HAving a purpose to ob­serue Gods great and merciful deliuerāces of the Church of England, and Gods holy protec­tiō of the same, against the manifolde, most dangerous, most despe­rate practises of the ad­versaries, that haue with strange malice and cru­eltie, sought the destruction thereof, and inten­ding to fetch the beginning of this search from the beginning of the Raigne of Queene ELIZA­BETH, of blessed memory: I knew no better way how to enter into this Narration, then to begin with the consideration of the State of Queene [Page 2] ELIZABETH, at her first entrance; for therein will appeare a wonderfull Worke of God, and my intention is to obserue the great Workes of God, that God may be glorified.

When this famous Queene first entred, She entred Anno. 1558. shee found the State much afflicted, and weakned. All the great States about her, were enemies. Friends none. King Philip, who offred his loue and kindnesse to her, and would haue married her, offering to obteine the Popes dispensation for him to marry two Sisters; as the like dispen­sation was obteined by Ferdinand his great Grand-father, for h [...]s daughter Katharine to mar­ry two Brothers, he offering this kindnesse, and being refused and reiected, grew first into dislike and discontent, afterwardes into hatred, and at last brake out into open Warres. The French King Henry the 2. with whom she sought peace, fell off also into open Warres. His sonne Francis having married Mary, Queene of Scotland, was moved by the Guysians to cause the Armes of En­gland to be ioyned to the Armes of Scotland, & to professe the Queene of Scots the heire of England, and because Elizabeth was accounted by them an Heretike, therefore they sought to put her by, to set the Queene of Scots in her place, so should the French King haue England also. For the effecting of this, they sent their Armies into Scotland, pur­posing f [...]om thence to haue subdued England. In so much that Sebastianus Martignius, a young Noble man of the family of Luxenburg, who was sent into Scotland with a thousand [...]oote, and [Page 3] some Companies of horse, could hardly be dis­swaded from entring England presently. So that Spaine, France, and Scotland were enemies. The State was then much troubled and oppressed with great debt, contracted partly by Henry 8. partly by Edward 6. in his minoritie. The trea­sure was exhausted; Calis was lost. Nothing see­med to be left to her, but a weake, and poore State, destitute of meanes and friends. If shee would haue admitted the Popish Religion, then might all these difficulties haue beene removed But establishing the Gospell, shee vnderstood well that shee drew all these troubles vpon her owne head. Yet she gaue the glory to God, and in hope of Gods holy protection, she established Gods holy truth. And verily she did not serue God in vaine. For it is a thing to be wondred at, that the Land being then without strength, without Forces, without Souldiers, yea, without Armour; all things necessary should be so suddenly furni­shed. She had provided Armour at Antwerpe, but King Philip caused that to be stayed. Yet was she not discouraged, but layd out much money vpon Armour, though she found the Treasury but poore. She procured Armour and weapons out of Germany. She caused many great Gunnes to be cast, of Brasse and Iron. And Gods provi­dence and favour appeared in her protectio [...]. For new Mines of Brasse were found at Keswike, that had long beene neglected. From Whence there was not onely sufficient matter to supply her wants, but abundance thereof to be trans­ported [Page 4] to other Countries. The stone called La­pis Calaminaris, whose vse is needfull for working in Brasse, was also at the same time first found in England. There was provision made at home also for the making of Gunne-powder. Which was done first here by her Commandement. For be­fore it was bought and imported. Berwick be­fore her time, was weake, and had but fiue hun­dred Souldiers: She fortified the Towne, made the new inner Wall, and increased the number of Souldiers, and their stipends, that provision might be made for the training vp of experien­ced Souldiers and martiall men. She provided a Navie, the best furnished that euer England sawe. Neither needed she to doe as her Father and An­cestours were wont to doe, when they wanted Shippes, to send for Shippes and hire them from Hamburg, Lubeck, Dantisk, Genua, and Veni [...]e; for she had them ready at home to serue her. Yea all the good Townes vpon the Sea-coast, beholding this incredible alacritie, and forwardnes in their Prince, strived also to imitate the same, and there­fore with great chearfulnesse and readinesse built Shippes for Warre. So that in a short time, the Queenes Shippes and those of the Subiects ioy­ned together, rose to such a number, that they were able to imploy twentie thousand men in Sea-fight at once. The Noble-men, the Gentle­men, and Yeomen, did all striue to answer so no­ble a resolution of their Prince. And therefore great store of Armour and Weapons were every where provided. And braue spirits were bred [Page 5] and inabled to service, whereby they became an helpe and ornament to their Countrey. So that Queene Elizabeth was quickly growne so strong, that all her adversaries were not able to hurt her. And was not this a great worke of God? That so weake a Woman should be able to defend her selfe against so many, so potent enemies? Yea, and not onely to match them, but to master them? This was Gods doing. Behold what it is to trust in God, and not in an arme of Flesh. God will haue his great Workes to be had in remem­brance, that all men, especially Princes may be taught to know that their safetie is not in world­ly policie, but in God which never forsaketh them that trust in him. Here then we haue a Worke, for which we are bound to glorifie God. Elizabeth, a Prince, at the beginning weake, de­stitute of friends, vnfurnished of treasure, vnpre­pared of all things, had in no other accompt of her great neighbours round about her, but as one left as a prey to the strongest that would inuade her and her kingdome: yet preparing her heart to God, giuing God the glory, establishing his truth in her Land, trusting in him: She was in a few yeares made strong against her enemies; they feared her more then she feared them. This is an example can hardly be paralleled. It was a worke o [...] God in defence of his Church here, and we yeeld all glory and prayse vnto God for his mer­cies shewed herein. From this example, Princes may take a worthy instruction to rest vpon God, and to seeke his glory, and know assuredly, that [Page 6] when they are at the weakest state, if they giue their hearts to God, and their service to his true Religion, God will raise them to greatnes, who hath promised to honor them that honor him, 1 Sam. 2. 30. and threatned, that they that dishonor him, shall be despi­sed. Before I leaue this example of Gods protectiō of this noble Queene in her first entrance: Let this be remembred, that as all the great Princes adioyning, with the Pope and all, were her great enemies, so there were no friends able to helpe her: for they that were friends, and would haue helped if they could, stood all need of her help. The Scots were sore troubled with the French Armies procured by the Guysians, but shee hel­ped them, and protected the King in his mino­ritie, and freed that State from the tyranny of the French governement. The Low-Countries, were tyrannised by the Duke D' Alva who chan­ged their governement, and inhibited their mee­tings in councell. For to speake somewhat of the ancient governement of that people, to stop the common imputations cast vpon them by such as are not well affected to them: Their go­vernement was by a generall assembly of the States: Their governours were such as were borne within the 17. Provinces, no strangers. These were anciently the Clergie, the Nobility, and the Deputies of the Provinces, and of good Townes, meeting together in their generall As­semblies. These so meeting made lawes and or­ders whereby that State was governed. The De­puties were sent to the generall Assemblies, by [Page 7] the Suffrages of the people, and vpon cause they were recalled by the people, and other sent in their roomes. This manner of governement, some of the Dukes of Burgundy, and some others disliked, as giving too much power to the peo­ple, and to little to their Dukes: and therefore laboured to change it, but could not. Charles the fift Emperour would gladly haue changed their governement, but when he saw that it could not be done without the commotion of the whole State, he left it vndone. Philip 2. Anno 1549. Iuly 8. tooke his oath, which he made and re­nued againe Anno [...]555. to keepe, maintaine, and preserue these Countries in their ancient rights, priviledges, and customes, without brea­king them or suffering them to be broken, in a­ny sort or manner. But when the Duke D' Alva was governour there vnder the King, he practi­sed the contrary, and professed that the King was not to governe them, as his ancient inheri­tance, but as vpon a new conquest, making what lawes he would, and setting what governement best pleased him. Whereupon his whole drift and practise was for a newe conquest of all the Provinces and Townes. The pretence of religi­on was sought: but it was resolved by the Coun­sell of Spaine, to change the whole governement, and to erect a new. This appeared aswell by the Dukes open profession, as by those designes which he practised vpon the persons of some of the Nobility, and vpon the good Townes. For when the Earles of Egmont and Horne, were ap­prehended [Page 8] and putto death, mistrusting nothing because they knew no cause to mistrust: they that did this, could not pretend religion, because these Earles were of the Popish religion. they could not pretend any disloyalty against them, for their firme loyalty and their great services to the King, made them so confident; onely it was thought that these Noble men would neuer yeeld to the change of the government of that State, therefore they were cut off. The like ap­peared in the strange surprises and cruelty practi­sed against many Townes, which were of the po­pish religion. For divers townes that were firme to the Spaniard in the point of religion, and in obedience to the King, when armies were sent to them, intertaining the armies in all obedience, opening their gates, shewing all loue and friend­ship to the Spanish armies: were of a suddaine surprised, and brought to vtter ruine. The Spa­niards, killing and massackring all, taking their goods, abusing their wiues and daughters, as the manner of such barbarous men is in a new con­quest, ex [...]rcising more cruelties against their pro­fessed friends, then they could doe to their ene­mies. Such barbarous cruelties were practised against the Townes of Machlin, Maestrich, Zut­phen, Naerden, Antwerp, and others, who were their friends, agreeing in the same religion with them, holding as then, their obedience firme to the King: yet were they spoyled, killed, ransac­ked, and overthrowne like enemies. Which strange cruelty declared that it was not religion [Page 9] that moved this cruelty, but that which the Duke D'Alva did openly professe, that the King must hold all the Low-Countries by a new con­quest, that so he might change the governement, and impose what lawes he would.

It may seeme a strange vse of the Popes Au­thority which King Philip made, when from the Pope he got a dispensation of that oath, which he had taken at his entrance into the Low-Coun­tries. This is an vse of a Pope fit indeede for them that would doe whatsoever they list with­out conscience, or the feare of Gods lawes or mans. If such an vse may be made of the Popes power, then Popish Princes must needes in the sight of the world, seeme to haue a great advan­tage over others. But if they may so dispense at their pleasure with oathes and promises, then may all those of their religion see plainely that there are neither humane nor divine bands or securitie that can binde Papists: for when they please, the Pope will free them from all bands of conscience, from the lawes of God, of man, of nature, of nations. But God will not be thus served. And therefore by Gods iust iudgements they that rely vpon such vngodly practises, loose more in the ende, then they gaine by such pro­fane dealings. This was the cause of their trou­bles in the Low Countries. That state being then so tro [...]bled, could yeelde no helpe to Queene Elizabeth, yet did shee yeelde helpe to them.

The King of Denmarke, and the Protestants in Fraunce, were not able to helpe her, nor to [Page 10] helpe themselues without her meanes. This must needes be acknowledged an extraordinary blessing of God, to make her able to withstand the greatest enemies, and to helpe all that were distressed for Religion.

This famous Queene though troubled by forraine states in the beginning of her Raigne, yet had great peace and quietnes at home. This was the fruit of true religion: her Subiects lived in peace, and tranquilitie; no motions then at­tempted. Only in the fourth yeare of her Raign, Arthur Poole, and his brethren comming of the race of George Duke of Clarence, who was bro­ther to Edward the fourth, and Antony Fortiskue, who married their sister, with some other of that conspiracie, were brought to their tryall, for that they had conspired to flie to the G [...]ise in­to France, and thence to come with an Armie into Wales, and there to declare the Scottish Queene, to be Queene of England, and Arthur Poole Duke of Clarence. All which they freely confessed at their tryall: yet protesting that it was not their purpose to execute this designe, as long as Queene Elizabeth lived: who as they supposed should dye within a yeare; for so some cosening Astrologians had told them. Whereup­on they were condemned, yet their liues were spared in respect of their blood. Wherein wee may acknowledge the goodnes of God in disco­vering such a plot, before it tooke strength, and the noble nature of the Queene, that dealt so nobly with her owne blood.

[Page 11]Thus the Land within rested in great quietnes, for some yeares. The Church was established, and increased, learning flourished, godlines and true pietie prevailed, Popish ignorance was dri­ven into corners. The Papists that then were, were content to keepe themselues quiet. Either they kept their Religion private to themselues, or els they came to our Churches, as most of them did. But the enemy of all goodnesse envy­ing this peaceable state of England, stirred vp the Pope to giue occasion to new troubles, and to wrap the Kingdome into dangers. Whereby as the Church hath beene more troubled, then it was before, so the Papists haue got nothing by the bargain, but lost much, by stirring vp the peaceable inclinatiō of the Prince against them, and by provoking the State to make severe lawes to curb [...] them. Who might haue liued quietly, if they had not procured their owne trouble.

Paulus IIII. was Pope when Queene Eliza­beth began to Raigne, this Pope was not trouble­some against her. His successor was, Pius IIII. who seemed to be a moderate man. For he was moved by the Count of Feria, who served the King of Spaine, to excommunicate Queene Eli­zabeth, but he thought it not good to proceed to such extremities. For seeing the Popes authority is a thing consisting rather in the conceits of some men, then in any truth and substance: If it should once appeare that this thunderbolt of excommunicate, whereby he hath so much terri­fied the world, should proue idle, ineffectuall [Page 12] without all po [...]er, then might this great autho­ritie fall into contempt, and so be made ridicu­lous. Whether for this cause or what other, he would not be perswaded to vse this extremitie against the Queene, An. Dō. 1560. but sent Letters, shewing some loue and kindnesse, by an Abbot Parpalia, by whom also he sent certaine secret Mandates. Which what they were was not openly knowne. But some acquainted well with State affayres then, reported that the Pope offred to recall and disanull the sentence as vniust which was given against her Mothers marriage, and to confirme the English Liturgie by his authoritie, granting also the vse of the Sacrament vnder both kindes, so that she would ioyne her selfe to the Romane Church, & acknowledge the Popes supremacy. And for the effecting hereof, a great sum of gold was promised to some that should be vsed as in­struments for this purpose. But Queene Eliza­beth remaining SEMPER EADEM, ever like her selfe, vtterly denied to haue any thing to do with the Pope.

But the next Pope, Pius V. that succeeded, tooke another course, whether a better or worse, let the event declare. For in the yeare 1569. he sent out an excommunication against her, and all adhering to her, This Bull was dated Anno Dom. 1569. Quinto Cal: Mar [...]. wherein her subiects were ab­solved from the Oath of their Alleagance, and from all other offices and duties, and that all that should obey her were accursed. Which thing brought more trouble vpon the Papists, then vp­on the Queene, or any of her obedient subiects. [Page 13] And hath openly declared to all the world, that the Popes curse is a thing proceeding from pri­vate splene and malice, and now nothing feared but contemned, when all men may see that the Popes curse is turned by the favour of God into an extraordinary blessing, and that the Pope is not Christs V [...]car in these ministeries, because he is contrary to Christ, and Christ contrary to him. The Pope cursing, and Christ blessing, the Pope seeking thereby to destroy the Queene, Christ maintaining her, made her stronger after this cu [...]se then ever she was before. Yet it is true that many troubles did rise thereby, but God turned them all vnto her good, that men may vnder­stand the fruit of true Religion established, which bringeth the protection of God with it.

THE first poysoned fruit of this excom­munication was rotten before it could ripen. There was an intention of a great and terrible Rebellion. The Duke of Norfolke was excited to stirre what Forces he could, and to ioyne with the Earles of Westmerland and Northumberland: at the same time an Armie was to come out of Ireland, and another Armie to be sent from Duke Dalva in the Low-Countries. If all these had ioyned toge­ther, as the intention was, God knoweth what [Page 14] might haue in [...]ued. But there is no counsell can prevaile against God. All the plot was broken in peeces without any other trouble, saving that which fell vpon the plotters themselues, & their instruments. The King of Spaine, who watched all opportunities to doe mischiefe, wrote one Letter to the Duke of Norfolke, exciting him to raise a power within England, and wrote another to the Earle of Ormond, to raise a tumult in Ire­land. But both the Duke and the Earle shewed the Letters to the Queene, declaring thereby a purpose to be loyall. The Duke suffred himselfe to be wrought vpon too much by pernicious in­struments. The instruments were the Bishop of Ross, who lay in London vnder pretence of being Ambassadour for the Queene of Scots, and one Robert Rido [...]f, a Noble-man of Florence, who lay in London, in the habit and pretence of a Factor. These pestif [...]rous instruments laboured to per­swade the Duke to marry the Queene of Scots, who being next heire to the Crowne of England, would bring great hopes with her and by subtill and pernicious counsell drew the Duke so farre, that against his promise made to the Queene, he began to thinke of that marriage, and the hopes that might follow the same, and entred in [...]o a se­cret course of writing and receiving Letters from the Queene of Scots, by [...] Characters. All which together with a Commentary sent to him by the Scots Queene, the Duke commanded his Secretary Higfo [...]d to burne. But he laid them vn­der the Matt in the Dukes Chamber. And being [Page 15] apprehended, declared where they were. At the Dukes arraig [...]ment a Letter was produced writ­ten to him from the Scots Queene, signifying her griefe for that the Earles of Westmerland and Nor­thumberland were vp in Armes before the Duke had raised his powers. For Queene Elizabeth, finding wherevnto things tended, apprehended the Duke, & sent for the Earles to come to Court, but because they had once excused their absence, she sent peremptorily for them, all excuse laid a­side, vpon their alleagance to come vp. Suppo­sing that if they were innocent, they would come, but if guiltie, then should their purpose sooner breake out into open sight. As it fell out. For they supposing by this, the plot to be be­trayed, brake out into open rebellion, before the helpe which they looked for from other parts could come to them. This rebellion was plotted by the Pope, Pius V. and by the King of Spaine, and was so cunningly handled, and carried with such secresie, that it was well knowne to stran­gers before it was knowne to vs whom most the matter concerned. And no marvaile, seeing strangers were the devisers and first authors of it. I will therefore declare it in the words of a stran­ger, who set it forth in Print at Rome, before it was well knowne in England. Hieronymus Caten [...] in the life of Pius V. w [...]iteth thus.

Thus farre Catena writeth of these things, opening some things that before were not knowne to the English. The Booke was Printed at Rome An: Dom: 1588. by the privi­ledge of Pope Pius V.

This is the Narration of a Papist, published at Rome, by the authoritie of the Pope. It may seeme strange to men that haue any feeling of the feare of God, that a Pope should so boldly pub­lish his owne shame to all the world. The Pope doth practise treason against States, sets his in­struments to raise rebellions, stirreth vp Princes against Princes, one Kingdome against another, and when he doth this, he will not vnderstand that he is, in this doing, the instrument and ser­vant [Page 20] of the Devill, to disorder the world. If any would excuse this, as being done against an Heretike: that excuse will not serue here; for I speake not of excommunicating supposed Here­tikes, but of raising rebellions against Princes, to set the subiects to murther the Prince, or to stirre vp one Prince to murther another, these things be wicked and vngracious practises, but the Pa­pists are growne to such an o [...]duration in these sinnes, that they iudge these no sinnes, to mur­ther, or secretly to poyson, or by any horrible mischiefe to compasse their owne endes. The things that are by the Lawes of God, of Nature, of Nations, wicked and abominable, against the ordinances which God hath set in the world, must forsooth change their nature, if the Pope command them, nay, if any of their superiours command such things, their doctrine of blind o­bedience, sets them vpon any mischiefe, and so they doe not onely teach for doctrines mens tradi­tions, but make doctrines for mens destructions. If the Popes presume that they haue such a pri­viledge, that the things which are horrible sinnes in other men are no sinnes in them: this were in effect as much as for the Pope to proclaime him­selfe the Man of sinne, that runneth into all sin­full courses with greedinesse, with an open pro­fession of the same. For what can any man of sin doe more, then to command sinne, to warrant sin, to commit sin, to glory in sin; If all this be done by the Pope, who can iustly deny him this title of the Man of sinne?

[Page 21]But blessed be the name of God, that alwayes delivered his Church here from such wicked practises, and hath brought the mischiefe that these wicked men haue deuised, vpon their owne head. Now let all vnderstanding men iudge where God is, where godlinesse is, where Religi­on and the feare o [...] God is. Whether with them that by bloudy, vniust, vnlawfull practises seeke their owne endes, or with them that are persecu­ted by this bloudy Nation, and in patience suf­fer all their mischievous and cruell practises, committing the matter to God the revenger of bloud, and trufting in God, reioyce vnder his ho­ly protection, being kept in safety by him that commandeth all the world? For what power could be able to keepe his Church from being swallowed vp by such cruell adversaries, but onely the hand and holy protection of our God? Must not we then glorifi [...] his name that hath done so great things for vs? And for our adver­saries they haue their power limited, and they haue their time limited, and set forth vnto them, beyond which they cannot passe. But the soules of them that rest vnder the Altar, whose bloud hath beene shed on euery side, by this bloudy generation, for the testimony of Christ; these cry out with a lowd voyce, Apoc. 6. 10. Vsquequo Domine? How long Lord, holy and true? Doest thou not iudge and revenge our bloud on them that dwell on the earth? Yet so blind are these bloud-suckers, that they labour still to increase this cry; but GOD will giue patience to his Saints, and in his time [Page 22] cut off this wicked Nation. Psal. 59. 5. Be not merciful O Lord to them that sin of malicious wickednesse.

Thus then this rebellion that was so [...]rongly plotted, so secretly carried, was by the hand of God disappointed, and broken into peices. We haue cause to blesse the name of God therefore: Praysed be the Lord, Psal. 124. 6. that hath not given vs as a prey to their teeth. Thus can we comfort our selues in God. but can our adversaries comfort themselues in their owne mischeifes? The issue was, the Pope and the Spanyard were disappointed, the World wondered how this State was so soone quieted. An. Dō. 1569. The Earles Northumberland and West­merland seduced by a Priest that the Pope had sent, one Nicolas Morton, came to Durham where they had the Masse set vp. From thence they marched to Clifford Moore not far from Wether­bie, where hearing that the Scots Queene (for whose deliverance they tooke armes) was car­ried from T [...]tbery to Coventry, vnder the custo­die of the Earles of Shewsbury and Huntingdon, and that the Earle of Sussex on the one side had gathered a strong army against them, that Sir George Bowes was behind them, having fortefied Bernard Castle, that the Lord Scroop and the Earle of Cumberland had fortified Carliell, & gathered an armie there in readines: that the Souldiers of Berwick with the power of Northumberland were in New-castle, they turned backe againe and be­sieged Bernard Castle. Sir George Bowes and his brother Mr. Robert, being driven by an hard siege, and wanting provision yeelded the Castle▪ [Page 23] and they and the souldiers were dismissed, carry­ing their armes with them as it was covenanted, vpon the first newes of the feares, which the Earle of Sussex brought against them, the Earles fled to Hexham, from thence seeking by-wayes to Naworth Castle. Whence the two Earles fl [...]d into Scotland, the Earle of Northumberland hid himselfe in the house of Hector of Harlaw an Armstrang, having confidence in him that he would be true to him, who notwithstanding for money betrayed him to the Regent of Scotland. It was observed, that Hector being before a rich man, fell poore of a sudden, and so hated gene­rally that he never durst goe abroad, in so much, that the Proverb to take Hectors cloake, is continu­ed to this day among them, when they would expresse a man that betrayeth his friend who trusted him: The Earle was afterward delivered into England, and condemned of high treason and beheaded. Westmerland found meanes to hide him a while with Fernihurst and Bucklough, and escaped into the Low-Countries, where being susteined by a poore pension of the King of Spain, he liued a poore life all his time.

This is the fruit of Popery. It bringeth Noble houses to destruction. It pittied their hearts, a­gainst whom the rebellion was raised, to see such Noble persons brought to such a destruction. But the Pope is without pitty and mercy, the Priests and Iesuites that bring such noble men in­to such snares, haue no pitty nor mercy, therefore it behooveth all noble persons to be wise, and to [Page 24] avoyd pestiferous waies, that is, to shut their eares against Priests and Iesuites. These be pernicious instruments, that secretly convey themselues in­to great mens favour, to bring them to ruine, they tell them of the Religion of their Fathers, but true Religion bringeth a blessing, and Reli­gion that bringeth alwayes a curse is to be sus­pected. And to say truth the Religion of Rome as now, is not the Religion of our Fathers. For Religion was changed in the T [...]ent Councell, and therefore they cannot say they haue now that Religion which their Fathers had. And that Re­ligion was changed in the Trent Synod, is by lear­ned men sufficiently proued; and we are readie to maintaine it: for where the rule of faith is chan­ged, there must needs follow a change of Religi­on, and a change of the Church. But in the Trent Councell the rule of faith is changed. And there­fore men may obserue a great difference between these men that are now called Papists, and their forefathers. God blessed their Fathers, because they serued God in sinceritie, according to that measure of knowledge which was reuealed to them; for he that serueth God truely, according to that measure of knowledge which he hath, and holdeth the rule of faith: is without doubt accepted of God, and God doth blesse such. But after that God hath reuealed a greater mea­sure of knowledge, by the spreading of the sa­vour of his Gospell, they who then forsake the truth offred, are followed with great curses. And therefore we may plainly obserue the curses of [Page 25] God vpon them that forsake God and his truth; Where the Pope curseth, we see that God doth blesse, and no [...] followeth: where God doth cur [...]e, we see destruction followeth.

This rebellion was scarce extinguished, when another little flame rose from this greater com­bustion. Leonard Dacres the second sonne of Wil­liam Lord Dacres of Gillestand (whose eldest bro­thers sonne was killed with a Valting horse) was much grieued to see so great a patrimony to goe from him to the daughters of the Baro [...] whom the Duke of Norfolk their Father in law had ioy­ned in marriage with his sonnes. This so trou­bled Leonard Dacres, that having no other way to revenge himselfe, he tooke the course of impati­ent and discontented men, An. Dō. 1569. to revenge all vpon himselfe, and ioyning himselfe to the rebells, striued but in vaine, to deliver the Scots Queene. When they were in armes then was Leonard Da­cres at Court, and offred the Queene all his helpe against them, and for that service was sent home. But (as it came to light afterward) in his iourney by messengers with the rebels he had communi­cation, and incouraging them, vndertooke to kill the Lord Scroop, and the Bishop of Carliell. Which when he could not effect, he tooke Gras­tocke Castle, and other houses of the Lord Dacres, and fortified Naworth Castle, holding it as in his owne right, and gathered souldiers about him. Against him came the Lord H [...]nsdon, with the trained souldiers of Berwick. Leonard not trusting to his fortified places, came to meet the Lord [Page 26] Hunsdon, and meeting him when he passed the Riuer Gelt, after a sharpe battell, finding himselfe put to the worse, his men killed, he fled into Scotland. And so went into the Low-Countries, and in a poore estate died at Louaine. The Queene by Proclamation pardoned the multitude which he had drawne to take his part.

This man run a strange course. When he might haue beene out of danger, he run into a quarrell which he might evidently see to be lost before he came to it. But he was drunke with the cup of Rome; for who would run such courses but drunken men? It may teach others to beware of those that bring such poysoned and intoxicating cuppes from Rome.

TO proceed and to declare the pestilent fruit of the Popes excommuni­cation, which wrought still to the confusion of them that served it. At this time in Ireland, An▪ Dō. 1569. Edmond and Peter Botlers, brethren to the Earle of Ormond, ioyning with Iames fitz Morice of Desmondes family, and with others, [...]ought to doe service to the Pope and Spa­nyard against Religion, and with a purpose to draw Ireland away from the obedience of Queene Elizabeth. To this end they made a league among themselues. To inflame this rebellion Iohannes [Page 27] Mendoza came secretly out of Spaine: and to ex­tinguish the flame the Earle of Ormond went out of England into Ireland, who laboured so effectually that he perswaded his brethren to submit themselues. They were put in prison, but that they might not be brought to iudgement, the Earles daily intercession prevailed with the Queene. It grieued the Earle exceedingly to see such a blot vpon so noble a family; And the Queene was willing to preserue the honor of the house: as for the reliques of that rebellion, they were in short time dissipared by the wise­dome of the Lord Deputy, and the industry of Sir Humphrey Gilbert.

This was but a small motion: but it sheweth the restles spirits of the Pope and Spanyard against our Church and State. And we render thankes to God, for breaking the purposes of our adversa­ries before they grew great. This is his goodnes toward his Church; and his iudgement vpon the adversaries.

The King of Spaine never rested to stirre vp troubles to Queene Elizabeth, pretending the deliverance of the Scots Queene, but it appeareth that his intention was for himselfe, as the Duke Dalva vnderstood it. This is evident by that which we haue mentioned out of Catena. For Duke Dalva was in some feare that if Queene Eli­zabeth were overthrowne, yet the Kingdome of England might not fall to the Spanyard, but to the French. So that it was in their intention certain­ly to be cast vpon the French or Spanyard, and [Page 28] here was no reckoning made of the Queene of Scots. So that howsoever the pretence was for her deliverance, yet there was another thing in­tended. For seeing Queene Elizabeth was excom­municated and deposed, if she could once be o­uerthrowne, then they made no other reckoning but that England would fall to the strongest. Now the Spanyard thinking himselfe the stronger, sought this prerogatiue for himselfe, and there­fore he ceased not to raise troubles to the Queene, and the rather, because he held it a thing impossi­ble for him to recover the Low-Countries, vnlesse he had England. But because he found it a matter of great difficultie to set vpon England, his first enterprise was to set vpon Ireland. But when that succeeded not, at last with all Forces that might be raised, with many yeares preparations he set openly vpon England. But these things are to be spoken in order. Onely this I premise, that we may know from whom all our troubles haue proceeded.

Many conspiracies brake out one after ano­ther, vnder pretence of delivering the Queene of Scots. An: Dō. 1570. To effect this thing, Thomas Stanly and Ed­ward, his brother, the yonger sonnes of the Earle of Darby, Thomas Gerard, Rolston, Hall, and other in Dar [...]yshire conspired. But the sonne of R [...]lston which was Pensioner to the Queene, disclosed the conspiracy. And they were imprisoned all ex­cept Hall, who escaped into the [...] of Man. From whence by the commendation of the Bishop of Ross, he was sent to Dumbr [...]to [...]. Where when af­terward [Page 29] the Castle was wonne, he was taken, and brought to London, where he suffred death.

Before the Duke of Norfolk was beheaded, there were that conspired to deliver him out of Prison. The Bishop of Ross at this time a dangerous in­strument against England, An: Dō 1571. and as dangerous a­gainst the Scots Queene, for whom he laboured, gaue desperate counsell to the Duke, that with a choice company of Gentlemen, he should inter­cept the Queene of a suddain, and [...]rouble the Parliament. To shew that this was [...]as [...]e, he gaue some reasons. But the Duke abhorred to heare of that counsell as pernicious and dangerous: Sir Henry Percy at that time offred to the Bishop of Ross his helpe to free the Scots Queene, so that Grange, and Carr of [...]ernihurst would receiue her at the borders, and his brother the Earle of Nor­thumberland might be delivered out of Scotland. But when he was suspected for the inward fa [...]i­liaritie which he had with Burghly, and de [...]er [...]ed the matter a longer time, this counsell came to no effect. As did also that of Powell of Samford, one of the Gentlem [...]n Pencio [...]ari [...]s, and of Owen one that belonged to [...]he Earle of Arūdell. These two vndertooke the same busines also for the Scots Queenes deliverance, but the Bishop of Ross stay'd that, because he tooke them for men of a meaner ranke, then to be [...]it for [...]hat busines. After the Duke was the second time imprisoned, many were for this matter imprisoned also. The Earles of Arundell & Southampton, the Lord Lu [...]ly, the Lord Cobham, Thomas, his brother, Sir Henry Per­cy, [Page 30] Banister, Lowther, Godier, Powell, and others were committed, who in hope of pardon, told that they knew.

Barnes and Muthers, An▪ Dō. 1572. ioyned with Herle in a bloudy practise to deliver the Duke, and kill cer­taine of the Privy Councellers. But Herle being the ch [...]efe in the villany opened the Proiect. When B [...]rnes was brought before him, & found Herle to be the accuser, he smiling vpon him, said, Herle, thou hast prevented me, if thou hadst stay­ed but one houre longer, I should then haue stood in thy place the accuser, and thou in my place to be hanged.

When Iohn Duke of Austria came into govern­ment of the Low-Countries, An: Dō. 1576. he found the States strong. The cruelty that the Duke of Dalva and others had vsed, was so farre from bringing them into a servile subiection, that it rather armed them with resolution to defend their liberties, their lawes, their religion, and their liues. Which may admonish great Princes to vse moderation in government; for much hath beene lost by crueltie, nothing gotten by it; but nothing can serue to moderate restlesse spirits; such a spirit brought Don Iohn with him into the Low-Coun­tries, who beholding the vnlucky ends of them that stroue to deliver the Queene of Scots, he not­withstanding sought to worke her deliverance, and to marry her, and so to enioy both England and Scotland. But to hide his purpose the better, he made show of a perpetuall Edict for Peace, as he called it: and for that purpose sent Gastellus to Elizabeth: Who throughly vnderstanding the [Page 31] Dukes meaning, yet as if she had beene ignorant, sent Daniel Rogers to Don Iohn to congratulate for his perpetuall Edict of Peace. Albeit she cer­tainly knew, that he had resolved to deliver and marry the Scots Queene, and in his conceit had devoured the Kingdomes of England and Scot­land, by the perswasion of the Earle of Westmer­land, and of other [...]ugitiues, and by favour and countenance of the Pope and the Guyses. And that Don Iohn had a purpose out of hand to sur­prise the [...]le of Man in the [...]rish Seas, that he might haue a fitter opportunitie to invade England out of Ireland, and the North coast of Scotland, where the Scots Queene had many at her deuotion, and the opposite parts of England, as Cumberland, Lan­kyshire, Cheshire, Northwales, had many that as he was informed favoured Popery.

The truth is, Don Iohn of Austria (as it was knowne from Peresius Secretary to the King of Spaine,) being before this carried away with am­bition, when he was disappointed of the hope which he had of the Kingdome of Tunis, practi­sed secretly with the Pope, for the ouerthrow of Queene Elizabeth, marrying of the Scots Queene, and subduing of England. That the Pope might excite the King of Spain to warre against England, as out of a desire of the publique good. Don Iohn before he came out of Spain to goe to the Nether­lands, did f [...]rward this motion in Spaine what he could, and afterward sending Esconedus out of the Netherlands to Spaine, did desire to haue the havens in Bis [...]ay, whence a Navie might invade [Page 30] [...] [Page 31] [...] [Page 32] England. But King Philip (happily reserving Eng­land as a morsell for his owne mouth) neglected Don Iohn as a man too ambitious. Queene Eliza­beth vnderstood not these things vntill the Prince of Orange opened them to her. Don Iohn in the meane time, prosecuteth the matter of the mar­riage with secresie. An: Dō. 1577. And to dissemble the matter sent messengers to Que [...]ne Elizabeth, to hold her with a tale of perpetuall peace; but of a sudden brake out into warre, and tooke divers Townes and Castles by sleight and trechery, and wrote to Spaine, that the best course is to take Zealand be­fore the more inner Provinces. And being prone to beleeue that which he desired, he wrote that England might be had with greater ease then Zea­land; and he laboured by Escouedus to perswade the Spanish King. But the Queene seeing all tend to warre in the Netherlands, entred a league with the States for mutuall helpe, and sent Thomas Wilkes into Spaine to complaine of the headdy courses of the Duke of Austria. And in the meane time prepared for warre. But behold when Don Iohn was in the height of his pride and ambiti­on, in the flower of his age, in the middest of bu­sines and preparations, He died Anno Dom. 1578. he died on a suddain, as some thought of the Plague. Some thought that vpon griefe, that he was not so respected of the King his brother, he ended his foolish ambition with his life, afterthat he had embraced in his ambitious desire the Kingdome of Tunis, where­vpon Guleta was lost in Africa, and after that the Kingdome of England; and had confirmed a [Page 33] league with the Guysians, without the knowledge of the French and Spanish Kings, for defence of both Crownes. Thus was the enemy disappoin­ted, the Queene, the Land, the Church preser­ved; And haue we not cause to remember these Workes of God, and to giue God the glory of his own worke, that is, of delivering his Church? England was as a Stage, wherevpon diverse en­tred to play their parts, one after another. The part that they played was alwayes treason; some was kept farther off by Gods providence, to doe lesse harme; some brought the danger nearer home. But GOD taking the protection of his Church in England, none prevailed. And could any other power but the power and protection of God preserue a Land from so many, so deadly dangers? Let all mouthes be stopped, and let this continuall course of deliverance be acknowled­ged the worke of God.

THE next man that came vpon this Stage, was Thomas Stucley, but the malice that he and the Pope by his employment intended against Eng­land, was turned cleane another way by GODS providence.

Thomas Stucley an English-man borne, when he had spent his estate in ryot, prodigality, and base [Page 34] meanes, went into Ireland An: 1570. And gaping for the Stewardship of Wexford, and missing the same, began to vtter contumel [...]ous words against the best deserving Prince, but he was contemned as one that could doe no hurt. From Ireland he went into Italy to Pius V. Pope. It is a thing in­credible what favour he got with the old Pope, that breathed nothing but the destruction of E­lizabeth. Stucley with magnificent ostentation, (as he was a man singular in ostentation) made the Pope beleeue, that with three thousand Ita­lians, he would driue the English out of Ireland, and b [...]rne the Queenes Navy. And indeed these things he most wickedly attempted afterward, but to his owne destruction.

Pius V. having procured all the troubles that possibly he could against Queene Elizabeth, see­med to die for spite that he could not hurt her. After him suceeded Gregory 13. An: Dō. 1572. This Pope had secret consultations with the King of Spaine for the invading of Ireland and England both toge­ther. Meaning vnder the maske of Religion, to serue their owne ambitious endes. The Popes end was to make his sonne Iames Boncampagno, whom he had lately made Marquesse of Vineola, now King of Ireland. The Spanyardes end was, secret­ly to helpe the Rebells of Ireland, as Elizabeth did the Dutch, and in faire words intertaine a shew of friendship on both sides. The King of Spaine had a farther reach, even to get the King­dome of England by the Popes authoritie, that from thence he might with [...]ore ease tam [...] the [Page 35] Dutch that were confederate against him. This he found hard for him to doe, vnlesse he were Lord of the Seas, which he saw he could not be, vnlesse he had England. And there was no doubt but as he owed the Kingdomes of Naples, Sicily, Navarre to the beneficence of the Pope, so with all his heart he would haue held England by the like fauour.

They knowing that the greatest strength of England stood in the navy of the Queenes shippes, and Merchants shippes, which were also built and framed for the vse of warre, thought that the best way to lessen the Navi [...], was to set on the Merchants of Italy and Netherlands, to hire many of the Merchants shippes, seeking diverse seuerall pretenses, and hauing hired them, to send them vnto the farthest Navigations, that whilst these are absent, the Queenes Navy might be over­throwne with a greater Navy: And then at the same instant Thomas Stucley the English fugitiue, might ioyne his forces with the rebels of Ireland. Stucley a bare-worne deceiver, did no lesse cousin this next succeeding Pope, then he had done his predecessor, Gregor. 13. with admirable bragges. He promi­sed the Kingdome of Ireland to the Popes bastard sonne, and got such favour with the old ambiti­ous Pope, that he honored him with the titles of Marquesse of Lagen, Earle of Wexford and Cater­loghe, Vicount of Morough, and Baron of Ross. These be famous places in Ireland. And made him gene­rall of DCCC. Italian Souldiers, the King of Spaine paying their stipends, and so sent him into [Page 36] the Irish warre. Stucley came with these to Portin­gale, to the mouth of Tagus, purposing to subdue Ireland. But the purpose of God was otherwise. And that which the Pope and Spanyard had with such deliberation proiected, was by the councell of God dissipated and brought to nothing. For Seba [...]tian King of Portugall, to whom the chiefe conduct of the forces against England was com­mitted; (for this Prince puffed vp with a heat of youth and ambition, had long before offred all his power to the Pope, to be imployed against Mahumetanes and Prote [...]tants) was then intised and drawne by many great promises of Mahomet sonne of Abdalla King of [...]ess, vnto the African warre. Sebastian being thus drawne from the English Warres another way, dealt with Stucley, that first of all he would carry his Italian souldi­ers into Mauritania; Stucley finding the Spanish King not against this proiect, (for the Spanyard disdeined that the Popes. Bastard should be King of Ireland) went with Sebastian into Mauritania, and was killed in that memorable battell, An: Dō. 1578. where­in three Kings, Sebastian, Mahomet, and Abdall-Melech were all slaine. And so Stucley had too honorable an end of a dishonorable life.

By the death of Sebastian the Spanyard was cleane drawn away from thinking of the English invasion for a time, and set all his forces vpon the invasion of Portugall. If this occasion had not drawne away the Spanyard, a great tempest of Warre should haue fallen vpon England (if any credit may be given to the English fugitiues) for [Page 37] they declared that those hug▪. Armies which the Spanyard had provided against England out of I­taly, were now all to be imployed vpon the sub­duing of Portuga [...]l: neither would he be by any meanes pe [...]swaded then, to thinke of the English invasion, albeit, the English fugitiues did much vrge him, and the Pope promise a Cruciata in this Warre, as in the holy Warre was vsed. The King of Spaine was so wholly defixed vpon Portugall, that nothing could remoue him from that reso­lution. Now when it was knowne that Stucley, and all his Italians in Mauritania were slaine, and that the Spanyard thought of nothing but Portu­gall, the English Navy that watched for Stucley vpon the Irish Seas, was called home, and all was quiet in England and Ireland.

By this Pageant we may obserue how zealous these holy Fathers of Rome are, not to win soules to Christ, but to winne Kingdomes to their Ba­stards. Two Popes proceed in the same course of malice and malediction against Queene Elizabeth, & one English fugitiue makes them both fooles. But our part is to remember who governeth the world, and turneth the wise and politike coun­sells of all the enemies of his Church into foo­lishnes. We giue God the prayse, and remember these things for no other end but to giue the glo­ry to him.

IN the next place comes vp Nicholas S [...]nders, that in the defence of the Ro­man visible Monarchy ecclesiasticall had written. But finding that he could doe no good by writing, he falleth now vnto an­other course; to be the firebrand of a Rebellion in Ireland. Iames fitz Morice being pardoned for a former Rebellion, withdrew himselfe into France, promising the French King, that if he would send helpe, he would ioyne all Ireland to the French Scepter, and restore the Romane Reli­gion in the Ile. But being wearied with delayes, and finding himselfe derided, from France he went to Spaine, and promised the same to the Spanyard. Who sent him to the Pope. From the Pope at the earnest su [...]e of Nicholas Sanders an En­glish Priest, and one Alan an Irish Priest, he obtai­ned a little money. And to Sanders authoritie Le­gatine was granted, he got forsooth a consecra­crated Banner, and Letters of commendation to the Spanyard, and so returned into Spaine. From Spaine he came into Ireland, with those Priests, three shippes, and a small company of souldiers. He landed at Smerwick in Kirria a Chersones in Ireland, An: Dō 1579. about the first of Iuly. An. 1579. Where, when the place was first orderly consecrated, he raised a fort, and withdrew his shippes. Which shippes were presently surprised and carried a­way by Thomas Courtney an English Gentleman, [Page 39] who with a warre ship stayed by chance in a neare haven, and so excluded the Spanyards from the benefit of the Sea. Iohn Desmond and Iames, bre­thren to the Earle of Desmond, speedily ioyne themselues to their cousin fitz Morice. The Earle himselfe, who heartily favoured the cause, coun­terfeiting the contrary, called his men together, in shew to resist them, but craftily caused the Earle of Clanri [...]ket to withdraw himselfe, who was comming to helpe him against the rebells.

The Lord Deputy vnderstanding by certaine messengers that the enemies were landed: sent Henry Dauil, an English Gentleman, a man of va­lour, and who had good acquaintance with the Desmonds, to the Earle of Desmond, and to his brethren, commanding them presently to set vp­on the fort, which the enemies had raised. But that they re [...]used to doe, as a thing full of dan­gers. And as Dauil returned, Iohn Desmond fol­loweth him; and overtaketh him at Trally in an Inne. And in the night time, having corrupted the host, came into his chamber, with some other cut-throats, having drawn [...] swords in their hands; where Dauilus slept in securitie with Ar­thur Carter an old souldier, a man of worth, De­puty-governour of Monmuth. But being awaked with the tumult, when he saw Iohn Desmond with a naked sword rushing towards him, What is the matter my [...]onne quoth he, (for so was he wont familiarly to call him) nay, said, Desmond, I am no more thy sonne, nor thou my father; for thou shalt die. And presently thrust him and Carter which [Page 40] lay with him through with many woundes, and killed them both. Dauilus his foot-boy defended his Master, with his naked body, receiving many wounds to saue his Master if he could. Then he killed all Dauils servants, which lay scattered in diverse places. And returning to the Spanyards all imbrued in bloud, he gloried of the slaugh­ter which he had made. Let this, said he, be to you a pledge of my faith to you and to the cause. Doctor Sanders commended this action, as a sweet sacri­fice before God. Iames fitz Morice blamed the manner of the slaughter, he would haue had it rather in the way, then in their bed. The Earle, when he heard of it, vtterly detested it.

When the Spanyards saw but a few Irish ioyne themselues with them, and they poore and vn­armed, farre otherwise then fitz Morice had pro­mised, they began to distrust, to cry out they were vndone, to bewaile their fortunes, seeing all wayes was shut vp so, that they saw no meanes to escape by Sea or Land. Fitz Morice exhorts them to expect with patience a while; he told them great forces were comming to helpe them. And himselfe tooke a iourney to the holy crosse of Tippararia, pretending to performe a Vow which he made in Spaine, but in truth, to gather together the seditious of Conach and Vlster.

Whilst he was thus in iourney with a few horse and twelue foot, as he passed by the land of Willi­am á Burg his kinsman, and taking some horses from the Plow, because his horses tyred [...]: the hus­bandmen made Hue and Cry, and raised the [Page 41] neighbourhood to recover the horses. Amongst these that went to recover the horses, were the sonnes of William á Burg, forward young men, who pursued them so sharply, that they over­tooke them. Fitz Morice seeing Theobald á Burg, and his brethren, who had indeed in a former re­bellion taken part with fitz Morice: Cosins, quoth he, let vs not striue for two or three paltry lades. I doubt not, but if you knew the cause why I am retur­ned into Ireland, you would ioyne your selues with me. Theobald answered, It repenteth me, my Father, and all our friends of the last rebellion. But now we haue sworne our fealtie to our most gracious Princesse, who hath granted to vs our liues, and we will keepe our faith and alleagance: and therefore restore the horses, or I will make thee restore them. And withall, he ran vpon him with his Speare. They sought a while together. Theobaldus and another of his brethren, with some other were slaine. Fitz Mo­rice also himselfe being runne through with a Sp [...]are, and his head shot through with a Buller, was slaine with divers of his men. Queene Eliza­beth hearing of this chance, wrote Letters full of sorrow and loue to William á Burg, comforting him for the death of his sonnes. She honored him with the title of Baron of Conell Castle, and re­warded him with a yearely Pension. The old man being over- [...]oyed with such vnexspected fa­uours, dyed not long after.

Sir William Drury then Lord Deputy, came neare to Kilmaloch and sent for the Earle of Desmond: who comming to him promised his faith and al­leagance [Page 42] to his Prince, and sweare that himselfe and his men should fight against the rebells. Wherevpon he was dismissed to gather his com­panies, and to returne to the Lord Deputy. Iohn Desmond the Earles brother, who was by the re­bells put in the place of Fi [...]z Morice; lying in am­bush, did intrap Herbert, & Prise, with the bandes which they led, and killed them. Himselfe be­ing hurt in the face. Some supplyes came out of England, and Perrot was sent with six warre-ships to defend the coast: the Lord Deputy grew so sicke that he was forced to withdraw to Water­ford for his healths sake; and appointed Nicholas Malbey governour of Connach, a famous and ap­proued Souldier, to follow the Warres. And worthy Sir William Drury soone after died. Mal­bey sent to the Earle of Desmond, and often ad­monished him of his dutie and promise: and see­ing it not good to linger in such a businesse, he brought his forces into Conil, a woody Country, against the rebells. There was Iohn Desmond, who in battell array, and with the Popes conse­crated banner displayed, received the forces of Malbey. It was sharply fought on both sides. But the vertue of the English prevailed; Iohn Desmond fled first away and left his men to the slaughter. Among them was found Alan the Irish Priest, who exhorting them to the battell, had promi­sed them the Victory. Malbey by a messenger sent for the Earle to come and his forces with him: and when he in vaine expected him foure dayes, he came to Rekell a towne of Desmond. Here the [Page 43] Earle began to shew himselfe plainly for the re­bells, after that he had a long time vsed dissimu­lation in his wordes and countenance. The same night the rebells set vpon Malbey his tents in the darke, but finding them well fortified, they went away and did no harme. After the death of Sir William Drury, William Pelh [...]m was sent Lo [...]ch [...]e [...]e Instice into Ireland, with the authoritie of a De­puty, vntill a Deputy should be sent; & the Earle of Ormond was made goue [...]nour of Munster, who sent Desmonds sonne (which he had with him as a pledge) to be kept at Dublin, Pelham, chiefe Iu­stice commeth to Munster, sends for Desmond; but he sending Letters by his wife excuseth him­selfe. Wherevpon the Earle of Ormond was sent to him, to admonish him to deliver into the handes of the Lord chiefe Iustice, Sanders the Priest, the forrain souldiers, and the Castles of Carigofoil, and Asketten, and to submit himselfe absolutely, and turne his forces against his brother and the other rebells. Which thing if he would doe, he might obtaine pardon of his rebellion, otherwise he was to be declared a traytor and enemy to his Country. Whilst he held off with delayes and delusions, he was declared a traytor in the begin­ning of December An: An. Dō. 1579. 1579. That he had dealt with forrain Princes for invading and subverting his Countrey: That he had retained Sanders and fitz Morice, rebells: That he had helped the Spa­nyards after they were gone out of the fort at Smerwick: That he had hanged the Queenes faithfull subiects; had advanced the banner of [Page 44] the Pope against the Queene, that he had brought strangers into the kingdome. After this procla­mation, the chiefe Iustice appointed the warres against Desmond, to be prosecuted by the Ea [...]le of Orm [...]nd. The Earle of Ormond with his forces destroyed Conilo, the onely refuge which the rebells had; he draue away their Cattell, and gaue them a prey to be devided among his soul­d [...]ers. He hanged the Balife of Yonghall before hi [...] dore, because he had re [...]used to take a band of English into the Towne. And then began to be­siege the Spanyards in Strangi [...]all; but they fea­ring such a thing had conveyed themselues out of danger. Yet the English followed them, and killed them all. And every way through Munster pressed the rebells most sharply. Desmond and his brethren were so hard driven, hiding themselues in their lurking holes, that they wrote to the chiefe Iustice, signifying that they had taken vp­on them the patronage of the Catholike faith in Irelan [...], and prayed him to take part with them. This shewed their cause was desperate, they had no hope, vnlesse he that was come purposely a­gainst them would helpe them. The Chiefe Iustice laughing pleasantly at the motion, went to Munster, and called the Nobles to him, and kept them, neither would dismisse them, vntill they had given pledges, and promised their helpe a­gainst the rebels to ioyne with him and the Earle of Ormond. They therevpon deviding their bandes, sought out the rebells. They forced the Baron of Lixnaw to yeeld himselfe: they besiege [...] [Page 45] Carigo [...]oil-Castle, which Iulius an Italian with a few Spanyards maintained, and breaking the walls by the force of great Ordnance, they entred and killed or hanged all that kept the place, with Iulius also.

At this time came Arthur Lord Grey Lord De­puty into Ireland. An: Dō. 1580. An: 1580. Soone after his com­ming, about seaven hundred Italians and Spany­ards sent from the Pope and King of Spaine, vnder the gouernment of San-Iosephus, an Italian, came into Ireland, vnder the pretence of restoring the Roman Religion, but the purpose was to divert the Queenes forces, and call her from other cares to Ireland onely. They tooke land without any trouble, at Smerwick in Kirria; for Winter, that had a good while stayed in that coast with ships, waiting for them, was now returned to England, thinking they would not come in winter. They made the place strong, and called it fort del or. But as soone as they heard that the Earle of Or­mond was comming towards them, by the per­swasion of the Irish they left the fort, and betooke themselues into the valley Glamingell, which was compassed about with high mountaines and woods. The Earle tooke some of them, who be­ing questioned of their number, and purpose: they confessed that 700. were come, that so much armour is brought that may serue 5000. that mo are daily expected out o [...] Spaine, that the Pope and King of Spaine are resolved to draw the Eng­lish out of Ireland, that for that end they haue sent an huge s [...]m of money, which they haue delive­red [Page 46] into the handes of Sanders the Popes Nuntio, of the Earle of Desmond, and Iohn his brother. That night the Italians & Spanyards were much to seeke, not knowing what way to turne them­selues, not knowing to hide themselues as the I­rish doe, in dens and bogs, and therefore in the darke they went backe to their Fort; neare to which the E [...]rle of Ormond had pitched: but be­ing vnprovided of Ordnance and other things needfull for oppugnation, he stayed for the com­ming of the Lord Deputy. Who soone after came, accompanied with Zouch, Ralegh, Denie, Ma [...] ­worth, Achin, and other Captaines. At that time came Winter out of Englan [...] with warre shippes, much blamed for withdrawing himselfe when there was need of his service.

The Lord Deputy sent a trumpetter to the [...]ort to demand what they were? What businesse they had in Ireland? Who sent them? Why they had fortified a place in the Queenes Kingdome? And withall to command them presently to depart. Their answer was, that of them some were sent from the most holy Father the Pope of Rome, some from the Catholike King of Spaine, to whom the Pope had given Ireland; for as much as Queene Elizabeth had lost her right in Ireland by reason of heresie. And therefore that which they had taken, they would hold, and get more if they could. When the Lord Deputy and Winter had consulted of the maner of the siege, they brought some Culverings out of the Shippes in the darke of the night; and digging through the banke, [Page 47] they drew them the nearest way, & placed them. The souldiers also mounted their great O [...]dnāce against the wall, and did beat vpon the Fort con­tinually foure dayes together. The Spanyard once or twice made Sallyes out, but still to their losse. Of the English none was killed, saving onely Iohn Cheke, a goodly yong man and val [...] ­ant, the sonne of that learned Knight Sir Iohn Ch [...]ke.

San-Iosephus who was governour within the Fort, a weake man, and terrified with the daily shot, began quickly to thinke of yeelding. And when as Hercules Pisanus, and other Captaines, disswaded him earnestly from that, as a thing vn­worthy of military men, vrging that all should prepare for a defence, least by their negligence they might withdraw the courage of the Irish, which were comming to helpe them. But he be­ing a man of singular cowardise, assayed the mindes of the souldiers, and wrought so, that the souldiers sedi [...]ously offred force to the other Captaines, that at last they consented to yeeld. Wherevpon the fift day, when they saw no hope of helpe, neither from Spaine, nor Desmond, they put out a white flagge and demaunded parley. Which thing was denied them because they had ioyned themselues with the rebells, with whom it was not lawfull to haue any parley. Then they demanded that with bag & baggage they might depart, but neither was this granted. Then they intreat [...]d that this favour might be granted at least to the governour and some few besides, but [Page 48] that though they much besought it, could not be granted. But the Lord Deputy, inveighing a­gainst the Pope, commanded that without any condition they should simply yeeld themselues. And when they could obtaine no more, they put out their white flagge againe, and cryed miseri­cordia, misericordia. And so submitted themselues simply to the Lord Deputy his mercy. Who pre­sently fell into consultatiō, what were best to do. The adversaries were in number as many as the English, and danger was feared of the Irish re­bells, who were moe then 1500▪ at hand. The English wanted vittails and apparell, so that they were ready to make a tumult, v [...]lesse they might be relieued by the spoiles of the enemies out of the fort, and shippes were wanting to carry away the enemies. At last they came to this conclusion, (the Lord Deputy being much vnwilling & wee­ping) that the Captaines should be preserued, the rest should all be slaine promiscuously in terror of others that might attempt so hereafter. The I­rish should be hanged, which was presently exe­cuted. The Queene was not pleased at the maner of this execution, and wished it had beene vn­done, hating crueltie, though necessary, against such as haue once yeelded, and was hardly after drawne to admit any excuse of the slaughter committed. This was done An: 1580. Some three yeares after the Earle of Desmond, of a noble house, but of a barbarous nature, who barbarous­ly had sworne that He would rather forsake God, then forsake his men, wandring from place to place, [Page 49] was at last found of a commō souldier in a poore cottage. The Earle was in a poore estate, vn­knowne, till the souldier had almost struck off his arme. Then he descryed himselfe, and was killed. Nicholas Sanders that had drawne the Earle into this rebellion, was at the same time spent with fa­mine, and forsaken of all succour: and being impatiently grieued at the evill successe of this rebellion, proceeding so much against his de­sires, seeing neither the Popes blessing, nor the consecrated Banner, nor the authoritie by the Pope committed to him, could do him any helpe, he lost himselfe, and ran starke mad, wandring vp and downe in the mountaines and woods, and finding no comfort died miserably. When he was dead, there were found in his scrip some Orations and Epistles written to confirme the rebells, filled with great promises of the Pope and Spanyard. Thus Gods justice met with a rest­les and wretched man, and that foule mouth was stopped vp with famine, that was ever open to stirre vp rebellions against the State that had vttered so many blasphemies against God, and his holy truth, and inuented so many strange lyes against men. This man first of all men, devised a noto­rious lye against the birth of the Queenes mother; which none of her enemies ever heard or knew, she being in the hatred of so many Papists, that would not haue spared to haue spoken evill, yet was it never heard or knowne for forty yeares af­ter. And the accompt of the time doth proue it false, & himselfe like a forgetfull lyer, doth plain­ly refute himselfe.

[Page 50]This Pageant of the Pope and his Legat San­ders, we may not let passe without some observa­tions. Seeing there is no way to exsatiate their crueltie, we pray that it may please God to re­moue their coec [...]ie and obduration if it be his good pleasure, that they may once truely see themselues and their vngracious actions, where­of the sight is now taken from them by reason of their blindnesse. For we hold this to proceed ra­ther from their blindnesse, then from a wilfull and obstinate striuing against the knowne truth; but this we warne them, to labour to know the truth, and to set their hearts to seeke it, least they be wrapped farther and farther into that great iudgement, wherein as yet they are vnder his power which worketh with all power and signes and lying wonders, in all deceivablenesse of vnrighteous­nesse, 2 Thes. 2. among them that perish, because they receiue not the loue of the truth, that they might be saued. And therfore God shall send them strong illusions, that they should beleeue lyes, that all they might be damned. which beleeved not the truth, but had pleasure in vn­righteousnesse. Two things are here conteined in these words, which iump with these Priests and Seminaries which the Pope sendeth forth; the doc­trine which they teach, and the actions which they practise. Their doctrines which they teach are lyes: the Apostle warned vs they should be­leeue lyes; this is a iust judgement vpon such as loue not the truth; Their vsuall practise is vnrigh­teousnesse. What greater lyes can be invented, then to say, that Whatsoever the Pope will allow for a tra­dition [Page 51] of his Church, that is the Word of God. A lye with a witnes, and withall a blasphemy against the most High. What greater vnright [...]ousnesse, then to giue away other mens possessions to strangers that haue no right to them; to aispossesse Kings; to giue Kingdomes which is none of yours to giue; to kill, to murther, to massacre, to aoe any act of vnrighteous­nesse at the commandement of the Pope or any superi­or: These I am sure are the practises of vnrighte­ousnesse; would to God these men would once looke backe vpon themselues and their owne ac­tions, and consider what a difference is betweene ancient Bishops of Rome and these of late; be­tweene godly Divines and the Popes Clergie. The ancient Bishops did never draw the sword to pro­pagate the faith; the Apostles left no such exam­ple to them, but by their labours in Preaching, and their patience in suffring, they gathered a Church and established the faith; but behold how vnrighteousnes, and villany is now come in place. An vngracious bloudy wretch kills a man in his bed, a man that was his friend; such a thing chancing in the Warres may be borne with, but in bed to murther his friend, is an extraordinary signe of barbarous crueltie: And yet that Sanders the Popes Legat should pronounce this thing to be a sweet sacrifice to God? this passeth all ima­gination. Can any either practise these things, or commend these practises, but onely such men as the Apostle describeth, that are given vp to beleeue lyes, and to worke vnrighteousnesse? If any man shall answer me here with that old worn [Page 52] Cuckow long, that these things are not vnder­stood by them to be vnrighteo [...]s which the Pope commandeth, that they doe these things in obe­dience to Christ his Vicar. I answer, they that would make such an answer, are either such as are men of conscience, or altogether without consci­ence. If they be men without conscience, I haue no­thing to say to such, but wish them better then they doe to themselues, that they had some fec­ling of conscience. If these men haue any sparke of conscience, then would I intr [...]at them seriously to consider what is that which the Apostle in the place before cited, calleth the deceivablenes of vnrighteousnes; For this word sheweth that there is some plaine and down-right vnrighteous­nesse, and also some deceivablenesse of vnrighteous­nesse. What is that deceivablenesse of vnrighteous­nesse? Surely there is something herein for them to study, that are so ready at the Popes command to doe vnrighteous things; and make not Gods Word, but the Popes word to be the rule to know what is righteous, what vnrighteous. When the law of God, the law of nature, the law of nations, the law of our Land; when I say all lawes forbid a thing, and onely the Pope commands it, and commands it against all lawes; then if a man o­bey the Pope in such things, he is deceived and he doth vnrighteously. Here is the deceivablenesse of vnrighteousnesse. But you must vnderstand that these men are thus deceived by him whose cōming is by the working of Satan, with all power and signes and lying wonders, and in all deceivablenesse of vn­righteousnesse [Page 53] in them that perish, because they receiue not the loue of the truth. Let men that haue any care to saue their soules, learne to loue the truth, the truth will deliver them. And let them ob­serue that maintaining of false doctrines and of vnrighteous actions, are things ioyned together, one followeth the other. Now because we see false doctrines or lyes maintained by Papists, and vnrighteous and vngracious actions by them or­dinarily attempted; therefore we hold them vn­doubtedly to be the servants of Antichrist, who are given vp to beleeue lyes, because they lou [...] not the truth. But for our selues, we know that the Scriptures are the Word of God. We beleeue the Scriptures. We trust in God. We worship him as himselfe hath revealed and commanded. If our enemies wrong vs, we haue recourse to God by prayer; we haue found by continuall experi­ence, that God taketh the protection of them that thus trust in him. We haue trusted in him, we haue found his protectiō. We rest in patience and commit the vengeance to God. Is there any man in the world that knoweth any thing of re­ligion, that can denie that we are in a good state, and our enemies in a desperate state? we haue comfort, but they can haue none. Consider this you that forget God, least he plucke you vp, and there be none to deliver you. Now, which is our chiefe end in these collections, for our deliverance we blesse the name of God; and we doe acknow­ledge with all humilitie and thankesgiving, that all our deliverances come from the vndeserved [Page 54] loue and favour of our most gracious God and Father. And we finde our selues most sirictly o [...] ­liged vnto this dutie, because we see God hath made our enemies his enemies: they cannot fight against vs, but they must fight against God; how much then are we bound to honor & serue this great. God of heaven and [...]arth, that hath shewed such favour to his Church in England?

AT this time, An: 1580. the seminary Priests and [...]esuites increasing in Eng­land, necessary lawes were provided against them. These in truth were maintained by the adversaries of England as a se­minary of rebellion; for so still they proued. Their first foundation was at Doway in the Low-Countries, where by the procuring of William Alan an Oxford-man, afterward Cardinall, there was a Colledge provided for them, in the yeare 1568. Where fugitiue Priests were brought vp, not so much in Religion, as in new and strange practises of treason. The Pope assigned them a yearely sti­pend. Thus they stood for some yeares. But when the Low-Countries began to be troubled with Warres, Requesenius, who was governour there vnder the Spanish King, did thrust out all English fugitiues out of the Low-Countries. Wherevpon they that were willing to make vse [Page 55] of such instruments to trouble England, thought good to giue entertainment to them. And there­fore two Colledges were set vp for the English su­gitiues, the one at Rhemes by the Guises, another at Rome by Pope Gregory 13. From these Colled­ges they were sent into England vnder pretence of Religion, but indeed to withdraw subiects from obedience to their Prince, and to draw the Land vnto the subiection of strangers: they called themselues Seminaries, because they were to sowe the seed of the Roman Religion in England. And what is that seed of Roman religion, but the seed of Rebellion? Certainly so it hath euer proued. These men to shew their zeale to their new founders, and their hatred to their Country, dis­puted and defined the Popes authoritie by Gods law, to haue the plenitude of power ouer the whole world in all things Ecclesiasticall and Po­liticall: out of which plenitude he might excom­municate Kings, and after excommunication de­pose them from their thrones, and absolue their subiects from all oaths of alleagance. Thus was the Bull of Pius V. published, An: 1569. From whence rose the rebellion in the north of Eng­land, and those rebellions of Ireland, of which we haue spoken. Hanse, Nelson, Main, Sherwod, Prie [...]ts, then taught that Queene Elizabeth was a schismatike and an heretike, and therefore wor­thily to be deposed; for which they suffred de­servedly; but still others were sent into their pla­ces; and though they came in vpon desperate points, as souldiers vpon a breach, yet others fol­lowed [Page 56] lowed as desperate as the first. And would not vn­derstand that they ventured both soule and body in the cause of the Pope against Christ; for such is the cause of treason being commanded by the Pope, and forbidden by Christ.

The Priests and Iesuites at this time spent all their learning and skill to stirre vp rebellion in England, giving out in corners, and in publique, Printing Bookes, to declare that the Pope and King of Spain had conspired, that England should be overthrowne, & left as a prey. This was done of purpose to confirme their owne side, and to deterre others from their obedience to their Prince. An: Dō. 1580. Wherevpon the Queene set out a Procla­mation, signifying that she had never made at­tempt vpon any Prince, onely defended her own, not invading the Provinces of other Princes, though she had beene provoked with wrongs, and invited by opportunitie. If any Princes should oppugne her, she doubted not but by Gods favour, she should defend her owne, and had therefore Mustered her Forces by Land and Sea, and was readie against any hostile incursion. She exhorteth her faithfull subiects to hold their faith & alleagance firme to God, & their Prince, Gods Minister. For others that had shaken off the loue of their Countrey, and obedience to their Prince, She commandeth them to carry them­selues modestly, and not to provoke the severitie of iustice; for she would no longer indure sparing of evill men, least so she might be cruell against the good.

[Page 57]Among the Iesuites that came then into Eng­land, Robert Parsons and Edmond Campian were chiefe; they had procured a temper or qualifica­tion of the Bull of Pius V. obtained of Greg. 13. in these words; Let petition be made to our holy Fa­ther, that the Bull declaratory of Pius V. against Eli­zabeth and her adherents be interpreted: which the Catholikes desire to be vnderstood so, that it binde her and heretiques alwayes, but not Catholiques, things standing as they doe; But onely then when the pub­like execution of the Bull may be had. These foresaid favours the Pope granted to Robert Parsons and Edmond Campian, now ready to goe into England the 13. day of Aprill 1580. in the presence of Oli­ver Manarcus assisting. This was procured to giue some content to the Recusants that were offen­ded at the publication of the Bull, and found that it did them more harme then good. Parsons and Campian came secretly into England, and changed their exterior habit and apparel, that they might the better passe vnknowne. Somtimes they went like ruffians, somtimes like ministers, somtimes like noble men, somtimes like souldiers, somtimes like apparitours; they walked secretly from Recu­sants houses to Recusants houses, and did in words and writings roundly set forward the bu­sinesse for which they came. Parsons was the su­perior, a man of a seditious and turbulent spirit, armed with audaciousnesse, he brake out so farre among the Papists, against the Queene, as to pro­pose the pro [...]ect of deposing of her. In so much, that some Papists themselues (as they themselues [Page 58] hau [...] said) did thinke to haue delivered him into the hands of the Magistrate. Campian was some­what more modest, yet by a Booke which he had much laboured and brought with him, which as himselfe sayth, might be taken with him, if he were apprehended; did provoke the Ministers of the Church of England to disputation; the Booke was Intituled, A Booke of ten Reasons, or Argu­ments written politely in Latin to confirme the doctrines of the Church of Rome. Parsons wrote more virulently against M ^r Charke, who had writ­ten soberly against Campians prouocation: but Campians ten reasons were throughly and solidly answered by D ^r Whittaker. Campian was taken, and brought to disputation, where it was found that in learning and knowledge he came farre short of that expectation which himselfe had rai­sed of himselfe; the whole disputation was after­ward set forth in Print. In the meane time many threatnings were published against the Church and State of England, and much speech was of the Pope and the Spanyards preparations to sub­due England.

By which manner of proceedings it may ap­peare that the end why these & other such were sent into England, was not to draw men to God, but to betray the Land to strangers; for these men cared not what became of England, so the Church of England might be displanted, and Popery set vp againe. For which purpose we may obserue the Colledges for Seminaries, set vp at Rhemes and Rome. These Colledges did strangely swarue [Page 59] from the end and foundation of the ancient Col­ledges. The ancient Colledges were founded for learning and Religion; these for meere faction: the ancient Colledges were for the furtherance of godlinesse and pi [...]tie; these for the practises of [...]ngodliness [...], and vngracious treasons▪ Let no man tell me that the ancient Colledges were founded by Papists, & so were these Seminaries, and there­fore for the maintenance of the same Religion: for this is nothing but colouring and daubing of their new practises from the sight of the igno­rant; for all their hope is in the ignorance of men, hoping that they shall haue the greatest part, be­cause the greatest part are ignorant. But now God in his mercy hath so plentifully revealed the truth, the ignorance of men is not so great as the Pap [...]sts would haue it; for men are taught to know that in the Councell of Trent, there hath beene hat­ched a new birth of Popery. Where they haue changed the rule of faith, which was ever main­tained in the Church of Rome before that time. Wherevpon there followeth a change of the Church, a change of Religion. They that founded the ancient colledges, knew not this new Church, this new Religion, which is newly hatched in the Trent Councell. Therefore these late Colledges of Seminaries are founded vpon a new Religion. This new R [...]ligion of Rome is nothing but the pract [...]se of Treasons against States. Surely it must be a s [...]rang [...] Religion that must be maintai­ned by vngodly practises. There was never any Religion that allowed such practises. And here­in [Page 60] the Papists exceed the Heathen, who being gui­ded onely by the light of nature, yet haue disal­lowed such vngodly and vngracious practises which the Papists vse. Let all men consider whence this new Religion of Rome proceedeth, that in vngodly practises is founded and main­tained; that all such practises proceed from the devill, no man can doubt: that God hath preser­ved this Church of England from all these practi­ses, this is that which causeth vs to trust in God, and to giue all the glory of our deliverance to his holy name.

Edmond Campian, Ralfe Sherwin, Luke Kirby, Alexander Briant were taken in the yeare 1581. and being brought to iudgement, were accused of treason against the Queene and State; that they were directed by the Pope, came into England to stirre vp sedition, and to make a strong partie; and herevpon they were condemned as offen­ding against the lawes. Campian was demanded whether he tooke Queene Elizabeth to be Queene of England by right and law? to that he refused to answer. Then he was demanded, if the Pope should send an Armie into England against the Queene, whether he would take the Popes part, or the Queenes? To this he protested openly, that he would take the Popes part, and confirmed it by his hand-writing; he was put to death and some others for the same cause. When as yet from the time of the rebellion, there was but fiue put to death in this cause. The Queene thinking that mens consciences should not be forced, did of­ten [Page 61] compla [...]ne, that she was necessarily driven to these courses, vnl [...]s she would suffer a mischiefe to fall vpon her selfe and her subiects, by them that sought to colour their treasons vnder a pre­tence of conscienc [...] and Catholike Religion. And yet she thought that some of the poore Priests, that were sent, were not acquainted with the secret plots of treason: but found that their superiors vsed these as instruments of their wic­ked intentions; and they yeelded the whole dis­posing of themselues to the iudgement of their superiors; for they that were then and afterward apprehended, being demanded, whether by the authoritie of the Bull of Pius V. the subiects were so absolved from their oath and alleagance, that they might take Armes against the Prince? Whe­ther they held her for a lawfull Queene? Whether they yeelded their cōsent to the opiniōs of San­ders & Bristow, concerning the authoritie of that Bull? Whether, if the Pope should warre against the Queene, they would take his part or hers? To these things they answered, some so ambigu­ously, some so fiercely, some by preuarication or by silence shifting: that diverse other Papists who were not acquainted with the secrets of their villanies, began to suspect, that surely they nou­rished some secret mischiefe: and Iohn Bishop, o­therwise much addicted to their Religion, wrote and soundly proued that the constitution ob [...]ru­ded in the name of the Councell of Lateran, from which they founded all their authoritie to ab­solue subiects from their alleagance, and to de­pose [Page 62] Princes, was indeed nothing but a decree of Innocentius III. nor was ever admitted in Eng­land. Yea, that Councell was no Councell, and that nothing was decreed there by the Fathers.

Suspitions were still increased, by reason of the number of Priests daily comming into England, and creeping in corners, who secretly sought out the minds of men, and taught that Princes ex­communicated were to be throwne out of their Kingdomes, that Princes that professed not the Roman Religion, were fallen from the title and Kingly authoritie, that they who had taken or­ders, were by the libertie of the Church freed from all iurisdiction of Princes, neither were bound to their lawes, or bound to reverence their Maiestie: that the Magistrates of England were not lawfull, and therefore not to be accoun­ted as Magistrates. Yea, and moreover, that what things soever had bin established by the Queenes authoritie, after the publishing of the Bull of Pius V. were voyd altogether by Gods law and mans law, and to be respected as things of no ac­count. Neither did they dissemble their purpose, that they were come into England for this end, that this Bull might be effected, and that they might in private confessions reconcile men, and so absolue them from all faith and alleagance to­ward the Queene. This thing seemed to be more easily effected, when men were absolved from all mortall sinne, as the Priests perswaded them, and this way was the safest, because the most secret, and vnder the seale of Confession.

[Page 63]These practi [...]es extorted of the Parliament held then [...]n [...]anuary, An: Dō. 1582. An: 1582▪ new lawes and more severe against these Popish practises. By which lawes it was made treason to disswade any subiect from their alleagance to their Prince, and from the Religion which was then established in England or to reconcile any to the Romish Church; the same punishment was to be inflicted vpon them which were so perswaded, or reconciled. To say Masse, was punished with two hundreth markes, and a yeares imprisonment, and to be far­ther punished vntill they had payed. To be pre­sent at Masse willingly, was punished with an hundreth marke fine, and a yeares imprisonment: They that refused to come to their Parish Chur­ches, were to pay twentie pound a moneth.

This manner of punishing refractary men, that in matters touching the Church were trouble­some and seditious, was taken from an ancient manner of punishing such men in the time of S ^t Augus [...]in, for he speaketh diverse times of the Pecuniary mulct of the Emperours, which was in­flicted vpon the Dona [...]ists. And because the semi­nary Priests and Iesuites who haue bin punished, not for Religion, but for Treasons in the execution of civill Iustice, for offending against the lawes of the Land, haue given out, that they haue bin perfecuted for Religion, and some of them haue beene made Martyrs, (these be a new kinde of Martyrs, not for Christs cause, but for the Popes cause against Christ, and against his Word and Commandement.) It shall not be amisse to ob­serue [Page 64] the State of the Church in S. Augustines time, and the iudgement of the Church then, which in diverse resemblances doth answer to our times; for then the Emperour had that power and authoritie, which we now giue to our Kings. The Pope had no more authoritie then, then we would yeeld him now, if he would maintaine the doctrine that the Popes then did. The Pope was then vnder the Emperour; the Emperour punished both Pope and others if they offended his lawes. Parmenianus, a Donatist, complained they were punished by the Emperour, and perse­cuted, and called their persecution Martyrdome, as did the Papists that were punished. S. Augustin answering the Donatists, saith: Si quis quis ab Impe­ratore, &c. ‘If every man that is punished by the Emperour, or by the Iudges which he sendeth, must presently be accompted a Martyr, then shall we haue all Prisons full of Mart [...]rs, &c. And after he sayth: Lib. 1. cap. 9. contr. Epist. Parmen. Therefore not every one that in some question of Religion is punished by the Emperour, must presently be accomp­ted a Martyr; for he is iustly punished for su­perstition, which he thought to be religion. No man verily that in any respect is a Christian, dare avouch this; for such men proceeding like blind men, see not, that they who thus thinke, proceed so farre, as to proue that the very devils may thus chalenge to themselues the glory of Martyrs, because they suffer this persecution by the Christian Emperours; for as much as their temples are destroyed over all [Page 65] the world in a manner; their ldols are broken in peeces, their sacrifices are forbidden, they who honor them are punished if they be found. Which if it be madnesse to m [...]intaine, then it followeth that righteousnesse is not proued by suffering, but by righteousnesse, suffering is made glorious: Math. 5. therefore the Lord said not blessea are they that suffer persecution, but he addeth that which maketh the difference betweene pietie and sacriledge, blessed are they which suffer perse­cution for righ [...] [...]ousnesse, &c. And after he sayth: If these men being convicted of their wicked practises, Ibid. t [...]p. 10. shall acknowledge that they who are thus punished [...]or their mad tricks, may not be accompted Martyrs, but yet they will say, that these things ought not to belong to the Empe­rour to punish. ( Iust as the Papists say, the punish­ment of their Clergie belongeth not to the Magi­strate.) I demand then, sayth Augustin: Whe­ther they thinke, that the superior powers ought not to haue care of Religion, & of puni­shing false religion? Gal. 5. 19. The Apostle saith, The works of the flesh are manifest, which are adaltery, fornica­tiō, vncleannes, wantonnes, idolatry, witch-craft, ha­tred, debate, emulation, wrath, contentions, sediti­ons, heresies, envie, murthers, drunkennesse, glutto­ny, and such like. What reason can these men render, why it should be justice for the Empe­perours to punish Idolaters, Murtherers, and such, and not by the same reason to be like ju­stice in them, to punish heretiques. When as they are accompted in the same fruits of ini­quitie,’ [...] [...] [Page 68] Someruill was found strangled in the prison. (For feare belike that he might haue discovered moe) Ardern being condemned, was hanged the next day. This is the common end that Priests bring such Gentlemen vnto, who are willing to heare them and be perswaded by them.

The next yeare after, (for seldome did any yeare passe without some treason) some English Gentlemen began to practise the deliverance of the Queene of Scots. An: Dō. 1584. Francis Throgmorton fell first into suspition, by certaine Letters intercepted, written to the Queene of Scots. As soone as he was committed to prison, and beganne to confesse something, presently Thomas Lord Paget, and Charles Arundell, a Courtier, secretly fled the land, and went into France. These men meeting with other devoted to the Roman Religion, did much complaine, recounting their sorrowes among themselues, that the Queene was estranged from them without their fault, by the cunning of Lei­cester, and Walsingham, that them selues were ex­posed to vnworthy contumelies & ignominies, that singular tricks were found out, and secret snares laid so cunningly, that improvident men, will they nill they, must needs be intangled in such snares; that to remaine at home there could be no safety for them. It was thought at this time, that some cunning was practised to feele mens affections; and that counterfeit Letters were written vnder the name of the Scots Queene, and of some fugitiues, knowne traytors to the State; which Letters might be left in the houses [Page 69] of Recusans, and that spies were sent abroad to gather rumors, and to catch suspitions. Diverse were drawne into snares. Among others, Henry Earle of Northumberland, and his sonne Philip Earle of Arundell, was commanded to keepe his house, his wife was committed to S ^r Thomas Shir­ly to be kept; and Henry Howard the Dukes bro­ther was often examined of Letters sent from the Scots Queene, from Charles Paget, and from one Mope, then vnknowne. Some blamed the narrow searching of things, and the manner of drawing men into danger. Others thought that all the means that might be vsed to prevent the Queenes danger, and to saue her life, was but necessary. And indeed the outragious maliciousnes of the Papists against the Queene, brake out daily; for by Bookes imprinted, they exhorted the Queenes maides and Ladies of honor to doe the same against the Queene, which Iudith did against Holofernes. The Author of that Booke was not found, Gre­gory Martin was suspected, a man learned in the Greeke and Latin tongues, and chosen by the Duke to be the bringer vp of his children. Carter the Stationer that caused the Books to be Printed, was punished for it.

The Queene, that was much traduced for cru­eltie, knowing her owne mildnes, and desirous to leaue a good remembrance of her name be­hinde her, was much offended with the Iudges of the Papists apprehended, if they passed any cruell sentences against them, which might be iniurious to her honor. Insomuch that they were [Page 70] forced to excuse themselues by publike writings, wherein they protested, that the Priests were much more mildly vsed then they deserved: that no question of Religion was moued to them, but onely of such pernicious machinations against their Country, against their Prince, whereof they were either found guiltie, or by the discovery of others, suspected. That Campian was never so racked, but that presently he was able to walke, or to subscribe to his confessions. But for Briant, who stubbornly denied to vtter by speech or by writing, who was the man that wrote these secret things which were found about him; to this man meat was denied, vntill by writing he would aske it. For all this the Queene was not satisfied, and therefore she commanded the Examiners to ab­staine from tormenting men, and the Iudges from punishing. And short after, she commanded se­ventie Priests to be sent out of England, whereof some were condemned to die, all of them were intangled within the danger of the lawes. The chiefe of these were Gasper Haywod, the sonne of Haywod the Epigrammatist, who of all the Iesu­ites first entred England: Iames Bosgraue, which was also a Iesuit, Iohn Hart, the most learned a­mong them, with whom Doct: Reinolds had con­ference, and Edward Rishton, a wicked and vn­grateful man, who wrote a Booke presently after, shewing forth the poyson of a cankred heart a­gainst the Queene, to whom he owed his life.

The Lord Paget and Arundell who went into France, were narrowly observed there, by Ed­ward [Page 71] Stafford, the Ambassadour Leiger there for Queene Elizabeth; but he could not find out what they practised; yet he dealt with the French King, that they, Morgan, and some other English fugitiues, who were knowne to be practisers a­gainst their Prince, and their Country, might be thrust out of France. But it was answered, that if they practised any thing in France, the King would by law punish them, but if they had prac­tised any thing in England, that of such things the King could take no notice, nor by law punish them: that all Kingdomes were free for fugitiues, that it behooued Kings to maintaine their owne liberties: That Elizabeth not long before had admitted into her Kingdome Montgomery, the Prince of Condie, and others of the French Nati­on, and that Segneres Ambassadour of the King of Navarre was in England, practising of some things that concerned the French state.

In the meane time Bernardinus Mendoza the King of Spaine his Ambassadour for England, stole fecretly into France, fretting and fuming, that he was thrust out of England by a violation of the right of an Ambassadour: When as indeed he was a man of a troublesome spirit, and had a­bused the reuerend right of Ambassadours, by the practises of treason against this State wherein he was. He was commanded to depart out of the realme, whereas many thought fit that he should haue beene with some severity censured for vio­lating the office of an Ambassadour. For he had practised with Throgmorton, and others, to bring [Page 72] in strangers into England, to invade the land, and to remoue the Queene. And being gently reproo­ued for these things, he was so far from offering to excuse these things with a modest answer, that he began to accuse the Queene and the Councell, for the money taken from the Merchants of Ge­nua, and for helping the States of the Netherlands, of the Count Antow, of Antony of Portugall, and charged them with the spoyles that S ^r Francis Drake had taken from the Spany trds in the west Indies. But that the Spanyard might the better vnderstand, that this which Queene Elizabeth had done in sending away Mendoza, was no vio­lating of an Ambassadour, but a censure of Men­doza his wicked practises, S ^r William Wade was sent to Spaine, who might plainly informe the King, how vnworthily he had behaved himselfe in his Ambassage: and might also signifie, that the Queene would not haue this sending away of him to be interpreted a renuntiation of friend­ship, but that she would maintaine all offices of humanitie, if he would send any other, that were carefull to conserue friendship betweene them, so that the like offices were performed to her Ambassadour in Spaine. The Spanish King would not admit Wade to his presence, but referred him to his Councell: Wade herevpon declared boldly, that the custome was received among Nations, that even in burning warre, Ambassadours were admitted into presence of their enemies: & that Charles the fift Emperour, Father to the King of Spaine, admitted into his presence an Herald [Page 73] who denounced to him warres from the French King, and denied to communicate the instructi­ons of his ambassage to his Councellers. I diacius the Kings secretary could by no cunning fish out of Wade what were his instructions, vntill he vn­derstood the whole matter from Mendoza, then lurking in France. Then the Secretary laying a­side his publike person, did familiarly declare to S ^r William Wade, that he was sorry that some men did labour craftily to dissolue friendship among Princes, and to nourish hatred betweene them; The iniury that was done, was not done to the Ambassadours but to the Catholike King: that there was no cause for him to accuse Mendoza to the King, who was sufficiently punished with an ignominious extrusion out of England, for the fault, if there were any, which he committed. Neither might he complaine if he were not ad­mitted; for the Catholike King did nothing herein but quit like with like, seeing Mendoza was dis­missed from the Queene, vnheard. And as she re­ferred Mendoza to her Councell, so the King had referred him to the Cardinall Granuillanus. Wade answered, there was great difference in their ca­ses; for himselfe he had never offended the Catho­like King: but Mendoza had grievously offended against the Queene, and for a long time through his owne insolency disdained to come, and had committed many things vnworthy the office of an Ambassadour; yet he could not be admitted, but returned vnheard. The crimes that he would haue obiected against Mendoza, were taken our [Page 74] of the confession of Throgmorton. Throgmorton. An: Dō. 1584. For Fran [...]is Throgmorton, when he was apprehended, sent priuily one packet of letters to Mendoza. His o­ther packets being sought and opened, there were two Catalogues found; In the one of them were the names of all the havens of England, that were for forces to land in: In the other were con­tained the names of the Noble-men, which here and there throughout England favoured the Ro­man Religion. These papers when Throgmorton saw produced, he cryed out that they were coun­terfeited, that he had never seene them before, that they were devised for his destruction. But when he was againe brought to the racke, he de­nied not to answer what he knew to the questiōs proposed. Being therefore demanded of those Catalogues, to what purpose they had beene writ­ten, he made this narration; that not many yeares since he went to the Spaw water, where, with Ieney and Fr: Inglefeld, he had counsell and communi­cation, how England might be taken by strangers, and the forme of the government changed. For that purpose he described the names of the ha­vens, and of Noble-men; that Morgan had certi­fied him by Letters out of France, that the Catho­like Princes were resolved to invade England, that the Queene of Scots should be set at libertie by the forces of the Guises. To this proiect there was nothing wanting but money, and the helpe that was expected out of England. To effect this the better, Charles Paget, vnder the name of Mope, was secretly sent into Sussex, where the Guise purpo­sed [Page 75] to take land: that he had communicated the matter to Mendoza, and told him the names of the noble-men, who knew all these things before fully of the conspirators: Neither denied he that himselfe had promised his help to Mendoza, and withall that he admonished Mendoza of those Nobles that were fit for him being a publike per­son to deale withall, which himselfe being a pri­vate man could not doe without danger. And that he had taken order with him, and conclu­ded of the meanes to be vsed, namely, that the chiefe Catholikes, as soone as ever the forraine forces drew neare, should muster souldiers in the Queenes name, who should ioyn themselues with the forraine forces. Thus much he confessed wil­lingly.

Yet when he came to iudgement in the Guild Hall at London, he denied all, & said that all these were fained devises to saue him from the racke, and openly accus [...]d the Queene of crueltie, the examiners of falshood; seeking a starting hole from the space of time which passed between the time of the committing his crime, and the time of his iudgement; for in the XIII. of Elizabeth, cer­taine crimes are made treason, for which no man should be called in question, vnles the delinquent were accused within six moneths after the crime committed, and the crime were proued by wit­nesse and oath of two, or by the partie his owne free confession. Now he pleaded that this time was past, and therefore that he was not to be cal­led into iudgment. But the Iudges answered and [Page 76] shewed that the crimes obiected against him, were of another kind; for he had offended against an old law of treason made in the time of Edward 3. which admitteth no circumscription of time, or proofe. And from that law he was condemned. Afterward being perswaded and better thinking on the matter, he craued the Queenes mercy, and by writing confessed all at full againe, which he had done before: and as a man vnconstant, began to deny againe at the gallowes.

QVeene ELIZABETH at this time, sought a faire opportunitie and meanes to set the Queene of Scots free: and for that purpose had sent S ^r William Wade, that was now re­turned out of Spaine, to conferre with her of the meanes, and was about to send S ^r Walter Mildmay to bring that matter to a farther end. But some terrors and feares broke in between them which disturbed that proiect. Especially by a discovery of papers which Creighton, a Scots Iesuit sayling into Scotland, did tare then when he was taken by Dutch pyrats. Creighton tore the papers, & threw them into the Sea; but they were by the force of the winde blowne backe againe into the ship, not without a miracle, as Creighton himselfe said; the papers being brought to S ^r William Wade, with [Page 77] much la [...]our and singular skill he ioyned them together againe; and found that they contained new practises of the Pope, the Spanyard, the Gui­ses resolution to invade England.

Whereupon, and because many other rumors of dangers were increased; to the end that the wicked and treasonable practises might be in time prevented, and the Queenes life and safetie might be procured, vpon whose safety both the estate of the Kingdome, and of Religion depended: A great number throughout all England, of all sorts of men out of common charity, whilst they shewed their loue and care of the Queene: bound themselues by an association (as then it was called) by their mutuall promises, subscriptions of their hands and seales, to prosecute all such by all their force even to death, whosoever should attempt a­ny thing against the life of the Queene: the Earle of Leicester was supposed to be the author of this association. Surely it was vsefull, and held many in order. The Queene of Scots tooke this as devi­sed to bring her into danger, and was so conti­nually set on by seditious spirits, that if they may haue accesse are able to draw the greatest Princes to destruction. And what hath beene their prac­tise, but to bring great personages and great hou­ses to ruine? Lamentable experience sheweth o­penly the fruit of their malice, and wicked plots for treason; which they call religion. The Scots Queene led on by her blind guids, dealt somwhat rashly, but with importunity to the Pope and Spa­nyard, by S ^r Francis Inglefeld, that by all meanes [Page 78] they would with speed, vndertake their intended busines. There were some also that laboured to draw Queene Elizabeths affections altogether from the Scots Queene; They told her that Cardi­nall Alan for the English Catholikes ecclesiasticall, Inglefeld for the Laiks, and for the Queene of Scots, the Bishop of Ross had vndertaken, & were among themselues agreed, and with the consent also of the Pope and Spanyard, had fully resolved vpon these points: That Queene Elizabeth should be de­prived of her Kingdome; the King of Scots as a mani­fest favourer of heresie, should vtterly be disinherited of the Kingdome of England; that the Scots Queene shall marry some noble-man of England, which is a Ca­tholike; that this man must be chosen King of England by the Catholikes of England; that the choice so made must be confirmed by the Pope; that the children of him so chosen begotten of the Scots Queene, must be decla­red successours in the Kingdome. All these things were confirmed to be true by testimony of Hart the Priest. Who was this noble English man, that should marry the Scots Queene, was now much in­quired after; Sir Francis Wal [...]ingham sought it out with all diligence, yet found it not out. There was suspition of Henry Howard, brother to the Duke of Norfolke, who was noble by birth, vn­married, and a favourer of that Religion, and in great grace and favour with them.

These things that were discovered by Throg­morton, by Creightons papers, and other mens, were matters which bred suspitions and feares though they were never so effected as they were inten­ded. [Page 79] But we find by these things, that France and Spaine, and the strength of the Pope, were here all combined against Queene Elizabeth, and King Iames, for no other cause, but for their religion; because both Queene Elizabeth and King Iames, had established the same religion. Against which religion all the great powers of the world were combined, and were therefore ready with their vtmost indevours to root out these two Princes from England and Scotland. If a man shall consi­der the Councels, the Pollicies, the strength of these great powers which were set against these two Princes, it is a matter to be wondred at, how they should stand against so deepe and desperate dangers. Here I wish that a Papist of any vnder­standing would take this matter into his conside­ration. And looke but a little further to the end and event of things. What man purposed, What God wrought. What became of these two Prin­ces, Queene Elizabeth & King Iames, against whom the world thus conspired? Queene Elizabeth after so many malicious proiects against her, by open warres, by secret conspiracies, yet lived to see all the malicious practises against her, defeated and overthrowne, the practisers themselues ruinated, her people and Kingdome defended, Gods truth maintained, her service for the truth rewarded, and after all, dyed quietly in her bed, and hath left a blessed memory behinde her. King IAMES that was in the same cause with her, in the same man­ner threatned for his Religion, to be made inca­pable of the inheritance of England, and then nei­ther [Page 80] could he haue holden Scotland, for he must either haue all his right, or loose all; for there is no middle-way in the inheritance of Kings: yet after all these threatned dangers by the great powers of the world, after a number of dange­rous and devilish practises against him at home; he hath not onely quietly possessed that which he had, but is in the peaceable possession of Eng­land, with such loue, such gladnesse of heart and common reioycing, that the like hath not beene knowne in former times. And which was never done by any before, though much wished, and attempted: he hath in his royall person knit England and Scotland together; he hath not one­ly maintained the truth of Religion by his au­thoritie, as all Christian Princes are bound to do; but also by his wisedome, by his learning confir­med the truth, drawne many to the knowledge of it by his learned Labours. Wherein he hath not onely farre exceeded all his progenitours in this Kingdome, but hath left all the Kings and Emperours in the world farre behind him in this honour; so that since the beginning of the time of grace, to this day, the world never saw a King so furnished and inabled to maintaine the truth, and to discover the blindnesse and superstition of false Religion. And therefore hath God blessed him with extraordinary blessings; the loue of his subiects, the peaceable estate of Ireland, which be­fore his time was never governed in peace, espe­cially the fruit of Religion, and the reward of Religion maintained, is the greatest blessing that [Page 81] Kings can looke for. This hath beene, and is the state of these religious Provinces; so that men shall say, Psal. 58. 11. Doubtl [...]sse there is a reward for the righte­ous, verily there is a God that iudgeth the earth. And because my purpose in writing this Booke, is to declare the great Workes of God, in the defence of this Church of England since Religion planted here by Queene Elizabeth; and to giue God all the glory, both of the planting and maintaining thereof: We therefore remember these things with great gladnesse and ioy of heart to Gods glory, giving thankes to his holy name, for the favours that he hath exhibited to his Church here, by the faithfull service of these two royall servants of God, in whom is truely verified that which the Prophet Esay foretold, speaking of Gods favour to his Church: Kings shall be thy nurcing Fathers, and Queenes shall be thy Nurces. In these things we can lift vp our hearts to God, and giue him the glory and thankes for all his goodnesse. But can our adversaries doe the like, whose practises against these noble Princes, were wicked and malicious, and by God confounded? Let men see and confesse the hand of God in maintaining them that maintaine his truth, and dishonouring them that dishonour him.

The next yeare, An: Dō. 1585. that is An: 1585. there was a Parliament held, wherein there was in the lower house a Law proposed against Iesuites: Which was iudged needfull and accepted of all without contradiction, saving only William Parry, a welch man, obscure, of meane fortunes, yet a Doctor [Page 82] of the civill Law, he spake against that law which then was exhibited, and said it was a cruell blou­dy law, and desperate, and pernicious to the En­glish Nation: Being required to shew his reasons for that strange opinion of his, he obstinately re­fused so to doe, vnlesse it were before the Queenes councell: Wherevpon he was committed to pri­son. But after his reasons were heard and his sub­mission made, he was againe admitted into the assembly. Presently after, he was accused by Ed­ward Neu [...]l (who chalenged the inheritance of the Neuils, and the title of the Lord Latimer, as next heire male.) Edward Neuil charged him for practising the Queenes death.

This Parry some two yeares before returning out of Italy, to the end that he might win favour and credit with the Queene, declared secretly to her what Morgan, and other fugitiues had practi­sed to her destruction. Making semblance to the Queene, that he was conversant with them for no other end, but onely to search out their secret purposes, that so he might the better be a meanes to provide for the Queenes safety. Wherevpon the Queene did not easily giue credit to Neuil the accuser Yet she commanded S ^r Fancis Walsingham to aske Parry, whether he had not dealt with some person discontented and suspected of that matter, onely to try the man. Which thing be­ing demanded, he vtterly denied. The foole saw not, that by this meanes the Queenes lenity ope­ned a way for him to escape the danger; for sure­ly if he had signified, that onely for to try the [Page 83] man he dealt with Neuil, whom he knew to be a man discontented and suspected, as he had fore­told the Queene, he might haue avoyded the danger; but they who in their heart once haue given intertainment to wickednesse and treason, though otherwise they be of wit and sharpe vn­derstanding, are made blind, by a iust iudgement of God. Now when as Neuil had no witnesse a­gainst Parry: there was no great difference be­tweene Parry his word and his. But Parry, after some sharpe wordes had passed betweene them; was imprisoned in the Tower. Where he freely confessed thus much.

In the yeare 1570. (said he) I was admitted a sworn servant to the Queene, I remained devoted to her Maiestie till the yeare 1580. At what time I fell into great danger of my life, with great ig­nominy, (for he had broken into the chamber of Hugh Hare, in whose debt he was, and woun­ded him, wherevpon being condemned by law, his life was saved by the Queenes pardon) after that, I liued much vexed in my minde, and get­ting leaue to trauell, I went into France; and had no purpose to returne, because I had given my selfe to the Catholike Religion. At Paris I was re­conciled; At Venice I had communication with Benedict Palmius a Iesuit, touching the afflicted Catholikes in England, and I signified that I had found out a way to helpe them, if the Pope, or some learned Divines would avouch it to be a lawfull course. He commended this thing as pi­ous: He commended me to Campegius the Popes [Page 84] Nuntio at Ven [...]ce, and Campegius to the Pope. I moued that I might come to Rome with safeti [...]. Wherevpon Letters of publike credence were sent to me by the Cardinall of Come: but these were not large enough, and therefore other more large were sent. But then was I returned into France. Where meeting with Morgan, he signi­fied, that there was an expectation, that I should performe some especiall service to God, and to the Catholike Church. I answered, that I was most ready to kill, if it were the greatest subiect of England. O but (said he) and why not the Queene her selfe? I said that this also might be easily done, so that it might appeare to be lawfull. For Watt a Priest, whose advise I asked in this matter, suppressing the names, told me plainly, that it was not lawfull, (and Creighton the Iesuit is of the same opinion, teaching that evill must not be done, that good may come: that God is more delighted with aduerbs than nounes, and the thing that is done well and lawfully pleaseth him better then a thing good: and that by the destruction of one, many soules are not to be redeemed, with­out an expresse commandement of God.) Yet for all this seeing I had in Italy bound my selfe by Letters and promise, I could not goe backe, if the Pope did approue it, and would grant me a plenary indulgence. Which I requested in my Letters to the Pope, by Ragazonius the Popes Nuntio in France. Who commended the inter­prise, and sent my Letters to Rome. Being retur­ned into England, I gat accesse to the Queene. [Page 85] And all being remoued, I opened the whole con­spiracy, yet hiding many things, with as great art as possibly I could. She heard it vndaunted, vnterrified. I departed daunted and terrified Nei­ther can I forget that which she said, that no Ca­tholikes were to be brought into question for Re­ligion, or for the Popes supremacy, so that they carry themselues as good subiects. In this time whilst I stayed daily in Court, seeking to be pre­ferred with the mastership of S. Katharines, I re­ceived Letters from the Cardinall of Come, wherein the attempt was commended, and I was absolved in the Popes name. These Letters I shewed the Queene; how they did worke with her I know not: but with me they wrought so farre, that they set a new courage in me to attempt the interprise, and tooke all scruple out of my mind; yet it was not my minde to offer any force, if by any reasons she might be perswaded to deale more gently with Catholikes. And to the end I should not commit slaughter, alwayes when I had accesse to her I layd aside my dagger. So oft as I considered her and her Princely vertues, I was distracted by an ambiguous care, for my vowes were in heaven, my letters and promises with men. And to my selfe I revolved these things in my minde. She never deserved well of me. It is true she pardoned my life; but for such a cause to take away my life, were tyrannicall. Thus not content with my state, I departed from Court; and I light vpon Doct. Alans Booke, written against the iustice of England. Who tea­cheth [Page 86] that Princes being excommunicate for heresie, are to be despoiled of their Kingdomes and liues: that Booke did very sharply stirre me vp to finish mine attempt; I read this Booke to Neuil, whom I entertained at my table; and this was done full six moneths before he accused me. After this he came to me, And let vs dare, said he, to doe something, seeing of the Queene we can obtaine nothing. And he proposed some things of the delivery of the Scots Queene. I did here interpose; O but I haue a greater matter in my head, and more profitable for the Catholike Church. The next day he came, and swearing vpon the Bible, that he would keepe my coun­sell, and constantly prosecute whatsoever was vsefull for the Catholike Religion. And I sware in like sort. Our determination was to set vpon the Queene with ten horsemen as she was riding in the fields, and so to kill her. Which thing Neuil con­cealed all this while. But when the newes came, that the Earle of Westmerland was dead, whose in­heritance he hoped to haue presently, not re­specting his oath, he opened these things against me. These things Parry confessed, in the presence of the Lord Hunsdon, Sir Christopher Harton, and Sir Francis Walsingham, privie Councellers, and farther by his Letters to the Queene, to Burghley Lord Treasurer, and to the Earle of Leicester, he acknowledged his fault and craued pardon.

Some few dayes after he was brought to VVest­minster hall to iudgement. Where the heads of his accusation being read, he confessed himselfe [Page 87] guiltie. Sir Christohper Hatton, to satisfie the mul­t [...]de present, thought it fit, that the crime should punctually be opened out of his own con­fession. Which Parry himselfe acknowledged to be free, not extorted: and the Iudges intreated that he would reade them. But the Clarke of the Crowne read them: and the Letters of the Car­dinall of Come, & Parry his Letters to the Queene, to the Lord Burghley, and the Earle of Leicester, all which he granted to be true. Yet he denied that he was at any time resolved to kill the Queene. He was therefore commanded to speake, if he had any thing to say why iudgement should not passe. Here he answered with perturbation, as one troubled with the conscience of the crime, I see I must die, because I was not resolved. And be­ing desired to speake more plainly, if he would say any thing; My bloud, said he, be among you. When sentence of death was pronounced against him, he ragingly cited the Queene to the tribu­nall seat of God. Being brought to the gallowes, he bragged much that he had beene a faithfull keeper of the Queene, because he had not killed her. Thus like a glorious Roman Catholike, never once in one word cōmending himselfe to God, he died like a traytor in the court before VVest­minster Hall, where the Lords and Commons were then assembled in Parliament.

In this Parliament some lawes were enacted for the Queenes safety against the Iesuites and Priests, who attempted daily horrible treasons from the Bull of Pius V.

The severitie of these lawes (which were no lesse then necessary for such times and such mis­chiefes) made the Papists in England afeard, and a­mong others, Philip Howard, Earle of Arundell; in so much as fearing least he might offend a­gainst those lawes, he purposed to leaue his coun­trey. He had his bloud restored by the Queenes favour three yeares before. And after that being dis-favoured by reason of some secret suggesti­ons of certaine great personages against him, he secretly gaue himselfe to the Popish Religion, and made choice of an austere life. Surely if good in­structours might haue beene admitted to him, he might haue beene easily and happily confirmed in the truth. He was once or twice called before the Councell table, and refuted the things obi [...]c­ted to him. Yet was he commanded to keepe his house. Six moneths after he was set at libertie, and came to the Parliament; but the first day, whilst the Sermon was preached he withdrew [Page 90] himselfe out of the company. The Parliament being ended, being as then resolved to depart, he wrote to the Queene a long and a mournfull complaint, which Letters he commanded should be delivered after his departure: he complained of the envie of his potent adversaries, wherevnto he was forced to yeeld; seeing they triumphed over his innocency. He recounted the vnfortu­nate destinies of his ancestors, of his great grand­father, condemned his cause not being heard: of his grand-father, who for matters of small mo­ment was beheaded; and of his father, whom he affirmed to be circumvented by his adversaries, who yet never had an evill minde against his Prince nor Countrey. As for himselfe, least he should succeed the heire of his fathers infelicitie, said he, to the end that he might serue God, and provide for the health of his soule, he had forsa­ken his Countrey, but not his alleagance to his Prince. After these Letters were delivered, he went into Sussex, and having provided a shippe, in an obscure corner, and now being ready to take ship, he was apprehended by the mean [...]s of those whom he trusted, and by the master of the ship discovered, and was sent into the Tower as a prisoner.

AT that time was Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland in the Tower, sus­pected to be of councell with Throg­morton, and the Lord Paget, and the Guises, to invade England, and to free the Scots Queene. He was found dead in his bed, shot with three Bullets vnder his left pap: the chamber doore bolted on the inside. The Crowners enquest found a dagge, and gun powder in the chamber, and examining the man that bought the dagge, and him that sold it, they found that the Earle had beene the cause of his owne death. Three dayes after the Lords met in the Starre-chamber. The Lord Chancelour Broumley, briefly declared that the Earle had entred into treasonable coun­cels against his Prince and Countrey, which now when he perceived that they were come to light, troubled in conscience for the thing, hath offred force to himselfe. And to satisfie the multitude then present, he willed the Queenes Atturney ge­nerall, and the rest of the Queenes Councell, plainly to open the causes why he was kept in prison, and the manner of his death. Wherevpon Popham then Atturney, beginning from the re­bellion of the North sixteene yeares before, he declared, that for this rebellion and for a purpose to deliver the Scots Queene, that he was called in­to question, acknowledged his fault, submitted himselfe to the Queenes mercy, was fined fiue [Page 92] thousand markes. That the Queene of her cle­mencie tooke not of that fine so much as a far­thing, and after his brothers death confirmed him in the honor of the Earledome. Notwithstan­ding all this, he had entred into pernicious counsel to deliver the Scots Queene, to overthrow the English Queene, with the State and Religion: that Mendoza the Spaniard had told Throgmorton that Charles Paget vnder the name of Mope, had secretly dealt with him in Sussex of these things: that the Lord Paget had signified the same to Throgmorton, as appeared from Creighton the Scots Iesuites papers. And that Charles Paget had shewed the same things to William Shelley when he returned out of France. After that, Egerton the Queenes Sollicitour, inferred the same from circumstances, and a care of concealing the mat­ter. That when as there was none in England that could accuse the Earle of this crime, except the Lord Paget; (with whom Throgmorton had fami­liaritie) he had provided a shippe for the Lord Paget, by Shelley, a few dayes after Throgmorton was apprehended. So was the Lord Paget sent a­way into France. And when Throgmorton began to confesse some things, the Earle departed from London to Petworth, and sending for Shelley, told him that he was in danger of his life and for­tunes, he intreated him to keepe counsell, and to put away those that knew of the departure of the Lord Paget, and of the comming of Charles Paget. Which was presently done, and himselfe sent far off that servant which he vsed to send to Charles [Page 93] Paget. The Sollicitour addeth, that when he was in prison, he dealt often with Shelley, the keepers being corrupted, to vnderstand what those things were which he had confessed. But when by a poore woman secretly sent betweene them, Shelley had signified, that he could keepe counsell no longer, that there was great differēce between their two conditions; that he must come vnder the racke, which the Earle in respect of his place and order was freed from, and had written to him what he had confessed: The Earle therevpon sighed and said, as Pantin his Chamberlain hath confessed, that Shelley his confession had vndone him. After the manner of his death was declared by the testimony of the Enquest, and by Pantins testimony. Many good men were very sorrowfull, that a man of such nobility, wisdome, and valour was so lost.

My purpose is in this Narration, to obserue the great and manifold deliverances of this Church. When I am drawne by the course of the History to open these practises, in which noblemen haue beene misled: this I confesse I relate with great commiseration; for seeing that Noble houses are the honor of the King, the ornament of the King­dome, there is no man that loueth the honor of his owne Country, that can write or speake of the fall of such men, but with griefe and sorrow. Of such I will make no other observations, but onely the testification of mine owne sorrow But yet here I must obserue one thing for the good and instruction of their posteritie, or the like, that [Page 94] they may take heed of these pernicious instru­ments, Priests, Iesuites, and those that are in­fected, yea and poysoned with the infection of them. These gracelesse merchants haue vtterly vndone many noble persons, which without their restlesse suggestions and councels, might and doubtlesse would haue bin great ornaments of their Countries both in peace and warres. Was there ever any noble house in these times ruinated, without the practise of these wicked miscreants? Let all the bloud that hath bin shed in this Land in the Northern rebellion, & at other times, be laid vpon these wicked instruments of bloud. And let the world consider the outragi­ous wickednesse of this generation, that having in formertimes sucked the bloud of the Saints as greedy instruments of the great Whore, that is drunke with the bloud of the Saints: now by a iust, but strange iudgement of God, they are fallen in­to such practises, as shed their owne bloud and the bloud of such as are misled by them. God is to be reverenced in all his iudgements, and let not men striue against God to maintaine a cause which God will overthrow, with all the main­tainers thereof.

And it is not much to be marveiled, if these cunning stirrers haue deceiued some of our No­bles, for we see that they haue cousened great Kings and Princes. For soone after this in the yeare 1586. An: Dō. 1586. these pernicious medlers, these Iesu­ites shewed themselues in other colours, for when these bloudy instruments that had so long la­boured [Page 95] the ruine of England, & were out of hope to restore the Romish Religion to England, either by the Scots Queene, which was now more strict­ly kept, or by the King then of Scotland, who had plainly professed and established the Gospell in his Kingdome: they fell now to a new and a strange practise, which might make the world to wonder: they began out of their false and lying forgeries, to set a foot an imaginary title of the King of Spaine, to the right and succession of the English Crowne. To this purpose, as Pasquirus discovered, they sent into England one Shamiers, (if it be not a counterfeit name) a lesuit, which might draw the discontented Nobles vnto the Spanish side, & throw the Scots Queene headlong into dangers and despayre, signifying to her, that if she should be trouble some to hinder their de­signes, that neither she nor her sonne should raigne here. And stirred vp new troubles in France to withdraw her cousens the Guises from hindering their devises, by wrapping them in new garboiles against the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condy. In which the King of Spaine had a hand, to set France in troubles, that he in the meane time might the better proceed in his intentions for England. These desperate courses drew the Scots Queene into more danger.

At this time a most desperate and pernicious conspiracy brake out, which as by the free con­fessions of the conspirators appeareth, was thus. Some English Divines of the Rhemish seminary, whilst they seemed to admire as men astonished [Page 96] or rather doting, an omnipotency in the Pope, did labour to perswade themselues, that Pius V. his bull against Queene Elizabeth was ind [...]ted by the Holy Ghost: and that it was a thing meritori­ous to kill excommunicated Princes, yea, and that it was martyrdome to loose their liues in that quarrell. Giffard a Doctor of Theologie, Gilbert Giffard, and Hodgeson, Priests, did so hammer these devises into the corrupt head of Iohn Sauage (who they say was a Bastard) that he being heady and bloudy (a fit instrument for [...]esuites) made a vow to kill Queene Elizabeth. At the same time they set out a Book (for no other purpose, but with great cunning to draw the Queene and Councell into securitie, and to lay their vngraci­ous plots more deeply, and so with more ease to come to that mischievous end they shot at). In which Booke they admonish the Papists in England, that they practise no hurt to the Queene, for that they were onely to vse such weapons as are lawfull for Christians to vse, that is, [...]eares, spi­rituall armour, daily prayers, watchings, fastings a­gainst their adversaries, this was their [...]ox craft. And withall they spred a false rumour by their whisperers, that George Giffard one of the Queenes Gentlemen Pencionaries had sworne to kill the Queene, and for that cause had wiped the Guise of a great summe of money.

At Easter following, Iohn Ballard, a Priest of the Remish seminary, who had assayed the mindes of many Papists, to whom he travelled to conferre with, through England and Scotland, was now re­turned [Page 97] into England. This man had dealt with Bernardin Mendoza, now the ordinary Spanish Ambassadour in France, and with Charles Paget for an invasion of England. Declaring that now was the fittest opportunitie for that service, whilst the military men were absent, being then imployed in the Low-Countries. A fitter time could never be hoped, for as much as the Pope, the Spanyard, the Guise, the Duke of Parma, had resolved to invade England, to turne the Warres from the Netherlands. And albeit Paget had made it evident, that as long as the Queene liued, the invasion of England would be in vaine, yet was Ballard sworne, and sent into England, to procure all the helpe that might be to the conspiratours, and the liberty of the Scots Queene.

At Pentecost following, that silken Priest came into England, in a Souldiers habit, with a feigned name, called Captaine Foscue. This man had conference in London with Antony Babington, a Gentleman of Darbyshire, yong, rich, wittie, and learned aboue the expectation of his yeares, and being addicted to the Romish Religion, had a little before got into France without leaue. Where he had familiar conversation with Thomas Morgan, and with the Bishop of Glasco the Scots Queenes Ambassadour. These men extolling the heroick vertues of the Scots Queene, made to him great ostentation of assured hopes of honor by her meanes to be obtained. The ambitious yong man was easily drawne to take hold of that faire glistering estate proposed by them. And they [Page 98] were as ready cunningly to set him forward; and before he had well thought of the matter, they commended him by Letters to the Scots Queene. For when he was returned into England, she saluted him favourably with her Letters; from that time Morgan vsed his helpe in sending Letters to her, vntill she was committed to the custodie of Amice Paulet. For after that, the yong man finding the danger, ceased. With this Ba­bington, Ballard had conference of the things a­foresaid. But he thought assuredly so long as Queene Elizabeth liued, that the invasion of En­gland would come to nothing. But when Ballard signified to him, that Queene Elizabeth would not long be aliue; for Sauage who had vowed to kill her, was now come into England; Babington thought not good that so great a matter should be committ [...]d to Sauage onely, least he might be stopped from the enterprise. But rather to sixe valiant and resolute Gentlemen, in which num­ber Sauage should be one, that he might not be condemned for not performing his vow. Where­vpon Babington tooke a new course, for the in­vasion, touching the ports where the strangers might land, and the forces that should be ioy­ned with them, and the delivering the Scots Queene, and the Tragick slaughter of Queene E­lizabeth, as he called it.

Whilst he was fixed in these cogitations, he received Letters by an vnknowne boy; written from the Queene of Scots, in that familiar cha­racter which was vsed betweene them. She bla­med [Page 99] him, but mildly, for his long silence; and willed him to send her the Packet of Letters sent from Morgan, and delivered by the French Ambassadors Secretary. Which he did accor­dingly. And by the same messenger sent to her a Letter, wherein he excused his silence, for that he wanted opportunitie of sending since that she was in the custodie of Amice Paulet, a puritan, a meere Leicestrian, and a most bitter enemy of the Catholike faith. He declared what he had re­solved with Ballard, that sixe Gentlemen were chosen to performe the tragicke slaughter, and that himselfe with an hundreth other, would de­liver her. He intreated that to these Heroick Actors (so he called them) rewards might be proposed, or to their posteritie, if they should faile in the action. The twentie-seventh of Iuly, answer was made to these Letters. Babington his forward desire of promoting the Catholike Religion was commended. He was warned that it might be vndertaken considerately, and that nothing be moued before they were sure of ex­ternall forces: that an association among them might be made, as if they feared the Puritanes: that some trouble might be stirred in Ireland, whilst the stroke might be given here at home: that Arundell, and his brethren, and Northumber­land, should be drawne to the side, VVestmerland, Paget, and others, might be secretly called home. The way to deliver her was also prescribed; ei­ther to overturne a Coach in the gate, or to set the Stables on fire, or to intercept her whilst [Page 100] she rode to take the ayre betweene Chartley and Stafford. Last of all Babington was warranted to vndertake for rewards, and to pawne his credit to the six Gentlemen, and others.

Now had he gathered about him certaine Gentlemen, inflamed with a fiery zeale of the Romish Religion. Of whom the chiefe were, Edward Windsore, brother to the Lord Windsore, a yong Gentleman of a soft disposition, Thomas Salisbury, of a Knights house in Denbigh-shire, Charles Tilney, an ancient Gentleman, the onely hope of the Familie, one of the Queenes Pencio­naries, whom Ballard had reconciled to the Ro­man Church; both proper yong men: Chidioc Tychburn, of Hampshire, Edward Abington, whose father was the Queenes Cofferer: Robert Gage of Surrey, Iohn Traverse, and Iohn Charnok of Lan­chishire, Iohn Iones, whose father was Queene Maries taylour, Sauage, Barnwell, a Gentleman of Ireland, Henry Dun, Clarke of the first fruit of­fice. Into this societie Polly also insinuated him­selfe: a man well acquainted with the affayres of the Scots Queene: a man well skilled in the art of simulation and dissimulation. Who was thought daily to reveile all their councells to Sir Francis Walsingham, and to thrust them head­long into mischiefe, who were forward enough of themselues to evill. Albeit, Navus the Scots Queenes Secretary warned them to beware of him.

To these did Babington communicate the mat­ter, but not all to each one: his owne Letters [Page 101] and the Scots Queenes Letters he shewed to Bal­lard, to Tychburn, and Dun. He dealt with Til­ney and Tychburn, to be the strikers. They at first denied to dehle their hands with the bloud of their Prince. Ballard and Babington labour to proue it lawfull to kill Princes excommunica­ted: and if right should be violated, then for the Catholike Religion it is to be violated. Herevpon hardly perswaded, they yeeld their consent in a sort. Abington, Barnwell, Charnok, and Sauage readily and roundly without scruple sware to kill her. Salisbury could by no meanes be per­swaded to be a Queene-killer, but to deliver the Scots Queene, he offred his service willingly. Babington designeth Ty [...]hburn aboue the num­ber, to helpe the percussors, of whose fidelitie and courage he had perswaded himselfe much. But he was now absent, travailing abroad. Ba­bington commandes that they impart the matter to none, except first an oath be taken to keepe silence. These conspiratours now and then con­ferred of these matters in Saint Giles fields, in Pauls-Church, in Tavernes, in which they had their daily feasts, being now puffed vp with the hopes of great matters. Sometimes com­mending the valour of the Nobles of Scotland, who lately had intercepted the King at Sterling: and of Gerard the Burgonian, who killed the Prince of Orange. And so farre they procee­ded in their foolish vanitie, so strangly infa­tuated, that those that should strike the Queene, they had portraied in liuely pictures, and [Page 102] in the midst of them Babington, with this Verse. ‘Hi mihi sunt comites, quos ipsa pericula ducunt.’

But when this Verse was disliked, as seeming too plaine: for it, they set in place these wordes: Quorsum haec alió properantibus? These pictures were taken, as it was said, and brought to the Queene; who knew none of their countenances but onely Barnwells, who vsed often to come in her presence, following the causes of the Earle of Kildare, whom he served: and she tooke no­tice of him by other markes. Verily one day as she was walking abroad she saw Barnwell, she looked sharply and vndauntedly vpon the man, and turning to S ^r Christopher Hatton, Captaine of the Guard, and to some others: Am not I, quoth she, well guarded, who haue not so much as one man in my company that hath a sword? For Barnwell told this to the other conspiratours, and decla­red how easily she might haue beene killed, if the conspiratours had then beene present. Sauage in like sort reported the same.

Now there was nothing that so much troubled Babington, as the feare least the promise of exter­nall forces might faile. And therefore to make that good, he resolved to goe into France, and to send Ballard secretly before, for whose passage he had procured licence for money vnder a coun­terfeit name. And to remoue all suspition from himselfe by Polly he in [...]inuateth himselfe into [Page 103] Sir Francis Walsingham, and dealeth earnestly with him, to intreat of the Queene license for his passage into France, promising to doe some espe­cially seruice, in searching and discovering the secret attempts of the fugitiues for the Scots Queene. He commended the purpose of the yong man, and promised not onely to obtaine him licence to travell, but he promised withall great and goodly rewardes to him, if he would doe such a service, yet holding him in suspence, he delayed the matter, and knew his purpose and drift well, having fished all out by an especi­all skill he had in discovering treasons, but espe­cially by the discovery of Gilbert Giffard, a Priest, he was made acquainted with their intentions, which they thought were kept so secret that the Sunne had not knowne any thing thereof.

This Giffard was borne at Chellington, where the Scots Queene was kept, and sent by the fugi­tiues into England, vnder the name of Luson, to put Sauage in minde of his vow vndertaken, and to lurke as a fit meanes to transmit Letters be­tweene them, and the Scots Queene, because in so dangerous a businesse, they could not draw in to serue their turne herein neither the Countesse of Arundell, nor the Lord Lumley, nor Henry Ho­ward, nor S ^r George Shirly.

The fugitiues, to try whether the way was safe by Giffard to transmit Letters, first sent blankes many times sealed like Letters and pac­keted, which when by the answers they percei­ved to be truely delivered, now growne more [Page 104] confident, wrote often of their affaires intended, in secret Characters. But Giffard before this, whether vexed in his conscience, or corrupted before with money, or terrified with feare, had opened himselfe to Sir Francis Walsingham, and declared with what purpose he was sent into England, and offered all his service, as from the loue to his Countrey and his Prince, and pro­mised to communicate to him all the Letters that he received either from the fugitiues, or from the Scots Queene. Sir Francis imbracing the opportunitie offerd, intertained him courteous­ly, and sent him into Staffordshire, and wrote to Sir Amice Pawlet, willingly to suffer some of his servants to be corrupted by Giffard, and to winke at it. But he being vnwilling, as he said, to suffer any of his houshold servants, by simulation to become a traytor, yet though vnwillingly, he suffred that the brewer, or the man that provided Provender for his horse, who dwelt neare him, might be corrupted by Giffard. Giffard easily corrupted the brewer with some peeces of gold, who by a hole in the wall, where a stone was set which might be remoued, sent Letters secretly, and received others, which alwayes by messen­gers provided for the purpose, came to the hands of S ^r Francis Walsingham. Who opened the seales, coppied out the Letters, and by the singular cunning of Thomas Philipps found the secret Character, and by the skill of Arthur Gregory sealed them vp againe so cunningly, that no man could suspect that they were opened, and [Page 105] then sent them to the parties to whom they were directed. Thus were disclosed those former Let­ters from the Scots Queene to Babington, and his answers, and others againe from her to him, (in which there was a Postscript cunningly ad­ded in the same Character, to write the names of the six Gentlemen, and happily some other things.) Moreover, the same day, the Letters to Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour, to Charles Paget, to the Lord Paget, to the Archbishop of Glasco, and to S ^r Francis Inglefeld, were all coppi­ed out, and transmitted.

The Queene, as soone as she vnderstood so rough a tempest hanging over her head, both from inward traytors and forraine enemies, she commanded to the end that the conspiracy might the sooner be quelled, that Ballard should be apprehended. Wherevpon he was suddenly taken, in the very nick, when he was ready to depart into France. Being taken in Babingtons house. Herevpon Babington was afraid and sore troubled, and vexed with a thousand cogitations he came to Tychburn, and with him adviseth what is best to doe. His advise was that the con­spiratours should presently disperse themselues and fly, yet Babington thought it best to send Sa­uage and Charnok presently to kill the Queene. But first to put Sauage in brauer and more court­ly apparell, that so he might haue a more easie passage. And of this proiect he had the same day speech with him, in Pauls-Church. But present­ly changing his minde, and concealing his se­cret [Page 106] cares and feares, he wrote Letters to Sir Fran­cis Walsingham, being then in Court, wherein with great earnestnes he intreated that now at last he might haue license to depart into France; and withall he made suit for Ballards deliverance, who might be of great vse to him in his propo­sed busin [...]sse. Sir Francis with faire promises keepes him from day to day in hope. That Bal­lard was taken, he layeth all the fault vpon Yong, that cunning hunter of Papists, and vpon some other Catch-poles; and warneth Babington to take heed to such kinde of men, as friendly admoni­shing him, and easily perswadeth the yong man, that vntill the Queene might be at leasure to signe the Bill for his passage, he would returne to London, and lodge in his house at London, to the end that they might conferre more secretly of so great matters. And that by his often com­ming, the fugitiues might not haue any suspiti­on, when he came into France. In the meane time, Skidmor, Sir Francis Walsingham his servant was commanded to obserue him most strictly, and should be with him whither soever he went; in shew that so he might be safer from messen­gers that otherwise might apprehend him. Thus farre S ^r Francis Walsingham had closely car­ried this businesse without the knowledge of o­ther of the privy Councell, and would haue proceeded farther. But the Queene would not; least (as she said) by not preventing the danger when shee might, shee might seeme rather to tempt God, then to trust in God. Wherevpon Sir Francis [Page 107] from Court wrote to his man, that he should ob­serue Babington with an especiall care. This Let­ter was not sealed, but so delivered that as the man read it, Babington sitting at Table with him did also reade it. Wherevpon finding himselfe guiltie, and suspecting that all was disclosed, the next night when he, and Skidmor, and one or two of Sir Francis his servants, had supped som­what freely in a Taverne, he rose as going to pay the reckoning, and leaving his cloak and rapier, fled away in the darke to Westminster. Where Gage changed apparell with him, who presently put off the same againe in Charnoks chamber, and put on Charnoks. And conveyed themselues both into S. Iohns Wood neare to the Cittie. Whither Barnwell and Dun came to them. In the meane time they were declared traytors throughout England. They hiding themselues in Woods and by-wayes after they had in vaine expected mo­ney from the French Ambassadour, and horse from Tychburn, they cut off Babingtons hayre, and defaced his natiue beautie with rubbing his face over with the greene huskes of Walnuts. And being forced by hunger they came to Bellamyes house, neare to Harrow on the Hill, who was a great favourer of the Romish Religion. Where they were hid in Barnes, and fed, and cloathed with rusticall apparell. After ten dayes they were found and brought to London. Herevpon the Cittie witnessed their publike ioy by ringing of bells, by bonefires in the streets, by singing of Psalmes, in so much that the Citizens had great [Page 108] thankes given them from the QVEENE.

The other conspiratours were soone caught, many of them neare the Cittie; Salisbury in Staf­fordshire, his horse being killed vnder him by them who followed him, and Trauerse was taken with him, after they had swimmed over the river Weuer. And Iones in Wales, who was not acquain­ted with the inuasion intended, but onely recei­ued them into his house, after he knew them to be proclaimed rebells, and hid them. And had furnished Salisbury as he fled, and his man (who was a Priest) with a changed Cloake. Onely Windsore was not found. Many dayes were spent in examining of them, who by their confessions betrayed one another, concealing nothing.

All this time the Scots Queene and her servants were kept by such a diligent watch of Sir Amice Pawlet, that those things were altogether hid from her, though now well knowne over all En­gland. But after that these were apprehended, Sir Thomas Gorge was sent to acquaint her with these things in few words. Which he did pur­posely when she thought least of the matter, as she was taking horse to ride a hunting. Neither was she permitted to returne, but in shew of honor she was carried about to Noble mens houses. In the meane time, Iohn Maners, Edward Ashton, Richard Bagot, and William Wade (who ignorant of the whole matter had beene sent into these parts) receiving authoritie from the Queene, did com­mit Navus, and Curle, Secretaries, and other ser­vants, to such as might keepe them asunder, that [Page 109] they might not conferre together among them­selues, nor with the Scets Queene. And breaking vp the Chamber-doores, they tooke all Chesies and Boxes, wherein they found Letters, and sent them sealed with their seales to the Court. After that Sir Amice Pawlet, being commanded, tooke all the money, least she might corrupt some for money, and gaue his promise to restore all again. When the packets of Letters were opened be­fore the Queene, the Letters of many forrainers were found, and Coppies of many Letters to o­thers; and about sixtie Tables of secret Characters. And some Letters from certaine Noble men of England, with a full declaration of their loue and services. Which thing notwithstanding, Queene Elizabeth dissembled that matter in si­lence, and accordingly vsed that word: Video, taceo; I see and say nothing. But they smelling the matter, least they might seeme to favour the Scots Queene, after that, began to show themselues enemies against her.

Now Giffard, after he had played his part in this play, was sent away as a banished man into France; leaving before he went an indented pa­per with the French Ambassadour Leiger in England, with this instruction, that he should deli­ver Letters which he might receiue from the Scots Queene, or from the fugitiues, to none other but onely to him, who exhibited a paper an swe­ring to that indented paper. Which paper was by him sent secretly to Sir Francis Walsingham. Gif­fard returning into France, after a few moneths [Page 110] was imprisoned for his filthy life: and suspected of these things, died miserably; confessing ma­ny of the foresaid matters, which was also found in his papers.

The XIII. of September, seven of the conspi­ratours being brought to iudgement, confessed themselues guiltie, and were condemned of trea­son. Other seven came the next day, who denied that they were guiltie; and cōmitted themselues to God and their Country: yet were they con­demned by their former confessions. Onely Polly, though guiltie of all, yet when he affirmed that he disclosed some of those matters to Sir Francis Walsingham, was not called to iudgement. The twentieth of that month, the first seven were han­ged and quattered in S. Giles fields, where they vsed to meet. Ballard, the contriver of all the mischief, asked pardon of God, and of the Queene conditionally, if he had sinned against her. Ba­bington (who without feare beheld Ballards death, whilst the rest were vpon their knees in prayer) freely confessed his sinnes, and after he was taken downe from the Gallowes, cryed out in Latin, Parce mihi Iesu: the rest in their order likewise were hanged and quartered.

After the punishment of these, Navus a French man, and Curlus a Scot, Secretaries to the Scots Queene were called into question vpon the Let­ters that were taken in the lodging of the Scots Queene, and freely confessed that those Letters were of their owne writing, dictated by her in French, and so taken by Navus, turned into En­glish [Page 111] by Curle, and written in secret Characters, whereby she was at last brought into question, which brought her also to her end.

The thing which we obserue vpon this Narra­tion, is to continue our complaint of these grace­lesse instruments the Priests and Iesuites, that by their wicked suggestions bring Princes, Nobles, Gentlemen of good place, which might haue done good service to their Prince and Country, such I say doe these wicked instruments bring to ruine; and seeme to take a pleasure in the de­struction of men. May we not see how they come in secretly, and scraule in corners like Serpents? It is true the enmity is of old set betweene the Wo­mans seed and the Serpents seed: and the Church which is the Womans seed haue felt the experi­ence hereof at all times. But never had any Church in the world a more liuely experience hereof, then this Church of England, against whom all this hath beene wrought. The Church is the house of God, and this Church of England is here with vs Gods house. It is apparant that this house was built not vpon the sand, but vpon a rocke; for the windes haue blowne fiercely vpon it, the wa­ters haue risen against it, the great and huge tem­pests haue beaten vpon it, and yet it standeth. And for this we prayse Gods name, that it standeth still. And for this purpose is this small Worke vndertaken, to giue the watch-word to all them that feare God, and loue the comming of our Lord, to giue most humble and most hearty thankes vnto God for this inestimable favour of God, that af­ter [Page 112] all these assaults which haue beene greater in danger, mo [...]e in number then any Nation in the world at this day can number: that after all, I say, our Church standeth and flourisheth: this is our reioycing in God, in his goodnesse and mercy. But now consider who oppugne vs? the serpents seed; for can any man with any reason deny these men to be the seed of the serpent? I meane the seminary Priests & lesuites. Are not these the seed of the serpent? They plot, and practise treasons, they raise rebellions, their heads and hands are full of bloud and murther. And what can the ser­pent his seed doe more? They are men acquain­ted with the deepenes of Satan, they lay snares and wicked plots for des [...]ructions of States, and least men should descry their mischiefe, they set a cleane contrary countenance vpon their actions, giving out that their weapons are Preces & la­chrymae, Prayers and teares, and that it is vnlawfull for them to vse any other weapons; even then when they are about their most bloudy designes: and what can the serpents seed doe more? Can the seed of the serpent proceed more maliciously, more cruelly, more deeply in bloud then these haue done? Then let them be knowne to be the seed of the serpent. As for vs, we reioyce to be the seed of the Woman, the true Church of God: we suffer, we are reviled, standered, called Heretikes: We learne of our Master to indure the crosse, to de­spise the shame: We run with patience the race which he hath set before vs. And we serue God not in vaine; for we see that there is a reward for them that serue Him.

THE a next yeare following, which was the yeare 1587. the Scots Queene be­ing before condemned, An: Dō. 1587. but yet reser­ved aliue, discontented persons, like evill spirits did continually haunt her; though she her selfe would haue beene quiet, yet would not they let her rest, vntill their busie and pernici­ous working brought her to her graue; for l. Au­ [...]spinaeus the French Ambassadour Leiger in Eng­land, a man wholly devoted to the Guysian facti­on, went about to helpe the captived Queene, not by faire meanes, but by treason. First he confer­red secretly to kill the Queene, with William Staf­ford, a yong Gentleman, easie to be drawn to new hopes: whose mother was of the Queenes bed­chamber; his brother was the English Leiger in France at this time. Afterward he dealt more plainly with him, touching this proiect, by his secretary Trappius. Who promised to Stafford, if he would vndertake that matter, not onely great glory, great store of money, but especiall grace and favour with the Pope, with the Guises, and with all the Catholikes. Stafford his consci­ence grudging at so great a wickednesse, refused to vndertake it. Yet he commended one Moody, a cut-throat▪ a man fit for such a businesse, that if money were given him, would vndoubtedly vn­dertake and dispatch the businesse. To him went Stafford, where he found him kept in pri­son [Page 114] in London, and told him that the French Am­bassadour would gladly speake with him. He answered that he was willing, so that he might be freed out of prison. In the meane time, he in­treated that Cordali [...]n another of the Ambassa­dours secretaries might be sent to him: with whom he had familiar acquaintance. The next day Trappius was sent to him with Stafford. Who, when Stafford was remoued, conferred with Moody of the manner of killing the Queene. Moody proposed a course to doe it by poison, or by a sacke of twentie pound of Gun-powder to be laid vnder the Queenes chamber, and to be fired secretly. These courses pleased not Trappi­us, but he wished that a man of such courage might be sound, as was that Burgonian who kil­led the Prince of Orange.

These things were presently revealed to the Queenes Councell by Stafford. Wherevpon Trap­pius now purposing to goe into France, was in­tercepted, and examined of these things. After­ward the Ambassadour himselfe, the twelfth of Ianuary was sent for vnto the house of Secretary Cecill, and came in the evening; where were to­gether by the Queenes command, Cecill, Lord Burghley, Secretary, the Earle of Leicester, Sir Christopher Hatton, and Dauison another secreta­ry: These signifie to the French Ambassadour, that they sent for him, to let him know the cause why they intercepted Trappius, his Secretary, when he was ready to goe into France; and they did open every thing which Stafford, Moody, and [Page 115] Trappius himselfe had confessed. And that they might testifie the same in his presence, they com­manded them to be called in. The Ambassadour who bending his brows, heard these things with much impatience; rising vp, said, that himselfe being an Ambassadour would not heare any ac­cusations to wrong his King, or in the preiudice of Ambassadours. But when they answered, that these men should not be produced as accusers, but onely that he might be satisfied that these things were not fained, nor false: then he rested. As soone as Stafford was produced, and began to speake, he presently interrupted him, and railing vpon him, affirmed that Stafford first proposed the matter to him, and that himselfe had threat­ned to send him bound hand and foot to the Queene, if he would not desist from so wicked an enterprise: yet that he spared him for the sin­gular affection which he bare to the mother, the brother, and sister of Stafford. Stafford falling vpon his knees protested in many wordes vpon his salvation▪ that the Ambassadour proposed the matter first to him. But when the Ambassa­dor seemed to be extraordinarily moued, Stafford was commanded to depart; and Moody was not produced.

Herevpon when Burghly had mildly charged the Ambassadour to be guiltie of such a concei­ved wickednes, both from his owne words, and out of the confession of Trappius: he answered, that if he had beene conscious, yet being an Am­bassadour, he ought not to disclose it, but to his [Page 116] owne King. But Burghl [...]y interposing told him, that if that were not the office of an Ambassadour (which thing is yet in question) to disclose such a mischievous practise which bringeth the life of a Prince in danger: yet was it the office of a Christian, to represse such notorious iniuries, not onely for the safety of a Prince, but for the safety of any Christian. But the other stoutly denyed that; and withall said, that not long since, the French Ambassadour being in Spaine, and having notice of a conspiracy to take away the Spanish Kings life, yet disclosed it not to the Spanish king, but to his owne King, and was therefore com­mended of the King and of his Councellers. The Lord Burghley gaue him a graue admoniti­on, to take heed that hereafter he offended not in such a point of treason against the Prince, and not to forget the office of an Ambassadour, nor the Prince her clemency, who would not wrong good Ambassadours by the punishment of an e­vill one, and though he were not punished, yet was he not iustified, but did carry with him the guilt, though not the punishment of such an offence.

Though this intended evill came to no effect, as all the other bloudy practises haue bin with­out effect: yet may we make good vse of it to blesse Gods name for all his great and manifold deliverances. That it was disappointed, it was his goodnes: for against those Kings that had not gi­ven their service to God for the maintenance of true Religion, great and bloudy practises haue bin committed by lesse and more contemptible [Page 117] meanes. And as we haue iust cause to blesse God for all his deliverances, so the adversaries of our peace, haue iust cause to feare, to examine their owne doings, and seriously to consider, whether they haue not all this while striven against God, in striving so long against those whom God doth so miraculously defend

Not long after this followed the ignominious prodition of William Stanly, and Rowland York. This York was a Londoner, a man of loose conver­sation, and actions, and desperate. He was famous among the Cutters of his time, for bringing in a new kind of fight, to run the point of a rapier in­to a mans body; this manner of fight he brought first into England, with great admiration of his audaciousnes. When in England before that time the vse was with little buckl [...]rs, and with broad swords to strike, and not to thrust, and it was ac­counted vnmanly to strike vnder the girdle. This man provoked as he tooke it by some iniury of the Earle of Leicester, fled to the Spanyards, and for some time after served among the Spanyards. Afterward being reconciled, was made Captaine of a Sconce neare to Zutphen. After all this he was so set vpon revenge, that being corrupted with money, he did not onely betray the place to the enemy; but drew also Stanly with him, being a man that had served with great fidelitie and va­lour in the Irish warres. Stanly was not easily per­swaded to be false, but this desperate fellow never ceased to draw him into the fellowship of wic­kednesse with him, by many asseverations and [Page 118] oaths often repeated; telling him that it was cer­tainly knowne in England, that he was of Babing­tons conspiracy; that he was already discovered by their confessions, & that out of hand he should be sent for to the gallowes. Thus he perswaded Stanly to betray the rich and well fenced Towne of Deventer to the Spanyards, against his oath gi­ven to Leicester and to the States. And seeking some pretence of honesty against a fact so disho­nest and disloyall, he seemed to please himselfe in this, that he had restored a place to the true Lord, which was held from him by rebells. And being extreame Popish, he sent for Priests to his company, which consisted of 1300 English and Irish, to instruct them in the Popish Religion; boa­sting that this should be the seminary legion, which should defend the Roman Religion with Armes, as the seminary Priests defend it with writings. To this purpose Alan, who a little after was Cardinall, sent Priests presently to him, and wrote a Booke also, wherein he commended this proditorious act, from the authoritie of the Bull of Pius V a­gainst Queene Elizabeth, and stirred vp others to such perfidiousnes, as if they were not bound to serue and obey a Queene excommunicated. But looke I pray to the end.

The Spanyards set York and Stanly together in contention one against the other; and soone after they poyson York, and take his goods: his body after three yeares was digged vp by the comman­dement of the States, and hanged till it rotted. They drew Stanly and his companies out of De­venter, [Page 119] and tossing them from place to place they make them the obiect of all dangers, and so vsed them with all con [...]umelies, that some of them di­ed for hunger, others secretly fled away. Stanly himselfe went into Spaine in hope of reward, and offred his helpe to invade Ireland: but neither found he entertainment according to his expec­tation, neither could he be trusted; for the Spany­ards vsed to say, that some honor might be given to a traytor, but no trust: It was now too late for him to learne, but yet he learned, that he had most of all betrayed himselfe.

WE are now come to that fatall yeare, A. D. 1588. which the Astrolo­gers called the Marveilous yeare; Octogesimus octavus mi­rabilis an­nus. some said it was the Climacteri­call yeere of the world. And they that trust not in the liuing God, but in superstitions tooke the opportunitie of this fatall yeare as they supposed, now vtterly to overthrow the Church of England and State. Which before they could not doe. The Pope and Spanyard layd vp all their hopes vpon this yeares destiny.

The rumors of warre daily increased, at last it was certainly cōfirmed by the newes on all sides, that in Spaine there was an invincible navy prepa­ring against England; that the most famous Cap­taines [Page 120] in military knowledge, and the best soul­diers were sent for into Spaine, from Italy, Scicily, yea from America. For the Pope, and some religi­ous Spanyards, and English fugitiues, now recalled the Spanyard to the cogitation of surprising of England, which purpose was interrupted by the Portugall warres. They exhorted him earnestly to doe God this service, that had done so much for him: now that he inioyed Portugall, with the west Indies, & many rich Ilands: to adde England to all, were an especiall service of God, fit for his Catho­like Maiestie. By this meanes he might adde these flourishing Kingdomes to his Empire, & so keepe the Low-countries in peace, secure the navigatiō to both Indies. That the preparations of Spaine were so great that no power was able to resist it. They made him belieue that it was an easier mat­ter to overcome England, then to overcome the Dutch-land, because the navigation from Spain to England was much shorter, then to the Nether­lands. And by surprising of England, the other would easily follow.

Herevpon the consultation began to be had, of the best way and meanes to oppresse England. Alvarus Ba [...]anus, the Marquess of S. Crosse, who was chiefe commander in the Navy, advised first to make sure some part of Holland or Zealand, by the land-forces of the Duke of Parma, and by sen­ding before some Spanish shippes, so to take some place on a suddain, where the Spanish navy might haue a receptacle, and from whence the invasion might with cōvenience begin. For in the English [Page 121] Sea, which is troublesome, the windes oft chan­ging, the tydes vnknown, the Navy could not be in safety. With him agreed Parma, who much vr­ged this expedition. Yet others disliked this counsell, as a matter of great difficultie and dan­ger, of long time, of much labor, of great expence, of vncertaine successe. And that neither secretly nor openly it could be performed, and easily hin­dered by the English. These thought that with the same labour and expenses England might be wonne: and the victory would be sure, if a well prepared army from Spaine, might with a strong navy be landed on Thames side, and of a suddain surprise London the chiefe Citty by an vnexspec­ted assault. This seemed a thing most easie to be effected. And therefore all agreed vpon it. Yet some among them thought good that a denun­tiation of the warre should be made by an Herald, which they held a politik devise, both to remoue suspition out of the minds of neighbour Princes, and to force the Queene as they supposed, to call to her helpe [...]orrain mercenary souldiers, concel­ving, that according to the vsuall insolency of mercenaries, they would tumult and spoyle the country; and so might the Queene be brought in­to hatred of her owne people: that so all things in England would be brought into a confusion, which might be helped by the English Catholikes. But neither could this advise be heard. For they being confident of their owne strength, thought it was sufficient to commend the invincible Navy to the prayers of the Pope, and of their other Ca­tholikes, [Page 122] and to the intercession of Saints: and to set out a Booke in Print, to the terror of the English, in which Booke, all the preparation was particu­larly related. Which was so great through Spain, Italy, and Scicily, that the Spanyards themselues were in admiration of their owne forces, and therefore named it the Invincible Fleet.

The Duke of Parma also in Flanders, by the commandement of the Spanyard, built ships, and a great company of small broad vessels, each one able to transport thirty horse, with bridges fitted for them severally. And hired Mariners from the east part of Germany. And provided long peeces of wood, sharpned at the end, and covered with i­ron, with [...]ookes on the side. And twentie thou­sand vessels, with an huge number of fagots; and placed an Army ready in Flanders, of 103 com­panies of foot, and 4000 horsemen. Among these were 700 English fugitiues, which were had of all other in most contempt. Neither was Stanly re­spected or heard, who was set over the English, nor Westmerland, nor any other who offered their helpe: but for their impiety towards their owne Countrey, were shut out from all consultations, and as men vnominous reiected, not without de­testation. And Pope Sixtus V. that in such a pur­pose would not be wanting, sent Cardinall Alan into Flanders, and ren [...]ed the bulls declaratory of Pius V. and [...]rep XIII. He excommunicateth the Queene, deposeth her, absolveth her subi [...]cts from all alleagance, and as if it had beene against the Turks and Inf [...]dels, he set forth in Print a [...]ruceat, [Page 123] wherein he bestowed plenary indulgences, out of the treasure of the Church, vpon all that would ioyn their help against England. By which means the Marquess a Burgaw of the house of Austria, the Duke of Pastrana, Amady Duke of Sauoy, Ves­pasian Gonzaga, Iohn Medices, and divers other no­ble men were drawne into these Warres.

Queene Elizabeth, that she might not be surpri­sed at vnawares, prepareth as great a Navy as she could, and with singular care & providence ma­keth ready all things necessary for warre. And she her selfe, which was ever most i [...]dicious in discer­ning of mens wits, and aptnes, and most happy in making choise, when she made it out of her own iudgement, and not at the commandement of o­thers, designed the best and most serviceable to each severall imployment. Over the whole Navy she appointed the Lo: Admirall Charles Howard. In whom she reposed much trust; and sent him to the west parts of England, where Captaine Drake, whom she made Viceadmirall, ioyned with him. She commanded Henry Seimor the second sonne to the Duke of Somerset, to watch vpon the Bel­gick shore with 40 English and Dutch shippes, that the Duke of Parma might not come out with his forces. Albeit some were of opinion, that the ene­my was to be expected, and set vpon by land for­ces, according as it was vpon deliberation resol­ved, in the time of Henry the 8. when the French brought a great Navy vpon the English shore.

By Land there was placed on the South shores, twenty thousand. And two Armies besides were [Page 124] mustered of the choisest men for warre. The one of these which consisted of a thousand horse, twenty-two thousand foot, was the Earle of Lei­cester set over. And camped at Tilbury on the side of Thames. For the enemy was resolved first to set vpon London. The other Army was governed by the Lo: Hunsdon, consisting of 34 thousand foot, and two thousand horse, to guard the Queene.

The Lord Grey, S ^r Francis Knolles, S ^r Iohn Nor­rice, S ^r Richard Bingham, S ^r Roger Williams, men fa­mously knowne for Military experience, were chosen to confer of the land fight. These thought fit that all those places should be fortified, with men & mu [...]ition, which were commodious to land in, either out of Spaine, or out of Flanders▪ as Mil­ford hauen, Falmouth, Plimmouth, Portland, the Ile of Wight, Portsmouth, the open side of Kent called the Downs, the mouth of Thames, Harwich, Yarmouth, Hull, &c. That trained souldiers through all the maritim Provinces should meet vpon warning gi­ven, to defend these places: that they should by their best means and power hinder the enemy to take land; if he should take land, then should they wast the country all about, and spoile every thing that might be of any vse to the enemy, that so he might find no more vittals then what he brought vpon his shoulders with him. And that by conti­nuall Alarums the enemy should finde no rest day or night. But they should not try any battell, vn­till divers Captaines were mett together with their Companies. That one Captaine might be named in every Shire which might command.

[Page 125]At this time divers told the Queene, that the Spaniards were not so much to be feared without, as the Papists within; for the Spaniards durst make no attempt vpon England, but vpon confidence of their helpe within. And therefore for the secu­ritie of the whole, their heads were vpon some pretenses to be cut off. Producing for this thing, the example of Henry 8. For when the Emperour & French King at the Popes instigation, were com­bined and ready to invade England, King Henry presently executed the Marquess of Exceter, the Lord Montacute, Edward Neuil, and others, whom he suspected to favour the enemies, which thing as soone as he had done, the intended invasion was stopped, and proceeded no further. But this advise the Queene vtterly disliked, as being cruell, she thought it enough to commit some of the Papists to Wisbich Castle in cu [...]tody; and casting her eyes and mind on every side, she stirred vp her Nobles with Letters often, though they were carefull & watchfull of themselues. She certified Fitz Williams, Lord Deputy of Ireland, what she would haue done there. She sent to the King of Scots to warne him to take good heed of Papists, and the Spanish faction. But he knowing well what a tempest and desolation was hanging, and threatning both alike, having already set his heart vpon the maintenance of true religion, and resolving to take part with the truth in prosperi­tie and adversitie, which is onely able to saue and deliver her maintainers; had a little before refu­sed to heare the Bishop of Dumblan, sent th [...]ther [Page 126] from the Pope: and had caused a league to be made among the Protestants of Scotland, for resi­stance of the Spanyards: and himselfe comming to Anandale with an army, besieged Maxwell and tooke him, and committed him to prison, who was lately returned out of Spaine against his faith and alleagance, and came with an intent to favor the Spanish side; he declared the Spanyards should be held as enemies, and against them caused all with great alacritie to be ready in Armes.

Among these preparations for warre, which were great on both sides, the councels of peace were not vtterly cast away.

Two yeares before, the Duke of Parma conside­ring how hard a matter it was to end the Belgick warre, so long as it was continually nourished and supported with ayd from the Queene, he moued for a treaty of peace, by the meanes of Sir Iames Croft one of the privy councell, a man desirous of peace, & Andrew Loe a Dutch man, and professed that the Spaniard had delegated authority to him for this purpose. But the Queen fearing that there was some cunning in this seeking of peace, that the friendship betweene her and the confederate Provinces might be dissolved, and that so they might secretly be drawne to the Spanyard; she de­ferred that treaty for some time. But now, that the Warres on both sides prepared, might be turned away, she was content to treat of Peace, but so as still holding the weapons in her hand.

For this purpose in February delegates were sent into Flanders, the Earle of Derby, the Lo: Cobham, [Page 127] S ^r Iames Croft, D ^r Dale, and D ^r Rogers. These were received with all humanity on the Dukes behalfe, & they presently sent D ^r Dale to him, that a place might be appointed for the treating, & that they might see the authoritie to him delegated from the Spanish King. He appointed the place neare to Ostend, not in Ostend which then was holden of English against the King: his authority delega­ted, he promised then to shew when they were once met together. He wished them to make good speed in the businesse, least somwhat might fall out in the meane time, which might trouble the motions of peace. Richardotus spake some­what more plainly, that he knew not what in this interim should be done against England. Not long after D. Rogers was sent to the Prince by an ex­press commandement from the Queene, to know the truth, whether the Spanyard had resolved to invade England, which he and Richardotus did seeme to signifie. He affirmed that he did not so much as thinke of the invasion of England, when he wished that the businesse might proceed with speed. And was in a maner offended with Richar­dotus, who denied that such words fell from him. The 12 of April, the Count Aremberg, Champigny, Richardotus, D. Mae [...]ius, & Garnier, Delegated from the Prince of Parma mett with the English, and yeelded to them the honor, both in walking and sitting. And when they affirmed that the Duke had full authority to treat of Peace: the English moued that first a truce might be made. Which they denied, alledging that that thing must needs [Page 128] be hurtfull to the Spanyard, who had for six moneths maintained great Army, which might not be dismissed vpon a truce, but vpon an abso­lute peace. The English vrged that a truce was pro­mised before they came into Flanders. The Spany­ard against that held, that six moneths since a truce was promised; which they granted, but was not admitted. Neither was it in the Queenes pow­er to vndertake a truce for Holland and Zealand, who daily attempted hostility. The English moo­ued instantly that the truce might be generall, for all the Queenes territories, and for the Kingdome of Scotland: but they would haue it but for foure Dutch townes which were in the Queenes hands, that is, Ostend, Flushing, Bergen vp zom, & the Briel; and these onely during the treating, and twenty dayes after, and that in the meane time, it might be lawfull for the Queene to invade Spaine, or for the Spanyard to invade England, either from Spain or Flanders. Whilst these delayes were made con­cerning the truce and place, which at last was ap­pointed at Bourburg; Cr [...]ft vpon an earnest desire to peace, went privatly to Bruxells without the knowledge of the other Delegates, and privatly proposed some Articles. For which afterward by Leicesters motion, he was imprisoned: albeit those articles proposed by him were in the iudgement of the other commissioners not to be disallowed. But Delegates haue their limits circumscribed, which they are not to passe. At last, when the En­glish could not obtain an abstinence from armes, & could by no meanes see the Charter by which [Page 129] the Duke of Parma had this authority granted to treat of peace: they proposed these things; that the ancient leagues betweene the Kings of Eng­land and the Dukes of Burgundy might be renued and confirmed; that all the Dutch might fully in­ioy their own priviledges; that with freedome of cōscience they might serue God; that the Spanish and forrain souldiers might be put out of Dutch­land; that neither the Dutch, nor their neighbou­ring Nations might feare them. If these things might be granted, the Queene would come to e­quall conditions concerning the Townes which now she held, (that all might know that she tooke vp armes not for her own gain, but for the neces­sary defence both of the Dutch, and of her selfe) so that the money which is owing therefore be re­payed. They answered: that for renuing the old leagues there should be no difficulty, when they might haue a friendly conference of that thing. That concerning the priviledges of the Dutch, there was no cause why forrain Princes should take care, which priviledges were most favoura­bly granted, not onely to Provinces and Townes reconciled, but even to such as by force of armes are brought into subiection. That forrain souldi­ers were held vpon vrgent necessity, when as Hol­land, England, and France, were all in armes. Tou­ching those Townes taken from the King of Spaine, and the repaying of the money, they an­swered that the Spaniard might demand so many myriads of crowns to be from the Queene repayed him, as the Belgick warre hath cost him, since the [Page 130] time that she hath favoured and protected the Dutch against him.

At this time D. Dale by the Queenes command going to the Duke of Parma, did gently expostu­late with him touching a Booke Printed there, set out lately by Cardinall Allen, wherin he exhor­teth the Nobles, and people of England & Ireland to ioyne themselues to the King of Spaines forces vnder the conduct of the Prince of Parma, for the execution of the sentence of Sixtus V Pope a­gainst the Queene, declared by his bull. In which she is declared an heretick, illegitimate, cruel against Mary the Scots Queene, & her subiects were com­manded to helpe Parma against her: (for at that time a great number of those bulls & bookes were printed at Antwerp to be dispersed through Eng­land. The Duke denied that he had seene such a bull or booke, neither would he doe any thing by the Popes authoritie, as for his owne King, him he must obey. Yet he said that he so observed the Queene for her Princely vertues, that after the King of Spaine, he offred all service to her. That he had perswaded the King of Spaine to yeeld to this treaty of peace, which is more profitable for English, then Spanish. For if they should be over­come, they would easily repaire their losse: But if you be overcome, the kingdome is lost. To whom Dale replied: that our Queene was sufficiently fur­nished with forces to defend the Kingdom. That a Kingdome will not easily be gotten by the for­tune of one battell, seeing the King of Spaine in so long a warre, is not yet able to recover his anci­ant [Page 131] patrimony in the Netherlands. Well, quoth the Duke, be it so. These things are in Gods hands.

After this the Delegates contended among themselues by mutuall replications, weauing and vnweauing the same webb. The English were ear­nest in this, a toleration of Religion might be granted at least for two yeares to the confederate Provinces. They answered, that as the King of Spaine had not intreated that for English Catho­licks: so they hoped that the Queene in her wise­dome would not intreat any thing of the King of Spaine which might stand against his honor, his oath, & his conscience. When they deman­ded the money due from the States of Brabant, it was answered, that the money was lent without the Kings authoritie or privitie. But let the ac­compt be taken, how much that money was, and how much the King hath spent in these Warres, and then it may appeare, who should looke for repayment. By such answers they driue off the English of purpose, vntill the Spanish fleet was come neare the English shore, & the noise of guns were heard from sea. Then had they leaue to de­part, & were by the Delegates honorably brought to the borders neare to Calis. The Duke of Parma had in the meane time brought all his forces to the sea shore: Thus this conference came to no­thing; vndertaken by the Queene, as the wiser then thought to avert the Spanish fleet; continued by the Spaniard, that he might oppress the Queen, being as he supposed vnprovided, and not expec­ting the danger. So both of them tried to sow the Fox-skin to the Lyons.

THE Spanish fleet the best furnished with men, munition, engines, and all warlike preparation, that was e­ver seen vpon the Ocean, and by that arrogant Title, called invincible, did consist of 130 shippes, wherein there were 19 thousand, two hundreth ninety; mariners 8350: chain [...]d row­ers 11080. great ordnance 11630. The chiefe commander was Per [...]zius Gusmannus, Duke of Medina Sidonia. (For Antonius Columna Duke of Palian, and Marquess of S. Crosse, to whom the chiefe governmēt was allotted, died whilst things were preparing). And vnder him Iohannes Mar­tinus Recaldus, a man of great experience in sea af­faires. The 30 of May they loosed out of the [...]i­ver Tagus, and purposing to hold their course to the [...]r [...]in in G [...]llitia, they were beaten and scatte­red by a tempest▪ three gallies by the helpe of Da­ [...]d C [...]in an English servant, and by the perfidi­ousnesse of the Turks which rowed, were carried away into France. The Fleet with much adoe after some dayes came to the Groin and other harbours neare adioyning. The report was that the Fleet was so shaken with this tempest, that the Queene was perswaded, that she was not to expect that Fleet, this yeare. And Sir Francis Walsi [...]gham, Secretary, wrote to the Lord Admi­rall, that he might send back foure of the grea­test shippes, as if the Warre had beene ended. [Page 133] But he did not easily giue credit to that report, but with a gentle answer intreated him to beleiue nothing hastily in so important a matter, that he might keep those ships with him, though it were vpon his owne charges. And finding a favourable winde turned sailes toward Spaine, to surprise the enemies shaken shippes in their harbours. When he was not farre from the shore of Spaine, the winde turned, & he being charged to defend the English shore, fearing that the enemies vnseene might by the same winde be drivē to England, he returned to Plimmouth.

With the same winde the 12 of Iuly, the Duke of Medina with his fleet departed from the Groin. And after one day or two, he sent Rhodericus Te­lius into Flanders, to admonish the Duke of Parma, giving him notice that the fleet was approching, that he might be ready▪ For Medina his commissi­on was to ioyne himselfe with the Shippes and Souldiers of Parma, and vnder the protection of his Fleet, to bring them into England, and to land his land forces vpon Thames side. Now as the re­lator of this story hath taken paines to declare what was done each day, I will follow him herein.

The 16 day there was a great calme, and a thick cloud was vpon the sea till noon: then the North winde blowing roughly, & again the Westwinde till midnight, and after that the East: the Spanish Navy was scattered, and hardly gathered toge­ther vntill they came within the sight of England the 19 day of Iuly. Vpon which day the Lord [Page 134] Admirall was certified by Flemming (who had beene a Pyrat) that the Spanish Fleet was entred into the English sea, which the Mariners call the Channell. And was descried neare to the Lizard. The Lord Admirall brought forth the English Fleet into the Sea, but not without great difficul­tie, by the skill, labour, and alacritie of the soul­diers and mariners, every one labouring; yea the Lord Admirall himselfe had his hand at the worke.

The next day the English fleet viewed the Spa­nish fleet comming along with Towers like Ca­stles in height, her front crooked like the fashion of the Moone, the hornes of the front were exten­ded one from the other about seaven miles asun­der, sailing with the labour of the windes, the O­cean as it were groaning vnder it; their saile was but slow, and yet at full saile before the winde. The English gaue them leaue to hold on their course, and when they were passed by, came be­hinde them and got the helpe of the winde.

The 21. of Iuly, the Lord Admirall of England sent a Pinnace before, called the Defiance, to de­nounce the Battell by shooting off some peeces. And being himselfe in the Arch-royall, (the En­glish Praetorian Shippe or Admirall, he set vpon a shippe which he tooke to be the Spanish Admi­rall, but it was the shippe of Alfonsus Leua. Vpon that he bestowed much shot. Presently Drake, Hawkins, Forbisher, came in vpon the Spanish hindmost shippes which Recaldus governed. Vp­on these they thundred. Recaldus laboured what [Page 135] he could to stay his men, who fled to their navy, vntill his shippe beaten and pearced with many shot, did hardly recover the Fleet. At which time the Duke Medina gathered together his dissipa­ted Fleet, and setting vp more saile, they held their course. Indeede they could doe no other, for the English had gotten the advantage of winde, and their shippes were much more nim­ble, and ready with incredible celeritie to come vpon the enemie with a full course, and then to turne, and returne, and be on every side at their pleasure. When they had fought two houres, and taken some triall of their owne courage and of the Spanyards: The Lord Admirall thought good not to continue the fight any longer then, seeing that fortie ships were absent which were scarce drawne out of Plimmouth haven. The night following S. Catharin a Spanish shippe be­ing sore torne with the fight, was received into the midst of the Navie to be mended. Here a great Cantabrian shippe of Oquenda, wherein was the treasurer of the Campe, by force of Gunne­powder that had taken fire, was set on fire; yet was the fire quenched in time by the Shippes that came to helpe her. Of these that came to helpe the fired shippe, one was a Galeon, in which was Petrus Waldez; the foremast of the Galeon was caught in the tackling of another shippe, and broken. This was taken by Drake, who sent Wal­dez to Dertmouth, the money fiftie-fiue thousand D [...]cats, he distributed among his souldiers. That night he was appointed to set forth light, but [Page 136] neglected it, and some German Merchants ships comming by that night, he thinking them to be enemies, followed them so farre, that the English navy rested all night when they could see no light set forth. Neither did he nor the rest of the navy finde the Admirall vntill the next day at even. The Admirall all the night preceding with the Beare, and Mary Rose did follow the Spanyardes with watchfulnesse. The Duke was busied in or­dering his Navy. [...]lfonsus Leua was commanded to ioyne the first and last companies, Every Ship had his station assigned according to that pre­scribed forme which was appointed in Spaine, it was present death to forsake his station. This done he sent Gliclius an Anceant to Parma, which might declare to him in what case they w [...]re, and left that Cantabrian ship of Oquenda to the winde and sea, having taken out the money and mari­ners and put them in other shippes. Yet it see­meth that he had not care of all: for that shippe the same day with fifty mariners and souldiers lamed, and hal [...]e burnt, fell into the hands of the English, and was carried to Weimuth.

The 23. of the same moneth, the Spanyards having a favourable North winde turned sailes vpon the English; the English being much readier in the vse of their ships, fett about a compasse for the winde, and having gotten advantage of the winde, they came to the fight on both sides. They fought a while confusedly with variable fortune: whilst on the one side the English with great courage delivered the London ships which [Page 137] were inclosed about by the Spanyards; on the o­ther side the Spanyards by valour freed Recaldus from the extreame danger he was in: there was not greater effulminations by beating of ordnan­ces at any time, then was this day. Yet the losse fell vpon the Spanish side, because their shippes were so high that the shot went over the English shippes, but the English having a faire marke at their great shippes, shot never in vaine. Onely Cock and English man b [...]ing caught in the midst of the Spanish shippes, could not be recovered, he perished but with great honor revenged himself. Thus a long time the English shippes with great agilitie, were somtimes vpon the Spanyardes gi­ving them the one side, and then the other, and presently were off againe, and tooke the sea to make themselues ready to come in againe. Whereas the Spanish heavie shippes were trou­bled, and hindred, and stood to be markes for the English bullets. For all that, the Admirall would not admit the English to come to grapple and to boord their shippes, because they had a full armie in their shippes, which he had not; their shippes were many in number, and greater, and higher, that if they had come to grapple, as some would haue had it, the English that were much lower then the Spanish shippes must needes haue had the worse of them that fought from the higher shippes. And if the English had beene overcome, the losse would haue beene greater then the victory could haue beene; for ours be­ing overcome, would haue put the kingdome in hazard.

[Page 138]The 24 day, they rested from fight on both sides. The Admirall sent some small Barkes to the next English shore, to supply the provision. And deuided all his Navy into foure squadrons. The first was vnder his owne government; the second Drake governed; the third, Hawkins; the fourth, Forbisher. And he appointed out of every squa­dron certaine little shippes, which on divers sides might set vpon the Spanyards in the night, but a suddain calme tooke them, and so that advise was without effect.

The 25 day, being S. Iames day, S. Anne the Galeon of Portugall, not being able to hold course with the rest, was set vpon by some small Eng­lish shippes. For whose ayd came in Leua, and Di­dacus Telles Enriques with three Galeasses.: which the Admirall and the Lord Thomas Howard espy­ing, made in against the Galeasses (the calme was so great, that they were drawne in by boates with cordes) and did so beat vpon the Galeasses with great shot, that with much adoe, and not without great losse, they hardly recouered the Galeon. The Spanyardes reported that the Admi­rall of Spaine was that day in the hindmost com­pany, and being nearer the English shippes then before, was sore beaten with the English great ordinance, many men sla [...]e in her, her great mast overthrowne. And after that, the Admirall of Spaine, accompanied with R [...]caldus, & others, did set vpon the English Admirall, who by the benefit of the winde turning, escaped. The Spa­nyardes hold on their course againe, and send to the Duke of Parma, that with all speed he should [Page 139] ioyne his shippes with the Kings Fleet. These things the English knew not, who write that they had i [...]ricken the L [...]ntern from one of the Spanish shippes, the stemme from another, and had sore beaten a third, doing much harme to her. That the non Parigly, and the Mary Rose fought a good while with the Spanyards, and the Triumph being in danger, other shippes came in good time to helpe her. Thus it is in battell, they who are pre­sent and actors report not alwayes the same of the same things; each reporting what himselfe observed.

The next day the Lord Admirall knighted the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Sheffield, Roger Townsend, Iohn Hawkins, and Martin Forbisher, for their valour well imployed in the last fight. After this they resolued not to set vpon the ene­my vntill they came into the straight of Calis, where Henry Seimor and William Winter stayed for their comming Thus with a faire gale the Spa­nish Flee [...] goeth forward, and the English follow­ed. This great Spanish A mado was so farre from being [...] invincible in the opinions of the English that many yong noble men and gentle­men▪ in hope to be partakers of a famous victory against the Sp [...]nyards, provided ships of their owne ch [...]rges, and ioyned themselues to the Engl [...]sh F [...]eet, among whom was the Earles of Essex, of Northumberland, of Cumberland, Thomas and Robert C [...]cilles, H [...] Brookes, Charles Blunt, Wal­ter Raleigh, William Hatton, Robert Cary, Ambrose [...], Thomas Gerard, Arthur Gorge, and o­ther Gentlemen of name.

[Page 140]The 27 day at even, the Spanyardes cast an­chors neare to Calis, being admonished of their skilfull sea-men, that if they went any farther, they might be indangered by the force of the tyde to be driven into the North Ocean. Neare to them stood the English Admirall with his fleet within a great guns shot. To the Admirall Sei­mor and Winter now ioyne their shippes; so that now there were 140 shippes in the English Fleet, able and well furnished for fight, for saile, and to turne which way was needfull: and yet there were but 15 of these which bore the burden of the battell and repulsed the enemie. The Spany­ard, as often he had done before, so now with great earnes [...]nesse sent to the Duke of Parma to send fortie Flie-boats without the which they could not fight with the English because of the greatnesse and slownesse of their owne shippes, and the agilitie of the English shippes. And intrea­ting him by all meanes now to come to sea with his army, which army was now to be protected as it were vnder the wings of the Spanish Armado, vntill they tooke land in England. But the Duke was vnprovided, and could not come out at an ins [...]ant. The broad ships with flat bottoms being then full of [...]hinks must be mended. Vittails wan­ted and must be provided, the mariners being long kept against their wills began to shrink a­way. The portes of Du [...]kerke and Newport, by which he must bring his army to the sea, were now so beset with the strong shippes of Holland and Zealand, which were furnished with great and small Munition, that he was not able to [Page 141] come to sea, vnlesse he would come vpon his own apparant destruction, and cast himselfe and his men wilfully into a headlong danger. Yet he omitted nothing that might be done, being a man eager and industrious, and inflamed with a desire of over-comming England.

But Queene E [...]izabeth her providence and care prevented both the diligence of this man, and the credulous hope of the Spanyard. For by her commandement the next day the Admirall took eight of their worst shippes, and dressed them with wild-fire, pitch, and rosen, and filled them full of brims [...]on, & some other matter fit for fire, and these being set on fire, by the ministery and guiding of Yong and Prowse were secretly in the night, by the helpe of the winde set full vpon the Spanish fleet, as they lay at anchor. When the Spaniards saw them come neare, the flame shining and giving light over all the sea: they supposing those ships, besides the danger of the fire, to haue bin also furnished with deadly engines, to make horrible destruction among them; lifting vp a most hiddeous woefull cry, some pull vp anchors, some for ha [...] cut their cables, they set vp their sailes, they apply their ores, and stricken with a pannick terror, in great hast they fled most con [...]u­sedly. Among them the Praetorian Galeas floating vpon the seas▪ her rudder being broken, in great danger of feare drew towards Calis, and sticking in the sand, was taken by A [...]ias Pres [...]on, Thomas Gerard, and Ha [...]ue [...] Hugh Moncada the governour was killed, the souldiers and mariners were ei­ther killed or drowned, in her there was found [Page 140] [...] [Page 141] [...] [Page 142] great store of gold, which fell to be the prey of the English. The ship and ordnance fell to the share of the governour of Calis.

The Spanyards report, that the Duke when he saw the fiery shippes comming, commanded all the fleet to pull vp their anc [...]ors, but so as the danger being past, every shippe might returne a­gaine to his station. And he himselfe returned, giving a signe to the rest by shooting off a gun. Which was heard but of a few, for they were farre off scattered, some into the open Ocean, some through feare were driven vpon the shallowes of the shore of Flanders.

Over against Graueling the Spanish [...]leet began to gather themselues together. But vpon them came Drake and Fenner, and battered them with great Ordnance: to these Fenton, Southwell, Bee­ston, Crosse, Riman, and presently a [...]ter, the Lord Admirall, Thomas Howard, and Sheffi [...]ld came in and all ioyned together. The Duke Medina, Leua, Oquenda, Recaldus, and others with much adoe get­ting themselues our of the shallowes, susteined the English force, aswell as they might, vntill most of their ships were pearced and to [...]ne. The Galeon S. Mathew, governed by Diego [...]i [...]entellus, com­ming to ayd Francis Toletan being in the S. Philip, was pearced and shaken with the r [...]iterated shots of Seimor and Winter, and driven to Ostend, & was at last taken by the Flushi [...]gers. The S. Philip came to the like end. So did the Galeo [...] of Biscay, and di­verse other. The last day of this moneth, the Spa­nish sleet striving to recover the straights againe, were driven toward Zealand. The English lest of [Page 143] pursuing of them, as the Spaniards thought, be­cause they saw them in a manner cast away. For they could not avoyd to be cast vpon the shal­lowes of Zealand. But the winde turning, they got out of the shallowes, and then began to consult what were best for them to do. By common con­sent they resolved to returne into Spaine by the Northern seas, for they wanted many necessaries, especially shot, their ships were torne, & they had no hope that the Duke of Parma could bring forth his forces. And so they tooke the Sea and followed the course towards the North. The Eng­lish navy followed, & somtimes the Spanish turned vpon the English, insomuch that it was thought by many that they would return back againe. Vpon which report the Queene came into the Campe at Tilbury, and mustered the Army, riding among them with a Leaders Staffe in her hand, and did by her presence and speech animate both Captains and souldiers with incredible courage.

That day, wherein the last fight was, the Duke of Parma after his vowes offred to the Lady of Halla, came somewhat late to Dunkerk, and was recei­ved with some opprobrious words of the Spany­ards, as if in favour of Queen Elizabeth he had slip­ped the fairest opportunitie that could be to doe the service. He to make some satisfaction, puni­shed the purveiours that had not made provision ready: secretly smiling at the insolēcy of the Spa­nyards, when he heard them glorying, that what way soever they came vpon England, they would haue an vndoubted victory; that the English were not able to indure the sight of them. Bernardinus [Page 144] Mendoza did indeed by Bookes in France, sing a foolish & lying triumphant song before the Victory. The English Admirall appointed Seimor and the H [...]llanders to watch vpon the coasts of Flanders, that the Duke of Parma should not come out; himselfe followed the Spanyards vpon their backes, vntill they were past Edenborough frith.

The Spaniards seeing all hopes faile, & finding no other helpe for themselues but by flight, fled amaine and never made stay. And so this great Navy being three yeares preparing with great cost, was within a moneth overthrown, and, after many were killed, being chased away: (of English there were not one hundreth lost, nor one shippe lost, saving that of C [...]ks) was driven about all Britain by Scotland, Orcades, Ireland, tossed and shaken with tempests, and much lessened, & came home without glory. Wherevpon some money was coyned with a Navy slying away at full saile, and this inscription; Venit, vidit, Fugit. Other were coyned with the Ships fired, the Navy con­founded, in honor of the Queene, inscribed; Dux faeminafacti. As they fled, it is certain that many of their ships were c [...]st away vpō the shores of Scot­land & Irelād. Moe then 700 souldiers & mariners were cast vpō the Scottish shore, who at the Du: of Parma his intercession with the Scots King, the Queene of England consenting, were af [...]er a yeare sent into Fla [...]ders. But they that were cast vp vpō the Irish shore by tempests, came to more misera­ble fortunes; for some were killed by the wild I­rish; others by the Deputies cōmād; for he searing that they might ioyne thēselues to the wild Irish, & [Page 145] Bingham the Gouernour of Connach being once or twice commanded to slay them hauing yeelded, but refusing to doe it: Fowle the vn­der-Marshall was sent, and killed them; which cruelty the Queene much condemned, where­vpon the rest being afraid, sicke and hungry, with their torne shippes committed themselues to the sea, and many were drowned.

Queene Elizabeth came in publike thankes­giuing to Pauls Church, her Nobles accompa­nying her, the Citizens were in their colours, the Banners that were taken from the enemies were spred: she heard the Sermon, and publike thankes were rendred vnto God with great ioy. This publike ioy was augmented when Sir Ro­bert Sidney returning out of Scotland, brought from the King assurance of his Noble minde and affection to the Queene, and to Religion: Which as in sincerity he had established, so he purposed to maintaine, with all his power. Sir Robert was sent to him when the Spanish Fleet was comming to congratulate and to giue him thankes, for his propense affection towards the maintenance of the common cause; and to de­clare how ready shee would be to helpe him, if the Spaniards should land in Scotland, and that hee might recall to memory with what strange ambition the Spaniard had gaped for all Britain, vrging the Pope to excommunicate him, to the end that hee might be thrust from the Kingdome of Scotland, and from the suc­cession in England: and to giue him notice of [Page 146] the threatning of Mendoza and the Popes Nun­tio, who had threatned his ruine if they could worke it; and therefore warned him, to take especiall heed to the Scottish Papists. The King pleasantly answered, that he looked for no other benefit of the Spaniard, then that which Polyphaemus promised to Vlisses, to d [...]uoure him last after all his fellowes were deuoured.

Now these things be such, as whensoeuer we thinke vpon them, wee cannot choose but lift vp our hearts to God; for he hath put a song of ioy and thankesgiuing in our mouthes, and taught vs to lift vp our eyes to him from whence commeth our helpe, our helpe commeth from the Lord which hath made the heauen and the earth, Psal. 121. he will not suffer thy foote to slip, for he that kee­peth thee will not slumber; behold, he that kee­peth Israel, will neither slumber nor sleepe, the Lord is thy keeper, the Lord is thy defence at thy right [...]and. Then let others boast of their strength [...] [Page 147] power of God, to be for vs against them. Now this being a thing confessed on all sides, that God was with vs against the Spaniard, why will not our aduersaries that are men of vnder­standing, enter into the consideration of this cause which God hath so often, so mightily maintained? The workes of the Lord are great, Psal. III. and ought to bee had in remembrance of them that feare him. And this dutie is required of vs that haue seene the great workes of God, to de­clare them to other: for one generation shall praise thy workes to another generation, and de­clare thy power. The workes of God must bee sought out, had in remembrance, and declared to other. The word of God is the rule of our faith, a direction to vs, a Lanterne to our feet, and a light to our pathes, but the word of God, be­ing confirmed to vs by his workes is made more sweet to vs. This must needes be comfortable to vs that haue the word of God among vs, sent vnto vs, planted among vs by his owne hand; we were as farre from deseruing this fauour, as they that sit in darkenesse and in the shadow of death; for so wee sate in [...]arkenesse, and in the shadow of death: so long as we fate in the igno­rance of Popery, but when it pleased God of his owne free mercy to send his light among vs, the truth of his Gospell, and out of the same foun­taine of his goodnesse and mercy raised belee­uing Princes among vs which haue established his true religion in our Land, a Queene of such Piety, a King of so great Knowledge, and Lear­ning, [Page 146] [...] [Page 147] [...] [Page 148] and Piety as knoweth the truth, and is so able to maintaine it: God I say hauing of his goodnesse raised such blessings to vs, hath ne [...]uer ceased to maintaine his owne worke. Let vs neuer cease to giue him the glory. But can our aduersaries take any comfort in their doings? The King of Spaine may once enter into the consideration of things, he may remember how hee and his predecessours haue beene so many times beguiled by the Pope, how often hath the Pope and his Iesuites consecrated his banners, promised him victory against vs, as against He­retikes forsaken of God and man; let them know that there is a God that ruleth the world, and not the Pope. If they would haue their de­signes to prosper, they must follow the exam­ples of our godly Princes, who are blessed for the sincerity of Religion which they imbrace. They must giue ouer iniustice and cruelty, for the cruelty of the Spaniards haue lost them all that they lost in the Netherlands: Their pride and cruelty was highly raised against vs, but to their owne hurt and dishonour, not to ours, be­cause we trust in God. They would haue extin­guished the true lights of Britain, (which then did shine like two glorious. Candles put in their sockets and held vp in the hand of Christ, and as now, to the comfort of both nations, ioyned in one great light) these they laboured to extin­guish, and to tread down the soule of the Turtle; but our Prayer is, Psal. 74. 19. Giue not the soule of thy Tur­tle Doue vnto the Beast, and [...]orget not the [Page 149] congregation of the poore for euer. Consider thy couenant, for the darke places of the earth are full of the Habitation of the cruell: Arise O Lord and maintaine thine owne cause, remember the daily reproach of the foolish: forget not the voice of the enemie, for the tumult of them that rise against thee ascendeth continually. God saued the soule of his Turtle, he remembred the congregation of the poore that trusted in him: he considered his couenant, hee maintained his owne cause, and of this we reioyce. But where are those darke places of the earth which are full of the habitation of the cruell, as the Prophet saith? Surely let the Iesuites looke to that, and let them expound those word [...] if they be able, for surely no man can expound those words, but he shall finde superstition and cruelty inse­parably ioyned together; their superstition ma­keth the places of their habitations darke pla­ces; their superstition breedeth cruelty; for grea­ter cruelty the world hath not seene, then hath proceeded from them: truely then may wee sing with the Psalmist, the the darke pla [...]es of the earth, are full of the habitations of the cruell. There is no hope to make these Iesuites that haue giuen themselues ouer to the seruice of the man of sinne, and to the practise of impiety, of such I say there is no hope to perswade them, because they loue not the truth. But the Kings and Princes that haue beene so long abused and beguiled by them, may in time vnderstand the difference betweene truth and falshood, and [Page 150] may ioyne with our religious Kings, against the great Deceiuer, and our hope is, that they will vnderstand his deceits and illusions, and for­sake him: for otherwise they must perish with him. They that are wise will vnderstand and consider the cause which God hath so long, so strongly maintained, they will consider the po­wer, the fury, and rage of our aduersaries haue beene continually frustrated by Gods power, they may consider that these extraordinary blessings vpon Gods Church among vs, and the memorable iudgements of the aduersaries, are but forerunners of some greater stroakes, and heauier iudgements of God against them, if they will not turne, and forsake superstitious vanities, and serue God with vs. Which God grant, that the Kingdome of Christ may be in­larged, his true Religion strongly maintained, his name glorified, his people comforted, and let all that worship not the Lord IESVS, and loue not his comming, perish.

AFter this great tempest from Spaine was past, the Sunne did shine as pleasantly vpon England as before; by all the Spanish pre­paration, there was not a man cal­led from his husbandry in England, not any ar­tificer from his trade; there was not so much as [Page 151] one cottage burned; did euer the English make any [...]ourney into Spaine, and returned without doing no more harme then the Spaniards did to vs? The English made after this, two iour­neyes into Spaine, and in both, did that which they intended to doe; that is, ransacked Townes, and put to flight the Armies which incountred them. But this beyond the limits of my purpose, which is onely to declare our de­liuerances, and to giue thankes and honour to God for the same.

The next danger intended and threatned, brake out in Spaine by Tyrone. They that haue written of Tyrone, say that he was a bastard, a banished fugitiue, he lay lurking in Spaine, pro­mising to doe some seruice to the Pope and Spaniard, as some had done before; he was rai­sed to the honour of an Earle by the Queene, and being twice in danger (once for a murther, and then for vsurping the title of O-Neale) was pardoned for both. Hugh, Baron of Dungan­non, now Earle of Tyrone, being set on by the Spaniard to worke some mischiefe: A [...] 1597. An. Dom. 1597. suddenly assailed the [...]ort of Black-water, which done, he wrote to Kildare to side with him, and at the same instant to Sir Iohn Norrice, (who was then sent out Lord Generall i [...]o Ireland, with thirteene hundreth of the N [...]therland ould Souldiers, newly retired from the warres in Britaine,) to him Tyrone wrote that he might be mildly dealt withall, and not be driuen headlong vpon the dangerous rockes [Page 152] of disloialty: in the meane time he was alwaies guarded with a thousand Horse, and 6280. foot of Vlster, besides 2300. of Connaugh; hereupon, he and all his partakers were proclaimed trai­tors. Thus was the rebellion raised which was hardly quenched with much bloud. Sir Iohn Norrice was a Generall as well experienced in warre, as any that then liued: yet in the Irish warres, he was not so acquainted. The aduan­tage of the enemy was such, that time was ra­ther spent in taking of booties, and friuolous parlies, then in any memorable exploit. The one looking still for fitter opportunities, and the other expecting daily his promised succours from Spaine.

To spare the shedding of bloud, the Queene commanded her Commissioners, the Treasurer, and chiefe Iustice to conferre with Tyrone; who complained of wrongs offered to him by Sir Henry Bagnall, Marshall: and thereupon exhi­bited a petition in humble manner containing that himse [...]fe and all his followers might be par­doned, and be restored to their former estates: that they might freely exercise their Romish Religion; that no Garrison souldiers, Shirriffe, or other officer should intermeddle within the iurisdiction of his Earledome: that the com­pany of fifty Horsemen with the Queenes pay might be restored to him, in the same state that formerly he had led them: that the spoilers of his Countrey and people might be punished, and that Sir Henry Bagnall should pay him a [Page 153] thousand pound, promised in dowry with his Sister, whom Tyrone had married, and who was now deceased. Others also laid out their grie­uances conceiued, such were Odonell, Brian Mac Hugh og [...], Mac Mahun, and Euer Mac Conly: They receiued reasonable answers to their demands. But vnto them the commissio­ners proposed certaine Articles: That they should forthwith lay downe their Armes, dis­perse their forces, subm [...]ssiuely acknowledge their disloialties, admit the Queenes Officers in their gouernment, re-edi [...]ie the forts they had defaced, suffer the Garrison to liue without di­sturbance, make restitution of spoiles t [...]ken, con­fesse vpon their oathes how far they had dealt with forraine Princes, and renounce all for­raine aid. These propositions the Rebels liked not, but departed with a resolution to maintaine their owne demands. Which moued Generall Norrice, aided with the Lord Deputy, to march with his Army to Armagh; when Tyrone heard of his approach, in great perplexity he forsooke the Fort of Blacke-water, set on fire the villages about, and plucked downe the towne of Dun­gannon, with part of his owne house, bewai­ling his state to be past re [...]ouery.

The countrey thus wasted, and no victuals to be had, Norrice set a Garrison in the Church of Armagh, strengthned Monahan, and pro­claimed Tyrone Traitor in his owne territories. Tyrone to gaine time, presented to him a fained Petition, signed with his owne hand, cast [Page 154] himselfe downe at the Queenes Pictures feet, vngir [...]s sword, and craued pardon vpon his knees. And in the meane time dealt for aides out of Spaine; wherein hee preuailed so farre, that King Philip sent messengers with cap [...]tulations, that at a praefixed time h [...] would send him a competent Armie to ioyne with the Irish, that all conditions of Peace with the English should be reiected, and that the Rebels should be fur­nished with munition from Spaine.

Hereupon (though there was a cessation from Armes, he began to hurry, and wast the coun­try, and burne villages, and driue away booties. And hauing done this, put on the vizard of dissimulation againe, & sued for pardon, which to effect, hee sent the Letters of King Philip his promises, to the Lord Deputy, with the causes of his owne discontents; so he shuffled, that by his dissimulation, or by the negligence of o­thers, most part of Connaught and all Vlster were reuolted and in a rebellion.

In which estate Thomas Lord Burrough was sent Lord Deputy into Ireland; he was no soo­ner arriued, but Generall Norrice being crossed at the Court, or discontented, died as was thought, through griefe. The Lord Deputy set presently forward to meet with the Rebels, whom hee encountred at Moiry, and defeating them, tooke the Fort of Black-water. The ene­mies seeking to rescue it, were defeated by the Earle of Kildare, but Tyrone thinking all his hope was gone if he lost that Fort, beleaguerd [Page 155] it. The Lord Deputy preparing straightway to rescue the place, was suddenly taken with sick­nesse and died.

Tyrone lay still before the Fort of Blacke-wa­ter; Anno 1598. for the raising of his siege Sir Henry Bagnall was sent with fourteene Ensignes of the choi­sest troupes. These the Earle met neare to Ar­magh, & being most eagerly bent against S ^•. Hen­ry, by his exact care and diligence, or by the o­thers negligence, he got the victory, wherein Sir Henry lost his life: the English had not re­ceiued such an ouerthrow since their first set­ting foot in Ireland. 15. Captaines were killed, and 1500. Souldiers were routed, and put to flight. The Garrison of Blacke-water hereupon surrendred, and the Rebels were thereby furni­shed with Munition and Armour, and Tyrones glory extolled. By this the strength of the rebel­lion was increased.

In this desperate estate stood Ireland, when Robert Earle of Essex was sent thither Lord Lieuetenant, and Lord Gouernour Generall; he led twenty thousand Soldiers, sixteene thou­sand foot, the rest horse-men: as soone as hee came, he called a councell touching the affaires; It was thought fittest, that Monster should bee first cleared of those petty Rebels lying nearest, whereupon (contrary to his owne opinion, and his directions receiued from the Queene) hee made first to Monster, and cleared those parts, though with more losse of time and men, then was well liked of the state here: from thence he [Page 156] went into Le [...]nster, against the O Conars, and O Neiles, whom he vanquished. Thence he sent Sir Coniers Clifford against Orork, himselfe ta­king another way to distract the Forces of Ty­rone. Sir [...]niers Clifford was defeated and slaine: whereupon the Lord Generall made towards Vlster, and came to Louth. Tyrone shewed himselfe vpon the hills on the other side of the Riuer. And falling vnto his wonted vaine of dissimulation, desired a parley with the Lord Lieuetenant, but hee reiected it; answe­ring, that if hee would conferre with him, hee should finde h [...]m the next morning in the head of his troupes, on which day after a light skir­mish, a horseman of Tyrones troupes, cryed with a loud voice, that Tyrone was not willing to fight, but to parley vpon peace with the Lord Generall; which thing was againe denied. The next day as the Lord Lieuetenant was in his march forward, one Hagan sent from Tyrone met him, and declared that the Earle most hum­bly desired to haue the Queenes mercy and peace, and besought that his Lordship would be pleased to afford him audience, which if hee would grant, then would he with all reuerence attend at the foord of the Riuer, not farre from Louth. To this motion at last he consented: and sent to discouer the place, and hauing a troupe of horse vpon the next hill, came downe alone to the Riuer. Tyrone attending on the other side, as soone as he saw his approach, rode into the Riuer vp to the Saddle, and with semblance [Page 157] of reuerence, saluted the Lord Lieuetenant. And hauing had some conference together the space of an houre, both returned to their companies: after this Tyrone making suit for a further con­ference, the Lord Lieuetenant taking with him the Earle of Southampton, Sir George Bour­chier, Sir Warram Saint Leger, Sir Henry Dan­ [...]ers, Sir Edward Wingfield, and Sir William Constable, went to the Foord; where Tyrone with his Brother Cormac, Mac Gennis, Mac Gui [...], Ener Mac Cowly, Henry Oui [...]gton, and O Quin, attended their comming. And vpon conference it was concluded, that certaine Com­missioners should the next day meet for a treaty of peace, and in the meane time, there should be a cessation of warres from sixe weekes to sixe weekes, vntill the first of May, yet so as it might be free on both sides, after fourteene dayes war­ning giuen to resume hostility afresh. And if any of Tyrones confederates would not there­to consent, to be prosecuted at the Lord Lieue­tenants pleasure.

THe Queene was presently infor­med, Anno 1599. that in Ireland, the Spring, Summer, and Autumne were spent, without seruice vpon the Arch-rebell, that her men were diminished, large summes of money consumed [Page 158] without doing that for which he was sent, that by this meanes the Rebels were incouraged, and the Kingdome of Ireland laid at hazard to bee lost. Whereupon the Queene wrote somewhat sharpely to the Lord Lieuetenant; which moo­ued him so much, as leauing his charge to bee managed by others, he came into England, ho­ping to pacifie the Queene. When he came, he was commanded to keepe his Chamber, and soone after was committed to the custody of the Lord Keeper.

No sooner was the Lord Generall departed from Ireland, but that Tyrone (notwithstan­ding the cessation from warre, drawing his Forces together, tooke the field; to whom Sir William Warren was sent, to charge him with breach of promise; he answered, that his doings were according to couenants, hauing giuen warning before: his cause was iust, for that the Lord Lieuctenant was committed in England, vpon whose honor he reposed his whole estate, neither would hee haue any thing to doe with the Councellors of Ireland. Hereupon presu­ming vpon Spaine, hee sent Odonel into Con­naught, receiued tumultuous persons, strengthe­ned the weake, glorying euery where that hee would restore againe the ancient Religion and liberty of Ireland, and expell the English out of Ireland. To which end, some money and mu­nition was sent from Spaine, and Indulgences from Rome. And for an especiall fauour the Pope sent him a plume of Phoenix feathers, [Page 159] for a Trophy of his victories.

Tyrone vnder pretence of deuotion, in mid­winter went to the Monastery of Tipperary, to worship the Crosse: from thence hee sent out Mac Guir with a number of rifeling robbers, to spoile and prey vpon the peaceable subiects, with whom Sir Warram Saint Leger met, and at the first incounter ranne Mac Guir through the body with a Lance, and was likewise runne through with his Lance. Whereupon Tyrone made ready to returne from Monster sooner then was expected, or himselfe meant.

At this time, Charles Blunt, Anno 1600. Lord Mountioy, was sent Lord Lieuetenant generall into Ire­land. At his first comming, hearing that Ty­rone was to depart out of Monster, hee hastened to stop his passage in Feriall, and there to giue him battell, which the Earle preuented by ta­king another way, hauing intelligence of the Lord Generall his designes. The spring draw­ing on, the Deputy put himselfe in his march to­ward Vlster, with purpose to driue the Earle to a stand. In the meane time Sir Henry Docwray at Loughfoil, and Sir Ma [...]thew Morgan at Be­lishanon planted the Garrisons, which they ef­fected with small resistance, and repressed the Rebels in diuers ouerthrowes.

The Lord Generall likewise held Tyrone very hard, and with light skirmishes euer put him to the worst: sothat he now perceiuing his fortunes to decline, withdrew himselfe backwards into his ould corners. The Lord Lieuetenant entred [Page 160] in Lease, the place of refuge and receit of all the Rebels in Leinster, where hee shew Ony Mac Rory-Og, chiefe of the family of the O Mores, a bloudy, bould, and desperate yong man: and so chased out the rest of his companions, as that neuer since they were seene in those parts. And though winter began to draw on, yet mar­ched hee forward to the entry of the Mairy, three miles beyond Dundalk.

The passage into Vlster is euery way naturally cumbersome, and it was helped by the Rebels who had fortified and blocked vp the entrance with fences of stakes stucke in the ground, with hurdles ioyned together, and stones in the midst, with turfes of earth laid betweene hills, woods and bogges, and manned the place with a number of souldiers. But the English brake through their Pallisadoes, and beate backe the enemy. The Lord Deputy placed a garrison eight miles from Armagh, where in memory of Sir Iohn Norrice, he named the Fort Mount Norrice. In his returne he had many skirmishes. At Carlingford the enemies were assembled to stop his way, but were all discomfited, and put to flight. In the midst of winter hee entred the Glinnes, that is, the vallies of Leinster, a secure receptacle of the Rebels. There he brought into subiection Donel Spanioh, Phelim Mac Pheogh, and the O Tooles; of whom he tooke hostages. Then went he to Fereall, and draue Tirell, the most approued warriour of all the Rebels, from his fastnesse (that is, his bogs and bushes) vnto [Page 161] Vlster, and after some other good seruices done here, the spring approaching, he marched into Vlster, fortified Armaugh, and remoued Ty­rone from the Fort of Blacke-water, where hee had fortified himselfe.

In the meane time the Pope and the King of Spaine laboured to maintaine the rebellion in Ireland, and to helpe Tyrone. Their agents were a Spaniard elected Archbishop of Dublin by the Pope, the Bishop of Clowfort, the Bishop of Killaloe, and Archer a Iesuite. These by prayers and promises of heauenly rewards, perswaded the Spaniard to send succours into Ireland, which hee did, vnder the Generall, Don Iohn d' Aquila, a man that conceiued great hopes, and was confident of much aid from the titular Earle Desmond, and Florence Mac Carly, a Re­bell of great power; wherein the man was much deceiued; for Sir George Carew Lord Presi­dent of Munster, had preuented all his designes, and sent them prisoners into England, where they were fast. Don Aquila with two thou­sand Spaniards of old trained souldiers, with certaine Irish fugitiues landed at Kinsale in Monster, the last of October, Anno 1600. and presently published a writing, wherein he stiled himselfe Master Generall, and captaine of the Catholike King in the warres of God, for hol­ding and keeping the faith in Ireland: this drew diuers distempered and cuill-affected persons on his side.

The Lord Deputy gathering his companies, [Page 162] hasted to Kinsale, and incamped neere vnto the Towne, on the land side. In the meane time, Sir Richard Leuison, with two of the Queenes shippes, inclosed the hauen, to forbid all accesse to the Spaniards. Then on both sides the Ca­non played vpon the towne.

But newes was brought that two thousand Spaniards more were arriued at Bere hauen, Baltimor, and Castle hauen. Sir Richard Leui­son was imployed vpon them, in which seruice he sunke fiue of their shippes. Vnto these new landed Spaniards, whose Leader was Alfonso o-campo, O-donel ouer the ice by speedy iour­neyes and vnknowne by-wayes repaired, vn­seene of the English. And a few dayes after, Tyrone himselfe, with O Roik, Raimund, Burk, Mac Mahun, Randall Mac Surly, Tirrell, the Barron of Lixnawe, with the choise of the Nobles, making sixe thousand foot, and fiue hundreth horse. All confident of victory, being fresh, strong, and more in number then the Eng­lish, who were out-wearied with a winter siege with scarcity of victuals, their horse weake with fore trauell.

In this hope Tyrone vpon an hill not a mile from the English campe made a brauado two dayes together, intending to haue put these new supplies of Spaniards, with eight hundreth I­rish, by night into Kinsale, as did appeare by letters intercepted from Don Aquila. To pre­uent this, the Lord Deputy appointed eight En­signes to keepe watch, and himselfe with the [Page 163] President of Monster, and the Marshall, at the foot of the hill, chose out a conuenient plot to giue the Earle battell; who the next morning seeing the English so forward, by his bag-pipers sounded the retreat; whom the Lord Generall followed, and forced them to a stand in the brinke of a bogge, where their horsemen were disordered and routed by the Earle of Clan-Ricard. The maine battell was charged by the Lord Deputy himselfe, who discharged the parts of a prouide [...]t Captaine, and of a valiant souldier. The rebels not able to withstand him, brake their arrayes, and fled confusedly in dis­order: In the pursuit, many were slaine. Tyrone, O-donel, and the rest flung away their weapons, and shifted for themselues by flight. Alfonso Ocampo, and sixe Ensigne bearers were taken prisoners, nine of their Ensignes were born a­way by the English, and twelue hundreth Span­iards slaine. This victory obtained, dismaied both the Spaniards in Kinsale, and the rebels. Tyrone was forced into his starting holes in Vl­ster. O-donel fled into Spaine. The rest of the Rebels were driuen to hide themselues.

The Lord Generall returning to the siege of Kinsale, began to raise Rampires, and to mount his Cannons nearer the towne, in which worke sixe dayes were spent without any impeach from the Spaniards. Don Aquila seeking now to get cleare and be gone, sent his Lieuetenant with the Drum-maior to the Lord Deputy; wherein hee craued, that some Gentleman of [Page 164] credit, might bee sent into the towne, with whom he might parly for peace. The Lord De­puty sent Sir William Godolphin, to whom Don Aquila signified, that hee had found the Lord Deputy, though his eager enemy, yet an honou­rable person: the Irish of no valour, rude, and vnciuill, yea, and (that which hee sore feared) persidious and false. That hee was sent from the King of Spaine his Master, to aide two Earles, and now he much doubted whether there were any such in rerum natura; considering that one tempestuous puffe of warre had blowne the one of them into Spaine, and the other into the North, so as they were no more to bee seene: willing therefore he was to treate about a pace, that might bee good for the English, and not hurtfull to the Spaniards. Albeit he wanted no­thing requisite to the holding out of the siege, and expected euery day out of Spaine, fresh supplies to finde the English worke and trouble enough.

The matter thus proposed, Anno 1601. the English being weake, and wearied with a winter-siege, the Lord Deputy consented to an agreement, vpon these Articles.

1. That Iohn d'Aquila should quit the pla­ces which he held in the Kingdome of Ireland, as well in the towne of Kinsale, as in the Forts and Castle of Baltimar, Ber [...]hauen, and Castle­hauen, and should deliuer them vnto the Lord Deputy, or to whom hee should ap­point.

[Page 165]2. That Don d' Aquila and his Spaniards should depart with armes, money, munition, and banners displayed. The souldiers notwith­standing to beare no Armes against the Queene of England, till such time as they were vn [...]hip­ped in some part of Spaine.

3. That Ships and Victuals should be gran­ted to them in their departure, for their money, at such reasonable prises as the country could afford.

4. That if contrary windes inforced them into any other part of Ireland, or England, they might bee intreated as friends, with safety of harbour and prouisions necessary for their mo­ney.

5. That a cessation should be from warre, a security from iniuries.

6. That the Shippes in which they should be imbarked, might freely passe by other Eng­lish Shippes, without molestation, and the Shippes arriuing in Spaine, might safely returne backe againe without any impeachment of the Spaniards. For security whereof, the said Don d' Aquila should deliuer for hostages such three of their Captaines as the Lord Deputy would choose. Tyrone seeing his hopes gone, his men slaine, his restlesse conscience gaue him no re­pose, hee shifted from place to place in much feare and perplexity. In the meane time, the Lord Deputy refreshed his weary and winter­beaten souldiers, repaired the decayes, renew­ed the Garrisons in Monster. This done, hee [Page 166] departed for Dublin. From thence toward the spring, by an easie march well appointed, hee returned into Vlster, meaning to belay the ene­my on euery side, by planting his Forts, so to take him in his toile: thus comming to Black­water hee transported his Army ouer the Riuer vpon floats, Charles Mount. and beneath the ould Fort, he ere­cted a new; which thing so terrified the Rebell, that he set on fire his owne house at Dunganon, and got himselfe farthe [...] from danger. The Lord Deputy followed him close, spoiled the Corne­fields, and burnt the villages, and booties were brought in on euery side. The Forts in Lough crew, Lough Reogh, and Magher lecond; were yeelded vp, and Gar [...]isons placed in Lough, Neaugh, or Sidny, and in M [...]naghan; whence with their continuall sallies, they kept the ene­mies in such feare, that they hid themselues in woods, complaining and exclaiming against Tyrone, that had brought them all to ruine for his priuate discontents, and began to repent them so farre, as they made hast who should first come in to the Lord Deputy. The Earle see­ing how the world went, thought good to pre­uent the worst by his submission, which in humble letters he sent to the Queene, who gaue the Lord Deputy authority to pardon his life, though hardly drawne to remit his offences, his friends daily solicited the Lord Deputy for his peace; which at last was granted, to put his life and reuenues without any condition, to the will of the Queene. Whereupon all Mellifont [Page 167] accompanied with two persons and no more, he had accesse to the Chamber of Presence, where the Lord Deputy sate in a Chaire of E­state. Tyrone in base and poore array, with a deiected countenance, at the first entrance, fell downe vpon his knees, and so rested, till hee was commanded to arise; and comming neerer, stepping two paces, he fell downe prostrate, and with great submiss [...]on acknowledged his sinnes against God, and his fault against her Maiesty. The next day the Lord Deputy departing from Dublin, tooke Tyrone thither, meaning to trans­port him for England. But the death of Queene Elizabeth staied that designe, and King Iames succeeding, and being receiued with admirable loue of all sorts, at his first entrance [...]ardoned Tyrone. And Ireland hath beene since held in greater peace then euer in the memory of any stories hath beene formerly knowne.

After all this, Tyrone, a man not framed for a peaceable course, but onely for trouble, fell into his last pageant, in this manner. Montgomery was made Lord Bishop of Derry, (who was after, Lord Bishop of Meath) and because the reue­nues of that of Derry and some other Bi­shoprickes neare adioyning were so much im­paired, that they were no way able to make a reasonable maintenance; the Bishop sought by lawfull meanes to get some Lands taken with­out right or law from his Bishopricke, and to recouer things desperately lost, if hee could. This thing could not be effected, without the [Page 168] offence of Tyrone, who had gotten into his hands the greatest part of the Bishoprick lands. In so much, that Tyrone vnderstanding the Bishop sought to recouer the Lands of the Bishopricke, told the Bishop thus much: My Lord you haue two or three Bishoprickes, and yet you are not content with them, you seeke the Lands of my Earledome. My Lord, quoth the Bishop, your Earledome is swolne so bigg with the Lands of the Church, that it will burst if it be not vented. The Bishop intending in a law­full course to recouer the Lands lost, found that there was no man could giue him better light and knowledge of those things, then O Cane, who had beene great with Tyrone: and to make vse of him was a matter of difficulty; yet some meanes being vsed to him, he came of his owne accord to the Bishop, and tould him that he could helpe him to the knowledge of that which he sought, but he was afraid of Ty­rone: nay said the Bishop, I will not trust you, for I know that one bottle of Aqua vitae will draw you from me to Tyrone. Whereupon hee tooke a Booke and laid it on his head, saying, ter liuro, ter liuro: which as my Lord of Meath said, (who tould me this story) is one of the greatest kinde of affirming a truth which the Irish haue, and after this ceremony performed, they keepe their promise: O Cane vsing this ce­remony, promised to reu [...]ale all that hee knew in that matter, if hee would on the other side promise him to saue him from the violence [Page 169] of Tyrone, and not to deliuer him into England; which he promised to doe. Whereupon the Bi­shop resolued to bring him to the Councell of Ireland, there to take his confession; as they came along by Dungannon, Tyrones Sonne came forth with sixteene horsemen, but finding the Bishop well appointed and guarded with men, tould him that he came forth onely to at­tend his Lordship some part of the way, and so after, he rode with him a reasonable way, tooke his leaue and returned. The Bishop feared that hee came to take O Cane from him, and thought that he meant to doe it, if the Bishop had not beene better prouided then he was. Thus they comming peaceably to the Councell, the con­fession of O Cane was taken. After this, Processe were sent to Tyrone to warne him to come at an appointed time, to answere to the suit of the Lord Bishop of Derry. There was no other in­tention then, but in a peaceable manner to bring the suit to a triall. But behold the burthen of an euill conscience. Tyrone had entred into a new conspiracie, to raise another rebellion; of this conspiracy was O Cane. This thing was secret, the Councell knew nothing of it. Tyrone being serued with Processe to answere the suit, began to suspect that this was but a plot to draw him in; that surely all the treason was reuealed by O Cane, whom he knew to be of the conspiracy: that the pretence was a Processe, and a triall in law, but the intent was to haue his head. Vpon this bare suspition, Tyrone resolued with such [Page 170] other as was in the conspiracy to flye, & therup­on fled out of Ireland with his confederates, & lost al those lands in the North of Ireland, which by his M ⁱes. autority, & the diligence of his M ⁱes. subiects which haue been vndertakers, are now planted with a more ciuill people, then before.

This story of Tyrone, being compared with that of Stucley, & other Irish commotions, may proue the implacable mind of the Pope; and the fauour of God in deliuering vs. Stucley by the prouidence of God was turned another way, & came not into Ireland, as he purposed: they who came were euer destroyed. But no enemy did e­uer more hurt there, then Tyrone. But when the accompt is cast vp; what haue all the aduersaries of England got in the end? They haue, like secret serpents nibled at the heel. And indeed this hath bin the practise of the ould Serpent, in troubling the Church. And we haue both warning of his malice, & a promise of deliuerance, & in the end to tread on his head, that now biteth at our heels. The womans seed shal break the serpents head, Gen. 3. 15. but the serpent shal bruise his heel. The promise is ful­filled in Christ Iesus our head, and yet by the A­postle extended to the Church, Rom. 16. 20. The God of peace shall tread Satan vnder your feet shortly. It is true, that this is done in a spirituall battell, wherin Satan & sin shall be ouerthrown: yet to comfort his Church, and to teach vs to stay with patience the finall fulfilling of his promises, he doth in the meane time send many deliuerances to his Church, and many times [Page 171] beateth down Satan & Satans instruments vnder the feet of his Church. For is not this a treading down of Satans head, when we see al the instru­ments that Satan hath stirred vp to our destru­ction, to be by the hand of God beaten & trod­den to dust? Verely, vnto vs it is a signe of com­fort, & that from the Lord, but to our aduersa­ries a sign of seare. The true Church of God hath a priuiledge aboue others in this world, though persecuted in & by this euill world, yet there ap­peareth alwaies an eminent priuiledge of the Church. Whē the Iewes were Gods Church, this appeared among them, what was their priui­ledge? They were called by God from & before al other nations, not because they were stronger or greater, or wiser, but because God would fulfill his promise to their Fathers. Rom. 3. 2. And to them were com­mitted the Oracles of God; & as the Apostle doth inlarge the same thing, Rom. 9. 4. to them pertained the a­doption, & theglory, & the couenants, and the gi­uing of the law, & the seruice of God, and the pro­mises. In all which may appeare what God did for them, and what he doth for his Church al­waies: but what are they to doe to God? one­ly to worship him according to these oracles, this law, these couenants, these promises, which God hath giuen them. By these things then may the Church be knowne, we may add ano­ther thing to these, whereby we finde that God would alwaies be knowne to be the God of his people, of his Church; that is, a miraculous pro­tection of his Church, and strange deliuerance [Page 172] out of dangers. This miraculous protection and deliuerance, God shewed to Israel d [...]uers waies; and this hath he like wise shewed to the Church of Christians, and then especially when the Church hath beene most oppugned. And this mercy hath God declared to no Church more, then to the Church of England: wee haue the Oracles of God among vs, and these wee labour to preserue without mixture, that no Oracles of men may be ioyned with them in any equality. This we professe, and for this we suffer. This is our glory, that wee suffer as the Church of God hath all waies suffered. This is our glory, that we are persecuted by a people that haue forsaken their God. For they that haue forsaken [...]he one­ly preferment by the Oracles of God commit­ted to their trust, and haue against that trust, thrust in mens Oracles, mens traditions to match the Oracles of God in equall authority: they who worship not God according to Gods Oracles deliuered to them, but according to their owne inuentions; these men haue forsaken their God. And these bee they that glory so much of the name of the Catholike Church a­gainst vs, God knoweth his Church; for the Lord knoweth who are his: But our aduersaries deale not with God to please him, but with men to deceiue them. If they should deceiue some men with the maske, and with the empty title o [...] the Catholike Church, what haue they got­ten thereby? God is not deceiued, and God will in his time make it knowne where his Catholike [Page 173] Church is. God will not haue his Catholike Church maintained with lyes, with wicked and vngratious Practises, with treasons and rebel­lions, with conspiracies; they who practise such things, can neuer proue themselues to bee the Catholike Church; but the true Catholike Church is knowne by holding the Oracles of God, by worshipping God according to his own Oracles, by suffering patiently the practises of wicked men, by committing their cause to God, by trusting in God, and in the power of his might, and by miraculous deliuerances out of danger by the onely hand and power of God. This holy and heauenly protection of God of the Church of England, may plainely proue vn­to all the world, that the Church of England is a part and true member of that Catholike Church that serueth God in truth and sinceri­ty, enioying those priuiledges and fauours which God doth vouchsafe to no people, sauing to his owne Church.

Now let the Pope goe on in his course, and fulfill his measure: let him honour wretched and wicked rebels, the scum of the earth: let him send a peacockes taile, as he did to Stucley, let him send a plume of Phoenix seathers, as hee did to Tyrone (if they were Phoenix feathers, or if the Pope did not collude in one thing, as that Fryer did in another thing, who vndertooke to shew to the people a feather of the wing of the Angell Gahriell; a plume of whose feathers was more befitting the Pope to send, if his holinesse [Page 174] hath such command ouer Angels, as they say he hath.) Let them I say proceed in the workes of darkenesse as they haue done, and as they con­tinue to doe: let vs trust in the Lord, who hath manifested to all the world by his great, merci­full, and manifold deliuerances, that hee hath taken the protection of vs. And as he hath done hitherto, assuredly he will doe to the end, if we faile not: for God will not forsake vs, if we for­sake not him. Indeed if we forsake him, and fall away from the truth of Religion, in the Church, and from the execution of iustice in the State; and from obedience to the faith: then may wee loose our part in God, and loose our confidence in his helpe, and loose the blessed benefit of his protect [...] on. They can neuer preua [...]le against vs by any other way, then by our forsaking of God. When Balac the King of Moab, had sent for Balaam the false Prophet, and by him vn­derstood that it was impossible for him to pre­uaile against Israel, though Balaam was sent to curse them: At last hee was informed by his false Prophet Balaam, that there was no hope to preuaile against Israel, vnlesse there were some meanes deuised to draw Israel into sinne against God, and so would God be offended with them, and then might their aduersaries preuaile a­gainst them: this aduise was most pernicious a­gainst Israel. For the women of Moab were sent among the Israelites to intise them both to bodily and spirituall fornication. And this in­deed prouoked Gods anger: and therefore the [Page 175] Lord commanded Israel to vexe the Midia­ [...]nites, and to smite them, Numb. 25. 17. for they trouble you with their wiles. The King of Spaine hath pro­ued Balaam the false Prophet, the Pope of Rome, to curse the Church and State of England: hee hath beene as greedily bent to curse England, as euer Balaam was to curse Israel. His curses by Gods goodnesse haue beene turned into bles­sings vpon vs. The more hee hath cursed, the more haue wee receiued blessings from God. The Pope perceiuing that his curses cannot pre­uaile against vs, hath entred into the consulta­tion of Balaam the false Prophet, to send a­mong vs Priests and Iesuites secretly, who as they say, are well acquainted both with carnall and spirituall fornication. These come among vs and trouble vs with their wiles. And if by their wiles we be once drawn away from God, then may they preuaile, but not otherwise then as the d [...]uell hath sometimes permission to pre­uaile against Gods people. But so long as wee stand the Church of God, holding the Oracles of God committed to vs, morshipping. God ac­cording to the rules of the holy doctrine, wee may with ioy of h [...]rt expect the protection of God as we haue had. Of these things what can our aduersaries deny? Can they deny that wee haue the Oracles of God among vs, onely reue­rencing them? Can they deny the miraculous pro [...]ction of God ouer vs from time to time, a­gainst all their wicked practises? let our enemies be iudges herein. Can they deny that the Pope [Page 176] hath runne the course of false Balaam against vs? Can they deny that their Priests and Iesu­ites come creeping in among vs, to draw vs a­way from God to bee partakers with them in their superstition and idolatry? these things are manifest to the world, and to their owne con­sciences: then we leaue them vnto the seruice of their Balaam, let them leaue vs to the seruice of our God.

QVeene Elizabeth after so many bloudy and dangerous practises attempted against her, being mightily protected by God, en­ded her dayes in peace and safe­ty: The enemy was not permit­ted to hurt her, with all their bloudy and bar­barous practises. After her, succeeded our peace­able Salomon, King Iames, who laboured to e­stablish peace, if it might bee: But when hee spake of peace, they prepared themselues for warre.

He was first encountred with such a practise, Anno 1603. whereof because I know not the truth and bot­tome, I must follow such relations as I finde. King Iames our [...]gracious Soueraigne, being cal­led into the right of his owne inheritance, by the great and admirable applause and affecti­ons of all good men from the highest to the [Page 177] lowest of England: And declaring his constant resolution for the maintenance of Religion, de­ferred his Coronation till Saint Iames day. In the meane time some vnquiet spirits entred into a conspiracy, (their vaine hopes for aduancing of their Religion, failing) their designe as is said, was to surprize the King, and Prince Henry. Of forces they presumed, meaning to retaine them prisoners in the Tower, and with treasures ther­in to maintaine their intent, or to carry them to Douer Castle, and there by violence, either to obtaine their owne pardons, a tolleration of Religion, and a remouall of some Counsellors of state, or else to put some other proiect in execu­tion. To conceale this treason, Watson the Priest deuised oathes for secrecie, and himselfe with Clark, another Priest taught; that the act was lawfull, being done before the Coronation: for that the King was no King before hee was annointed, and the Crowne solemnly set vpon his head.

The other persons inuolued in this practise, were Henry Brooke, Lord Cobham, Thomas Lord Gray of Wilton, Sir Walter Ralegh, Sir Griffin Markham, Sir Edward Parham, George Brooke, Bartholomew Brookesby, and An­thony Coply. All which were apprehended and committed. The sicknesse being then rife in London, the Tearme was kept at Winchester, the place designed for their arraignement, whether they were conueied vnder strong guard. The first brought to triall was George Brooke, [Page 178] brother to the Lord Cobham, Sir Griffin Mark­ham, Sir Edward Parham, Brooksly, Coply, Wat­son and Clark. The inditement was, that they had conspired, first to destroy the King; then to raise rebellion, to alter Religion, to subuert the State, to procure forraine inuasion. These their intents they had made known to the Lord Gray, whom they intended to make Earle Mar­shall of England, Watson Lord Chancelour, Georke Brookes Lord Treasurer, Markham Se­cretary: that with the King the Lords also should be surprized in their Chambers at Green­wich, and the Lord Maior and Aldermen of London should be sent for, and so shut vp in the Tower.

George Brooke answered, that he had commis­sion from the King to doe that he did, onely to trie faithfull subiects; but being required to shew his Commission, hee could produce none. Sir Griffin Markham, excepting onely the imputation of bloud, confessed his offence penitently; alledging it was through a discon­tented minde, and desired the Lords to bee a meane to the King for mercy Watson and Clark, (the former of which confessed that he had drawne all those Gentlemen into those plots) like true Roman Priests, auerred that they held the King for no King, vntill hee was crowned: and therefore it could not be treason: alledging that Saul was no King, till hee was chosen in Mispeh, though hee had beene an­nointed in Ramoth by the Prophet Samuel. [Page 179] Neither Ieroboam, who in the dayes of Salo­mon had beene confirmed by the Prophet to raigne ouer Israel, vntill the people made him King, vpon the foolish answere of Rehoboam: making no difference betweene the mediate and ordinary succession of lawfull Kings in Com­mon-wealths established: and those which God himselfe extraordinarily aduanced to be scour­ges to an vngratefull land. It was tould them that in England the King neuer dieth, that there is no interregnum, that the Coronation is but a ceremony to shew the King to the peo­ple. Two dayes after was Sir Walter Ralegh brought to the barre, hee was indited for com­bining with the Lord Cobham (his accuser as it was said in the foresaid designes) he pleaded, not guilty, and so stood for his purgation. Hee pleaded for himselfe a long time, and with some admiration of men, who thought that a man of such vnderstanding would hardly bee drawne into a plot so foule, and so foolish: yet hee was found guilty, and had sentence of death.

The like iudgement, a few dayes after, pas­sed vpon the Lord Cobham and Gray, arraign­ed on two seuerall dayes. The former was indi­ted for combining with Sir Walter Ralegh, and George Brooke to procure forces from the King of Spaine, and the Arch-Duke for inuasion: the other for ioyning with the foresaid Priests, Knights, and Gentlemen in their conspiracies. Sir Edward Parham was only acquitted by the Iury. Of the rest, onely three died. Watson, [Page 180] Clark, and George Brooke. Watson had before in Print laid open at large the treasonable practi­ses of the Iesuites, and at his death left this sus­pition on them, that they in reuenge, had cun­ningly drawne him into this action, which brought him to his end. After this the Lords Cobham and Gray, and Sir Griffin Markham were by a Warrant to be executed the Friday next. But the King inclined to mercy, sent at the day appointed a Pardon for them; the manner whereof was such, as gaue vnexpected ioy to them that looked for nothing but death. The Pardon was brought to the place where they were to be executed, by Master Gibb a Gentle­man, so secretly, that none present vnderstood any thing thereof: Sir Griffin Markham was first brought to the Scaffold (erected in the Ca­stle Greene,) and made himselfe ready for the stroke of the Axe. When secretly Master Gibb deliuered to the High Shiriffe the Kings war­rant to the contrary; who vnderstanding his Maiesties intent, tooke backe the prisoner (as if he were first to confront the two Lords, vpon some seruice of the King) and brought him vn­to the Castle Hall. Then was the Lord Gray brought forth, who hauing poured out his prayers vnto God, at length kneeling downe for the stroke of death, the Sheriffe bad stay, telling the Lord that some further seruice was expected of him; and thereupon led him like­wise into the Castle Hall. The Lord Cobham was last brought forth: who being in prepara­tion, [Page 181] and prayers, the Lord Gray and Sir Gr [...]ffin were brought backe againe. All the three prisoners appearing together on the Scaf­fold, the Sheriffe notified his Maiesties war­rant for the stay of the execution. At which ex­ample of Clemency, vnexpected both of the pri­soners and spectators, there arose great shoutes of the people, crying, God saue the King. The condemned wished that they might sacrifice their liues to redeeme their faults, and to repur­chase so mercifull a Prince his loue.

This attempt seemed to be a matter of lesse danger, because there appeared neither strength to act the businesse intended, nor heads to car­ry it. But our thankfulnesse must appeare to God for our least deliuerances. It is certaine by their confessions that a great mischiefe was in­tended, howso [...]uer they might seeme vnable to effect it. And this we may obserue, that no trea­son was euer attempted without a Romish Priest. The treasons attempted in England, haue that proper and peculiar marke, to haue a Priest in the practise.

NOw I enter vpon a Narration, which may fully open our aduer­saries to the world: wherein ap­peareth the profundity of ma­lice and cruelty, and vngodli­nesse, and whereby all men may vnderstand by what spirit these men are led. The Histories of former times containe no ex­ample like it. Which sheweth that wicked in­uentions are growne to a greater ripenesse in the Romish generation. And when they are come to their full ripenesse [...] they themselues may vnderstand what they are to looke for. In the meane time let all men vnderstand the diffe­rence betweene the Church of God, and that which in the Scripture is called ecclesia malig­nantium. Odiui ecclesi [...]m malignantium. Psal. 25. [...]. in edit. vul [...]ata. That Church of the malignant may sufficiently appeare by all the former practises, but especially by this of the Gunpowder trea­son.

This treason was first thought on in the last yeare of Queene Elizabeth, when Henry Gar­net the Superiour of the malignants here, Cates­by, and others sent Thomas Winter into Spaine, to negotiate with the Spanish King in the name of the English Catholikes: First to send an army to them, who were now in readinesse to ioyne their forces with his: secondly, to grantsome pensions to sundry persons deuoted to his ser­uice [Page 183] in England: And thirdly, Winter was to giue aduertisement of the discontents that the young Gentlemen and Soldiers had conceiued vpon the death of Essex, whereby a fit occasion was offered to forward the popish cause. To pro­secute this businesse, hee made for his meanes, Father Creswell the leiger Iesuite in Spaine, Don Petro Francesa second secretary to the State, and the Duke of Lerma: all which assured Winter that the office of his imploiment would be very gratefull to his Master. The place of land­ding concluded vpon by them was Kent or Es­sex if the Kings Army were great, if otherwise, then Milford hauen in Wales was held fittest. With these and other like pro [...]ects Winter all this summer followed the King in his progresse. And lastly had answer by the Count Miranda, that the King would bestow an hundreth thou­sand crownes towards the expedition, halfe thereof to be payed that yeare, and the rest the next Spring, when at the farthest hee meant to set foot in England. On whose behalfe hee wil­led the English Catholikes to maintaine their promise, whom hee respected (as was said) as his owne proper Castilians; and further desired their continuall aduertisemonts; if in the meane time it chanced the old Queene to die.

Winter thus laden with hopes, returned from Spaine, and acquainted Garnet, Catesby, and Tresham, with what had passed, which they related to others. All were glad to heare the newes, and rested satisfied, expecting the day. [Page 184] But before the next Spring, Queene Elizabeth died. To giue notice of her death, Christopher Wright was from Catesby and others sent in­to Spaine. Guy Fawkes was likewise sent from Bruxells by Sir William Stanly into Spaine, both of them to prosecute the former negotiati­on, assuring the Spanish King, that King Iames would runne the same course, and proceed as rigorously against the Catholikes, as the late Queene had done, for whose defence they de­sired instantly that some Spaniards might bee transported vnto Milford hauen. Where the English Papists would bee forward to assist them, hauing in a readinesse two thousand horse furnished for the enterprise. But the Spa [...]iard would not now hearken to their motions, or proceed any further to any forcible enter­prise

In the meane while, the Iesuites had beene tampering to disswade the acceptance of King Iames into England, vrging it that death was rather to be indured, then to admit an heretike. And those that gaue him consent, they held lia­ble to excommunication by the censure of Pope Clement [...]. The Papists seeing their great anker­hold to faile them from Spaine, began to enter into more desperate courses. Catesby tooke his ground from the doctrine of Father Parsons: That the whole Schooles both of Diuines and Lawyers, In his Booke Philopater. Sect. 2. take this position vn [...]oubtedly to bee beleeued, That if any Christian Prince shall manifestly turne from the Catholike Religion, [Page 185] and desire of seeke to reclaime others from the same, he presently falleth from all princely power and dignity, and that also by vertue and power of the law it selfe both diuine and humane, euen before any sentence pronounced against him by the supreame Pastor and Iudge. And that his Subiects, of what estate or condition soeuer, are freed from all bond of oath of alleageance which at any time they had made vnto him as to their lawfull Prince. Nay, that they both may and ought (prouided they haue competent strength and force) cast out such a man from bearing rule among Christians, as an Aposta­ta, an Heretike, a Back-slider, a Reuolter from our Lord Christ, and an enemy to his owne State, and common-wealth; least perhaps hee might infect others, or by his example or com­mand, turne them from the faith: yea they af­firme further, that if a Prince shall but fauour or shew countenance to an Heretike, he presently looseth his Kingdome. By this fiery diuinity of their owne making, or receiuing it from the spi­rits of error and doctrines of diuels, (for those things that are taught for doctrines, not being found in the word of God, are doctrines of di­uels, much more they that are contrary to the doctrines of Gods word) by these doctrines the Gunpowder-treason tooke strength. The Parliament dissolued the seauenth of Iuly, and was prorogued vntill the seauenth of February following, Catesby being then at Lambeth, sent for Thomas Winter, who had beene imployed [Page 186] into Spaine, and brake with him vpon the blow­ing vp of the Parliament house; who answered, that indeed strooke at the root: but if it should not take effect, said hee, as most of this nature miscarrie, the scandall would be so great, which Catholike religion might hereby sustaine, as not only our enemies, but our friends also would with good reason condemne vs. Catesby answe­red, the nature of the disease required so sharpe a remedy, and asked him if hee would g [...]ue his consent. Yes, said he, in this or what else soe­uer, he would venture his life. But he proposed difficulties, as want of an house, and of one to carry the mine, noise in the working, and such like. Catesby answered, let vs giue the attempt, and where it [...]aileth, passe no further: but first quoth he, because wee will leaue no peaceable and quiet way vntried, you shall goe ouer, and informe the Constable of the state of the Catho­likes here in England, intreating him to sollicite his Mai [...]stie, that the penall lawes may bee re­called, and we admitted into the ra [...]ke of his other subiects. Withall, you may bring ouer some confident Gentlemen, such as you shall vnderstand best able for this businesse, and na­med vnto him Master Fawkes. Shortly after, Winter passed the seas, and found the Consta­ble at Bergen neare Dunkirk: where by helpe of Master Owen hee deliuered his message. Whose answere was, that he had strict command from his Master, to doe all good offices for the Ca­tholikes, and for his owne part hee thought [Page 187] himselfe bound in conscience so to doe, and that no good occasion should bee omitted, but hee spake to him nothing of this matter.

Returning to Dunkirk with Master Owen they had speech whether the Constable would faithfully helpe them, or no: Owen said, he be­leeued nothing lesse, and that they sought one­ly their own [...] ends, holding small accompt of Catholikes. Winter told him, that there were many Gentlemen in England, who would not forsake their Countrey vntill they had tried the vttermost. And to add one more to their company, as a fit man both for councell and ex­ecution of whatsoeuer they should resolue, wi­shed for Master Fawkes, who as he had heard, was a man of good commendation. Owen told him, the gentleman deserued no lesse, but was at Brussels, and that if he came not, as happily he might before Winters departure, hee would send him shortly after into England. Winter went shortly after to Ostend; where Sir William Stanly as then was not, but came two dayes after. Winter remained with him three or foure dayes. In which time he asked him, if the Ca­tholikes in England should doe any thing to helpe themselues, whether hee thought the Arch-Duke would second them? he answered, no. For all those parts w [...]re so desirous of peace with England, as they would indure no speech of other enterprise. Neither were it fit, said he, to set any pro [...]ect a foot, now the peace is vpon concluding▪ Winter told him there was no such [Page 188] resolution, and fell into other speech; asking him of Master Fawkes, whom Sir William much commended: and as they were in speech, Fawkes came in. Sir William told him, this is the Gentleman you spake of; and after they had imbraced, Winter told Fawkes, that some good friends of his wished his company in England, and appointed to meet at Dunkirk, where they might conferre. Meeting at Dunkirk, they had conference, and resolued both to come into England. They came first to Catesby: whe­ther came Master Thomas Percy. The first word he spake after he came into their compa­nie, was, Shall we alwaies, Gentlemen, talke, and neuer doe any thing? Catesby tooke him aside, and had speech of somewhat to be done, so as first they might all take an oath of secrecy; which within few dayes after, they did. The oath was this: You shall sweare by the blessed Trinity, and by the Sacrament you now purpose to receiue, neuer to disclose, directly nor indirect­ly, by wo [...]d or circumstance, the matter that shall he proposed to you to keepe secret, nor desist from the execution thereof, vntill the rest shall giu [...] you leaue. This oath was first taken by Catesby, Percy, Wright and Fawkes, behinde Saint Cle­ments. After the oath taken, they went into the next roome and heard Masse, and receiued the Sacrament vpon it. That done, Catesby disclo­sed to Percy, and Winter and Iacke Wright to Fawkes the businesse, for which they tooke the oath, which they approued. Then was Percy [Page 189] sent to take the house, which they vnderstood did belong to one Ferris; which with some dif­ficulty in the end he obtained, and became Te­nant to Whinyard, as Ferris was before. Fawkes vnderwent the name of Master Percy his man, calling himselfe Iohnson; because his face was most vnknowne, and receiued the keyes of the house, vntill they heard that the Parliament was adiourned to the 7. of February. At which time they all departed seuerall wayes into the Countrey, to meet againe at the beginning of Michaelmas Tearme. It was thought conueni­ent to haue a house to receiue prouision of pow­der and wood for the mine; from which house the prouision might be conueied to that house which Percy had taken: this was taken in Lam­beth, and Keyes was appointed the trusty keeper thereof. When they were agreed to begin and set things in order for the mine, they were staied a while, because the Scottish Lords were ap­pointed to sit in conference of the Vnion in Per­cy his house. The time of their sitting being past, they entred vpon the mine, hauing prouided themselues of baked meats, the lesse to need sen­ding abroad.

Whilst they were together, they fell into dis­course what they should doe after this deede was done. The first question was, how they might surprise the next heire. The Prince hap­pily would be at Parliament with the King, his Father: how should they then be able to seaze vpon the Duke? This burden Percy vndertook, [Page 190] that by his acquaintance, he with other Gen­tlemen would enter the Chamber without sus­pition, and hauing some doozen others at seue­rall doores to expect his comming, and two or three on horsebacke at the Court gate to receiue him, he would vndertake ( the blow being giuen, vntill which hee would attend in the Dukes Chamber) to carry him safe away: for he sup­posed most of the Court would be absent, and such as were there, not suspecting, or vnproui­ded for any such matter. For the Lady Eliza­beth, it were easie to surprise her in the country, by drawing friends together at an hunting neare the Lord Harringtons, and Asby Master Catesby his house being not farre off, was a fit place for preparation The next was for money and horses, which if they could prouide in any reasonable measure (hauing the heire apparant) and the first knowledge by foure or fiue dayes was oddes sufficient. Then what Lords they should saue from the Parliament, which was first agreed in generall, as many as they could that were Catholikes, or so disposed; but after they descended to speake of particulars. Next what forraine Princes they should acquaint with this before, or ioyne with after. For this point they agreed, that first they could not in­ioyne Princes to that secrecy, nor oblige them by oath, so to be secure of their promise; beside, they knew not whether they will approue the proiect or dislike it. And if they doe allow ther­of, to prepare before, might beget suspition: [Page 191] and not to prouide vntill the businesse were acted; the same letter that carried the newes of the thing done, might as well intreat their helpe and furtherance. Spaine is too slow in their preparations to hope any good from the first extremities, and France too neere and to dangerous, who with the Shipping of Holland, we feared of all the world might make away with vs. While they were in the middle of these discourses, they heard that the Parliament would be anew adiourned vntill after Michael­mas, vpon which tidings they brake off both discourse and working. About Candlemas they brought ouer in a Boat the powder which they had prouided at Lambeth, and laid it in Master Percy his house; because they would haue all their danger in one place. Then falling to their worke in the mine, they came against the stone wall, which was very hard to beat through, at which time they called Kit Wright to their company; but as they were working vpon the wall they heard a rushing in a Cellar, of remo­uing of coales. Whereupon they feared that they had beene discouered, and they sent Fawkes to goe to the Cellar; who finding that the Coales were a selling, and that the Cellar was to bee let, viewing the opportu­nity thereof for their purpose, Percy went and hired the same for yearely rent. They had be­fore this prouided twenty barrels of powder, which they remoued into the Cellar, and coue­red them w [...]th billets and faggots which they had prouided for that purpose.

[Page 192]After this they thought fit to send Fawkes to acquaint Sir William Stanly, and Master Owen with this matter, but so that they might receiue the oath of secrecy. The reason why they desired Sir William Stanly should be ac­quainted herewith, was to haue him with them so soone as he could. And for Master Owen, he might hold good correspondencies after with forraine Princes. Master Fawkes departed a­bout Easter for Flanders, and returned in the end of August. He brought word that Sir Wil­liam Stanly was not returned from Spaine, so as he vttered the matter onely to Owen, who seemed well pleased with the businesse, but told him that surely Sir William wou [...]d not bee ac­quainted with any plot as hauing businesse now a foot in the Court of England; but he himselfe would be alwaies ready to tell him, and send him away so soone as it were done.

About this time Master Percy and Catesby met at the Bathe. Where they agreed that the company being yet but few, Catesby should haue the others authority to call in whom hee thought best. Whereupon he called in Sir Eue­rard Digby, and after that Master Tresham. The first promised fifteene hundreth pounds, the se­cond two thousand pounds. Master Percy pro­mised all that he could get of the Earle of Nor­thumberlands rents, which was about foure thousand pounds, and to prouide many gal­loping horses, to the number of ten.

Meane while, Fawkes and Winter bought [Page 193] somenew powder, as suspecting the first to bee danke, and conueied it into the Cellar, and set it in order, as they resolued it should stand. Then was the Parliament anew prorogued vn­till the fifth of Nouember. So that all of them went down till some tenne dayes before. When Catesby camevp with Fawks to an house by En­field-chase, called White-webs; whether Winter came to them. Catesby willed Winter to inquire whether the young Prince came to the Parlia­ment. Winter told him that hee heard that his Grace thought not to be there. Then said Cates­by, must we haue our horses bey [...]nd the water, and prouision of more company to surprise the Prince, and eaue the Duke alone.

All things thus prepared: the Saturday of the weeke immediately praeceding the Kings re­turne, which was vpon Thursday (being but ten dayes before the Parliament) The Lord Monteagle, sonne and heire to the Lord Morley, being in his owne lodging ready to goe to sup­per at seauen of the clocke at night, one of his footmen, whom hee had sent of an errand ouer the street, was met by an vnknowne man of a reasonable tall personage, who deliuered him a Letter, charging him to put it into my Lord his Masters hands: which my Lord no sooner re­ceiued, but that hauing broken it vp, and per­ceiuing the same to bee of an vnknowne, and somewhat vnlegible hand, and without either date or subscription; did call one of his men to him for helping him to reade it. But no sooner [Page 194] did he conceiue the strange contents thereof, al­though he was somewhat perplexed what con­struction to make of it, (as whether of a matter of consequence, as indeede it was, or whether some foolish deuised Pasquill by some of his ene­mies, to skarre him from his attendance at the Parliament) yet did hee as a most dutifull and l [...]iall subiect, conclude not to conceale it, what euer might come of it. Whereupon notwith­standing the latenesse and darkenesse of the night in such a season of the yeare, he presently repaired to his Maiesties Pallace at White hall, and there deliuered the same to the Earle of Sa­lisbury his Maiesties principall Secretary. The Earle hauing read the Letter, and heard of the manner of comming of it to his hands, did greatly incourage and commend the Lord for his discretion; te [...]ling him plainely, that what­soeuer the purpose of the Letter might proue hereafter, yet did this accident put him in mind of diuers aduertisements hee had receiued from beyond the seas, wherewith he had acquainted as well the King himselfe, as diuers of his Priuy Councellours, concerning some businesse the Papists were in, both at home and abroad, ma­king preparation for some combination among them against this Parliament time: for inabling them to deliuer at that time to the King some petition for tolleration of Religion, which should be deliuered in some such order, and so well backed, as the King should be loath to re­fuse their requests; like the sturdy-beggars [Page 195] crauing almes with one open hand, but carry­ing a stone in the other in case of refusall. And therefore did the Earle of Salisbury conclude with the Lord Monteagle, that he would in re­gard of the Kings absence impart the same Let­ter to some more of his Maiesties Councell. Whe [...]eof the Lord Monteagle liked well, onely adding this request, by way of protestation, that whatsoeuer the euent hereof might proue, it should not be imputed to him, as proceeding from too light and too sodaine an apprehensi­on, that hee deliuered this Letter being onely moued thereto for demonstration of his ready deuotion and care for preseruation of his Maie­stie and the State. And thus did the Earle of Sa­lisbury presently acquaint the Lord Chamber­laine with the said Letter. Whereupon they two in the presence of the Lord Monteagle, cal­ling to minde the former intelligence already mentioned, which seemed to haue some relation with this Letter; the tender care which they euer had to the preseruation of his Maiesties person, made them apprehend, that some pe­rillous attempt did thereby appeare to be inten­ded against the same, which did the more neere­ly concerne the Lord Chamberlaine to haue care of, in regard that it doth belong to the charge of his office, to ouersee as well all pla­ces of Assembly where his Maiesty is to re­paire, as his Highnesse owne priuate houses. And therefore did the said two Councellors con­clude, that they should ioyne vnto them three [Page 196] more of the Councell, to wit, the Lord Admi­rall, the Earles of Worcester and Northampton, to be also particularly acquainted with this ac­cident. Who hauing all of them concurred to­gether to the re-examination of the contents of the said Letter, they did conclude, that how slight a matter it might at the first appeare to be, yet was it not absolutely to be contemned, in respect of the care which it behoued them to haue of the preseruation of his Maiesties per­son. But yet resolued for two reasons, first to acquaint the King himselfe with the same, be­fore they proceeded to any further inquisition in the matter, as well for the expectation and ex­perience they had of his Maiesties fortunate iudgement in clearing and soluing of obscure riddles and doubtfull mysteries, as also because the more time would in the meane while bee giuen for the practise to ripen, if any was, wher­by the discouery might be the more cleare and euident, and the ground of proceeding there­upon more safe, iust, and easie. And so accor­ding to their determination did the Earle of Sa­lisbury repaire to the King in his gallery vpon Friday, being Alhallow day, in the afternoon, which was the day after his Maiesties arriuall, and none but himselfe being present with his Highnesse at that time: Where without any o­ther speech or iudgement giuen of the Letter, but onely relating simply the forme of the deli­uery thereof, he presented it to his Maiesty; the contents of the Letter are as followeth.

[Page 197]My Lord, out of the loue I beare to some of your friends, I haue a care of your preseruation. Therefore I would aduise you, as you tender your life, to deuise some excuse to shift off your atten­dance at this Parliament. For God and man haue concurred to punish the wickednesse of this time. And thinke not slightly of this aduertise­ment, but retire your selfe into your Country, where you may expect the euent in safety: for though there be no appearance of any stirre, yet I say, they shall receiue a terrible blow this Parlia­ment, and yet they shall not see who hurt them. This counsell is not to be contemned, because it may doe you good, and can doe you no harme: for the danger is past as soone as you shall haue bur­ned this Letter. And I hope God will giue you the grace to make good vse of it. To whose holy protection I commend you.

The King no sooner read the letter, but af­ter a little pause, and then reading it ouer again, he deliuered his iudgement of it in such sort, as he thought it was not to bee contemned. For that the stile of it seemed to be more quicke and pithy, then is vsuall to be in a pasquill or libell, (the superfluities of idle braines.) But the Earle of Salisbury perceiuing the King to apprehend it deeplier then he looked for, knowing his na­ture; told him, that he thought by one sentence in it, that it was like to be written by some fool or mad man, reading to him this sentence in it: for the danger is past as soone as you haue burned the Letter: which he said was like to be the saying [Page 198] of a foole. For if the danger was past so soone as the Letter was burnt, then the warning behoo­ued to be of little auaile, when the burning of the Letter might make the danger to bee es­chewed. But the King by the contrary conside­ring the former sentence in the Letter. That they should receiue a terrible blow at this Par­liament, and yet should not see who hurt them: ioyning it to the sentence immediately follow­ing already alleadged, did thereupon conie­cture, that the danger mentioned, should bee some sudden danger by blowing vp of powder: for no other insurrection, rebellion, or whatso­euer other priuate or desperate attempt could be committed, or attempted in time of Parlia­ment, and the authors thereof v [...]seene, except it were onely by a blowing vp of powder, which might be performed by one base knaue in a darke corner. Whereupon he was moued to interpret and construe the latter sentence in the Letter, (alleadged by the Earle of Salisbu­ry) against all ordinary sense and construction in Grammer, as if by these words, for the dan­ger is past as soone as you haue burned the Let­ter, should be closely vnderstood the sudden and quicknesse of the danger, which should be as quickly performed, and at an end, as that paper should be of bleasing vp in the fire; tur­ning that word, as soone, to that sense of, as quickly. And therefore wished that before his going to Parliament, the vnder-roomes of the Parliament house might be well and narrowly [Page 199] searched. It must be confessed that God put this vnderstanding in the Kings heart. For albeit now vpon the euent made knowne, a man may easily see that no other construction can bee made of the Letter, then that which the King made: yet before the euent was knowne, the wisest did not apprehend that vnderstanding. And therefore we must acknowledge that God would haue it knowne and brought to know­ledge by the King himselfe, that all the body of the Kingdome might rest most vnder God, beholding to the King, their head for the gene­rall deliuerance. The Earle of Salisbury won­dring at his Maiesties commentary, which hee knew to be farre contrary to his ordinary and naturall disposition, who did rather euer sinne vpon the other side, in not apprehending nor trusting due aduertisments of practises and pe­rils when hee was duely informed of them, whereby hee had many times drawne himselfe into many desperate dangers, and interpreting rightly this extraordinary caution at this time to proceed from the vigilant care he had of the whole state, more then of his owne person, which could not but haue all perished together if this designement had succeeded: he thought good to dissemble still vnto the King that there had beene any iust cause of such apprehension. And ending the purpose with some merry ieast vpon this subiect, as his custome is, tooke his leaue for that time.

But though hee seemed so to neglect it to his [Page 200] Maiestie, yet his customable and watchfull care of the King and the State still boyling within him; and hauing with the blessed Virgin Mary, laid vp in his heart the Kings so strange iudge­ment and construction of it, he could not bee at rest till hee acquainted the foresaid Lords what had passed betweene the King and him in priuate. Whereupon they were all so earnest to renew againe the memory of the same purpose to his Maiestie, as it was agreed, that he should the next day being Saturday repaire to his Highnesse. Which hee did in the same priuy Gallery, and renewed the memory thereof, the Lord Chamberlaine then being present with the King. At which time it was determined that the said Lord Chamberlaine should according to his custome and office, view all the Parlia­ment houses both aboue and below, and consi­der what likelihood or appearance of any such danger might possibly be gathered by the sight of them. But yet as well for staying of idle ru­mors, as for being the more able to discerne a­ny mystery the nearer that things were in rea­dinesse, his iourney thither was ordained to be deferred till the afternoone before the sitting downe of the Parliament, Nouemb. 5. Anno 1605. which was vpon the Munday following. At what time he (accor­ding to his conclusion) went to the Parliament house, accompanied with the Lord Monteagle, being in zeale to the Kings seruice earnest and curious to see the euent of that accident, where­of he had the fortune to be the first discouerer. [Page 201] Where hauing viewed all the lower roomes, he found in the vault vnder the vpper house great store of prouision of Billets, Faggots, & Coales. And inquiring of Whinyard keeper of the War­drop, to what vse hee had put those lower roomes, and cellars: he told him that Thomas Percy had hired both the House and part of the Cellar or Vault vnder the same. And that the wood and coale therein was the said Gentle­mans owne prouision. Whereupon the Lord Chamberlaine casting his eye aside, perceiued a fellow standing in a corner there, calling him­selfe the said Percy his man, and keeper of that house for him, which was Guido Fawkes, the instrument which should haue acted that mon­strous tragedy.

The Lord Chamberlaine looking vpon all things with an heedfull eye, yet in outward ap­pearance with but a carelesse and racklesse countenance, he presently addressed himselfe to the King in the said priuy Gallery, where in the presence of the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Ad­mirall, the Earles of Worcester, Northampton, and Salisbury, he made his report what he had seene and obserued there. Noting that Mon­teagle had told him, that hee no sooner heard Thomas Percy named to be the possessour of that house, but considering both his backward­nesse in Religion, and the old dearenesse in friendship betweene himselfe and the said Per­cy, he did greatly suspect the matter, and that the Letter should come from him. The Lord [Page 202] Chamberlaine also told, that he did not won­der a little at the extraordinary great prouision of wood and coale in that house, where Thomas Percy had so seldome occasion to remaine: as likewise it gaue him in his minde that his man looked like a very tall and desperate fellow. This could not but increase the Kings former apprehension and iealousie. Whereupon he in­sisted, as before, that the house was narrowly to bee searched, and that those Billets and Coales would bee searched to the bottome, it being most suspitious that they were laid there onely for couering of the pow­der. Of this same minde also were all the Councellors then present. But vpon the fashion of making the search, was it long debated. For on the one side they were all so iealous of the Kings safety, that they all a­greed, that there could not be too much cauti­on vsed for preuenting the danger: And yet on the other part, they were all extreame loath and dainty, that in case this Letter should proue to be nothing but the euaporation of an idle braine, then a curious search being made, and nothing found, should not onely turne to the generall scandall of the King and the State, as being so susp [...]tious of euery light and friuolous toy, but likewise lay an ill-fauoured imputation vpon the Earle of Northumberland, one of his Maie­sties greatest Subiects and Councellors, this Thomas Percy being his kinseman, and most confident familiar. And the rather were they [Page 203] curious vpon this point, knowing how farre the King detested to be thought suspitious or iea­lous of any of his good subiects, though of the meanest degree. And therefore though they all agreed vpon the maine ground, which was to prouide for the security of the Kings person, yet did they much differ in circumstances, by which this action might bee best carried with lea [...]t dinne and occasion of slander. But the King himselfe still persisting that there were diuers shrewd appearances, and that a narrow search of those places could preiudice no man that was innocent, he at last plainely resolued them, that either must all the parts of those roomes be narrowly searched, and no possibili­ty of danger left vnexamined, or else hee and they all must resolue not to meddle in it at all, but plainely to goe the next day to the Parlia­ment, and leaue the successe to fortune, which he beleeued they would be loath to take vpon their consciences: for in such a case as this, an halfe-doing was worse then no doing at all. Whereupon it was at last concluded, that no­thing should be left vnsearched in those houses. And yet for the better colour and stay of ru­mor, in case nothing were found, it was thought meet, that vpon a pretence of Whinyards mis­sing some of the Kings stuffe or hangings which he had in keeping, all those roomes should bee narrowly ripped for them. And to this purpose was Sir Thomas Kneuet, (a Gentleman of his Maiesties priuie Chamber) imployed, being a [Page 204] Iustice of Peace in Westminster, and one, of whose ancient fidelity both the late Queene, and our now Soueraigne haue had large proofe. Who according to the trust committed vnto him, went about the midnight next after, to the Parliament house, accompan [...]ed with such a small number as was fit for that [...]rrand. But before his entry into the house, finding Thomas Percyes alleadged man standing without the doores, his Cloathes and Bootes on at so dead a time of night, he resolued to apprehend him, as he did, and the [...]eafter went forward to the searching of the house. Where after hee had caused to be ouerturned some of the Billets and Coales, he first found one of the small Barrels of powder, and after, all the rest, to the number of thirty sixe barrels great and small. And there­after searching the fellow whom he had taken, found three matches; and all other instruments fit for blowing vp the powder, ready vpon him; which made him instantly confesse his owne guiltinesse: declaring also vnto him▪ that if hee had happened to be within the house, when he tooke him, as he was immediately before (at the ending of his wo [...]ke) hee would not haue failed to haue blowne him vp, house and all.

Thus after Sir Thomas had caused the wretch to be surely bound, and well guarded by the company he had brought with him, he himselfe returned back to the Kings Pallace, and gaue warning of his successe to the Lord Chamber­laine, and Earle of Salisbury, who immediately [Page 205] warning the rest of the Councell that lay in the house, as soone as they could get themselues ready, came with their fellow Councellors to the Kings Bed-chamber, being at that time neere foure of the clocke in the morning. And at the first entry of the Kings Chamber doore, the Lord Chamberlaine being not any longer a­ble to conceale his ioy for the preuenting of so great a danger, told the King in a confused hast, that all was found and discouered, and the traitor in hands and fast bound.

Then order being first taken for sending for the rest of the Councell that lay in the to [...]ne, the prisoner himselfe was brought into the house. Where in respect of the strangenesse of the accident, no man was staied from the sight in speaking with him: and within a while after the Counce [...] did examine him. Who seeming to put on a Roman-resolution, did both to the Councell, and to euery other person that spake to him that day, appeare so constant and set [...]ed in his grounds, as they all thought they had found a new Mutius Scaeuola borne in England. For notwithstanding the horrour of the fact, the guilt of his conscience, his sudden surpri­sing, the terrour which should haue strucken him by comming into the presence of so graue a Councell, and the restlesse and confused questi­ons that euery man all that day did vexe him with; [...]et was his countenance so farre from be­ing deiected, as hee often smiled in scornefull manner, not onely auowing the fact, but [Page 206] repenting onely, with the said Scaeuola, his fai­ling in the execution thereof; whereof hee said, the diuell and not God, was the discouerer: an­swering quickly to euery mans obiections, scof­fing at any idle questions which were propoun­ded to him, and iesting with such as he thought had no authority to examine him. All that day could the Councell get nothing out of him touching his complices, refusing to answer to a­ny such questions which he thought might dis­couer his plot, & laying all the blame vpon him­selfe. Whereunto, he said, he was moued onely for Religion and conscience sake, denying the King to be his lawfull Soueraigne, or the an­nointed of God, in respect he was an Heretike, and giuing himselfe no other name then Iohn Iohnson, seruant to Thomas Percy. But the next morning being carried to the Tower, hee did not there remaine aboue two or three dayes, being twice or thrice in that space re-examined, and the racke onely offered, and shewed vnto him, when the maske of his Romi [...]h fortitude did visibly begin to weare and slide off his face. And then did he begin to confesse part of the truth, and thereafter to open the whole matter. Out of his conscience, and especially out of the confession of Thomas Winter haue we drawne the praeceding narration. The confession of Fawkes was taken presently after his apprehen­sion. The confession of Winter was taken the 23. Anno 1605. of Nouember, before the Lords of the Councell.

[Page 207]They that were first in the treason, and labou­red in the mine, were Robert Catesby, Robert Winter, Esquires, Thomas Percy, Thomas Win­ter, Iohn Wright, Christopher Wright, Guido Fawkes, Gentlemen; and Bates, Catesbyes man. They that were made acquainted with it, though not personally labouring in the mine, nor in the cellar, were Euerard Digby Knight, Ambrose Rookewood, Francis Tresham, Esquires. Iohn Grant Gentleman, and Robert Keies.

The newes was no sooner spread abroad that morning, which was vpon a Tuesday, the 5. of Nouember, and the first day designed for that session of Parliament: but some of those con­spirators, namely Winter, and the two Wrights, brethren, thought it high time for them to ha­sten out of the towne, (for Catesby was gone the night before, and Percy at foure of the clocke in the morning the same day of the dis­couery) and all of them held their course, with more hast then good speed to Warwicke-shire toward Couentry, where the next day morning being Wednesday, and about the same houre that Fawkes was taken in Westminster, one Grant, a Gentleman, hauing associated to him some others of his opinion, all violent Papists, and strong Recusants, came to a stable of one Benock a rider of great horses, and hauing vio­lently broken vp the s [...]me, carried along with them all the great horses that were therein, to the number of seauen or eight, belonging to di­uers Noblemen & Gentlemen of that country, [Page 208] who had put them into the riders hands to be mad [...] fit for their seruice. And so both that com­pany of them which fled out of London, as also Grant and his complices met altogether at Dunchurch at Sir Euerard Digby his lodging the Tuesday at night after the discouery of this treacherous attempt. The which Digby had likewise for his part appointed a match of hun­ting to haue beene hunted the next day, which was Wednesday, though his minde was Nim­rod-like vpon a farre other manner of hunting, more bent vpon the bloud of reasonable men, then of bruit beasts.

This company and hellish society thus con­uened, finding their purpose discouered, and their treachery preuented, did resolue to runne a desperate course, and since they could not preuaile by so priuate a blow, to practise by a publike rebellion, either to attain [...] to their in­tents, or at least to saue themselues in the throng of others. And therefore gathering all the com­pany they could vnto them, and pretending the quarell of Religion, hauing intercepted such prouision of armour, horses, and powder, as the time could permit, thought by running vp and downe the Country, both to augment peece by peece their number: (dreaming to themselues that they had the vertue of a snow­ball, which being little at the first, and tumbling downe a great hill, groweth to a great quantity, by increasing it selfe with the snow that it mee­teth in the way) and also that they beginning [Page 209] first this braue shew in one part of the Coun­try should by their sympathy and example stir vp and incourage the rest of their Religion in o­ther parts in England to rise, as they had done there. But when they had gathered their force to the greatest, they came not to the number of fourescore. And yet were they troubled all the houres of the day to keepe and containe their owne seruants from stealing from them. Who notwithstanding of all their care, dai [...]y left them, being farre infer [...]our to Gedeons host in number, but f [...]rre more in faith and iustnesse of the quarrell. And so after that this Catholike troupe had wandred a while through Warwick­shire▪ to Worcestershire, and from thence to the edge and borders of Staffordshire, this gallantly armed band had not the honour at the last to be beaten with a Kings Lieutenant or extraordi­nary Commissioner sent down for the purpose, but onely by the ordinary Sheriff [...] of Worcester­shire were they all beaten, killed, taken, and dispersed. Wherein ye haue to note this follow­ing circumstance so a [...]mirable, and so [...]iuely displaying the greatnesse of Gods iustice, as it could not be concealed without betraying in a manner the glory due to the Almighty for the same. Although diuers of the Kings Proclama­tions were posted downe after these traitors with all speed possible; declaring the odious­nesse of the bloudy attempt, the necessity to haue had Percy preserued aliue, if it had beene [Page 210] possible, and the assembly of that rightly-damned crew, now no more darkened conspira­tors, but open and auowed Rebels: yet the farre distance of the way, (which was aboue an hun­dreth miles) together with the extreame deep­nesse thereof, ioyned also with the shortnesse of the day, was the cause that the hearty and lo­uing affections of the Kings good Subiects in those parts preuented the speed of his proclama­tions. For vpon the third day after the flying downe of these Rebels, which was vpon the Friday next after the discouery of their plot, they were most of them all surprised by the She­riffe of Worcestershire at Holbeach, about the noone of the day, in manner following.

Grant, of whom mention was made before, for the taking of the great horses, who had not all the praeceding time stirred from his owne house till the next morning after the attempt should be put in execution, he then laying his accompt without his Host, (as the prouerbe is) that their plott had, without failing, receiued the day before their hoped-for successe, tooke, or rather stole out those Horses for inabling him, and so many of that soul-lesse society that had still remained in the Country neare about him, to make a sudden surprise vpon the Kings elder daughter, the Lady Elizabeth, hauing her residence neare to that place, whom they thought to haue vsed for the colour of their treacherous designe (his Maiestie her Father, [Page 211] her Mother, and male-Children being all de­stroyed aboue.) And to this purpose also had that Nimrod Digby prouided his hunting-match against the same time, that numbers of people being flocked together vpon the pretence thereof, they might the easilier haue brought to passe the sudden surprise of her person.

Now the violent taking away of those horses long before day, did seeme to be so great a riot in the eyes of the common people, that knew of no greater mystery: and the bold attemp­ting thereof did ingender such a suspition of some following rebellion in the hearts of the wiser sort, as both great and small began to stirre and arme themselues, vpon this vnlooked-for accident. Among whom Sir Fulk Greuil the elder, Knight, as became one both so ancient in yeeres, and good reputation, and by his office being Deputy Lieuetenant of Warwickshire, though vnable in his body, yet by the zeale and true feruency of his minde, did first appre­hend this foresaid riot to bee nothing but the sparkles or sure indices of a following rebellion. Whereupon both stoutly and honestly he took order to get into his owne hands the munition and armour of all such Gentlemen about him, as were either absent from their owne houses, or in doubtfull guard, and also sent such directi­on to the townes about him, as thereupon did follow the striking of Winter by a poore Smith, who had lik [...]wise beene taken by those vulgar [Page 212] people, but that he was rescued by the rest of his company, who perceiuing that the Coun­try before them had notice of them, hastened away with losse in their owne sight, sixteene of their followers being taken by the townesmen, and sent presently to the Sheriffe at Warwicke, and from thence to London.

But before twelue or sixteene houres past, Catesby, Percy, the Winters, Wrights, Rook­wood, and the rest, bringing then the assurance that their maine plot was failed, and bewray­ed, whereupon they had builded the golden mountaines of their glorious hopes: they then tooke their last desperate resolution, to flock together in a troupe, and wander as they did, for the reasons aforetold. But as vpon the one part, the zealous dutie to their God and their Soueraigne was so deepely imprinted in the hearts of all the meanest and poorest sort of the people (although then knowing of no farther mysterie, then such publike misbehauiours, as their owne eyes taught them) as notwithstan­ding their faire shewes and pretence of their Catholike cause, no creature, man or woman through all the Country, would once so much as giue them willingly a cup of drinke, or any sort of comfort or support, but with execrations detested them. So on the other part, the She­riffes of the Shires where-through they wan­dred, conuening their people with all speed pos­sible, hunted as hotly after them, as the euilnesse [Page 213] of the way, and the vnprouidednesse of their people vpon that sudden could permit them. And so at last after Sir Richard Verney Sheriffe of Warwickeshire had carefully and straightly beene in chase of them to the confines of his County, part of the meaner sort being also ap­prehended by him: Sir Richard Walsh Sheriffe of Worcestershire did likewise dutifully and hotly pursue them through his Shire. And hauing gotten sure triall of their taking harbour at the house aboue-named, Holbeach in Staffordshire, the house of Stephen Little­ton. he sent Trumpetters and messengers to them, commanding them in the Kings name to render to him, his Maiesties Minister; and knowing no more at that time of their guilt, then was publikely visible, did pro­mise vpon their dutifull and obedient rendring to him, to intercede at the Kings hands for the sparing of their liues; who receiued onely from them this scornefull answere (they being better witnesses to themselues of their inward euil con­sciences) that he had need of better assistance, then of those few numbers that were with him, before hee could be able to command or con­troll them.

But here fell the wondrous worke of Gods iustice, that while this message passed betweene the Sheriffe and them: the Sheriffe and his peo­ples zeale being iustly kindled and augmented by their arrogant answer, and so they prepa­ring themselues to giue a furious assault: and the other party making themselues ready with­in [Page 214] the house to performe their promise by a de­fence as resolute; it pleased God that in the mending of the fire in their Chamber, one small sparke should flye out, & light among lesse then two pound weight of Powder, which was dry­ing a little from the Chimney: which being thereby blowne vp, so maimed the faces of some of the principall rebels, and the hands and sides of other of them (blowing vp with it also a great bag full of powder, which notwithstanding ne­uer tooke fire) as they were not onely disabled and discouraged hereby from any farther resi­stance, in respect Catesby himselfe, Rookwood, Grant, and diuers others, of greatest accompt among them, were thereby made vnable for de­fence, but also wonderfully stricken with amaze­ment in their guilty consciences, calling to me­mory how God had iustly punished them with that same instrument, which they should haue vsed for the effectuating of so great a sinne; ac­cording to the ould saying, In quo peccamus, in eodem plectimur. Inasmuch as they presently (see the wonderfull power of Gods iustice vp­on guilty consciences) did all fall downe vpon their knees praying God to pardon them for their bloudy enterprise. And after that, giuing ouer any further debate, opened the gate, suf­fered the Sheriffes people to rush in furiously among them, and desperately sought their owne present destruction; The three specialls of them ioyning backs together, Catesby, Percy, and Win­ter; [Page 215] whereof two with one shot, Catesby and Percy, were slaine, Winter was taken and saued aliue.

And thus these resolute and high-aspiring Catholikes, who dreamed of no lesse then the destruction of Kings and kingdomes, and pro­mised to themselues no lower estate, then the gouernment of great and ancient Monarchies, were miserably defeated and quite ouerthrowne in an instant, falling into the pit which they had prepared for others; And so fulfilling that sen­tence which his Maiestie did in a manner pro­phesie of them, in his oration to the Parliament: some presently slaine, others deadly wounded, stripped of their cloathes, left lying miserably naked, and so dying rather of cold, then of the danger of their wounds; and the rest that either were whole, or but lightly hurt, taken and led prisoners by the Sheriffe, the ordinary Minister of Iustice, to the Go [...]le, the ordinary place euen of the basest malefactors; where they remained ti [...]l their sending vp to London, being met with a huge confluence of people of all sorts, desirous to see them, as the rarest sort of Monsters: fooles to laugh at them, women and children to won­der, all the common people to gaze, the wiser sort to satisfie their curiositie in seeing the out­ward cases of so vnheard-of a villany; and ge­nerally all sorts of people to satiate and fill their eyes with the sight of them, whom in their harts they so farre admired and detested, seruing so [Page 216] for a fearefull and publick spectacle of Gods fierce wrath and iust indignation. They liued blindely, they practisea diuellishly, they dyed desperately; Their memory is cursed through­out all generations.

Now what haue our aduersaries to say to these, or what can wee say to these things, but that there is a God in heauen, that destroyeth all the purposes of the Pope on earth? whatsoeuer haue beene attempted against vs, the Pope is firme on their side; God hath manifested him­selfe many waies to be on our side. What cause haue we then, & how many waies are we prouo­ked to trust in God, to loue him, to worship him, that so miraculously hath defended vs? to cleaue with all singlenes of heart to that cause that hath bin so mightily maintayned by Gods hand and power? And what cause haue our adu [...]rsaries to examine themselues, and more narrowly to exa­mine the cause which God by so many iudge­ments hath condemned? The people of Israel were mightily protected by the hand of God, & so long as they truely serued God al their aduer­saries could neuer preuaile against them, they were defended by power from aboue, God did watch ouer them; but when they fell from God, God did suffer them to fall into the hands of their enemies. There will hardly be found any presi­dent euen among the people of God, that for so many yeeres together they haue bin continually [Page 217] deliuered from so many, so cruelly intended, so dangerous assaults. The deepest deuises of ma­lice, reaching euen from hell vnto hellish men vpon earth haue beene practised against vs, as this last which came from the deepenesse of Sa­tan: wherein without sword or speare, with­out any shew of warlike preparations, their hel­lish deuise was at one blow to root out religion, to destroy the state, the head with the body, the King with the stat [...], the Father of our Country, the Mother of our Country, the oliue branches the hopefull succession of our King, the Reuerend Clergy, the Honourable Nobili­ty, the faithfull Councellors, the graue Iudges, the greatest part of our Knights and Gentry, the choisest Burgesses, the Officers of the Crowne, Councell, Signet, S [...]ales, and of other seates of iudgement, the learned Lawyers, with an infinite number of common people, the Hall of iustice, the houses of Parliament, the Church v­sed for the Coronation of our Kings, the monu­ments of our former Princes, all Records of Par­liament, and of euery particular mans right, with a great number of charters, and other things of this nature, all these things had the diuell by his agents deuised at one secret blow to destroy. Psal. 124. If the Lord had not beene on our side, may Israel now say, if the Lord had not beene on our side when men rose vp against vs, they had then swallowed vs vp quicke, when their wrath was kindled against vs: praised be the Lord [Page 218] which hath not giuen vs vp a prey to their teeth, our soule is escaped as a Bird out of the snare of the Fowlers; the snare is broken, and we are deliuered: our helpe is in the name of the Lord, which hath made heauen and earth.

We labour against the Papists to proue our Church a true Church of God: They on the o­ther side labour to proue themselues the onely Catholike Church, and our assemblies to be, as they call them, assemblies of Heretikes. God hath determined this controuersie most euiden [...] ­ly by his word, and most powerfully from hea­uen, by his continuall protection of vs, and de­struction of all the wicked practises which they haue attempted against vs. Was there euer any cause in the world so strongly ma [...]ntained on the one side, as our cause hath beene? was there e­uer any execrable practises in the world so po­w [...]rfu [...]ly condemned from heauen, as their pra­ctises haue beene? God open their eyes, that they may see and vnderstand that they fight a­gainst God. The Church of Rome, so long as it stood the Church of God, did neuer practise ei­ther by open warres, or by secret conspiracies to destroy Kings, and subuert Kingdomes: but by the preaching of Gods word, by examples of piety, and sanctimony, laboured to draw the ignorant vnto the knowledge and obedience of the truth: that course is now vtterly forsaken of them; for how can they teach the truth to others, that are themselues in ignorance and in [Page 219] the shadow of death? or how can they giue ex­amples of an holy life, whose whole practise and conuersation is in bloud, in malice, in wic­ked and wretched actions? And will they ne­uer vnderstand that they who practise such things can not inherit the Kingdome of God? cannot be the Church of God? cannot pray to God, or expect any blessing from him vpon their execrable practises? there is a manifest change of their Church, and they will not see it. They aske vs, when was this change, vnder what King, vnder what Emperour, vnder what Pope? But if they were wise, they would first inquire whether there be a change or no? and then inquire further of the time and manner of it. We say that which no man can deny, that there is a notorious change: this is euident, for the Church of old neuer allowed the cruel­ty, the impiety, the execrable wickednesse which is daily practised by the great Masters of the Church of Rome, and allowed and approued by the Pope. Then there is a change, & it is euident to all. But this is a change of manners of the Church, not of the doctrines. If therefore they demand of vs, how a change of the doctrines may be proued: We are able to point out from time to time that the doctrines which they haue inuented, were neuer heard of in the Church before such times as wee are able to point at. Master Iewell the reuerend Bishop of Salisbury, for piety and learning the mirrour of his time, [Page 220] hath made full and faire proofe, that of those Articles wherein he challenged all the Learne [...] of the Church of Rome, not one of them was e­uer taught in the Church before the [...] of Christ 600. his proofes stand vnanswe­red to this day Though Master [...] ha [...]. done his best to examine them, who wanted neither learning nor eloquence, bu [...] onely trut [...] wanting on his side, the challenge is still made good. We are also able to point to another time, before the year of Christ 1000. many of the gr [...]a­test & grossest errors in popery was neuer taught or heard [...]n the Church: as the doctrines of tran­substantiatio [...], of the reall presence, as it is vn­derstood in the Church of Rome, of the Popes power to depose Kings, and absolue their sub­iects f [...]o [...] their allegeance, or to war [...]ant their subiects to rebell [...]gainst them, of he doctrines of Grace, and iustification as now they are taught in the Church of Rome, of the doctrine of merits whether ex congruo, or condigro, of the seauen sacraments, and many other of this nature, of which we are assured that not one of them can be proued euer to haue beene taught or heard of in the Church before the yeare of Christ one thousand. Wee are further able to point to another time, before which the rule of faith was neuer changed in the Church, this was their last attempt in the points of Doctrine, a desperate attempt against the truth. For from the Apostles time, till the Councell of Trent, [Page 221] the rule of faith was euer held in the Church one and the same; that is, the doctrine contained in the sacred canonicall Scriptures: that this onely rule of faith was held in the Church till the Councell of Tr [...]nt, it is euidently proued by the full consent of the ancient Fathers, and moreouer by the confession of all Writers in the Church of Rome before the Councell of Trent: such as were I [...] cant. ca [...]t. serm. 30 Bernard, Lib. 1. sent. dist. 1 Peter Lumbard In [...] ad Timoth. cap. 6. et Sum. par. 1. q. 1. a [...]. 8. Tho­mas Aquin [...]s, In prolog Sent. q 2. Iohann [...]s Scotus, Praef in Sent. Durandus, Distinct. 37. c. 14. Clemens 1. Pope, 1 Sent q. 1. art. 3. cor [...]l lit. H. Cardinalis Cameracensis, Dec. m: sub v­tra (que) specie. Iohn Gerson, Locor. lib. 3. c. 29. C [...]nradus Clingius, Dereuelat An­tichr. apud Pos­seuin Biblioth, sel [...]ct. lib. 2. cap. 2 [...]. Ios. A­costa. Lib 13. ver­bo, Scriptura. Alfonsus de castre, and many others. To repeat the testim [...]n [...]es of al [...], would bee te­dious. Let it suffice to repeate one testimonie of Aquinas. wherein all the rest agree. Aquinas in the first place cited saith: Prophetarum & Apostolorum doctr [...]na dicitur canonica, quia est regula intellectus nostri, & ideo nullus aliter de­bet docere; that is, the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles is called canonicall, because it is the rule of our vnderstanding, and therefore no man ought to teach otherwise. And in the second place cited, he saith: Innititur fides nostra re­uelationi Apostolis & Prophetis factae; that is, our faith resteth vpon the reuelation made to the Apos [...]les and Prophets. Then, traditions was ne­uer accounted the rule of our vnderstanding, or that whereupon our faith must rest, though the same be more fully pr [...]ued out of the Scrip­tures themselues, and from a full consent of the [Page 222] ancient Fathers, as is otherwhere manifested: yet this I thought here might suffice to declare the opinions of them that liued in the Church of Rome next before the Councell of Trent, as many of these did, which I haue before named. So that this is euident, the rule of faith was neuer altered in the Church of Rome before the Councell of Trent. Then did they alter this rule, by putting traditions of their Church into the rule of faith, and Lucifer-like matching, equalizing and mating the wisedome of God with their owne follies. Then all is changed, when the manners of the Church, the doctrines of the Church, and the very rule of faith is changed. What greater change may be looked for hereafter in the Church of Antichrist, I know not; but this is sufficient to moue vs to forsake them as the congregation of the impi­ous, the Church of the malignant. And because they haue forsaken God and his truth, therefore by the iust iudgement of God are they permit­ted to runne into so many foule errors, and such wicked and execrable practises, that neither Christians nor heathen, guided onely by the light of nature could euer approue. If they say, that we also haue our faults and sinnes: I an­swere, that when w [...] turne our selues to consi­der our sinnes against God, wee all finde our selues guilty, and not able to answere one of a thousand that he ma [...] iustly charge vs withall. Our vnthankefulnesse to him is so great for his [Page 223] manifold blessings, and wonderfull protection; our sinnes we conceale not from him, wee ac­knowledge vnto God, that if he lay his rod vp­on vs as we haue deserued, if he should cast our l [...]nd ba [...]ke againe into that former blindnesse wherein it lay in popery, God is iust, wee haue d [...]serued great punishments. But if wee turne our selues vnto another consideration, compa­ring our religion with theirs, our practises with theirs, then I say, though we cannot iustifie our selues before God, yet are we able to iustifie our selues in respect of them. Let our enemies be our iudges. When euill is committed among vs, it is punished, and therein we reioyce, that euill is punished. It was neuer found that execrable practises were approued by vs, for that were to forsake religion: but the most wicked practises that haue beene heard of, are not onely com­mitted by them, but approued, yea and com­mended: as the killing of Henry 3. of France was practised by a Fryer, and commended by the Pope. These bee the sinnes that doe ripen them for Gods iudgements. For the time will come when great Babylon shall come in remem­brance before the Lord, Apoc. 16. 19. to giue vnto her the cup of Wine of the fiercenesse of his wrath: and a­gaine, therefore shall her plagues come at one day, death, Apoc. 18. 8. and sorrow, and famine, and she shall bee burnt with fire; for strong is the Lord God which will condemne her. In the meane time we wait vpon God, and we doe in humblenesse of [Page 224] heart offer vp to God the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiuing, that it pleased him of his good­nesse and vnsearchable mercies towards vs, to call vs out of Babylon, to giue vs hearts to obey his calling, to make choise of this Church which himselfe hath planted in Great Britaine, to inable it to stand against all the furious rage and wicked practises of the Pope and his adhe­rents.