this I write, not as hauing any list to rocke the stinking craddle of your Ghos­pells infancy, a worke too vnsauery, but to shew that we condemne not marriage, although in that state there be many aduowtrers: for the a­buse is to be sequestred as before I haue sayd from the thing, & the argument were not good to say, single fornication is a lesse sinne then ad­uowtry, ergo it is better for men not to marry but to liue at liberty, & rather chuse to commit the lesser sinne, then to put themselues in danger of the greater, because both are damnable, and all are bound not to commit the one or the o­ther: euen so it fareth in Priests, of whose state we may not as these men euery wher do against Both wius and con­cubins to such as haue vowed chastity are vn­lawfull. all rules of learning, or honesty conclude, that it is better for them to marry, then to keep a concubine, as though they were bound to one of these two extrems, and that their state after their solemne vows, were altogeather the same with other lay men, and that it were as free for them to marry as before: for both the one and the other after their promise made to God of perpetuall chastity, is wicked, vnlawfull, and damnable: and we hold not these to be termini causales, or to infer one the other, you are bound to auoyd fornication, ergo you must needs haue a wife: or on the contrary side, if you haue not a wife, you will haue a hundred harlots: for be­tweene these extremes, there is the single life of of such as liue in perpetuall chastity, which a­ny one may follow, and all are bound to follow who haue vowed it, and their marriage is a greater sinne then single fornication with ano­ther [Page 293] woman, in regard of the iniury done to the vow, to the sacrament, to the woman marryed, to the issue: to the vow, by breaking the band made to God, by a contrary band made to his The mar­riage of a Priest doth iniu­ry to 4. at once, to the vow, to the Sa­crament, to the wo­man, to the issue. wife, which euen in ciuil contracts among men is held vnlawfull: to the Sacrament of matri­mony, in that he maryeth who is not capable of marriage, & so prophanely abuseth that which by our Sauiours institution is sacred: to the wo­man he marryed, for she being perswaded that it is true & lawful matrimony, liueth continu­ally in sacrilegious incest, being indeed not his wife, but an infamous concubine: to his issue, because it is vnlawfull and bastardly by the Ca­non law. Such is the happynes of this free­dome.

60. But to end this matter, M. Hall not cō ­tented M. Halls false accu­sation of Gregory the 7. re­futed. to haue called Pope Gregory the seauenth the brand of hell, vrgeth further against him, how his decrees were contemned, himselfe was de­posed, and that the Churches did ring of him ech where for Antichrist: let vs heare his owne wordes, and then discusse them. But how ap­proued those decrees were of the better ‘sort (sayth he) appeares (besides that the Churches did ring of him ech where for Antichrist) in that at the Councell of VVorms, the French and Ger­man Bishops deposed this Gregory in this name (among other quarrels) for separating man & wife: violence did this not reason, neither was Gods will heere questioned, but the Popes wil­fullnes, what broyles heeron ensued, let Auentine witnes. Hitherto M. Hall. There is no remedy,’ will we, nill we, this man will begin, will go [Page 294] forward, will end with vntruths, for heere are three more at the least, or to speake more plain­ly, no one true word in the whol narration: but first let vs consider in a word or two the thing it selfe.

61. Dayly experience teacheth vs, that where once emnity enters between Princes and Where there is emnity betweene Princes there is al­so most common­ly open detractiō of ech o­ther. men of authority, how easy, how frequent a thing it is to deuise bitter speaches against one the other, and that because both will seeme to haue been iniured, both to haue iustice on their side, both to mayntayne a lawfull quarrell, and whatsoeuer the aduerse part doth though neuer so well, or themselues though neuer so ill, all are so couered ouer with new coates, crests, and mantles, as a lambe shall seeme a wolfe, a feare­full hare a fierce lyon, and on the contrary side in behalfe of themselues, a Tiger shall be tame, and the rude Beare a beautifull beast: where­fore from the partyes so interessed no sound & vnpartiall iudgment can be expected, but that is to be sought from others, who being free frō faction, and capacity sufficient to discerne the grounds of the whole contention, shall with all candour deliuer the same: and there can be no greater coniecturall signe that any Prince main­teyneth a wrong cause, then to see his own sub­iects of most power, learning, and credit to dis­clay me from him, to rise, to write against him, to condemne his actions, and vtterly to forsake him: and this not only happened in Germany to Henry the fourth in this quarrell with Gregory the seauenth, but in all other nations at that tyme: and all other writers since of any name, [Page 295] or note haue condemned him, and praysed the Pope, or if any mercenary companion haue set his soule to sale, and betrayed truth for tempo­rall rewards, as the number of such hath beene few, so hath their memory beene infamous, their credits crazed, and their reports as partial, as iniurious, as lying, by all (heretiks only ex­cepted who place all their hope in lying) been disesteemed.

62. In the tyme of Gregory the seauenth ten Authours are cyted by Bellarmine to haue defen­ded 27. Au­thours al­leadged by Bellar­mine in defence of Pope Gre­gory the seauenth. him, all graue, learned and holy men, and the chiefest for name or fame that then liued, of which the two SS. Anselmes were most emi­nent, to wit ours of Canterbury, and the other of Luca, whose sanctity euen by the testimony of Sigebert the schismaticall monke, and fauourer of the Emperour was declared by God in many miracles which he wrought: and a little after these men by twenty two other Authours re­counted by the same Cardinall, of which some report that he shined with miracles, as Martinus Polonus, Lambertus Shaffnaburgensis and others, some Vincent in [...]culo. l. 25. c. 44. that he had the gift of prophesy, as Vincentius the French Historiographer, some that he was most constant in Ecclesiasticall rigour, as Otho Frisin­gensis, and Nauclerus: in fine for his singular zeale, Oth. lib. 6. cap. 32. Naucl. Generat. 36. vide Genebrar. in Chroni­co anno 1073. learning, vertue, iudgment, and perseuerance vntill the end, all writers cyred in the Cardinal giue him an honourable testimony, to which I will adioyne two others by him pretermitted, but both of them graue and learned, and such as no one who fauoured the Emperour is to be compared with all.

63. The first is Harimanus Schedesius a German Scedel. Registro Chron. ata. 6. who stileth Gregory: Virum Deo & hominibus gra­tissimum, prudentem, iustum &c. A man most grate­full to God and man, wise, iust, meeke, the ‘pa­tron and protectour of the poore, of pupil [...], of widdowes, the only and most eager defender of the Roman Church against the wickednes of heretikes, and power of wicked Princes, vsur­ping by force Ecclesiasticall goods. So he. And’ this Encomium belongeth not as you see to a brand Gregoryes life and death most lau dable. of hell, or a proclaimed Antichrist, but to a vertuous and most excellent Pastour, to a man of singular zeale and sanctity: & conforme to these his rare vertues, and vndaunted courage in Gods cause, from which no threats of his potent enemy, no perswasion of his seduced friends, no humane respect whatsoeuer was able to transport or moue him: conform I say to these was his death, the end conspiring with the beginning, and laudable continuance of his whole life: for so the same Authour sayth that he dyed sanctè & prè, saintly and deuoutly, which death hapning vn­to him in banishment at Salerno, others recount Baronius & alij. how in his death bed he vsed these words: Di­lexi iustitiā, & odio habui iniquitatem, propterea morior in hoc exilio. I haue loued iustice, and hated ini­quity, & for that cause do I dye in this banish­ment. A happy loue, a happy hatred, and most happy banishment, all which are now rewar­ded with their due deserued crowns of immor­tall glory. Carolus Sigonius de regno Italiae l. 9.

64. The other author is Carolus Sigonius in that admired work [...] of his de regno Italiae in the 9. booke, who hauing seene [...]ll the whole matter, [Page 297] and much praysed the worthines of this Pope, he sheweth the first roote of all the discord be­tween The lewd Bishops of Germany stir vp the Emperour against the Pope. him & the Emperour, to haue proceeded from certeyne licentious Bishops of Germany, appalled at his election, as well knowing his courage and seuerity against al vice and vicious behauiour: Gregorius (sayth he) ingeniy yehementis tum tumpraestātātis erga Ecclesiam pietatis &c. Gregory being ‘zealous, and of singular piety towards the Church, the Bishops of Germany being affrigh­ted with his notable seuerity, and immoueable constancy in reforming Ecclesiastical disciplin presently feared some sharp correction of their liues, & seuere chastisement of their disorders, and therfore going to the Emperour, they wil­led him to disanull his election, or els to expect nothing els but all the power of this Pope to be bent against his crown. So Sigonius. So as we’ see that stil wicked Prelates against the due cor­rection of their Superiours, haue armed them­selues with secular power, and auoyded that by force, which by all equity and iustice they should haue vndergone.

65. And that which made the vigour of The per­sons and personall crims op­posed a­gainst by Gregory made his vertuous constancy more odi­ous. this vigilant Pastour more odious, were the persons with whome he was to encounter, which were the wicked Emperour, Robert Guis­card the Norman Duke, who by force had entred vpon the possessions of the Church, had al Sicily, and a great part of Italy in his hands, and all the incontinent Clergy of Germany, and els where: to oppose against al these was to expose himself to all obloquies, iniuries, and villanyes that either the power of so potent Princes, or the [Page 298] malice of so many impure tongues could deuise against him, neither were the persons more great then their faults heynous: for thus sayth the same Authour: Erant grauia illa flagitia coercenda ne sacerdotia venderentur &c. These grieuous faults in particuler were to be corrected by this Pope ‘the selling of Bishoprickes or parsonages by ta­king the inuestiture or possession of them from the Emperour, or other lay men, that Clergy men should haue wiues, that the temporall do­minions of the Church might not wrongfully’ be molested or alienated. So he. Who goeth on shewing what this most famous Pastour did for remedy of all these disorders, and with what successe, which I omit because in the matter we now speake off M. Hall assigneth him the con­quest for this carnall liberty; which (sayth he) wauered vnder Nicholas the first, now by the hands of Leo the ninth, Nicholas the second, and that Brand of hell Gregory the seauenth was vtterly ruined, wiues de­barred (a pittifull case) single life vrged.

66. Now if from the Pope we cast our eyes on his Antagonist Henry the Emperour, by whos means, as Hulderi [...]us Mu [...]ius the Zuinglian writeth Henry the 4. euen in the iudg­ment of Caluin a most wic­ked Em­perour. this liberty of Priests taking wiues in Germany tooke such deep root, for by the fruit you shall know the tree, and cause by the effect, we shall find so much in graue Authors reported of him, as he may well be sayd to be the father of this deformed child, & chiefe Proctour of this car­nall cause: for of all Christian Emperours that e­uer were he is one of the worst, if not the worst of all others: and to omit Catholike Authours both for auoyding prolixity, and for that their [Page 299] words haue not so great weight against these men, though neuer so learned, graue, or holy, thus Caluin, to whome I hope M. H [...]ll will giue some credit, doth paint him out: Henricus eius no­minis Caluin. 4. Instit. c. 11. §. 13. quartus &c. Henry the fourth of that name a light and rash man, of no wit, of great audacity and dissolute life: for vheras he had all the Bi­shopricks of Germany partly at sale, partly layd The like hath A­uentinus the Lu­theran of him. open as a booty to be pilfered by his Courtiers, Hildebrand who had before beene prouoked by him, tooke this plausible pretext to reueng him­selfe vpon him, and because he seemed to prose­cu [...]e a good and pious cause, he was furthered by the fauour of many, & Henry was ‘otherwise for his more insolent manner of gouerning ha­ted of most Princes. So Caluin. And a little af­ter: Huc accessit, quòd multi deinde Imperatores &c. To this may be added that many Emperours which followed after, were more like vnto this Henry then vnto Iulius Caesar, whome it was no great maistery to vanquish: for hauing all things se­cure’ they loytered at home &c. this was the con­ceite which Caluin had of this Emperour, by whose procurement all the rumors were raysed against Gregory, and this testimony (which yet in that Authour is rare to find) carrying so great truth with it in respect of the Emperour, and agreement with other historyes, I will rest thereon, and from this generall inspection of the Authours of the beginning and origen of this controuersy, in a word or two examine all the particulers of M. Halls accusation.

67. These vntruths of whose words before cyted are couched so thicke togeather, as he [Page 300] may seeme heere to haue striued to try how ma­ny M. Halls vntruths touching Gregory the 7. are exami­ned. lyes he could well vtter in a few lines: for first it is an vntruth to say, that such as misliked or rather condemned the decreee of Pope Grego­ry were the better sort, for then the best of them, I meane VVilliam Bishop of Mastrick in Flanders, had neuer come to that disastrous end, as the histo­ryes do mention that he did: for none was more earnest for the Emperour, none more eager a­gainst the Pope, none a greater enemy to al or­der, The wic­kednes of William Bishop of Mastrick. none dealt more, none so much in that Councell of VVormes as he: for he forced Adalbert Bishop of Herbipolis or VVirtzburg, and Herimanus Bishop of Mets to subscribe against the Pope, & was, as Baronius out of Lambertus and others hold him, the only Authour of that schisme, the Em­perour doing nothing without his counsaile & direction: and when by the Pope afterwards as well he as the Emperour were both excommu­nicated for the same, he being at Mastricke when the newes therof was brought him, the Empe­rour being also there, at the tyme of Masse accor­ding to his wont he preached vnto the people, taught them to contemne the Popes excommu­nication, laughed and made sport at the senten­ce, and being eloquent in speach, vsed all the art he could to make light all Ecclesiastical cen­sures, to extenuate the Popes authority, to com­plaine of the wrong done him, and to canuase part by part the iudiciall sentence made against him, which to that wicked Emperour and his light Courtiers made good pastime.

68. But these mery sermons ended not so merily: for after the holy dayes of Easter en­ded, [Page 301] & the Emperour departed, this Bishop still Bruno in histor. belli Saxonici, Lambertus in Chron. & a [...]j. continuing on his wonted veyne of iesting, ray­ling, and contemning all authority, euen in the pulpit, within lesse then two moneths after the Councell of VVormes, he fell sicke, went home, and the disease increasing there stood by him one of the Emperours family, who ready to de­part after the Emperour, asked what he would command him to his Maister: mary (quoth the Bishop) I send him this message: Quod ipse, & ego, & omnes cius iniquitati sauentes damnati sumus in A heauy message. perpetuum. That he, and I, and all such as fauour his wickednes are damned for euer: this was the last message he sent his ghostly child Henry the Despera­tion. fourth: and being rebuked by some of his Cler­gy, who were about him for his desperate speach, he answered them: I can say no ‘other­wise then I see and find: for the Diuels enuiron my bed round about, that they may take my soule as soone as it is separated from the body, & therefore when I shall be dead, I request you, & all faithfull people, that you trouble not your’ selues in praying for my soule. So this most miserable man, the authour and inciter of this tragedy departed this life. Who whether he were of the better sort needs no declaration, for God giuing the sentence who neuer in such matters forsaketh his friends, the matter is out of all doubt or controuersy.

69. And the Authour I follow hauing set downe this narration, with some more particu­lers Bruno in hist belli Saxonici. which I let passe, thus further discourseth: Et cur eum solum dico miserabiliter obijsse? cum manifestum sit omnes ferè Henrici familiares & fideles aequè [Page 302] miseras mortes incurrisse, & cos miseriores qui fuerant illi fideliores quòd fides illa verè erat perfidia. And why do The fol­lowers of Henry the 4. M. Halls bet­ter sort of men dyed misera­bly. I recoūt this man alone to haue dyed miserably? when as it is euident almost all the faythfull friends of Henry to haue had the like miserable ends, and those more miserable who were more faythfull vnto him, because that fidelity was nothing els but plaine perfidiousnes. So he. And then setteth down many particulers of the ends of the chiefest Authours, instigatours and fol­lowers of the Emperour in all his bad courses, which were very strange, disastrous, and lamen­table. The Patriark who sent from the Pope, by seduction adhered after vnto Henry, togeather with fifty other of his retinew dyed sodainly, the same hapned to Vdo Bishop of Treuirs, Eppo another Bishop riding ouer a riuer so shallow as one might wade it ouer on foot, without danger, was therein no lesse miserably then mi­raculously drowned: and not to insist on other particulers there related, the end of the Empe­rour himselfe was such, as well shewed how pleasing vnto God, how gratefull vnto men, or rather to friendes and enemyes, yea euen to his owne children, how base and abomina­ble his actions were.

70. For after a long rebellion against the chiefe Pastour his spirituall Father and Supe­riour, as he was a disobedient child to his mo­ther The vn­fortunate end of Henry the fourth. the Church, so were his children no lesse rebellious vnto him, it falling out with him as it did with our second Henry vpon the like occa­sion with his Primate S. Thomas, after whose death his owne children Henry, Richard and Iohn, [Page 303] were in continuall reuolt, and conspiracy a­gainst him, euen till his dying day: so likewise the Emperour hauing two sonnes Conrade and Henry, the first being made King of Germany, and thereby declared heir apparent of the Empire, because he would not obey his Father in a most filthy action, as Dodechinus and Helmoldus relate, and out of them Sigonius, left his Father, tooke Lombardy from him, and what els he had in Italy, for which the crowne of Germany was ta­ken from him by his Father (though other­wise he were a worthy Prince, of goodly perso­nage, and excellent gifts of mind, which made him beloued and admired of all) and bestowed it on his yonger brother Henry, who more like his Father then Conrade, neuer left to prosecute his sayd Father by armes, till he had put him from the Empyre, ouerthrowne him in the field, got him, as Sigonius sayth, after the discomfi­ture susteyned in the wars into his hands, wher he forced, or as some wil haue it, famished him to death, and then left his body for fiue yeares vnburyed at the towne of Spira in Germany: and this Henry prouing no better an Emperour then the Father whome he had deposed, God not permitting that wicked race to run on further ended the same in this Henry his person, & tran­slated the Empire vnto the Saxons of all other most hated by the two former Emperours, as he did the like in our King Henry the eight his children, who all dyed without issue.

71. Another vntruth it is, that the Churches did ech where ring of him for Antichrist, which is as false as any thing can be imagined: for although in [Page 304] Germany such as followed the Emperour might vse many insolent termes, yet they neuer that Pope Gre­gory the 7. neuer by his enemies branded with the name of Antichrist. I haue read vsed this, & so far were all Churchs from vsing the like liberty of speach, as euen in that very Countrey, there wanted not those, who did both honour and reuerence him, and that not particuler persons alone, as Lambertus & other learned and vertuous men, but whose cit­tyes and states, as Auspurg, Saxony &c. and out of Germany all honoured him as a most worthy & zealous Bishop: and Malmesbury our best and Marian. Sco. lib. 3. Chron. most incorrupt writer after S. Bede, doth neuer mention him but with honour, or his Aduersa­ryes without touch of disgrace: and of this par­ticuler decree thus S. Anselme wrot in England: Anselm. ep. 8. in edit. verò Coloniensi anni 1612. epist. 56. De Presbyteris verò qui se apertè reproba libidinis conuer­satione Deo reprobabiles exhibent &c. Of the Priests who by their wicked lustful conuersation make themselues reprobate before God, that without question is to obserued which the Apostolicall ‘prouidence (to wit of Gregory the seauenth, for that title is giuen to the Popes decree, as succes­sour to the chiefe Apostle S. Peter) by Ecclesia­sticall and iust rigour hath determined, to wit, that it is no way conuenient, that there the people should reuerently attend, where the Priests stubbornly stincking with open and im­pudent’ leachery, cōtemning God & his Saints, do serue at the Altars, yea they do not serue at the altars, but defile themselues. So S. Anselme, who was so far as you see from iudging this fact of Gregory to be Antichristian, as he condemneth the incontinent Priests, and commended the A­postolicall prouidence, togeather with the Ec­clesiasticall [Page 305] and iust rigour of this constant, ver­tuous, and most zealous Pastour.

72. And in Italy, Godesridus Viterbiensis sayth the same, and recounteth the fact with honour: Gregorius (sayth he) Papa cōnubia Clericorum à Sub­diaconatu & supra, per totum orbem Romanum edicto de­cretali in eternum prohibuit, ac seipsum athletam Dei & pro domo Domini murum constituit. Pope Gregory by a decretal edict did for euer forbid the ‘marriage of Clergy men, throughout all the Roman state or Latin Church, from the Subdeacon vpward, and made himselfe Gods champion, and a wall for the house of our Lord. So he. And heer also’ we see no such ringing of this Pope for Antichrist, but great prayse and commendation of him, & that euen for this fact of restrayning the loose Clergy by canonicall censures and deposition.

73. In Germany diuers there were, who not only much commended Pope Gregory, but also approued this particuler prohibition, as Lambertus who then liued, and of all others was most punctuall and lesse partial in setting down all the particulers of that bitter contention, and of Priests wiues thus writeth: Hildebrandus Papa cum Episcopis Italiae conueniens &c. Hildebrand the Pope togeather with the Bishops of Italy had in diuers Synods decreed, that according to the ‘or­der of ancient Canons, Priests haue no wiues, and such as haue, that eyther they dismisse them or be deposed: neyther that any at all be admit­ted to Priesthood, who professeth not perpetual continency and single life. So he. And this was’ the common sense, opinion, and iudgment of all the learned at that tyme, as appeareth by [Page 306] Nau [...]lerus who setteth downe the same wordes, Pasci [...]ulus tempo [...]t. m. VVerneri Bertholdus Constan. in Chron. Otho E [...]i­singen. l. 6. & alij. and approueth them: and the like touching the allowance of the Popes decree do the German Authours heere cyted, and diuers others which I omit.

74. It followeth in M. Halls words: At the Councell of VVormes the French and German Bishops de­posed this Gregory. So he. But there was no true Councell, no French Bishops, no deposition at all. No Councell, for that it was of the Empe­rours No french Bishops in the Coun­cell of Wormes calling, and that not only without all order of the supreme Pastour, but of purpose to crosse and contradict him: for hauing consul­ted the matter with his Nobility, and hauing heard the answere and resolution of Gregory, that either he should dismisse the Bishops he kept in prison, with restitution of their goods, and call a Councell in some place wherein the Pope himselfe might be present, or els to be ex­communicated; he searing himselfe, and well knowing his actions to such, as if they had byn brought in that open theater of the whol world to publike tryall, that no other effect could en­sue, but his euerlasting shame and disgrace, was perswaded to preuent one Councell by calling another, a true Generall by a false National, & to couer his owne foule deeds, began to forge others as foule on the Pope, partly touching his life, which as Lambertus noteth, was so incul­pable, so Saintlike, as no aspersion could sticke on him of their iniuriously deuised slaunders, but especially touching his election, which al­though it were most canonicall, as is to be seen in Platina and others, and wholy against the in­clination [Page 307] of Gregory himselfe elected, yet were they not ashamed to charge him with ambiti­on, and to haue gotten the place by bribes and simony, and vpon this false ground all were compelled in that Councell to sweare and sub­scribe to a renunciation of that Pope & his au­thority, the forme of which is set downe in the Saxon history before mentioned.

75. And whereas M. Hall sayth the French and German Bishops in that Councell deposed Gregory: I answere him, that no French Bishops were called, none were present but such only, who were immediatly subiect vnto the Empe­rour, as the Bishop of Metz a Dutch man, and Treuers, which are Imperiall cittyes: Omnes qu [...] in Regno suo essent Episcopos (sayth Lambertus) & Abbates VVormatiae, Dominica Septuagesima conuenire praecepit. He commanded all the Bishops & Ab­bots of his owne Countrey (not of France) to meet togeather at VVormes, and the number as­sembled well sheweth that they were all of Ger­many, or the adioyning territoryes of the Empe­rour, there being but foure and twenty Bishops [...]n all that assembly, as both Sigebert and Marianus Scotus who then liued do recount: & the Bishop of Mentz in particuler was so far from approu­ [...]ing the fact of the other schismatical Bishops, [...]s he togeather with the Bishop of VVirtzburg or Herbipolis did openly withstand it saying: that it was against the Canons, that any Bishop being absent without a generall Councell, without lawful accusers, without competent witnes, without euiction of the things obiected should be cōdemned, much lesse that the chiefe Bishop [Page 308] and Pastour of the whole Church, against whome no accusation of any Bishop, or Arch­bishop whatsoeuer is to be admitted, should in that manner be dealt with all. So these Bi­shops.

76. But what? as in the infamous Ephesine The E­phesine Councell called by Dioscorus the Euti­chian Pa­triarke of Alexan­dria. Councell called by the diuelish deuises of Diosco­rus the Eutichian Patriarke, where swordes and clubs more preuayled then truth or learning, & through the violence of Theodosius the yonger & this his champion Dioscorus, force made the fear­full to yield their hands to that which their harts did abhorre, as after appeared in the Chal­cedon Councell: so heere in VVormes the Emperor being present, his chiefe Agent VVilliam of Ma­stricke of whome we haue before spoken, insteed of al arguments vrged by the other for the Pope brought one dilemmaticall demonstration to conclude the whole busines to the contrary, & it is the same which now our Protestants do vse, to wit, eyther you must condemne the Pope, or you are all traytours vnto the Empe­rour. Whereupon all the Imperiall Bishops there gathered subscribed, but the Saxons refused and these who did subscribe, were presently so moued with compunction, as they sent their letters to the Pope deploring their fault, cra­ning pardon for what was past, & for the tyme to come promised continuall and inuiolable o­bedience, which more particulerly is set down by Bruno in his history of the Saxon wars saying▪ See Baron ann. 1076. Quod quidem pauci secerunt ex animo, qui & auctores ip­si fuere consilij pluresverò literas quidem &c. Which ‘few of them did do from their hart, and those [Page 309] who did it were the Authours that suggested this plot to the Emperour, but the far greater part wrote their letters of renouncing the Pope for feare of death: but that they did it against their wills, they well shewed by this, that by the first oportunity offered, they sent their sub­missiue letters vnto the Pope, acknowledged themselues guilty, but pretended for excuse the’ necessity they were put vnto. So he.

77. And this Authour liuing as it should seeme, either in or neer that tyme, and being exact in his reports, all may see how little M. Halls cause is furthered by this Conuenticle, where, as there were no French Bishops at all, so neither did all the Germans yield therunto, and such as subscribed very soon after as I haue sayd with griefe and shame repented them of their errour, and excused it with the feare of present death, in case they had then refused to performe what the tyrant exacted: and it is another vn­truth to say, that these Bishops deposed the Pope Gre­gory not deposed in the Coun­cell of Wormes. Pope, for all that the Emperour made, was to make the Bishops renounce their obedience, and not to acknowledge him for Pope: & so it is expressed in the very forme of their renounci­ation, which is put downe in these wordes in the forsayd Authour, to wit: Ego N. Ciuitatis N. Episcopus Hildebrando subiectionem & obedientiam ex hac hora, ac deinceps interdico, & eum posihac ‘ Apostoli­cum nec habebo, nec vocabo. I N. Bishop of the Cit­ty N. do from this houre forward deny subie­ction and obedience vnto Hildebrand, and from henceforth will neither esteeme him, nor call’ him Pope. So these Bishops. [Page 310] 78. By which wordes albeit they exempt themselues from his power, and deny him to be Pope, yet touching his deposition they did not intermeddle: and the Messenger called Ro­land sent from the assembly to Pope Gregory with menacing letters from the Emperour, which were read openly by the Pope in the Lateran Councell then held in Rome (where they were condemned by the whole Synod, & Henry him­selfe for writing them was excommunicated) conteyned in them no sentence of deposition, but a childish threat, that he should leaue the place, or they would leaue him. But the Pope was not so weak a reed, as to bend with so light a blast, and the most part of these Bishops who are heere made to threaten deposition, wrot to the Pope to persist, and not to yield to so open iniquity: and the combat was worthy of the knowne courage and vertue of this most con­stant and learned Pope, and therfore after when the Emperour saw his wast wordes to haue no effect, he went indeed about to depose him, & put another in his place, to wit, Guibertus of Ra­uenna, vnder the name of Clement the second, as fit a man to be Pope, as Henry was to be the Em­perour, and none acknowledged him but Hen­ryes followers and flatterers: but this happened more then three yeares after the meeting at VVormes, as Baronius out of others doth well ob­serue.

79. Another vntruth it is, that this deposition was made in this name (a fine phrase) amongst other quarrells, for separating man and wise. For neither in the Councell of VVormes was this euer menti­oned, [Page 311] nor afterwards when the false Pope was Separa­ting of Priests from their Harlots not vrged against Gregory in the Councell of Wormes nor yet in the iniuri­ous sen­tence of his depo­sition. chosen, did the Emperour in his patheticall let­ters to the Clergy of Rome, or Pope himselfe, in which he setteth downe his agricuances, and causes of depositiō, euer specify any such thing, which letters are in Baronius and Bruno set forth at large: and none could better tell the true cause then he who was the chiefe actour in all that tragedy, and yet not only he in those epistles, wherein he purposely yieldeth a reason, if a­ny thing might be tearmed a reason, for so vn­reasonable and outragious dealing, why he proceeded so far as deposition, doth so much as once touch this point, but only his owne perso­nall iniuryes, and the excommunication of his Bishops as Symoniacall, with the ill election (as he would haue it) and other crimes imputed to the Pope himselfe: but moreouer no other Authors of these tyme do write any such thing, as Lam­bertus, Marianus Scotus, Sigebertus, Mutius, Bruno or any els of credit, and therfore M. Hall must tell vs from whence he fetcheth the Latin wordes of his margent, that in this name among other quarrels he was deposed: maritos ab vxoribus separat: he sepa­rats the husbands from their wiues, which Gre­gory neuer did, but only the lewd Priests from their concubines, and the Emperour as we see neuer obiected it: so as still there is forging, or taking vp of Authorityes at the first hand, out of late hereticall writers without any choic at all, or further discussion what truth or pro­bability their words do beare.

80. Lastly he sayth: that violence did this, not reason: neither was Gods will heere questioned, but the [Page 312] Popes wilfulnes, but all is false: and it seemeth the man to haue made a vow if it may be so termed neuer to speake truly, which is a filthy vow, & to that he may well apply the whole rule he mentioned in the beginning of his letter in turpi voto muta decretum, in a filthy vow change the de­cree, and the sooner he changeth it, the more men will commend his honesty: for heere nei­ther violence, nor willfullnes entred. Not vi­olence, for he neuer waged warre, neuer incyted others thereunto for this matter, but only re­newed his decrees, and those for the most part No vio­lence vsed in Grego­ryes de­crees. made in Councells, commaunding the ancient custome of single life to be kept in vre, and the abuse of marriage crept into some parts of Europ to be suppressed, other violence as tymes and things then went he could shew none, neither indeed by that means could he remedy this tur­pitude, which there was most spread where the Popes authority could do least, to wit in Germa­ny, where Henryes countermands still crossed all Gregoryes decrees, and Nero his sword (as S. An­selme Anselm. epist. ad VValra­mum. worthily calleth him) S. Peters power: not willfullnes of one man, which is done by com­mon consent of whole Councells, wherein no force, violence, or importunity is recorded euer to haue beene vsed, but the thing with full free­dome, No will­fullnes. ioynt consent, and vniforme agreement of all to haue passed; and which is much to be noted, though the Emperour in the tyme of this Pope called some false Councells, as of VVormes, Mentz, and Pauia, to withstand Gregory, yet in no one of them all, is there any decree, or approuance of the marriage of Priests, they be­being [Page 313] as it should seeme ashamed to leaue extant any monument or remembrace of so brutish a doctrine, and to all Christian antiquity so re­pugnant.

81. Neither wanted there a reason for Gre­gory his decree, and laudable indeauours in this Great rea­son for the making of Pope Gregory his decre behalfe, if M. Hall had so much wit or iudgment as to conceaue it: for he still pleaded the con­trary practise to haue beene in the Church, and therby shewed that he made no new decree, but reformed the late abuse crept in against the old, and that according to the ancient Canons and Statutes of the Church, as any may see in all places heere cyted, and in the Councell of Rome Anno 1074. as Lambertus writeth, it was decreed: Gregor. 7. lib. 2. Epi­ep. 45. 61. 62. 66. 67. Vt secundum instituta antiquorum Canonum Presbyteri vxores non habeant, habentes aut dimittant, aut deponan­tur. That according to the determinations of ‘the ancient Canons the Priests haue no wiues, and they who haue them, either dismisse, or put them away, or els that themselues be depo­sed:’ and writing to Anno Bishop of Colen, he plainely sayth: Nouit enim Fraternitas tua quia prae­cepta haec non de nostro sensu exsculpimus, sed antiquorum Patrum sanctiones spiritu sancto praedicante prolatas of officij nostri necessitate in medium propalamus. Your ‘brother­hood doth know that we frame not these com­mandes out of our owne head, but our office compelling vs, we lay open the decrees of the ancient Fathers made by the instinct of the ho­ly’ Ghost. So he. And is this trow you M. Hall no reason? or can you, if you were put to it, frame a better then priority of tyme conioyned with vniuersality of place?

I see you know not what reason meanes.

82. And the like I may say of Gods will, Pope Gre­gory his decree ac­cording to the will of God. which in the whole pursuit of this thing was only sought for, in preseruing that which the whole Church guyded by his holy spirit, had so often determined, so many Councells decreed, so long & vncontrollable custome of al Coun­treyes obserued, which to infring only vpon the violence of a few licentious and disorderly liuers, who will take liberty without leaue, & haue all things to be ruled by their owne vnru­ly passions, was little according to Gods will, and much lesse was it according to his will, to breake their solemne vowes of perpetuall cha­stity made in the taking of their orders, which by the law of nature and diuine, bound them to the obseruance, and consequently the transgres­sion was against the will of God, which the Pope did labour to reforme, and in seeking reforma­tion could seek for no other emolument or pro­fit to himselfe, then to please God: for sure he was to displease many men therby, and to in­crease the number of such as mortally hated his so constant zeale, & infatigable labour in Gods cause: but this hatred of men proceeding from Gregory his loue to God, was no more by him to be regarded, then that of the Iewes was of the Apostls, or the hatred of the ancient persecutors Auentine a late par­tiall and vnsincere writer. of the primitiue Martyrs.

83. What broyles hereon ensued, sayth M. Hall, let Auentine witnes: but I except against this witnes, as being for tyme too yong, for profes­sion, [Page 315] too partiall, and for credit too small, to te­stify in this matter: and withall I must warne this Epistler, that in cyting Authours he vse more exactnes then for two lines to referre vs ouer to a whole booke in folio of many leaues, which we neither haue leasure, nor list to read all ouer, and it is not worth the labour to spend so much tyme in reading such Authors, so false, fond, and confuse as he is knowne to be: & the words heere cyted out of him seeme to conteyn no more truth then the rest now refuted: Ex in­terdicto sacerdotum coniugio (sayth he) grauissima se­ditio gregem Christi perculit &c. Vpon the forbid­ding of the marriage of Priests a most grieuous sedition wounded the flock of Christ: neither was there euer such a plague, that so afflicted Christian people. So he. Which is a meere Chymera, for this flocke of Christ, these Christi­an people were a few seditious German Priests, who tooke the occasion of the discord between the Emperour & the Pope to follow their lust, and wallow in all filthines. If M. Hall obiect that not only this but the contention of the Emperour, and all the broyles then made and raysed were for this cause, he will shew his rea­ding The chief cōtention betweene Henry the fourth & Gregory the 7. not about the marri­age of Priests. to be little, and iudgment small, because this was but a bad branch of another root, an effect of another cause, and a by-lake from an­other greater streame.

84. For who so will reade attentiuely what Authors do write of these tymes, & what Pope Gregory in so many Councels, letters, and Edicts did decree, he shall find before this filthy fault another to be commonly premised, to wit of [Page 316] Symony, which more touched the Emperour (who as Caluin and others write, held all the Bi­shopricks, and Abbeyes at sale) and the Bishops also (who hauing bought their place for money, did sell al Canonries, Deanries, Prebends &c. & were both by the Popes decrees to be themselus remoued, & their doings anulled, & so likewise the Abbots) then this other of VViues, which was indeed but an appendix of the former, and permitted by the Emperour to increase the nū ­ber of his followers, and enemyes of the Pope, being neuer intended as any principall cause: for had not the Symony hindred, which was the first and chiefest quarrell between them (which M. Hall not being able to iustify doth still dis­semble) the accord betweene Henry and Gregory had soone been made, which neuer depended on these marriages: and to affirme the contrary or that all the turmoyles were made for Priests wiues, shewes exceeding ignorance in historyes, and all the course held in this bitter combat: and so to conclude the matter we see M. Hall in 12. Ten lyes in twelue lines. lines to haue told vs no lesse then ten vntruths. as 1. That the better sort approued not Gregoryes doings. 2. That the Churches did ring of him ech were for Antichrist. 3. That at the Coun­cell of VVorms the French Bishops deposed him. 4. That he was therein deposed. 5. That the cause of this imaginary deposition was for sepa­rating man and wife. 6. That violence did this. 7. That the debaring of Priests wiues was not done by reason. 8. That the will of God was not sought therein. 9. That all was done by the Popes willfullnes. 10. That the broyles [Page 317] betweene the Emperour and the Pope were on this occasion. In fine euery thing he speaketh in this matter is a lye.

85. At the end of the Epistle M. Hall, as a The con­trouersy is treated whether euer our English, Clergy were per­mitted to haue wiue and not rather to vow per­petuall continen­cy. man weary of his trauells abroad, returneth home to England, and leauing Aegypt, Greece, Italy, and Germany, he lands at length at Canterbury, and tells vs of the bickering of our English Clergy with their Dunstanes, which about this tyme were memorable in our owne history, which teach vs how late, how repiningly, how vniu­stly they stooped vnder this yoke: and for fur­ther proofe he sendeth his simple Reader to Bale and Fox two graue Authours ( scilicet) that in case he haue not deceaued him inough, there he may be gulled and glutted to the full: and to these two Authours cyted in the text, he ad­deth two other in the margent, of as much esti­mation as the former, to wit Henry of Huntingdon, and Fabian, both affirming S. Anselme to be the first who forbad marriage to the Clergy of England, and that about the yeare of our Lord 1080. and the same for the yeare sayth foolish Fabian, a man too simple, God wot, to be cyted in so serious a matter.

86. Heere befor I go further, I must needs let you vnderstand how strongly the text, and A grosse contradi­ction be­tween the text and margent of M. Hall. margent of this man do contradict ech other, and both of them do conteyne very grosse vn­truths, for without them M. Hall can do nothing: the contradiction resteth in this, that in the text S. Dunstane had great bickerings about the mar­riage of the Clergy, and by his withstanding the same, M. Hall is taught, how late, how repiningly, [Page 318] how vniustly the Clergy stooped vnder this yoke of single life: but in the margent it is sayd, that S. Anselme was the first that forbad marriage to the Clergy of England, and this (as M. Hall telleth vs) a­bout the yeare of our Lord 1080. Was there e­uer man in a dreame could tell thinges lesse co­herent, or more repugnant, and contradictory the one to the other then these? For S. Dunstane dyed in the yeare 988. and S. Anselme was not made Bishop vntill the yeare 1093. which is more then a hundred yeares after, so as if the margent be true of S. Anselme, the text is false of S. Dunstane, and if S. Dunstane made this opposi­tion more then a hundred yeares before S. An­selmes tyme, then are M. Halls two witnes, to­geather with his own glosse, taken tripping in a lye, who will haue it to haue beene first com­menced by S. Anselme. Was M. Hall in his wits when he made this marginall nore to his text? or talking with his wife of some other thing? Surely he was somewhat distracted, and little attended to what he wrote.

87. And indeed the text is more true then the margent: for S. Dunstane no lesse eagerly pur­sued The mar­riage of Priests cō ­demned by S. Dunstane long befor S. Anselm his tyme. this matter then S. Anselme, and his de­crees are no lesse generall for all, no lesse seuere for penalty, no lesse efficacious for redresse then the others made after: neither was he alone, for with him in this matter stood S. Ethelwold of VVinchester, and S. Oswald of VVorcester of which three glorious Saints and renowned Pastours, Malmesbury sayth: Ita his tribus viris agentibus quasi triformi lumine Angliam serenante densae vitiorum tene­brae euanuerunt. So through the endeauours of [Page 319] these three men, as it were with a threefold light shining ouer England, the thicke darknes of vices did vanish away. So he. And with Binuius tom. 4. in Concil. Londinen. [...]aron an­no 970. ex Actis vi­tae S. Osw. 15. Oct b. in Surio. these three shining lamps and lanternes of the world, our famous Edgar conspited, and this publicke decree by the Bishops of the land as­sembled in Synod was enacted: Vt Canonici omnes Presbyteri, Diaconi, Subdiaconi, aut castè viuerent, aut Ecclesias quas tonebant dimitterent. That all the Ca­nons, Priests, Deacons, Subdeacons should ei­ther liue chastly, or forgoe the Churches which they held: and S. Anselme in his decree sayd no more, as after we shal see, but repeated the same Roger [...]oueden in Anno 1108. words saying, it is decreed that Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons liue chastly: so as for the extent it is alike in both decrees, and after in S. Anselmes decree followeth also the deposition of such as remay­ned incontinent.

88. By which is refelled that which vn­aduisedly M. God­wine ta­xed. M. Godwine writeth in S. Anselme, say­ing: that he persecuted Priests very extremely, Dunstane, Oswald, Ethelwold and other enemyes to the marriage of Clergy men, had only ‘expelled them out of Monasteryes that had wiues, but’ S. Anselm an enemy to mar­ryed Priests. S. Anselme vtterly forbidding them marriage, de­priued them of their promotions who were marryed, confisca [...]ed their goods vnto the Bi­shop of the Diocesse, adiudged them and their wiues adulterers, and forced all who entred in­to orders to vow chastity. So he. And for this zeale against marryed Priests he boldly taxeth him, for being a little too resolute in all his determina­tions. Againe, he was more peremptory in diuers of his resolutions then became him; that out of a blind zeale he [Page 320] was so boate against Clergy mens mariage: so this point pinceth them to the hart, that notwithstanding he confesse S. Anselme to haue beene a good and holy man, of great learning, and for integrity of life and con­uersation admirable, which true and ingenious te­stimony I allow and commend, yet will M. Godwyn in this be his iudge, and tell him that it was blind zeale and imperfection: for without marriage among these men nothing shines, no­thing can be perfect: for which cause also he writeth so basely of S. Dunstane, of whome all S. Dun­stane. the historyes of our Nation speake so honoura­bly, and out of them Cardinall Baronius shutting vp his life, giueth this worthy testimony: Mo­ritur Baron in Ann. 988. §. vltum. hoc pariter anno mirificus ille Archiepiscopus Cantu­ariensis &c. This yeare also dyed that wonder­full ‘ Dunstane Archbishop of Canterbury, whome singular sanctity of life, priestly and inflexible constancy, the glory of miracles, & all the gifts of the holy Ghost made famous, that in this res­pect England hath no cause to enuy now at o­ther’ most noble Cittyes, for their renowned Pa­stours. So Baronius of S. Dunstane.

89. And in case that the three Saints na­med by M. Godwin had beene lesse eager against M. God­wine to free in cē ­suring, & of a short memory. the marriage of Priests then S. Anselme, I see not why he in that respect should not haue beene more fauourable also vnto them in their liues, which yet he is not: for of S. Oswald he sayth: That he was very earnest in setting forth that doctrine of Diuells, that debarreth men of lawfull marr [...]ge: of S. Ethelwold, that he plaied the Rex at VVinchester turning along eight honest Priests into the world with their wiues and children: of S. Dunstane he rayseth diuers in­iurious [Page 321] slaunders, but you must know the cause of all to be that which he vttereth in the last words of his life, to wit, for persecuting and hunting marryed Priests euery where out of their liuings, which clause if you marke it well, ouerthroweth the other before cyted concerning S. Anselme, that his persecutiō was more general then the other of S. Dunstane, S. Ethelwold, & S. Oswalde, when as yet their decrees as you haue seene are all one, and alike in generall for all: and heere further you haue S. Dunstane no lesse then S. Anselme not only in Monasteryes, or places where Chanons dwelled, but euery where to haue hunted and persecuted marryed Priests out of their liuings. Stil I must com­plain of want of memory in these men who in their heat of contradiction against vs forget in The fa­mous ex­ample which hapned at the Coun­cell of Calne. one place what they haue written in another.

90. Which point is yet made more cleare, by the memorable miracle which happened at Calne, of which in a manner al our writers make mention, as Osbertus, Malmesbury, Florentius, Hun­tingdon, Houeden, Matthew VVestminster and others: where in the behalfe of all the incontinent Clergy, many of the Nobility were assembled Osbert. in vita Dun­stani. Malmes. l. 2. cap. 9. Florent. in anno 977. Houeden eodem. Hunting in anno 4. Eduard. [...]. togeather with their Oratour Bernelinus a Scot­tish man, that so eyther by power or perswasiō they might ouerbeare S. Dunstane, Validissimum illum murum Ecclesiae, sayth Malmesbury, that most strong bulwarke of the Church. But against all humane power and eloquence God shewed which part pleased him best, which highly dis­pleased him: for the house where they sate in Councell sodenly fell downe, and either killed, or sorely wounded all those who withstood the [Page 320] [...] [Page 321] [...] [Page 322] Saint, he and his, as Osbert recounteth in his life, being free from all danger: which wonderfull euent albeit Huntington the speciall proctour for marryed Priests do [...]arely recount, without any mention of the cause of their meeting, and moreouer do turne it to another interpretation; yet others especially Malinesbury the best after Bede that we haue for our historyes, in assigning the effect truely, insinuateth the cause saying: Hoc miraculum Archiepiscopo exhibuit pacem de Clericis, om­nibus Anglis tunc & deinceps in eius sententiam conceden­tibus. This miracle ended the [...] betweene S. Dunstane and the Clergy, all English men as wel then as after yielding vnto his opinion So he. Out of which words I gather against M. God­win, that S Dunstane no lesse then S. Anselme op­posed against all marryed Priests, & ouerthrew them all, and against M. Hall that the first pro­hi [...]ition against the mariage of Priests was not made by S. Anselme, but more then a hundred yeares before he was Bishop, or had any thing to do in our English Church.

91. And as it is most true, that S. Dunstane before S. Anselme made this prohibition, so is it most false that by him first of all, our English Clergy did perforce stoop to the yoke of continency, as though euer before they had wiues, & genuisse fi­lios & filias, as now we see our English Ministers to do, which only is the ill collection of M. M. Halls manner of colle­ctions. Hall, who when he findeth any thing forbidden he forthwith inferreth that the thing fordidden was alwayes in vse before the prohibition and heere his wit no lesse fayling him then his Lo­gicke, he gathereth, that because at different [Page 323] tymes the same was restrayned vnder two Arch­ [...]ishops of Canterbury, that it was neuer before the tyme of one or the other: in his text he sayth that the Clergy were forced to stoop vnder the yoke of continency by the first, and in the margent, that it was alwayes free to marry, and neuer de­ [...]yed till the later, as now we haue heard: but [...]oth are false, and the single life of Priests is of far greater antiquity then are the tymes of these two Saints, whome God raysed to take away the abuse crept in, and not to alter any constant custome euer allowed or practised in the land before: for the good corne was first sown in that field, and the darnell after, truth was before er­rour, the continency of the Clergy of all ac­ [...]nowledged, of all practised, in all tymes after [...]ur conuersion approued: when as their vnlaw­ [...]ll marriage as it entred late, so it endured not [...]ong, so one rising and soone falling: and as for [...]yme it could neuer prescribe, so neither for [...]lace could it euer get the full possession of our [...]ttle Iland, till these later dayes, a thing so fil­ [...]hy after a solemne vow to God to take a wise, [...]s it neuer appeared without the brand of infa­ [...]y, so base, as the basest only de [...]ended it, the [...]est withstood it, of so narrow bounds, as it was [...]euer tollerated in Europe, Africke, or the Latin Church, nor yet in Greece till by bad life it fell [...]o schisme from schisme into open heresy, and from thence vnto the thraldon of the Turk [...] vnder which now it resteth.

92. Which point concerning other coun­ [...]reys I haue proued before, now I will restraine [...]y speach to England alone, and in a word or [Page 324] two proue the Clergy euer to haue beene con­tinent, and then obiter touch the cause of that abuse: I meane vpon what occasion it first en­tred and inuegled so many in S. Dunstans tyme: A negati­ue argu­ment grounded vpon ma­nifest pre­sumptiō. and for the first I thinke this generall negatiue directly to conclude, that in all the pursuit of this busines, in al the prohibitions, depositions, censures and sentences deliuered against the in­continent, we neuer reade that any of them did euer stand vpon the former custome of the Church, or continuall practise therof in that behalfe, or euer complained that the Bishops brought in a new law contrary to the old, or that they were made Priests when that free­dome was in vse, approued, and allowed, and therfore all such prohibitions, depositions, cen­sures, sentences, and other penaltyes made after­ward to haue beene vniust, iniurious, and ty­rannical, as they could, & doubtles would haue pleaded, had the cause beene as M. Hall wil haue it, that they had brought in a new law, imposed a yoke neuer borne before, & contradicted the constant knowne custome of the whole Land, but this none euer vrged, obiected, mentioned, that euer I could read of in S. Dunstanes tyme, when first of all that matter was so vehemently followed, and thereof do inferre that it was not the old custome, but a late nouelty, that by the vigilancy of the pastours afore named was bla­sted In our first con­uersion the Cler­gy was continent. in the very budd, and by their vertue and vigour cleane ouerborne.

93. Besides this generall negatiue, if we reduce things to their first origen, our Church I meane of England to our first Apostle S. Gre­gory, [Page 325] who conuerted vs to the Christian fayth; as before in general I haue touched his opinion: so for our Church in particuler, what his or­dinance was, is to be seene by his answere to the second demand of S. Augustine, which was tou­ching the continency of Clergy men set downe also in Fox: for he sayth, or rather resolueth the matter thus: Such of the Clergy as are not in holy or­ders if they cannot conteyne may marry, but then they must Gregor. resp. ad quaest. 2. August. no longer liue among Clergy men but receaue their stipends without, or out of their company. So S. Gregory concer­ning our English Clergy, and no man I thinke will deny Priests to be in holy orders, and con­sequently by this resolution to be debarred from marriage: & not only Priests, but euen Subdea­cons in S. Gregoryes tyme, and by S. Gregory him­selfe were forbidden to marry, as before they had beene by S. Leo the Great, though in Sici [...]y about this time some abuse had entred touching this order, the lowest of the foure sacred, but it ascended no higher.

94. And whereas Pelagius predecessour to Subdea­cons boūd to perpe­tuall cha­stity. S. Gregory had rigorously vrged the Canonicall discipline against these Subdeacons; S. Gregory so far mitigated that decree, as he permitted such [...]s were marryed to keep their wiues, but forbad that any more should be ordered: for thus he writeth: Qui post prohibitionem à suis vxoribus conti­ [...]ere Gregor. ad Petrum Subdiac. l. 1. ep. 42. noluerint, nolumus promoueri ad sacrum ordinem &c. They who after our prohibition will not ab­steyne from their wiues, we wil not haue them promoted to the holy order: for none ought ‘to come to the Ministery of the Altar, whose cha­stity is not approued before he vndertake the fū ­ction.’ [Page 326] So S. Gregory: and to foure Bishops of France, thus of the same matter: Cum his qui in sa­cro Lib. 7. ep. [...] ordine sunt constituti habitare mulieres prohibeantur &c. Let women be forbidden to dwell with ‘such as are in holy order, ouer whome that the old enemy do not triumph, it is by the common consent to be defyned, that they ought to haue no women dwell with them besides such as are’ mentioned by the Canons. So he to them, allu­ding to the third Canon of the Ni [...]en Councell, to which if we add what before we haue set downe out of the Roman Councell, we shall haue out of S. Gregory alone the practise of En­gland, Sicily, France, and Italy togeather.

95. And as this was first planted, so was it without intermission generally still conti­nued, of which the testimony of Venerable By the te­stimony of S. Bede it is cleere Priestes might not marry. Bede before alleadged is an irrefragable argu­ment, where out of the Commandment of the Priests dayly attendance on the Altar he infer­reth their perpetuall chastity, and addeth fur­ther that it is imposed vpon them for euer to be kept, but this imposition presupposeth their owne voluntary election of that state, and the vow thereunto annexed, as els where we haue shewed, and S. Bede also in another place doth further declare, where explicating the wordes Beda lib. 3. de [...]abern. of Moyses of a certayne garment of the Priests of the old law, by application to the Priesthood of the new, he sayth: Foemoralia quae ad operi [...]da [...] carnis turpitudinem fieri mandantur &c. The lynne [...] [...] hosen which are commanded to be made to co­uer ‘the turpitude of the flesh, do designe pro­perly that portion of chastity, which keeps men [Page 327] backe from the appetit of matrimoniall copula­tion, without which chastity no man can take priesthood, or be consecrated to the Ministery of the Altar, that is, vnles he remayne a virgin, or els breake the bands which ioyned him to his wife: which kind of vertue is of necessity by the law of God imposed vpon none, but by vo­luntary deuotion is to be offered vnto our Lord for so himselfe sayth: Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc, Matth. 19. all accept not this counsaile, to which notwith­standing by a mercifull persuation he inuiteth all who are able, saying, let him take it that can. So he. And a little after: Nu [...]i tamen violentum hu­iusmodi’ continentiae iugum impones &c. You shall not The vo­luntary vow of such as are to receaue holy or­ders. impose this violent yoke of continency vpon any, but whosoeuer will be made Priests, and serue in the Ministery of the Altar, they of their own accord shal cease to be the seruants of their wiues. So S. Bede, alluding vnto the wordes of the Apostle, that the husband hath no power ouer his own body but the wise: and what wil M. H [...]ll say heereunto? I hope these testimonyes 1. Cor. 7. are cleare inough to conuince the fleshly free­dome, which he dreameth of touching Priests wiues, not to haue beene knowne in S. Bedes tyme: for the two Poles are not further asunder then this doctrine by S. Bede deliuered, and that which he pretendeth: and this being written so long before S. Dunstanes tyme, and the yoke which yet is a sweet yoke imposed, we may ea­sily Obij [...] Beda inn. 731. Dunstan. verò anno 988. perceaue what truth, or discretion is in the words of M. Hall, who will haue our Clergy so repiningly to haue first stooped vnder this yok [...], by S. Dunstans inforcement, who yet liued more then [Page 328] two hundred yeares after S. Bede,

96. Moreouer what opinion was had of these marriages euen then, when so much ruf­fling was made for them, appeareth by VVolstan, scholler at that tyme of S. Ethelwold a learned & vertuous man as Malmesbury doth describe him, Malmesb. lib. 2. c. 8. who in the life he wrote of the Saint his mai­ster, speaking of those Priests which M. Godwin before called eight honest Priests turned into the world with their wiues and children, thus setteth forth their Vulstanns in vita E­thelwoldi. honesty: Erant tunc in veteri Monasterio Canonici mori­bus valde deprauatis, elatione, insolentia, luxuria fadi &c. ‘There were at that tyme in the old Monastery Chanons of very corrupt life, filthy for their pride, impudency and leachery, in so much as some of them would not say Masse in their tur­ne,’ and casting away their wiues, quas praeter ius The mar­riage of Priests a­gainst law and con­science. fa [...] (que) sibi copulauerant, which against all law and conscience they had marryed, they did marry others, and bestowed all their tyme in gluttony & drunkenes, which the Bishop not enduring, with the consent of King Edgar, thrust them all out. So he. And were not these honest men in­deed, trow you, worthy of M. Godwins prayse and compassion? and how was their marriage then esteemed lawfull, why by so learned and ver­tuous a man is tearmed to be against law and con­science, which can be for no other reason, then for the solemne vow of chastity annexed vnto their order.

97. If from priuate authority we will draw this matter to more publicke, we shall find that by S. Dunstane three Councells were called, to wit, at London, VVinchester, and Calne, and this [Page 329] marriage cōdemned in them all. Another Coū ­cell was called after at VVinchester 1070. and the Marriage of Priests condem­ned by many Councells in En­gland. same againe renewed: in the yeare 1102. S. Anselm called a Councell which was held at S. Peters Church in VVestminster, & that by the common consent of al the Bishops, the Nobility & King himselfe, in which Councell the noble men al­so were present, not as Iudges or dealers in Ec­clesiasticall affayres, nor yet out of any right or duety, which they could claime in that Court, Malmes. l. de Pontif. Angliae in Anselmo. Houeden, Florentius Matt. Pa­ris. Matth. Vestmona­ster. in ann. 1102. but as Malmesbury writteth: Huic Conuentui affue­runt Archiepiscopo Anselmo petente à Rege Primates Regni &c. At this assembly at the request of the Archbishop Anselme made to the King, were pre­sent the noble men of the Kingdom, that therby whatsoeuer should be decreed by the authority of the Councell might by the vniforme care & solicitude of both orders be put in execution. So he. And of this Councell the decrees are ex­tant in Malmesbury, where touching this point by common agreement of all, thus it was defi­ned.

98. That no Archdeacon, Priest, Deacon, Chanon, marry a wife, or keep her whome he ‘hath marryed, and the same of a Subdeacon af­ter his vow of chastity: that a Priest as long as he keepeth vnlawfull company with a woman be not Legall, nor say Masse, nor (if he do) that his Masse be heard: that none take Subdeacon­ship, or any higher order without the vow of chastity: that the children of Priests be not heirs’ of their Fathers Churches. So there. And six years after which was the last before his death, he called another, the Charter whereof is ex­tant [Page 330] in Florentius and Houeden, it beginneth thus: Haec sunt statuta de Archidiaconibus, Presbyteris, Diaco­nious, Subdiaconibus, & Canonicis in quocū (que) gradu con­stitutis &c. These are the statutes which Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury, and with him Thomas A famous Councell in which the King to wit Henry the first, all the Bi­shops, & nobility were pre­sent. the elect of Yorke, and all the Bishops of England, in the presence of our renowned King Henry with the assent of his Earles and Barons decree, in the yeare of our Lord 1108. concerning Archdeacons, Priests, Deacons, Subdeacons, & Canons, of what degree soeuer. So the inscrip­tion, and for that the assembly was so great & honourable, and the decree so plaine and groun­ded on antiquity, to which it doth appeale in the very entrance, I haue thought it requisite, heere entierly to insert it, that it may also be ex­tant in our English tongue. Thus then it goes.

99. It is decreed, that Priests, Deacons, and ‘Subdeacons do liue chastly, & haue no women in their houses besids their neerest kinsfolkes, according to that which the holy Councell of Neece hath defined. But such Priests, Deacons, Subdeacons as after the interdiction of the’ Councell of London (immediatly before mentioned) The strict decrees of the Coun­of Londō against the incon­tinent Clergy. haue kept their wiues, or marryed others, if they will any more say Masse, let them put them a­way so far from them, that neither the women enter into their houses, nor they into the houses of the women; neither let them purposely meet in any other house, neither let such womē dwel in the territory or precincts of the Church: ‘if vpon some iust occasion they must speake to­geater, let them speake without the dores before two witnesses: but if by two or three lawfull [Page 331] witnesses, or publike report of the parishioners, any one shal be accused to haue transgressed this decree, he shall purge himselfe by bringing six competent witnesses of his owne order if he be a Priest, if he be a Deacon foure, two if a Subdeacon, and he who failes heerein shallbe adiudged a transgressour of the sacred decree. But such Priests as contemners of the diuine Al­tar, and holy orders haue chosen rather to dwell with their women, let them be remoued from their diuine office, depriued of all Ecclesiastical liuing, and being declared infamous be put out of that rancke or order: but he who out of stub­bornes and contempt shal not leaue his woman, and shall presume to say masse, if he be called to make satisfaction shall refuse to come, let him be excommunicated. The same declaratory sen­tentence comprizeth all Archdeacons and Ca­nons if by them the statutes be transgressed, ei­ther of leauing their women, or auoyding their dwelling with them, or for the distriction of the censure: againe all Archdeacons shal sweare that they shall take no bribes for permitting the transgression of this decree, neither shall they suffer Priests whome they know to haue wo­men to sing Masse, or appoint their substitutes: and the Deanes also shall sweare the same, and the Archdeacon or Deane who shall refuse to sweare, shall leese his Archdeaconry or Deanry. But the Priests who shal resolue with themselus by leauing their women to serue God, and the holy altars, for forty dayes forbearing their of­fice, shall haue for that tyme their substitutes, in which tyme such pennance shallbe enioyned’ [Page 332] them as shall seeme fit to the Bishop to impose. So far this Councell.

100. I pretermit others of later tymes, whereof one of them was called vnder this King Henry the first, and in the same were pre­sent such Bishops, as both Huntingdon, and out of him verbatim trusty Roger his Eccho, I meane Houeden say, that they were Columna Regni & radij sanctita­tis hoc tempore: The pillars of the Kingdome and Houeden. anno 1175. shining beames of sanctity at this tyme; and another vnder his Nephew the second Henry (who was also present therin) called by Richard of Canterbury, both which were held at London, and both condemned this incestuous mariage, and the like did diuers others after these which are confessed by our Aduersaryes, and need not heere to be alleadged, for that which already hath beene sayd of the Councells of S. Dunstane, in one of which was King Edgar, and these o­thers of S. Anselme, with the other particuler te­stimonyes before cyted, do plainely perswade 1. Pondera­tion. any without other proof this verity, especially if he will with due attention make these ensu­ing ponderations thereupon. There can be no greater nationall proofe then that which is brought for the continen­cy of the Clergy.

101. First no English man that regardeth the credit and authority of his Countrey can desire, or perhaps imagine any greater national proofe then to haue all the Bishops togeather, with the King and his Nobility, in two or three seuerall Councells to sit, define, deliuer, and command the single life of the Clergy, and that according to the ancient Canons, to ac­curse the marriages of Priests, no Pastour euer disclayming, but with ioynt consent and vni­forme [Page 333] agreement, vrging, procuring, and exe­cuting the same: the Kings also to wit Edgar, & the first Henry two most valiant, wise, and lear­ned Princes, who only had occasion to shew themselus in this matter, agreeing with the Bi­shops strengthning the Ecclesiasticall decrees with their royall assent and power, and with the Kings and Bishops the whole Nobility did accord: when on the contrary side, which is much to be noted, before the tyme of Edward the sixth, M. Hall can produce no one Councell or Conuenticle, of any Bishops, no one Parlament of the land, no one publike register of any com­mon consent, no not so much as any priuate testimony, but of Fabian a late Merchant of Lon­don (if I be not mistaken) and Henry Huntington, whose vntruth is so notorious, as his scholler Roger Houeden for shame omitted it, though for want of better M. Hall is contented to take vp such out-cast raggs, and therefore I appeale to all my Countrey-men who make any account of the authority of their Nation, and publicke records therof, to iudge whether the Catholiks or Protestants make the better plea, seeing the first haue all to stand for them, Clergy & Laity, Pastours and sheep, Kings, Nobility, schollers, Saints, all antiquity: and the other to haue none to ioyne withall, but such as for their lewd life and wicked demeanour were condemned as de­uoyd of all piety, learning, or common hone­sty.

102. If in case of some temporall estate any Gentlemen to proue the title of the Land he A fit simi­litude. holds, should produce the publike sentence of al [Page 334] the Iudges in England, purposely in two or three Kings tymes assembled togeather, and in euery assembly iudicially to haue decided the matter in fauour of the possessour, and condem­ned his aduersaryes of imposture and intrusion, and this their decision and condemnation in diuers records among the publike monuments of the Land to be extant: and on the other side the aduerse part could bring forth none of for­mer tyms to speake for them but theeus, rogues or other malefactour, either punished for faults, or vpon their repētance pardoned; what Iudge, yea what reasonable man would make doubt, who had the better right in law, and on whose fauour the iudgment should passe? And truely euen so it fareth in this Controuersy, in which for the continency of Clergy men in England we bring forth the Iudiciall sentence of all the Pa­stours, or spiritual Iudges of the Land, and that not one tyme only, vnder one King, but at sun­dry tymes, vnder three Kings when this que­stion was most moued, we bring forth I say the iudiciall sentence of six Councells, all accepted, ratifyed, executed in the whole Realme: with these Pastours at that tyme did the whole flocke I meane Princes, Peers and people conspire, and the later tymes ratifyed the decrees of the for­mer, so as this was the vncontrollable voyce of the whole Land, which to disproue M. Hall bringeth forth nothing but the repining of them who were condemned, that is the delinquents themselues, and some one or two of as much credit as himselfe (as Fabian and Huntington) that say they were vniustly punished, and only say [Page 335] it without any other proof at all: and whether such a blunt denyall of two particuler men, es­pecially of two such men, ought to sway more then all the former sentences, and iudiciall re­cords of the whole Kingdome togeather, nee­deth in my mynd no great deliberation to de­termine.

103. Another ponderation may be taken from the sanctity of the persons who defined 2. Pondera­tion. the Catholike doctrine, as in the late Councell before cyted euen by Huntingtons own confessiō, they were such as were the pillers of the land and The san­ctity of the persōs who de­fended the continen­cy of Cler­gy men. shining beames of sanctity, and before that S. Anselm the myrour of the world, of whose singlar lear­ning, zeale, and piety, we find euery where ho­nourable testimonyes: Huntington calleth him, a holy and veneraeble man, Matthew VVestminister a noble Prelate, Nubrigensis sayth, that he was, Vir sanctus, & excelsus in verbo gloriae, and in the next Chapter, sortitus est nomen grande iuxta nomen magnorum qui sunt Hunting. anno 3. Guil. 2. VVestmo. anno 1109. Nubrigen. l. 1. cap. 2. & 3. in caelo: He got him a great name according to the name of such as are great in heauen. Matthew Paris speaking of him writeth thus: Cuius vitam laudabilem, cuius actus eximios, cuius transitum ab hac luce caelestem ad patriam, crebra eius miraculorum insig­ [...]ia persequntur: Whose worthy life, whose noble deeds, whose passage from this light vnto his countrey of heauen, many miracles do still de­clare. So he: but of all others VVilliam of Malmes­bury Paris ann. 1109. is most copious in his prayses, I will only out of diuerse cite two passages, one where he beginneth to speake of him, the other where he endeth his life: in the former thus he writeth: Anselmusquo nemo vnquam iusti tenaciter, nemo hoc tem­pore [Page 336] tam anxiè doctus, nemo tam penitus spiritualis fuerit, Malmes. lib. 4 in Guil. 2. pater patriae, mundi speculum. Anselme then whome none was more constant in defending iustice, ‘none so curiously learned at this tyme, none so spirituall, the father of the Countrey, and loo­king glasse of the world. So there: & in another place: Perseuerauit in co ad exitum vitae inuictus vigor, Lib. 2. de gesti [...] Pon. Anglor. pietatis feruor &c. vir qui omnes quos quidem videri­mus sapientia & religione praestaret. There remayned in Anselme euen vnto the [...]ast gasp an inuincible courage, feruent piety &c. a man who for wise­dome’ and vertue excelled all whome we euer haue seene. So Malmesbury.

104. And to let passe others, euen Prote­stants of more moderate disposition haue not denyed him his due prayse, as we haue heard of M. Godwin who calleth him: a man of great lear­ning, M. God­win in his life. and for integrity of life and conuersation admirable, and for his too peremptory dealing against Cler­gy men (as he tearmeth it) he imputeth it to blind zeale far from malitious intent of doing wrong: but who will imagine that M. Godwin can see wher S. Anselme was blind? And Holinshead noteth him for a stout Prelate, without any touch of dis­grace in all that he writeth of him, which had not beene spared had he found any thing in him that had beene lyable thereunto: and Iohn Fox, who [...]lthough he speake well of few, yet he out of others commendeth S. Anselme when he trea­teth of his election, albeit afterwards he do dis­commend him euen for that for which by all S. Dunstā S. oswald. S Ethel­wolde. other Authours of former ages he hath beene iudged most commendable.

105. Of S. Dunstan, Oswald, and Ethelwolde, [Page 337] we haue before spoken, and VVilliam of Malmesbu­ry is pro [...]use in the prayse of ech of them a part in their liues: and no meruaile, for all three were very holy men, and not only admired in England, but reuerenced abroad, and by the whole Church acknowledged for Saints: of the first, to wit S. Dunstane, inough for this mat­ter hath beene sayd aheady: and of S. Oswald M. Godwin giueth him this Encomium: be was very lear­ned and left some testimonyes therof in writing, not yet pe­rished: for the integrity also of his life and conuersation, he was much reuerenced: the greatest fault that I find in him is, that he was very earnest in setting forth that doctrine of Diuells, that debarreth men of lawfull marriage &c. many miracles are reported to haue been done at his tombe in regard whereof the posterity would needs make him a Saint. So he. Of the third, Matthew VVestminster sayth, writing of his death: Eodem anno S. Ethel­waldus migrauit ad Dominum. In this yeare S. Ethel­wald went to our Lord, or departed this life, & this title of Saint is giuen him by all our writers of these tymes, and M. Halls friend Henry Hunting­ton Hunting. l 5. in [...] ­gar. Houeder ibide [...]s. much prayseth him saying, that he was: [...] ­gregius Praesul, aedificator sepium, auertens semitas imqui­tatis, & plantans radices charitatis. A worthy Prelate, a builder vp of the hedges of vertue, turning men from the paths of iniquity, & planting ‘in them the root of charity: and in fine, of them all three Malmesbury writeth, that: Mi [...]u [...]runt per Malm [...]s. l. 2. de gestis Pontij. [...] Angliam vt lumina crederes è [...]aelo arridere [...]ydera. They shined ouer England as [...]ights, in so much as you would haue thought the stars to send their cō ­fort from heauen. So he. And so much of these.’

106. But now for such Priests as had their [Page 338] Trulls, if you looke into the monuments of anti­quity, The in­continent Clergy as the summ of the world cō ­mended by none. what memory or mention is made of them, you shall either find nothing at all, or that they were the very scumme, and refuse of the Clergy: and M. Hall hauing raked this im­pure dunghill, could find but one only man to speake for him, to wit Henry Huntington, who yet hath but these words: Hoc Concilium prohibuit vxores Sacerdotibus Anglorum, antea non prohibitas In Hunting. in anno 1101. deliuering of which short sentence M. Hal maks vs three vntruths: for thus he writeth: Anselme, sayth that Historian, was the first that forbad ‘marriage vnto the Clergy of England (and this was about the yeare of our Lord 1080.) til then’ euer free. So M. Hall. But by his leaue Hunting­ton doth not say that S. Anselme was the first that forbad marriage to the Clergy, for S. Dunstane had forbidden it more then a hundred years be­fore: againe this was not about the yeare of our Lord 1080. for Huntington himselfe expresly put­teth it more then twenty yeares after, and this yeare twice set down in the margent, was more then twelue yeares before S. Anselme was Bishop or had any thing to do in England. If he meane 1108. wherein as I confesse there was held a Councell, so I deny that this can agree with Huntington, who putteth it the next yeare after K. Henryes coronatiō, which was in the year 1100. and lastly it is vntrue that marriage of Priestes till then was euer free: for it is inough for the verifying of his words (vnles M. Hall will haue him to contradict himselfe, and all truth) that in the trouble some tyme of VVilliam Conqueror and his sonne VVilliam Rufus, who sold the Bi­shopricks [Page 339] of England for money, the Priests had gotten this liberty: which Commentary his words will well support, for truly translated they are only these: In this Councell S. Anselme prohibited wiues to English Priests before not prohibited: for the word before, may signify immediatly before, in which tyme perhaps though they were not allowed, yet the wicked­nes of that King, weaknes of the Symoniacall Bishops, wanting so long their Metropolitan, and licentiousnes of the Clergy forced the better sort of Pastours to tolerate that which although they did condemne, yet could not redresse.

207. And this being the only witnes, and he, if he meane as M. Hall will haue him, being Henry Hunting­tons ill demea­nour in his histo­ry. taken tardy in his euidence, and that both in respect of the tyme, and matter (for the first he putteth a yeare to soone, and altogeather mis­reporteth the later) his wordes in this matter cannot preiudice our cause, vnles they were se­conded by some better authority, of more vp­right and indifferent iudgment: for this Henry was so far set on this marriage matter, and to impugne the aduersaryes thereof, as he seemeth quite to haue forgotten the law of a History, which requireth all truth and integrity in the things related, in both which this man was defi­cient: for in all S. Dunstans life he neuer speaketh of this matter, which yet was the chiefest mat­ter of moment then debated: and on the other side he commendeth him who opened the fluse to let out all this puddle of impurity amongst the Clergy, I meane Edwyn elder Brother vnto King Edgar, of whome our best Historiogra­phers [Page 340] report much villany, for which halfe his When & by what occasion this licen­tious li­berty en­tred into England. Matth. VVestin. anu. 956. Kingdome was taken from him by the insur [...]e­ction of his subiects, and giuen to his brother: and as well for that, as other misfortunes soone after dyed, hauing raigned but foure yeares, of whome, as Stow well noteth, is lest no honest me­mory, vnles that which Matthew VVestminster wri­teth of him: Cum annis quatuor libidinosè simul & tyrā ­nicè regnum depres [...]sset Anglorum, iusto Dei iudicio de­sunctus &c. After he had foure yeares lewdly and ‘tyrannicall abused the Kingdome of England by Gods iust iudgment he dyed. And conse­quently’ he was the fitter instrument to further the [...] filthines of this sacrilegious marriage of the Priests and Clergy. For in his tyme besides the vsuall incursions of for rayne enemyes from abroad, and ciuill war [...]s of subiects at home, where one halfe of the Realme was in armes a­gainst the other, and both out of order, as it still happeneth in such occasions, Frequentes lites (sayth Osbert) sediditiones nonnullae varij confliclus ho­minum Osbert. in vita Dun­stani. suborti, totam terram grauissimis tribulationibus concusseruut. Frequent contentions, very many ‘seditions, diuers conflicts risen amongst them, shaked the whole Land with most grieuous tri­bulations. So he. And heereupon as well Priests’ as people being apt to cast of the yoke of Ec­clesiasticall and Ciuill discipline, when they saw neither the one or the other law, by reason of the present tumult and confusion of things, able to be exacted, tooke this lasciuious liberty to do what they listed: besides this I say the lewdnes of this young King added oyle to the flame, and so concurred with the wicked to [Page 341] discompose the Ecclesiasticall state, following the counsaile of his queane, as Malmesbury sayth: quae tenerum iugiter obsidebat animum, who still possessed his wanton mind, that gathering the raskality of the land about him, Miserrimis satelli­tibus subnixus, he cast out al the Religious men of the whole kingdome, seized vpon their goods, iniuriously abused their persons, & tyrannized ouer all the monasteryes, of which Malmesbury, the house of this Authour, was made a stable, & aboue all he hated S. Dunstane, the chiefe pillar of the Religious, and therefore banished him into Flanders, where as Matthew VVestminster writes his wanton Counsellour laboured also to haue pulled out his eyes, but was defeated of her pur­pose, and all this for that the Archbishop Saint Houeden [...] anno 957. Odo, Vir clerus ingenio, sayth Houeden, & virtute laudabilis, spiritu quo (que) Prophetiae pollens: Famous for wisedome, renowned for vertue, endued also with the spirit of prophecy, had vpon S. Dun­stans suggestion, as they imagined, separated this concubine from him, punished her againe after her returne, & excommunicated the King himselfe.

108. Vnder this King then, and by this occasion the Clergy declining to this bestiality, none furthering it but the wicked, all the good resisting it, as was well seene in Edgars tyme, when thinges being restored to their former peace, and the Pastours had in their due regard, this abuse with great feruour, and speed was extinguished; we may conceaue how laudable the thing was which did first spring from this lawles liberty, and how shameles Henry Hunting­ton [Page 342] is, who against the credit of all out best au­thours, Henry Hunting­tons vn­sincere manner of wri­ting. Malmesbury, Florentius, Houeden, Matthew VVestminster, Polidore and others, sayth, that Rex E­dwyn non illaudabiliter Regni infulam tenuit. King E­dwyn worthily swayed the scepter of the Land, and lamenteth that vntimely death brake off the course of his prosperous and ioyfull begin­nings, when as euen at his very entrance to the crowne, yea euen the same day he was crowned, he left his Nobility, and retyred to his two concubins the mother and daughter, as some will haue it, or els to be naught with his owne kinswoman, as Holinshed out of others, from whence being perforce recalled by S. Dunstane, this quarrell betweene the Saint and him began, which was so followed, as there was no end of persecuting him, till the King had ended his life, of which this good Histori­an hath no one word.

109. But afterwards when he recounteth Henry Hunting­ton pray­seth the wicked & forgeth crimes in the inno­cent. the base incontinent dealing of a Popes Legate sent into England, who inueighed against the incontinency of Priests in the forenoone, and was taken with a concubine himselfe in the after, then he could find his tongue, and after a solemne preamble tell vs: Res appertissima negari non potuit, celari non decuit, the thing was most euident, it could not be denyed, is was not fit to be concealed, out it must, & that in the worst manner, the man was taken with such a lust, & yet this thing which he maketh most euident, and not to be denyed, is reiected by Baronius as a fable, & that among diuers other reasons, because this man is the first Authour thereof, so false in o­other [Page 343] things, so partiall in this, of which nei­ther VVilliam of Malmesbury, nor Florentius his Con­tinuer (who both were then liuing) do speak any one word, though the later do mentiō this polidore Virgill, Holia­shed, Stow &c. Cardinall, and set downe all the Canons of the Councell, and had no reason to haue dissembled the things obiected, had it beene so notorious, and publick as Huntington makes it, from whom all our late Protestant writers, and others also, vpon too light credit, haue borrowed, and in­serted it into their historyes.

110. And truely seeing this sole Authour Henry Hunting­ton what he was. alone, so to reuell in this matter, I was moued out of a curious desire to see what he was. Bale sayth he was a Canon Regular of S. Augustins order, and the title he beareth in the forefront of his booke is, that he was Archdeacon of Huntington, of It is pro­bable that his father was a Priest when he begot him. which profession and degree I did meruaile to see one so inclined to defend incontinency, and the marriage of Priests, seeing he was not mar­ryed himselfe, and that all other Authours at that tyme in England, and before had condem­ned it; I found further after some search in the very next page, after the place cyted by M. Hall in his owne history, that he confesseth his Fa­ther to haue beene a Priest, and consequently as it may be thought he pleadeth but for his birth right, and the best coppy hold of his inheritāce: for thus he writeth of him: Eodem anno Pater illius qui hanc scripsit historiam mortis legibus concessit &c. The same yeare dyed the Father of him, who wrot this history, and was buryed at Lincolne, of whome it is written.

The sense of which distich is, that the star of A bad child that could put no better Epitaph on his Fathers tombe. the Clergy was fallen, and the shining of Nico­las ouer cast; but he wisheth that the star falling on earth may shine in heauen, and to that end desireth al Readers to pray for his soule, with an anima eius requiescat in pace: and in case my conie­cture be true, that he begot his son Henry being a Priest, he had indeed great need of prayers, but of his being a star of the Clergy, vnles he did pennance for the same, and stood not in defence thereof, as the irregular Chanon his son Henry did, there is no cause to imagine, but rather that he Iud. in ep. was to be numbred among those stars, which S. Iude calleth sydera errantia, for such men are not the starres of the Clergy, but the clowds rather and igno­miny therof. But to digresse no further with this Authour, let vs come to some other ponderati­on. 3. Pondera­tion.

111. The third ponderation is taken from the Authours who haue written of this matter. M. Hall only cyteth Henry Huntington, and he also is fouly streyned to reach home: wheras for the Antiquity and lear­ning of the Au­thors al­leadged for the continen­cy of Priests. contrary we bring his authority by whome Christian Religion was first planted in England, we bring the greatest Clerke that euer antiqui­ty yelded vs, we bring one who liued when the bickering with S. Dunstane began, and what he wrot of Priests wiues, we bring S. Anselme when it was againe renewed, we bring the ap­prouance of all the best Historiographers and schollers of the Land, so as both our authorityes are positiue in the affirmance, far more ancient for tyme, and without comparison for esteeme [Page 345] more eminent, then any can be alleadged to the contrary: and if Tertullians rule be true (as M. Hall graunted and denyed it togeather in the begin­ning of his letter) that priority of tyme infer­reth infallibility of truth, then the cause is ours, and M. Hall is cast, or els let him produce some more ancient writers, or of such credit, as S. Gregory, S. Bede, S. Anselme and the like, or if au­thours want, to deale for a farewel more friend­ly with him, let him bring me for the first three hundred yeares after the arriuall of S. Augustine into England but one Bishop, Priest, or Deacon, who was marryed, and in that state liued free­ly with his wife, and was so allowed, and I will rest contented, and put him to no further A large of­fer made to M. Hal. trouble for prouing his freedome: and who seeth not this my offer to be very large, in case mar­riage had byn as freely then permitted to Priests as it is now to Ministers, as he contendeth? And if neither authority in writing, nor exam­ple of fact can be found, and we shew both the one and other for their single life, then I trust none will be so vnequall a Iudge, and professed enemy of truth, as not to acknowledge it, ap­pearing so plainly in her natiue colours, and so Al autho­rity standeth for the single life of Priests none a­gainst it of any ac­count or worth. euidently marked with infallible certainty.

112. And it must needs be a great comfort vnto Catholiks to see Heresy haue so weake de­fence, to see this cause so ouerborn by vs, as you haue heard, to see on our side stand S. Gregory our Apostle, S. Bede, S. Dunstane, S. Ethelwold, S. Osw­ald, S. Anselme, so many Kings, Councells, No­bility, consent of the Realme, continu [...]ll cu­stome of tyme, all writers of most account, in [Page 346] one word all the flower of authority, learning, and sanctity, which euer our Nation yielded since these broyles of the incontinent Clergy be­gan & before also; & on the other side to see M. Hall for want of other help to lay hold on one obscure Authour Henry Huntington, for tyme not very ancient, for credit small, and for the very thing he affirmeth out of him vntrue, al others disclayming from him, all pleading for vs, vn­les they be such as are not worth the taking vp, and that euen vntill the tyme of Edward the 6. when also those who there dealt against vs, had first in another Parlamēt before pleaded for vs, and subscribed to that which afterwards they condemned. If any say for their excuse, that the later Parlaments are of equall authority with the former, and that one may repeale what the other hath enacted: I answere that so it is in ci­uill affayres, which depende vpon the present disposition of persons, tymes and things: for it may so fall out, that one law which heeretofore was very expedient, may be now hurtfull, or the contrary: but for matters of fayth, or things thereunto appertayning, this rule doth not hold: for as the certainty of Religion dependeth not on men, who are mutable, but vpon the sure, immoueable, and euerlasting truth of Al­mighty God, alwayes one, alwayes inuariable, so must the same also be constant, one, and vni­forme in it selfe, without any change or altera­tion at all: neither is this fayth to be fashioned out by Parlaments of particuler Nations, but if any difficulty arise therein, or in any other Ec­clesiasticall affayre, the Pastours (who alone are [Page 347] to direct the flocke of Christ) in Generall Coū ­cels are to sit iudges, and define the matter, & lay men not to intermedle therein. This alwayes hath beene the practise of the Christian world, by this haue errours beene rooted out, vnity & purity of fayth mainteyned, the people kept in peace, the Church in esteeme, & this failing, er­rours, as experience hath too deerly taught vs, haue increased, heresyes without all order, or vnity haue beene multiplyed, common peace broken, holy Church contemned, the whole frame of Christianity shaken, and al things dis­ioynted and put out of order.

113. Another ponderation may be drawn 4. Pondera­tion. from the difficulty of this graunt for marriage in the very beginning when it was first propo­sed in Parlament, in the tyme of King Edward The first grant for marriage of Clergy men got­ten in the Parlamēt with great difficulty. the sixth, and was so strongly opposed, as it could find no passage, but only for the tyme past and that also not without some hard straynes, it seeming indecorum vnto them all to behold the Pastours as fleshly as the people, and no purity or perfection of life to be in one more then in the other, but sicut populus, sic Sacerdos, to be all carnall, all drowned in sensuality, al alike more corporall then spirituall, more attent to the bo­dy See the three Con­uers. par. 2. cap. 12. §. 22. &c. then soule, to pleasure then pennance, tem­porall emoluments, then eternall happynes: but what should they doe? deny it absolutly they could not: for the Ministers practise had preuen­ted their hindrance, and they came prouided in that behalfe, not hauing so much patience as to expect the Parlaments permittance: and he had giuen them example who for place & authority [Page 348] was the chiefest among them, their Archbishop Cranmer the first marryed Metropo­litan that euer was in En­gland. Cranmer I meane, the first marryed Metropoli­tan that euer England saw, and it was to no purpose to go about to restrayne the members from the influence of the head, or where the root was corrupted to seek to saue the branches from infection: this also being the chiefe point of Euangelicall liberty among them, happily re­newed (as M. Hall sayth) with the Ghospell, but in­deed was so new, as a new paire of shooes neuer made before, could be no newer. And this Ghos­pell was not according to S. Matthew, but Martin Luther as we haue shewed, and a very lasciuious Ghospell that to satisfy the lust of these wanton companions, did breake all bands and promises made before to God of a better life.

114. But seeing afterwards all the ofspring to tracke so constantly this path of their proge­nitours, necessity excluding all counsaile of fur­ther deliberation, and the great multitude of these marryed men all meanes of redresse, they were forced in the next Parlament to permit them all to take wiues: permit them I say, for approue them they did not, and that also in des­pite of all lawes made euer before in al Prouin­ciall, Nationall, & Generall Councels to the contrary, against all authority of man, as they tearmed it (this parlament being as you may i­magine of Angells) all practise of the Land, & An Ange­licall Par­lament of blacke Angells. whole Church for so many ages without con­troll of any, but Schismatikes or Heretiks, and now from the highest to the lowest, all Arch­bishops, Bishops, Chanons, Curates, and other Ministers of the Land, were licenced to marry, [Page 349] and remarry before and after their ordering, to any person or persons, and to be restrayned ther­in no more then any other man whatsoeuer, which was neuer seene done in any Nationall decree that euer was made in the world before these later heresyes began: and if M. Hall thinke this my denyall too absolute, let him bring me out of all antiquity but one example, which yet he hath not done. And this perhaps togeather with the indecency of the thing it selfe, made the makers of that statute to premise this Exordium Anno. 2. Eduar. 6. thereunto. As though it were not only better for the estimation of Priests & other Mi­nisters ‘in the Church of God, to liue chast, sole, and separate from the company of women, and the band of marriage, but also thereby they might the better intend to the administratiō of the Ghospell, and be lesse intricated and trou­bled with the charge of houshold, being free &’ vnburdened from the care and cost of finding wife, and children, and that it were most to be wished, that they M. Hall sayth that this is im­possible. would willingly, and of their selues endeauour their selfe to a perpetuall chastity, & abstinence from the vse of women. The ma­kers of the Statute though they per­mitted marriage, yet pre­ferred chastity in Clergy men. So the beginning of this Statute.

115. And by this you may see both what the makers of the Statute thought and wished in this matter, and also that the impossibility of liuing a chast life, which M. Hall so much plea­deth was not then admitted, or held to be sound doctrine: for els all these great Rabbines who repealed in this behalfe all law of man had byn very simple men indeed to make such a perswa­sion for a thing impossible, and which lay not [Page 350] in the power of man to obserue, much lesse wer they so impudent as to challenge the vse of for­mer ages and generall custome of the Church, as this man no lesse fondly then falsely doth, for the true cause indeed of this permission was for that these goats who were now chosen to gouerne the sheep, were so wanton as they could not conteyne, but must needs out of hand in all hast haue either wiues, or rather women, and so much in a manner is insinuated when they vrge that such as cannot conteyne (as all Ministers and Apostata Priests do say they cannot) may after the Counsaile of the Scripture liue in holy mar­riage: so it pleased them to tearme their sacrile­gious Where doth the Scripture counsaile such as haue made vowes of chastity to breake their vows & marry? turpitude, and that also according to the Counsaile of the Scripture, which neuer counsayled any man after a solemne vow to marry, but the contrary: but now the colour or cloke which was to be cast ouer, to keep this their leachery from the sight of the simple, was that some for­sooth had vowed chastity who yet were vn­chast liuers, as if some marryed men also were not the like, and therefore by the same reason they might as well haue condemned marriage, as single life. He that made marriage (sayth M. Hall) sayth it is honourable, what care we for the dishonour of those that corrupt it? And the same demand I make in this matter, Chastity of single life is not only Matt. 19. 1. Cor. 7. honourable, but more honourable by our Sa­uiours testimony, & plaine text of S. Paul, then Cypr. l. de discipl. & habitu vir­gin. circa initium is marriage, and S. Cyprian worthily sayth of Virgins, that they are, Flos Ecclesiasti [...]i germinis, & illustrior portio gregis Christi: The flower of the Ec­clesiasticall of spring, and the more honourable [Page 351] portion of the flocke of Christ: & what care we for the dishonour of those that corrupt it? Nothing at al: we commend the thing, we condemne the abuse: as the later is damnable, so is the thing it selfe both of singular perfection, and of no such dif­ficulty, but that we may Gods grace assisting vs very easily obserue it. But to draw to an end.

116. The last ponderation is the manner 5. Pondera­tion. of disputing, by which M. Hall vseth to shew the continent life of the English Clergy to haue beene lately begun in S. Dunstans tyme, all his proofe is in these few words. The bickerings of our M. Hall [...] loose mā ­ner of disputing. Clergy with their Dunstans teach vs how late, how re­piningly, how vniustly they stooped vnder this yoke: but this teaching he talketh of I cannot conceaue, or how out of S. Dunstans bickerings he can con­clude the continency of Clergy men to haue beene lately, repiningly, vniustly imposed: for the force of this reason must rest in this, that because S. Dunstane had bickering with the Clergy about their marriages, and did make them leaue their wiues, therefore continency is not ancient, but was repiningly admitted, & vniustly imposed: if this be his meaning, by the same reason I will proue no theeues or malefactours euer to haue beene in our Countrey before the tyme of King Iames: for who knoweth not that the Iudges both in London, and all the Shyres of the Land, haue had euery yeare, and still haue some bicke­ring with such people: will M. Hall thereupon thus argue. We see now with our eyes what bi­kering the Iudges haue with theeues and malefa­ctours, and therby we are taught how late these people haue stooped vnder the yoke of prison, [Page 352] barre, and gallowes: Ergo before these tymes it was [...]ree for all to robb, [...]calt, murther and the like, and no penalty was euer imposed vpon them: where is your wit M. Hall? apply this to your owne words, and you shall find the argu­ment to be the same, or if you deny it, shew me the disparity.

117. If you say, that S. Dunstane brought in a new custome against the old, that, as you M. Hall must not suppose that as granted which is only in contro­uersy. know is the point in controuersy: and how wil you proue it out of his bickerings? did the delin­quents euer pleade prescription? did they euer taxe S. Dunstane with nouelty? and imposing a yoke neuer before borne? what ancient Author recordeth it? None at all. And the contrary is clearly euinced by that we haue sayd, and their repyning no more inferreth their innocency, or excuseth their lewdnes, then the repyning of such as are in Bridewell vnder the correction of iustice doth proue them honest women, & that their punishment is lately inuented & vniustly inflicted. This is M. Halls last proofe conforme to the rest, and with the same as he endeth his arguments, would I also haue ended this letter, but that his triumphant conclusion forceth me to make a briefe recapitulation of what hath passed in this combat betweene vs, that you may as in a table see both what cause there was he should so crow, and how that he as well as other of our Aduersaryes haue a speciall grace, when they haue proued nothing, to v [...]unt a­boue measure of their chymericall conquests: for if you barre them of that boasting humour, of lying, of rayling, of corrupting Authours [Page 353] and childish disputing, their pens will cast no inke, their books will be very barren, & they in short tyme for matters or controuersy will be­come altogeather mute.